THE 
a O thou sword of the Lord, how long will it be ere thou be quiet? put up thyself into thy scabbard, rest and be still, Jer. 47.6. Meritò in terra homini non gloria, sed pax est quę●enda, pax cum Deo, pax cum proximo, pax cum seipso, Bernard in fest. omnium Sanctorum, Serm. 5. col. 297.  FURY OF WAR, AND 
b And Samuel said to Saul, thou hast done foolishly; thou hast not kept the Commandment of the Lord thy God, which he commanded thee, 1 Sam. 13.13. Omnes stulti mali sunt, Senec. de Benefic. lib. 5. cap. 15. Humilis res est stultitia, abjects, sordida, servilis, multis affectibus, & saevissimis subjecta: Hos tam graves dominos, interdum alternis vicibus, imperantes dimittit a te sapientia, quę sola libertas est. Idem. Epist. lib. 5 ep. 37.  FOLLY OF SIN, (As an Incentive to it) declared and applied.  
FOR Caution and Remedy against the Mischief and Misery of both.  
IN A SERMON Preached at St. Margaret's Westminster, before the Honourable House of COMMONS, at their late solemn and public FAST, April 26. 1643.  
By john Ley Minister of Great Budworth in Cheshiere.  
LONDON, Printed by G.M. for Christopher Meredith at the Sign of the Crane in Paul's Churchyard, 1643.   

TO THE HONOURABLE HOUSE OF COMMONS Assembled in PARLIAMENT.  
WHile I humbly offer that to the view, which I lately presented to the audience of your ever Honoured, and then sacred Assembly (both the preaching and publishing of it in print, being acts of due obedience to your commands; and I wish they were capable of titles of gratitude for your favours) it may be my lot, to have some passages of my Sermon, censoriously met withal, if not for any falsehood or fault in the matter, yet for some supposed incongruity to the office of the Author, and with pretence also of some biased partiality, in the great differences of our most unhappily divided Kingdom (divided under those Names as some mistake, and misstate the question) which have best right to the humblest reverence, and heartiest loyalty of all the Subjects of the Land: which calumny if I cannot prevent, I may have hope to repel the assault of it, by such considerations as these: which I crave leave to tender to the touch of your 
* Lydius lapis the touchstone, Plin. nat. bist. l. 33. c 8.  Lydian judgement, and in them to speak to you and of you to others, as the dictat of duty and discretion shall direct me.  
First, It cannot in equity or prudence be deemed an impertinency to our ministerial profession, or an overbusy meddling (in matters above, or besides our calling) to appear apprehensive of our common peril, and to do what lieth within the fathom of our power, and the verg of our vocation, either for prevention of imminent, or for removal or mitigation of our present miseries.  
And if we affected the praise of prudent silence, which the Prophet commendeth (as seasonable for evil times) Amos 5.12. I do not see, how we could now observe it, being often required by our superiors, to publish their minds and our own unto the people, in matters of secular concernment, and many times also (in private) desired to satisfy their doubts, when they are called upon to give their assent and assistance in matters of great moment, for the public welfare: And I thank God, such have ever been the principles, which have set the deepest impression upon my judgement and conscience, and upon others likewise (by mine information) that, (to my knowledge) I have not whispered any resolution or advice in theeare, which I may not warrantably publish upon the house tops, as our blessed Saviour gave direction to his Disciples, Mat. 10.27. Nor have I breathed out any position or opinion, either in private or public, for which I should be unwilling to bleed or to die.  
Secondly, For my loyal affection to his Majesty, mine own heart tells me, I prise him as the dutiful subjects of David did him (their Royal Sovereign) when they valued his life at ten thousand of their own, 2 Sam. 18.3. and had rather my body should be the sheath of a two edged and poisoned Sword, (as 
* Speeds Chron. l. 7. c. 20. p. 300  Lilloes was, when he stepped betwixt the murderer, and King Edwine his Master, to intercept the deadly thrust intended and aimed at the heart of his Sovereign) then consent to lay any hands upon him, but as the Angels did upon Lot, Gen. 19.16. for his deliverance from danger; in which case a loving violence hath more affinity with duty, then with disobedience: for a King (being a public person) hath no power to dispose of himself (for perilous adventure) in 
¶ Basil. Dor. l. 2. p. 165, 166.  respect, that to his preservation or fall, the safety or wrack of the whole Commonweal is necessarily coupled, like as the body is to the head, as his Majesty's learned Father, of famous memory, resolved in case of duels: and though afterwards, speaking of a just war, he counselled the Prince (to whom he wrote) 
* Ibidem.  once or twice, in his own person, to hazard himself fairly, (but afterwards, to conserve himself for the weal of his people; for whose sake, he must be more careful for himself then for his own:) I conceive the reason rendered for the security of his Royal Person is of force, not only against the peril of a single combat, but of a sociable war or set battle (especially for hereafter) since his Majesty's courage and magnanimity is so well known, that his cautionary prudence can never come under the misinterpretation of timorous cowardice; for avoidance whereof, his Royal Father gave advice for the adventure .  
Thirdly, For the high Court of Parliament (whereof your honourable House of Commons is the Alpha in order of proceeding) his Majesty (that last was) hath taught me to know it, as the 
¶ Ibidem.  King's head-Court; and his Majesty (that now is) advanced mine estimation of it, by his gracious acknowledgement, 
† His Majesty's Speech, jan. 25. 1640.  that often Parliaments, are the fittest means to keep correspondence betwixt him and his people, which he doth much desire: 
‖ His Majesty's answer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons, junij 17. 1642. p. 6.  that it is impossible for him to subsist, without the affections of his people; and that those affections cannot possibly be preserved or made use of, but by Parliaments, that they cannot give the least credit, or have the least suspicion, that his Majesty would choose any other way to the happiness he desires to himself and his posterity, but by Parliaments. And it is raised yet higher, by his gracious acceptation of his Speech, who represented it to him, as a most sovereign remedy against all the distempers of this Nation: were they (
* Mr. Speaker in his Speech to his Majesty, November the 5. 1640.  saith he) troubled at Sea, troubled at home, or invaded from abroad? here was the sanctuary of refuge, hither was the resort, and no other way found for a foundation of peace. And for a return of all loyal and affectionate observances to his Majesty, on the Parliaments part, you with your right Honourable colleagues, have professed your resolution, 
* So in the Declaration of both Houses, March, 12. 1642.  to keep yourselves within the bounds of faithfulness, and allegiance to his Royal Person and his Crowns; 
¶ The Parliaments second Remonstrance, p 1.  to provide for the public peace and prosperity of his Majesty and his Realms; protesting in the presence of the allseeing Deity, that it still hath been, and still is the only end of all your counsels and endeavours, wherein you have resolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private aims, personal respects or passions whatsoever. And your 
* Ibid p. 11.  earnest desire of his Majesty's return to London, that upon it you conceive depends the very safety and being of both his Kingdoms; and therefore you have protested you will be ready to say or do any thing, (that may stand with the duty and honour of a Parliament) which may raise a mutual confidence, betwixt his Majesty and yourselves as you do wish, and the affairs of the Kingdom do require. And to the same purpose again, 
¶ Ibid p 13.  we intent (say you) to do whatsoever is sit, to make up the unpleasant breach betwixt his Majesty and parliament.  
By such expressions as these (carrying most clear and legible Characters of your Loyalty and Love to his Majesty) you have righted your Reputations against all just cause of suspicion of Popish tenets, or intentions against his Person and his Crown; and have gained the belief of all good Subjects, that you spoke in sincerity, when you said, 
* In the third Remonstrance or Declaration of the Parliament May 26. 1642. p. 4.  You suffered not such things to enter into your thoughts, as all the world knows, the Papists have put into act: (whereof I shall shortly give instance in my other Sermons upon this Text, which some worthy: Members of your Honourable Society have required to the Press.) And so (upon confidence in your fidelity) have engaged their affections, and all their Interests (both for the present and the future) under the conduct of your most prudent Counsels and commands, accounting it a most fickle unfaithfulness, and finally destructive to the foundation of our English Government, if they (who have voted your Election to places in Parliament) should upon any Malignant surmises against you, desert either their due obedience to you, or just and necessary defence of you, though with the hazard of their estates and persons.  
Against such assurance as you have given of your faithful allegiance to his Majesty, your zealous Constancy in prosecution of a perfect Reformation of Court, City, and Country from profaneness and Popery, importeth no colour of contradiction at all (though some, whose condition most requires it, distaste and desire to wrest it to some such misconstruction) but carrieth with it an exact conformity to what you have professed.  
For what better proof of integrity in what you undertake, than your pressing to promote the prosperity of the King, as well as of the Kingdom? And what means more conducible unto that end then Religion and Justice? As S. Augustine showeth; where he saith, 
* Neque no● Christ●anos quo●●●ā emperatores ●deo foelices d●cimus, quia vel diutiùs imperarunt, etc. Aug. de Civit. Dei l. 5. c. 24.  We account not Christian Emperors happy, because they have reigned long, or because they have had power to suppress insurrections, or oppress their enemies; nor because they have died a quiet death, and left their children to reign after their decease: 
† Sed foelices eos dicimus, si justè imperarunt, si inter linguas sublimitèr honoran●um, et obsequia, nimis humiliter salutantiam non ex. tollu●●u●, sed se homines esse memnerint, si suam potes●a●ē, ad Dei ●ui●u●, etc. abide▪  But we call them happy, if they rule with justice, if among the tongues of those that too highly extol them, or too humbly salute them, or too obsequiously serve them, they remember themselves to be but men, if they apply their power so, as to make it most serviceable to the honour of the divine Majesty, if they fear, and love and worship God, and more love that kingdom, where they need not fear competitors or consorts, then that, wherein they may be afraid of them— 
* S●●uxu●i●●ā●ò eis est cast●g●●●●, qu●n●● possi● 〈…〉 ●upiditatibus 〈◊〉 quam 〈…〉 imperare. Ibidem.  if they so much more refrain from luxury, as (being without restraint of others) they may be more free unto it; and bade rather reign over evil concupiscence, than Countries and Nations. 
¶ Tales Christianos imperateres dicimus esse foelices. Ib.  Such Christian Emperors (saith he) we call happy, and happy surely are the people, who are governed by such an one, as so governeth himself.  
And for your zeal against the prevailing of Popery, and for the advancement of the Protestant Religion, it makes most for his Majesty's honour and safety: not only in respect of piety, but of policy, for that wise State, man the Duke of Rohan, in his Treatise of the Interest of Princes and States, makes his observation of the State of England, in these words 
‖ The Duke of Rohan his Treatise of the Interest of Princes and States. p 58.  Besides the Interest which the King of England hath common with all Princes, he hath yet one particular, which is, that He ought throughly to acquire the advancement of the Protestant Religion, even with as much zeal, as the King of Spain appears Protector of the Catholic. And what zeal that is, he hath showed before in the 
* Ibid ● p 4. ad nonam.  Interest of Spain.  
Notwithstanding all this, there be some men, who (deeply guilty of deceit themselves) will never be satisfied with any evidence of sincerity in other men: with such there is no security in the Prerogative of the King, nor the Privilege of Parliament, against in urious traducement: since nothing beareth sway with them, but their self-conceit or particular advantage, or which is worse, their virulent spleen against the better part, which stirreth them up to reproach them, as tumultuary busybodies, who do but bring some buckets of water to quench a burning, which they have treacherously kindled against their own Country, and as confidently (and not more innocently) to cry Sedition, Sedition against the most loyal and true hearted Subjects of Royal Majesty: as Athaliah did Treason, Treason, 2 Kin. 11.14. When Sedition is their reigning sin, as treason was hers, and that the worst Sedition of all others, for what can be worse than that (and theirs is such) which separateth those in judgement, affection, and local mansion, who (for the two first) should always and (for the third) should very often be united together, viz. his Majesty and Parliament.  
But this should not so discourage a single Subject (much less so many thoice Patriots as make up your venerable number) as to withdraw or withhold him from any devotion or endeavour, to which he is obliged (as a part of the public) and he is more obliged in reason and conscience to the united Interests of King and Parliament, then to any divided title of contestation betwixt them.  
And for this your eminent example for untainted integrity, unquenchable fervency, insuperable patience, indefatigable diligence and untainted resolution in the pursuance of your excellent purposes (for the good of Church and State) will be to others both a pattern of practice and a Buckler of Defence. The Lord God Almighty, be still resident in your venerable Senate, to guide all your Consultations to his own glory, and the common safety both of his Majesty, of yourselves, and of the many Millions of people virtually comprised in your 
* Diaconos paucitas honorabiles fecit. Hier. Epist. Oceano Tom. 2. p. 329.  Honourable paucity, being (in equivalence) as a few pieces of gold, to many of silver, or of other inferior Metals, and to guard your persons by his power and providence, from all destructive plots, and hurtful mishaps, that you may live to reap and enjoy the ripe fruit of that Reformation, whose seed hath been sown in many tears of humiliation, both public and private, which the enemies of God's truth, and of the English State, would drown in blood; which God forbidden: So prayeth  
Your most humbly devoted Servant in the Lord john Ley.   

Errata.  
REader, Besides some literal errors which altar not the sense, as Ammon for Amnon, Esa for Isai, Egyptians for Egyptians, Sabbath for Sabbath, deiscovered for discovered, these following which are of some moment to the sense are thus to be corrected;  
P. 3. l. 26. read the words betwixt therefore and when in the next line as a parentheses. p. 5. l. 21. for the read this l. 13. for 2 Sam. 11.1. read 2 Sam 11.7. p. 8. l. 4. from the end of the page after the word Of, add many. p. 9 l. ult. after the word be, add so. p 14 l. 17. for him read them. p. 28. this mark" to be added to the three last lines, and to all the lines of p. 29. as nothing the continuation of the Speech. p. 29. l 12. for combustion read concertation. And l. ult. for confusion read concussion. p. 30. l. 3. from the bottom blot out the word so. p. 39 l. 27. after the word day, add and to the men of judah, etc. p. 46. l. 10. after the word them add the word and. p. 35. l. penult. for come read cometh. p. 58. l. 23. for at least, read or. p. 40. l. 14. blot out the word then, and instead of it read from these.   

A SERMON PREACHED At a FAST before the Honourable House of COMMONS.  JEREMIAH, Chap. 4. Ver. 21, 22. 
How long shall I see the Standard, and hear the sound of the Trumpet?  
For my People is foolish, they have not known me, they are sottish Children, they have none understanding, they are wise to do evil, but to do good they have no knowledge.  
AMong the manifold fallacies, which that great Sophister (who deceiveth the whole World, Revel. 12.9.) imposeth upon people, of all times and States, there is none by which a greater number (with more apparent danger) are deluded (and therefore none more necessary to be discovered) then the mistitling of moral qualifications of Virtue and vice: which is, as if an Apothecary should write the name of a Medicine, upon a Galley-pot of poison, and contrariwise, the name of poison, upon an Antidote against it.  
For so it is, where Wisdom and Folly are mutually mistaken, and miscalled, as when they whom God approveth, and accepteth as truly wise, are (by those who are not such themselves) accounted fools, 1 Cor. 4.10. 2 Cor. 11.16, 17. or (as our Saviour Christ (though he were the wisdom of God, 1 Cor. 1.24. was entitled, john. 10.10.) Madmen, and such as are worthy of no better Titles than those, are taken by themselves, and sometimes also by other men, to be the only Wisemen of the World.  
Against the latter part of this Imposture, (as more nearly concerning our present condition) I shall endeavour to derive a remedy, out of these two Verses read unto you, but especially out of the latter of the two, and that remedy, will most consist of the discovery of the deceit, and that discovery may (by God's assistance) help forward our deliverance (which is the main design of this day's work) out of these distresses, which (by the malignant subtlety of the Popish party) are cast upon two Kingdoms, Ireland and England: on that first, as a preparative to the ruin of this, and on this afterward, lest it should be a succour, and restorative to that; and on both of them, by that confounding and destructive Engine, whereof the Standard and Trumpet, are the noted Ensigns, vers. 21. Of them, (as in relation to Military mischief) the Prophet puts the Question, How long shall I see the Standard, and hear the sound of the Trumpet? to which, the Answer is given by God himself, in these words, My people is foolish, they have not known me, they are sottish children, they have none understanding, they are wise to do evil, but to do good they have no knowledge.  
First of the Question, How long shall I see the Standard, and hear the sound of the Trumpet? The vulgar Latin, and as many Commentators as oblige themselves to it, read Vsque quo videbo fugientem, How long shall I see flying (i.e.) a Man, or the people flying before, or from the face of the Enemy, because the same consonants of the Hebrew word, thereafter as the pricks are varied, may signify either flying or a thing lifted up, as a Standard is, Isa. 13.2. and Chapt. 62.10. but the latter acception of the word (as our translation hath it) hath better approbation of the best Interpreters, and it holds better accord with the sound of the Trumpet, they being both of them monitory signs of military exercise and execution.  
Neither the Standard (of itself) was an unpleasing sight, nor the blowing of the Trumpet, of any ill sound, but both of them, were offensive to any good man, (as intimating that unto his mind) which is very grievous to be seen, (as garments rolled in blood, Esa. 9.5.) and doleful to be heard, (as the cries and groans of wounded or dying men,) and dreadful too, as the Alarm of the Trumpet, Amos 3.6. the confused noise of the Warriors, noted in the forenamed 9th. and 5th. of Esa. the noise of stamping of the hooves of strong Horses, Jer. 47.3. and (as it followeth in the next words) the rushing of Chariots, and rumbling of wheels; that which is much more formidable than all this in our days, viz. (the horrid tune of our Martial times) in the roaring, or thundering noise, of the great devouring Ordnance, was not found out in those days.  
And therefore, that is from the intimation forementioned, when the people are most terribly threatened, a Standard is said to be set up, Jer. 51.12. and a day of Warlike wrath, and execution, is called a day of the Trumpet and Alarm, Zeph. 1.16. Which importeth so lamentable a misery, as made jeremy (though a man not only of an holy, but of heroic spirit) thus to bewail it. My bowels, my bowels, I am pained at mine heart, mine heart maketh a noise within me, I cannot hold my peace: because thou hast heard, (O my soul) the sound of the Trumpet, the Alarm of the war, destruction upon destruction is cried, for the Land is spoilt, suddenly are my Tents spoilt, and my Curtains in a moment, verse 19, 20. And (in the next words) he winds up his pathetical Compassion in this Question, How long shall I see the Standard? and hear the sound of the Trumpet?  
As God is Lord of Hosts and Armies, he both stirs and stops them, when he will: And so they are shorter or longer, as he thinks good to draw them out or shut them up: He can set the Alpha of Alarm, and the Omega of retreat, as near together, or as far asunder, as he is pleased to make the measure of their distance.  
Some wars are begun and ended in a few months, such an one might that have been (which God put to David's choice, which was measured to three months' space, 2 Sam. 24. v. 13. And such was the Pirate's war, to which Cn. Pompeius (as Augustine observeth) put an end 
a Incredibili celeritate et temporis brevitate confectum, Aug. de Civ. Dei l. 5. cap. 22.  with incredible celerity, and shortness of time, which took up but a few months: as 
b Intra paucos menses. Orosius l 6. c. 4.  Orosius noteth.  
Some are reckoned by years, and those in much different proportions, as the war made by the Romans (against the fugitive Fencers) lasted 
c Aug ubi sup  three years; The third Carthaginian war 
d Orosius ibid. ubi supra.  four years. The second 
e Aug ubi sup.  eighteen years. The first 
f Aug. ibid.  twenty and three years: The Roman war with Mithridates, was drawn out to 
g Aug. ibid.  forty years, and the Samnites war to 
h Aug. ibid.  fifty years, so long had the war (betwixt the Hollanders and Spaniards continued at the year, 1624. (as a 
i Balsack let l. 3. let. 10.  French Orator hath given in the account) but it is much more which his Countryman 
k Phil. Come His. lib. 8 c 3.  Commineus observeth of the war betwixt the Florentines and the Pisans which exercised those States three hundred years together.  
Of this War (which put the Prophet into such an affectionate affliction) the time is variously conjectured: It might seem long, though it were but short, because the sufferings under it were very sharp, but indeed the whole time of jeremiahs' Prophesying (which was about forty one years) was a time of great tribulation, by warlike Commotions and miseries under the reigns of josiah, 2 King. 23. jehojakim and Zedechiah Kings of judah, 2 King. 24. in whose days jerusalem was besieged by the Babylonians, from the tenth day of the tenth month (in the ninth year of his reign) to the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh year of it, 2 King. 25.1. upon that, followed the desolation of the Temple, and City in the 3365. year of the world, and six hundred and six years before the Incarnation of Christ; and if he recounted all the calamities of war in his time, he might very well inquire of their continuance, How long?  
The Question brought in by such a passionate Preface (as you have heard out of ver. 19 & 20.) will guide our thoughts, to a consideration of the evil of war, which made the Prophet to be so mournful for it, and so weary of it. And for that evil (though in many places of the Kingdom) too many feel too much of it by real distress: It will not be needless to say somewhat of it, by way of verbal discourse, that we may have such a compendium of it in our minds and memories, as may set our hearts & hands against it, I say our hands, as well as our hearts; for war is not always to be taken up, by Treaties of peace, but peace sometimes to be procured by and 
l Ipsi qui bella volunt,— ad gloriosam pacem bellandocupiunt pervenire— pacis igitur intentione geruntur & bella Aug. l. 1●. de Civit. Dei cap. 12.  always to be intended in a prosecution of war. And therefore when David questioned with Vriah concerning the besieging of Rabbah, 2 Sam. 11.1. He demanded how Joab did, and how the people did, and how the war prospered: So in our English Translation; but according to the Hebrew reading, he asked him of the peace of the war, that is, in what forwardness the war was for a peaceable conclusion.  
The definition of war (to begin with that, though it be too unruly an evil, to be confined to bounds and limits, as he gives it, who hath written most exactly of it) is this 
m Bellum est status per vim certantium, qua tales sunt. Grotius de jure belli. lib. 1 cap. 1.  War is the state of them that strive by force (as they are such) that is under the notion, and consideration of forcible striving against each other, or to speak of it (as it hath proved in the experience of all ages, where the most Malignant men, have had the greatest stroke in it) It is a wicked, and wretched compound of all sorts of injuries, and miseries of injuries committed by the stronger, of miseries sustained by the weaker part.  
The name of it in Latin is of good sound, for it is called Bellum, and of good sense, for it signifieth good, and so it hath its name by Antiphrasis (i) from the quite contrary; for it is so fare from good indeed, (when wicked men are prevalent in it) that it is the worst of evils, on this Hell; and therefore with a little alteration of letters, it might rather be termed Belluinum, bell●ine (i) Brutish, then Bellum good, which Epithet most properly belongeth only unto God, Matth. 19.17. though (to say the truth) it be much worse among men, than it is among the unreasonable creatures: For the most of their quarrels, are but single combats, for they seldom set themselves in herds or droves, one against another, as men in troops and numerous Armies. And as it brings with it a multitude of men; so doth it also a multitude of mischiefs.  
Where envy and strife is (saith St. james) there is confusion, and every evil work, jam. 3.16. And this may be in some places, where there is no war, for there may be a striving of mental emulation, or a mere logomachy of wordie contention, 2 Tim. 6.4. without any hostile force, or violence at all; or if there be violence, it may fall out betwixt some few, who (by Law) may be judged, and by degall force (if they be injurious and tumultuous) suppressed: But the violence of war (as the wicked, that are most addicted to it use the matter) is a lawless and boundless confusion, such as that complained of by the Prophet Isaiah, The people shall be oppressed, every one by another, every one by his neighbour; The child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, the base against the honourable, Esa. 3.5. And by the Prophet jeremy, They that were brought up in scarlet, were brought down to embrace the dunghills, Lament. 4. ver. 5. and a confusion wherein such as are not meetly qualified for servants, will take upon them to be Masters (servants ruled over us, say the degraded Masters of Israel, by way of complaint, Lamen. 5.8.) and those usurping upstarts, when they are so lewd and dissolute, as no goodman would willingly endure them to lodge a night in his house, will boisterously break open his doors, rifle all his Rooms, Closets, Chests, Caskets and Cabinets, and if he were as rich as job was in the height of his prosperity, they will make him as poor as job, in the depth of his adversity, and much poorer too: For job had the goods in his house spared from spoil or pillage (though he lost all his come and cattles in the field) whereas many, who carve out their own portion of other men's goods, by the Sword, have not left the right owners, so much as a rag to cover their nakedness. So in the Country, and if they could advance to rifle some rich City, they that are not worthy to be trusted for a yard of Inkle, would come into Shops, and measure Velvet for themselves, by the 
a We will enter and measure with the long Ell, Phil. Com. l. 1. c. 11 p. 30. Upon which words the margin note is this, by the long Ell, he meaneth the Pike, wherewith Soldiers at the sack of a Town, use to measure velvets, silks and cl●●ths.  long Ell (that is by the Pike) take it away and pay nothing for it.  
And their lust will be as unruly as their thest, making no scruple to commit a Rape upon a man's Wife or Daughter, or Maidservant, and in that wickedness have some been so impudent, as violently to bind the Husband to a Bedpost, while they abused his Wife before his face.  
That was one part of the barbarous wrongs of the Irish Rebels, not long ago committed as I have been confidently informed by a Gentleman of good credit. And it is upon perpetual record in 
o Cu● Franc● app●i●uissent, existimate 〈…〉 ●am viris, quam mulieribus, tempore missarum in Ec●●esia, ad ea● 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam cum 〈◊〉 festinatione concurrerunt, & inter●●cie●●es multos, & depr●●●antes Ecclesiam▪ aspexerunt (inter caeteras) quandum feminam p●●●iram 〈◊〉, & e●e 〈◊〉 ●orme, qu●●um ●●●in● converetat ut audiret missas. Ad quam Nebu●●●es satis intemperanter, in eadem ecclesiarch denies, mox suae libidini (ut er●nt ar●a●i, prostraverunt etiam di●e● unus post aliam 〈…〉, donec mulier ●a●●●ara spir●tum exhalaret, Tho. Walsingham, H●●●. Edw. 3. p. 166.  Walsinghams' History of England, that such an abominable filthy fact, as you may read of (touching the Levites Concubine) judg. 19 was committed, in King Edward the thirds time upon a Holiday at the time of Divine service by French Soldiers, in a Church at Winchelsey in Sussex, taking their lustful turns upon a beautiful woman, until they had turned her out of the world.  
And commonly as those three Commandments, Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not steal are ranked together in the Law, so are they violated together in the lawless violence of War, and so you find them threatened together, in the 13. of Isaiah. Their children shall be dashed in pieces before their eyes, their houses spoiled, and their Wives ravished, Isa. 13.16. and Maidens too, for that is complained of in the Lament. of jeremy. Chap. 5. Ver. 11.  
For those that have but little wit and no grace, (which is the ordinary qualification of mere mercenary Soldiers) let lose the reins of their corruptions to all licentiousness, making so little account of the Laws, as gave occasion of the common Proverb 
p Inter arm● silens Leges. , The noise of Wars drowns the voice of Laws, which are sure to be trodden under foot, while the Sword of violence hath the upperhand: with this accords the complaint of oppressed Jerusalem in the Lament. of jeremy, The Law is no more, Lam. 2.9. no more in force, because (by force) suffered to be no more in use: and when Laws are hushed, matters are hurried by a boishterous prevalence, not governed by right or reason, Every one doing that which is right in his own eyes, Judg. 17.6. and that will be whatsoever is wrong in the eyes of God, and all good men.  
But of all Wars that which is called 
q Summum (Brute) nesas, civilia Bella, fatemur. Cato apud Clandian. lib. 2.  Civil, hath in the experience of all times proved most pernicious: when a Kingdom is not united against a foreign foe, but divided against itself, and by that division, in great danger of a desperate downfall, Mark. 3.24, 25. It is called intestine War, which is as a burning in the bowels or entrails; and of all Civil Wars, the worst and most woeful that can be, is that, which is managed under such Titles, as import the most perfect Unity, and the greatest estrangement from warlike hostility. Such is that which is now waged under the Colours, and with the sound of our English Standards and Trumpets.  
Which if it should go on, as the wicked wish, and all goodmen abhor to think of, would make this Kingdom, of a famous Sanctuary of peace, a Seminary of discord, of a Granary or Storehouse of plenty (or garden of delights, as 
t Vere hortus noster deliciarum est, puteus inexhanstus est, Math. Paris, Histor major. in Hen. 3. p. 936.  Pope Innocent the 4th. called it) a wilderness of Want; for such is the Wast of War, as makes the Land which before an Army was as the Garden of Eden, behind it to be no better than a desolate Wilderness, Joel 2. v. 3. which, (if it long continue,) must needs bring forth a devouring famine throughout a very spacious and plentiful Kingdom. And famine hath made even pitiful women to be cruel to their own children, as to act the parts of Butchers, Cooks and guests at the same Mess, the flesh of their little ones, their little ones of a span long, Lam. 4.10. & 2.20.  
But there is another Famine (sometimes an effect of War,) much worse than this, proceeding from the interruption of Religion, and the desolation of the Sanctuary, which (though by the ungodly it be little regarded,) to such as are truly Religious, will be matter of the heaviest apprehension that can be. How will it afflict their hearts, to call to mind, what comforts they have enjoyed, while they had the holy Gospel of peace, and civil peace with the Gospel, what sweet refreshing they have formerly had, in the Communion of Saints, on the Sabbaths, and other seasons of sacred Assemblies, yea even in their meetings of humiliation, when by Civil War they see great Congregations are dissolved, the Shepherds and their flocks separated, the Sheep scattered, if not both he, and they butchered, without any glimpse of hope, (of a long time) to be absolved from that great and terrible excommunication of Pastors and People.  
This is that Calamity which the Prophet Amos compareth to a famine of bread, (but makes it much more grievous) when men (saith he) shall wander from Sea to Sea, from North even to the Easst, and shall run too and fro, to seek the word of the Lord, but (in that pure, and plenteous, and peaceable manner wherein they have had it) shall not find it, Amos 8.11, 12.  
Dub. If War be a compound of so many evil Ingredients, how can any good man have anything to do with it, either as a Counsellor of it, or an Actor in it?  
Answ. For Answer to this Doubt, two Questions are to be propounded, and resolved.  
The one, Of the lawfulness of War in general;  
The other, What are the Conditions of lawful War in particular.  
Quest. 1 For the first, there have been some of old who have condemned all War, and those not only such, as have been condemned (by the Church) for Heretics, as the 
s August count. Faustum Manich. lib. 22. c 74.  Manicheans: but such also as have been honoured in the Church, as Cyprian a famous orthodox Divine, and a Martyr, who in his Epistle to Donatus, enveigheth vehemently against it, as not only an unlawful thing, but as absurdly sinful, and inhuman; 
t Homicidium cum admittunt singuli, crimen est, virtus voca●●●, cum publicè geritur; impunitatem sceleribus acquiret, non Innocentiae ratio, sed sevitiae magnitude. Cyprian. Epist. lib. 2. cp. 2. p. 7. edit. Paris. 1633.  when any (saith he) commits a single Murder, it is a Crime, a Virtue, when the like is done by many; and then not respect of innocence, but magnitude of the mischief procures impunity to it: and they make 
u  quis possit occidere, usus est, ars est. Ibidem.  an use of it, and Art of it, (saith he) and cruelty is not only committed, but taught; 
w Scel●● non tentum geritur, sed & docetur, quid potest inhumanius, quid acerbius dici▪ disciplina est ut perimere quis possi●, & gloria est, quod perimit. Ibidem.  what can be called more inhuman or more grievous, than that men should make it a discipline to destroy men, and a glory when they have destroyed them.  
And Lactantius being (in disposition answerable to his Name,) a mild and milken man, abhorring bloodshed, thought it was not lawful, for a 
x Neque milltare just● licebit, enjus militia est ipsa justitia, Lactan instit. lib 6. cap. 10.  Just man to be a Warrior, whose justice was to be his Warfare: and his tenderness of nature, made him so partial to pity, so unjust to Justice, that he held, a just man should 
y Neque vere ●conser● quenq●●●, crimine capitali, quia ●ibil distat, utrum verbo, aut serro pot●●● occidas; quoni●●● occisie ipsa p●●hibe●●● Ibidem.  not be a witness against any one in a Capital crime: for (said he) killing being forbidden, it is all one, whether one kill another, with a Sword or with a word.  
Of later times, some of the more moderate Papists, have written against it, as Cornelius, 
z Cornelt Agrip; de vanttat. sciens. cap. 79.  Agrippa, 
a Jo: Ferus in 4 to. Lib. come. in Math: super. v. 52. cap. 26.  Ferus, 
b Erasin. Epist Anton. a Bergiss. lib. 2. ep. 27. Annotat. in Luc cap. 3. & c. 22. Bnchirid. Militis Christ jan: pas sim. Chiliad. Adag. Vulce Bellum inexpertis, pag. 256. typis wechel An. 1629.  Erasmus, but especially Erasmus, who divers times, in his Books, hath made an assault with his Pen, upon the profession and practice of War; and hath pursued the quarrel against it, sometimes in very large discourses, and by some of the 
c Anabaptist: Melancthon in loc. common. cap. de Magistrate.  most rigid Antipapists, it hath been condemned, as unlawful, though for the most part, the later sort of Enemies to the enmity of War, have disallowed it not simply, or universally to all the godly, in all times, but unto Christians only under the time of the Gospel.  
But most of the best, and most Judicious Divines, in all ages have been of the contrary judgement, and not without good reason: for  
First The holiest and most accepted with God in the old Testament, have been Warriors, as Abraham, Moses, joshua, Gideon, David, and others.  
Secondly, If the profession, and practise of War were utterly unlawful, it must be, because it is inconsistent with holiness, but that it is not, as it is plain, Deut. 23. where it is said: The Lord thy God walketh in the midst of thy Camp, to deliver thee, and give up thine enemies before thee, therefore shall thy Camp be holy, that he see no unclean thing in thee, and turn away from thee, ver. 14. and I know no cause, but the Camp may be as holy as the Church, nay a Camp may be a Church, so was the Camp of Constantine, and Theodosius, and of many other godly Warriors in their times, but very good reason, why a Soldier should be very holy, and it is, because he is by his Adventures of his life, to account himself as a daily dying man, and the consideration of that, may make him so penitent for offences past, and so provident for his future happiness, that (betwixt both) his life while it lasteth, may be more religious, and his death when it comes more advantageous.  
Thirdly, For those that allow war to the jews and deny it to the Christians under the Gospel, they may be refuted.  
First, By the example of the Centurion, Math. 8. who by his own authority, and command over Soldiers, illustrated the power of Christ over the creatures, in such sort, as that our Saviour, (without any touch of reproach) to his profession, gave this praise of his faith, I have not found so great faith, no not in Israel, ver. 10. And of Cornelius (the Centurion of the Italian band) the testimony (given by the Holy Ghost) is, That he was a devout man, one that feared God with all his house, who gave much alms to the people, and prayed to God always, Act. 10.1, 2. and his Military calling is made no exception to his great commendation, because it gave no impediment to his holy conversation.  
Secondly, When in the third of Luke, the Soldiers (with others) came to john Baptist, as Disciples to a Master to be instructed, what to do, he returned them this answer: Do violence to noman, neither accuse any man falsely, and be content with your wages, ver. 14. The first prohibition may seem to bind them to the peace, and so to require a renunciation of their military profession, but it is to be understood of private or irregular violence, and not of such force as is exercised according to the rule and discipline of war, but the last part of his advice, (which biddeth them to be content with their wages) alloweth them to take wages, and if, he allow them to take the wages of Soldiers, he alloweth them to do the work of Soldiers.  
Thirdly, The Magistrate hath the power of the Sword, Rom. 13.4. not only against one single offender, but against many, if many deserve it, and to do Justice upon many, may require many Swords (so many as may make up a whole Army) and if there be military force raised to hinder justice, there may military force be used to pursue it to effect.  
Fourthly, as it is lawful, by the dictate of nature, for a private man to defend himself against an hostile assault of a private man, so it may be lawful for a number of men assaulted or endangered, by an Army of enemies (by force of arms in a Military manner) to free themselves from their oppression and tyranny.  
Fiftly, If any people or kingdom should disclaim all use of Arms, in such a case they could not long subsist, in any condition of safety, from invasion or assault: for such a tame disposition, would give advantage to invite 〈◊〉 enemy to set upon them, and give them opportunity either to enslave them, or to slay them: As we see by the example of the Jews, superstitiously forsaking their own just defence on the Sabbath day, whereby they were exposed to the spoil of those that hated them, 1 Mach. 12. from ver. 33. to 41. and by such deserting of a just defence, may men betray themselves, their lives, Laws, Liberties and Estates, into the hands of ambitious or bloody enemies, which by the light of nature they are obliged with all their power to preserve.  
Sixtly, God hath many times shown his approbation of war, on the better part, by miraculous assistance to it, and resistance and confusion of the contrary party, and that since the publishing and spreading of the Doctrine of Christ: whereof there are many examples in Ecclesiastical 
d Tert Apolog c. 5 Euscb in vita Constant. 1969 Eccles. Hest. l. 9 c. 10 Angust. de Civ. Dei. l. 5. cap. 26. Quest. 2.  Authors. And these reasons are of force, as well in the time of the Gospel, as under the law, or before it.  
Now for the conditions of war, which may qualify it, against just exception.  
First, No war can be lawful without the allowance of lawful authority, and the authority that must allow it, is only that, which is legislative, or a law-making authority.  
Secondly, For the cause of it, it must be just, and not only just, but it must be weighty too, for every just cause is not sufficient warrant for a war.  
A third condition of lawful war is, a good end or ●ime in it, it must not be undertaken, either for ambition or revenge, or prey or pillage, but as Christians must pray, so Christian Soldiers must fight, That they may lead a 
c Meritò in terra homini non gloria, sed pax est quaerenda, pax cum Deo, pax cum proximo, pax cum seipso. Bernard. in Fest. Omnium Sanct. Serm. 5. call. 297.  peaceable and quiet life, in all godliness and honesty, 2 Tim. 2. and v. 2.  
Fourthly, As the end must be good, so must the means and manner of managing the War (the way to that end) be good also: The innocent (as much as may be) must be spared, and none must be made guilty, (that is not) that he may be ruined, which john Baptist might mean, when he said to the Soldiers, Accuse no man falsely; Call him not Traitor or Rebel, that you may have a pretence to spoil him, when he is a true Subject to his Sovereign, a true Patriot to his Country, and the Camp must be well disciplined, as well in a religious, as a Military manner, lest 
f Nostris peccatis barbars fortes sunt, nostris vitijs Romanus superatur exerci●us. Hieron. Epit. Nepot. Tom. 1. p. 27.  the sins of those, who have the better cause, should fight on the enemy's side, against themselves, and in the Name of the Lord of Hosts must the Banner be set up, Psal. 20.5. and Petitions put up for those that fight by them that fight not, Exod. 17.11, 12. that the success of the battle may be swayed on the better side.  
Fifthly, For the season of war, it must not be taken up too soon, nor too hastily until other means of peace and Justice have been tried to prevent it, and those means proved vain and frustrate. The 
g Dlci vix potest quam multa sunt, quae antea fieri oportet, quam ad bane extremam rationem devenire. Cicer. Orat. pro Qu● 〈◊〉 30.  Orato●● well said, There are many things to be done before matters are to be put to an undoing extremity: Wherefore is was an Act. of more pride than prudence, an argument rather of rashness than valour, (like that of 
h Valer. Max. lib. 9 c. 3.  Semiramis, who hearing that the Babylonians rebelled, while she was dressing up her head, went presently, partly dressed and partly undressed to the wars without any more preparation, either for pacification or suppression of them) in our King 
i Walsingham Hypod. Neustriae.  Richard the first, who being told (as he sat at Supper) that the French King had besieged his Town of Vernoil in Normandy, protested that he would not turn his back, until he had confronted the French, and thereupon he caused the wall of his Palace, that was before him, to be broken down towards the South, and posted to the Sea-coast immediately into Normandy.  
Such inconsiderate quickness proves (many times) as unhappy, as an overhasty birth, the design in such cases doth commonly miscarry, and (sometimes) works as much misery to the undertaker, as the might and malice of the enemy could do: So did the precipitation of Cambyses, who for want of due providence and provision for his Army, within a few days brought a fearful famine upon it, so that his Soldiers were soon put to it, to cast lots, 
k Cum sortirenter milites ejus, quis malè periret, quis peius viveret. Senec. de troth lib. 3 c. 20  who should die an evil death, or to avoid that do worse, by preying on another's life, to preserve his own.  
Sixthly, and lastly, when the War is ended, there should be an end of all warlike enmity, as 
l Post acies, odijs idem qui terminus armis, Claudian.  Claudian speaketh in the praise of Theodosius, whose arms and anger, he used to put-off at the same period of war.  
With these conditions is war not only lawful, but so necessary, that to forbear it is unlawful, and so he that can and will not assist in it (to his power) cometh under the curse of Meroz, judg. 5. Curseye Meroz, curse ye bitterly the Inhabitants thereof; because they came not to help the Lord, to help the Lord against the mighty, v. 23. And of the Prophet jeremy, speaking of the destruction of Moab, Cursed be he that keepeth bacl his Sword from blood, Jer. 48.10. If he be a man sit for war, to do execution upon the wicked; and the more wicked the enemy is, the more warrantable is the war, the more necessary the resolution to withstand him.  
For though war itself be a grievous calamity, yet if the enemy be not courageously resisted, in his own way of violence, a worse thing than war will follow upon it, that is perpetual tyranny and slavery upon the consciences and persons of the vanquished, so that the evil of war, both concomitant with it, and consequent upon it, well considered, may serve as incentives of courage, to ingenious and generous spirits, to resist it, to repel it, since a noble death (especially for him whose reward is in Heaven) is much rather to be chosen then an ignominious and miserable life.  
Applic. It is one part of the happy privilege of the godly, and that an excellent one, that all things shall some way or other, work for their good, Rom. 8.28. And there is nothing, no not war, though it be as bad as hath been said, but may be so handled, as may serve for their benefit.  
That it may be so (in respect of the precedent Discourse) I shall now endeavour to apply it so.  
As 


1. To cast us down by a lowly humiliation of ourselves.  
2. To raise up in us a just indignation against the causes of war.  
3. To uphold those in due reputation, who are friends to peace.  
4. To exhort the better sort, to be at unity among themselves.  
5. To reprove those who desert their own side, and take part with the adversaries, both of their Religion and Country.     
For the first, While we think of all this evil, which partly is come upon us, and the rest and worst may follow after, if the war (which God forbidden) should proceed to the utmost period, how can we but lament the loss of our peace, and repent for our ingratitude, for so great a blessing, as (for the greatest part of an 100 years) our kingdom hath both enjoyed and abused; and for our want of compassion, to our distressed brethren abroad; the relation of whose miserable condition we have read of, heard and talked of, but seldom taken to heart, either by a sympathy of sorrow with them, or hearty supplication for them.  
And secondly, how can we but set our hearts against those mischievous make-bates, who have rob us of so precious a Jewel as Peace, and broken us in pieces, by their distracting devices, which have set us in a way of destructive Commotion against one another. And who be they? Besides our sins (which I shall have occasion to complain of, in the answer to the Question) there be many, who have done very much ill service in secret, to so pernicious a purpose; but the most pestilent enemies of our public peace, are they in whom all Malignant motives are concurrent: I mean the Papists, for they have been of old, and ever will be the most bold and busy Incendiaries in all Protestant States, by them have been cast about the Coals of contention among us, which now they have blown up into this dangerous combustion.  
It is the principal Maxim of those (who would be greatest in Ecclesiastical and Temporal preeminence all over the Christian world, and the truly Catholic craft and ambition of the falsely called Catholic Religion to divide those into as many fractions as they can, over whom they desire to domineer by united Tyranny; and according to that rule, they have acted the parts of subtle Separatists (in an active sense) sowing the Tares of strife, betwixt several States and Kingdoms, 
m They entered the State in disguise, and counterfeited letters, not only in the names of particular, persons but of whole Societies, as of the Republic of Genoa, and the city of Verona. Hist of the quarrels of Pope Paul the fifth with the State of Venice. l. 2. p. 134.  as the Jesuits did to advance the Pope's quarrel against the Venetians: and in the same State labouring to fill the minds of Governors with jealousies and suspicions, and to alienate their affections from each other, who should be as one man, in joint considerations and cares for the public happiness. And for the people, they ply them with artificial fomentations of different fancies and opinions, to raise an hearty disaffection betwixt them, which may put them upon a prosecution of contrary designs, and (when opportunity serves) may raise them up in open war against one another.  
To this purpose were the Instructions given by Cardinal Allen at Rheims, anno 1579. to such Popish Seducers as then were to be sent from the Seminary in France into England, to withdraw the people of the Kingdom from their due obedience, and to make way for their great project of perdition in 88 by deviding them, under the titles of Protestant and Puritan, and provoking them (under those different denominations) to real and mutual both hate and contempt: which I take not upon trust from any private report, nor from that great and lying Author. [They say] but upon the authority of an Archbishop (in this case of very great moment) avowing it to the face of a Popish Adversary, and divulging it to public intelligence in print, in these words. 
n Archbishop. Abbot his Answer to Dust. Hills 3d reason p 103.  If you chance to deal with a Puritan (saith that Cardinal) you must say, truly (Brother) for you there is more hope, then for those that be Protestants; because they (for fear of the Prince and the Law) are ready to say any thing; and therefore (me thinketh they be Atheists) but for you there is more hope, being either hot or cold; If you deal with a Protestant, tell him there is more hope of him, then of rash hare-brained Puritans, because they (with Religion) have put off all humanity, and civility with all other good manners, who would not think that for such mischievous devices, this head of Allens was soon after thought worthy to be covered with a Cardinal's Hat? So fare the Archbishop.  
Here I shall crave leave of the more knowing and more observing part of this Auditory, that I may descend to the Information of the weaker sort of people (for their better warning, who either have not read, or do not remember or not consider, or cannot apply the Plots of the Papists to the present condition of our time and State) of the crafty and cruel solicitations of that party, to enkindle the fire of warin Ireland, and from thence (notwithstanding all the water betwixt us and that Kingdom) to disperse it abroad for all the Counties of England, as now they have done.  
And to this purpose they have impudently given out in Ireland; Sometimes 
o The Irish Remonstrance. p. 5, 48, 4●, 77.  that His Majesty was personally (though disguised) present with the Rebels there; Sometimes 
p Ibid. p. 6.  that he was dead, and that the young King went to Mass; but most commonly, that which they did was by the 
q Ibid p. 45, 48, 56  King's authority, and that they had the Broad-Seale for it, and that it was the King's pleasure 
r Ibid p 68  that all the English should be banished and lose their goods, because the Queen's Priest was hanged before her face. And that there was a Covenant (betwixt the Irish and the Scots upon these terms) that the Irish should never take part with the English against the Scots, nor the Scots with the English against the Irish; And 
* Ibid. p. 38.  that all the Scottish Nation was joined (with them) for the extirpation of the English: So that the 
† Ibid.  Scots were to leave never a drop of English blood in England, and that the Irish had command to leave never a drop of English blood in Ireland; and that (for that purpose) they had the 
‖ Ibid.  Earl of Argiles hand, together with the hands of the greatest part of the prime Nobility of Scotland.  
And that many might more readily come into an Association in their damnable League, and might carry it on with more courage, and higher hope of happy success, they coined such comfortable Lies as these. That there was an Army to come to their aid from Spain, 
* Ibid p. 10.  another (of no fewer than 40000.) from France, another from 
a Ibid  Flanders, that 
b Ibid p. 54.  Dublin was taken, and that the distressed in Ireland might have no hope of succour in England, or Scotland, they told them, that there was the like 
c Ibid. p. 35.  stirs in both these Kingdoms: meaning that the Papists pursued, and prevailed over the Protestants there, as they did in Ireland: a thing then (not doubt) both in their desire, and design, and like to be also in their endeavour, when they might begin with hope, to go on with success.  
And that they might have the more colour for their bloody combination, these seditious Seeds-men gave out, that the Puritan Parliament in England was the cause of all this; in that they have made an 
d Ibid. p. 4●.  Act, that all Papists in Ireland must go to Church, or otherwise be hanged at their own doors: and therefore they began with the Protestants first, lest they should begin with them, who had resolved to 
e Ibid. p. 35, 45.  murder all the Papists throughout the Kingdom, and yet (like odious hypocrites as they be) they sometimes 
f Ibid.  pretended, that if the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (that last was) had not been put to death, by the Parliament, they had not made this Insurrection: whereas (indeed,) they held and hated him, as the most heavy-handed Deputy, that was set over them, (though Protestants had as great cause to complain of the weight of his hand, as Papists had, if not greater) and plotted this mischief (as upon Confession is recorded) 
g Ibid. p. 35. ●●.  seventeen years before their Rebellion broke out.  
Their hatred of the best Protestants, under the name of Puritans is notorious throughout the three Kingdom, of England, Scotland and Ireland: but they hate them most, where they think they are most able to do them hurt, that's in Parliament: and therefore they have been always forward to falsify their Acts and Intentions, to blast that venerable Assembly with the blackest calumny they can conceive, and to do as desperate acts against them as the Devil himself can put into their heads.  

h King james premonit p. 328.  King james chargeth them with three Lies together of the Act of Parliament, concerning the Oath of Allegiance, and all the Kingdom, yea all the Christian world knoweth their devilish malignity towards that most Honourable Court in the Powder-plot, 
i King james his second Speech in Parliament. p. 501.  purposely devised against the place of their meeting, that where the crull Laws (as they call them) were made against their Religion, both place and persons, should be blown up at once, which plot, had it taken effect, they purposed to have laid it on the 
k Speeds Chron. lib. 10. p. 1252. col 2.  Puritans.  
And what they could not then bring about, by that secret satanical treachery, they have of late attempted and undertaken by open War, and the War we now see translated out of Irish into English, and their hate and spite written (in Capital Letters) with the blood of English Protestants.  
I am not so vainly presumptuous, as to present such particulars as these, to instruct the sage and prudent Senators of this most High and Honourable Court, (who see, and foresee, a thousand times more, and further into the Popish mystery of Iniquity, (with all the Engines that are working under it,) then many thousands of such private persons as myself can possible conceive; but (by such a breviate as I have brought in) to make some more cautelous resentment of Popish plots in the common people and of their common peril, thereby, if there be not a very watchful jealousy in the great Counsel of the Kingdom, over them, and a zealous and unanimous industry of all truehearted Protestants, to disappoint them; but I shall meet with them again before we part.  
Thirdly, The Miseries and Mischiefs of War, being such as have been showed, it cannot but well become every good and wise man to show himself disaffected to it, and much troubled for it, as well as by it. So did the Prophet (when he bewailed the condition of his time by the oppression and desolation of War, as out of this Chapter I have told you) and to do all good offices they can to promote peace, as the Parliament by their many humble and pressing Petitions, and other prudent addresses to his Majesty, have endeavoured to do: yet so (as well became their piety and prudence) as to desire no peace but such an one, as whosoever treats of it admits of God to be of the Quorum in it, and (in ballacing the conditions on both sides) will suffer his glory and the conscionable discharge of their trust (to the King and Kingdom) to make down weight in the final determination thereof: against which an agreement would prove but a conspiracy, for betraying of trust. But for a peace upon such terms as those we now mentioned, that Englishman who would not like jonah (when to appease a tempest and save a Ship from splitting, he was content to be cast into and swallowed up of the Sea, jon. 1.12.) willingly lay down his life, is not worthy to live.  
And the more zealous should every one be of making up the breach of peace, by how much more worthy they are who are divided, and betwixt whom the nearest Union that can be, is required, if there were but a single separation, of a pair of excellent Friends, we should have an affectionate sorrow in our hearts for their sakes: as 
* Heu mibi qui vos simul i●u●nire nonpossu●●, ut inovear, ut doleo. ut Itmeo, proc●derem ad pe les vestros, sterem quant● valerem, rogarem quaotu a amarem, nu●● utrumque vestrâ pro setpso, nunc utrumque pro alterutro & pro alijs ac maxi are infi●mu— qut vos tanquam in Theatro vitae bujus cum mag●o sur pericu●o. pectant. August. Epi●l. 〈◊〉 Tom. 20 inter opera H●eron p 350. & 391.  Augustine passionately expressed, upon the quarrels and invectives betwixt Hierom and Ruffinus, Woe is me (saith he) that I cannot find you both together, how am I moved? how am I grieved? how do I fear, how willing would I be to fall down at your feet, I would weep according to my power, and beg according to my love, now of the one for the other, and then of both for both, and for others also, who with great peril and scandal see you, (as in a Theatre) contesting and contending as Enemies. 
“ Hoc magnum & triste naraculum est, ab am●●●●ijs talibus a I has mimt●●●as per to n●sse. 〈◊〉.  It is a great and a sad Miracle, (saith he) from such Amity as hath been to be changed to such enmity as is now betwixt you; And yet this Enmity was not exercised, with the Pike, but with the Pen, the drops that were spilt (in their War) were not drops of blood, but of Ink.  
How would the good man have been grieved to have seen such an estrangement, betwixt so great and (of himself) so good a King as our dread Sovereign, and so wise and worthy a Counsel as the High Parliament? how would his heart have melted into tender commiseration, of so many slain, so many spoiled, and ruined (for this world) so great a desolation, as is made in many parts, of this late flourishing Kingdom, by a most unnatural War, and that (under adverse Titles) in their Names, who are or should be, as nearly allied and linked together, as the engagements of Religion, Law, Conscience, Prudence and Fidelity to God and man can possibly make them.  
Ob. But what hope of Peace when both sides have so fare proceeded in War, When a man seethe Armies prepared, it is a madness (as the 
“ Prat a mentis, cu●● ac●em videres 〈◊〉 cogirare 〈◊〉. O●●t de Dejo taro 〈◊〉 6  Orator sa●● 〈◊〉 o expect a peace?  
Answ. I Though I shall show a Reason why I am not of his mind, I confess I should conceive more hope of a pacification of our stormy distempers, if no Divines, but such as are of S. Augustine's sincerity, and charity, did officiate (as Chaplains) and that while persuasions to peace are proposed on the one side, incentives to war were not sounded on the other.  
Of the Parliaments propension to peace (by offering and accepting of such conditions as may consist, with the great trust reposed in them, (both for the reformation of matters amiss in Church and State, and preservation of their own privileges, and the people's rights and Liberties.) I have intimated enough already, for this time and place, there can be no doubt for their part in this Audience, no need therefore here, either to give intelligence, or make apology on their behalf, though elsewhere there may be use of both.  
Thirdly, For his Majesty's part (to whom humble addresses of reconciliation have been many times presented, and in whose power it was and yet is to crown them all with a comfortable conclusion.) We have had so many emphatical professions not only of his peaceable mind towards the Parliament, but of his pitiful disposition towards all his people, that we cannot but wonder by what impostures, or presumptions in usurping his power and abusing his name, his subjects, (especially those who in a common calamity should have been severed from the common sort by a mark of security, as Ezek. 9.46.) have suffered, and yet do suffer so woeful a change of their Peace into War, and of prosperity into misery, as of late (under pretence of his Commands, or Commissions) they have done. His Majesties expresses (such as become a true 
l The Kings of Palestine were commonly called Abimeleches, a Name compounded of benignity and Authority, signifying a Father and a King, for Rulers (and among them Kings are 〈◊〉) are Fathers to such as are subordinate to them, as a King ●●. 18 job 29.16. and under that Title they are to be honoured by the fift Commandment, whereby is employed that they must rule with indulgence as Fathers, and their Subjects obey with benevolence as children.  Abimilech (that is both a Father and a King, the Royal Son and Heir of him, who gloried in the Title [Rex Pacificus,] and said 
m King james true Laws of free-Monarchy, pag. 195. of his works in Folio.  a King by the Law of Nature, becomes anaturall Father to his Liege's at his Coronation) are as followeth, that 
n So in his Majesty's answer to the Parliaments Petition, and reasons against his going into Ire-land. p 9  his life (when it is most pleasant is nothing so precious to him, as it is and shall be; to govern his people with honour and justice: 
o In his Majesty's Answer to the Declaration of both Houses concerning H●ll, sent May, 4. 1642. p. 17.  that it is not in the power of any person, to incline him to take Arms against his Parliament, and miserably to embroil this Kingdom in a Civil War, and that his Affections abhor, and his heart bleeds at the apprehension of Civil War, and he doth engage himself (in the word of a King) 
p In the second Remonstrance of the state of the Kingdom, p. 4.  That the security of all and every one of the Parliament from violence is, and ever shall be, as much as his care to preserve himself, and his children: and 
q Declarat: Parliament. March 12 p 9  that he will be as careful of their privileges; as of his own Prerogatives. 
r In his Speech to the Ministers and Freeholders assembled at Heworth Heath in Yorkshire. june 3. 1642.  That in all his time (before the Parliament) having never caused the effusion of one drop of blood, in his riper judgement in government, he will never open such issues of blood, as might drown himself and his posterity in them 
* His Majesty's Answer to the desires and Propositions of both Houses, Feb: 3. 1642. p 10. , that he hath given up all the faculties of his soul to an earnest desire of Peace and reconciliation with his people. And we had experience of truth, as well as of power, in the word of a King, Eccles. 8.4. in his Majesty's accommodation of Accord with his Subjects of Scotland, which he professed when he shown himself most displeased with them, in these words, 
s His Majesty's large Declaration upon the tumults of Scotland, p 5.  if some of their bad blood were shed, he should make account that the blood was let out of his own veins, nor shall we (saith he) draw one drop of it, in any other case, than a faithful Physician will, and must do, for the preservation of the whole body. And after a great deal of sharp expostulation with them, in a Book consisting of 430. pages in Folio, he thus concludeth. 
t Ibid p. 430  As we have found the aid and assistance of our loving Subjects towards this journey, so we hearty desire their prayers, all the time of our absence, for a good success unto it, and that (if it be possible) we may return with peace, and without the effusion of any drop of our Subjects blood.  
Besides these gracious words he gave real proof of his Royal and Christian compassion, in committing the Treaty of Pacification, unto such pious and Honourable Lords, as whose consciences liked no compliance with the Popish Religion, whose innocence was not afraid of peaceable Justice, whose wisdom foresaw the destruction of two Kingdoms if they should assault one another with Armed fury, which their goodness abhorred as his Majesty did.  
And as David (when he was diverted by Abigail, from his design of destruction of Nabal, and his family for his churlish ingratitude towards him:) blessed God, and her, and her advice, for keeping him from coming to shed blood, 1 Sam. 24.32, 33. so his Majesty (though neither so rough or rash in a resolution of revenge, as David was at that time) 
u In his Majesty's Speech in Parliament, Novemb: 5. 1640.  gave thanks to those Lords for their pains, and industry before they had brought their Mediation to an happy period: which I doubt not but he did more fully, when afterward it sped to a perfect accomplishment.  
And though, (as Solomon saith) the heart of a King is unsearchable, Prov. 25.2. Unsearchable by any, except by the King of Kings, we may probably conceive, upon the consideration of and in conformity to such premises, that when both the English and Scottish Armies were in Array (for a posture of encounter) his Majesty might have such meditations as these.  
These Soldiers on both sides, now ready to rush upon mutual mischief, are my natural Subjects, my Subjects are the strength and honour of my State, if I give the signal of assault, and set one Army against another, it is like to be a bloody day, and the issue of blood (being opened in a warlike way,) will not easily be stopped.  
If it should thus begin between two neighbouring Kingdoms, by their Vicinity, they may ever find occasions to continue quarrels, and to seek revenge with cruel rage and ruin one of another; and who shall sustain the greatest loss at the last by such reciprocal slaughters but myself who am King of both Kingdoms? If my Subjects kill up one another, my power will be much impaired, my dignity diminished, for in the multitude of people is the King's honour, Prov. 14.28. and their diminution mydisgrace, for what is a King without his people?  
And if King Edward the Confessor, when his Captains promised, for his sake, they would not leave one Dane alive, 
w Cambdent Rem: p 214.  thought it better, to lead a private and unbloody life, then to be a King by such bloody butcheries. It cannot but be much better for me, to preserve two Kingdoms in peace and concord, and to continue a King (over two numerous Nations) without blood-guiltiness, then to commit them to a hostile conflict, with hazard of great slaughter on both fides, and of mine own comfortable enjoyment of both Kingdoms. And though they have given me occasion of a severe contestation with them, yet if 
x Ibid. p. 242.  we Princes (as one of my renowned Predecessors wisely said (it was K. Henry the seventh) should take every occasion that is offered, the world should never be quiet, but wearied with continual Wars.  
And for the cause of this quarrel, of my Scottish Subjects, it is a question of Rights and Privileges and lawful liberties of their consciences, persons and estates, fit to be decided by the prudence of Parliamentary Commissioners, then by the violence of Military executioners, whose Sword hath not an eye, to see any difference, between right and wrong, nor can show in the last resolution it makes, which side had the better cause, or better mind, either in an open War, or in a private Duel, or 
y Bishop Hall, Decad. 4. Ep. 2. pag. 338.  single Combat: though in times and places, (where Popery hath prevailed, it hath oftentimes, been taken up for a trial of truth and right. Once indeed did that Prince of most admired prudence Solomon call for a Sword to decide a controversy betwixt two mothers, pleading about their right to a living and a dead child, 1 King. 3.24. but he did not use it as a Sword, nor did he mean it, but only (by pretending peril to the living child) to discover the true mother, both of the living and the dead, by the evidence of her compassion who would rather have none of it at all, than not all of it alive.  
And if one child were so tenderly beloved by a true mother, I that am a true Father (not a tyrannical Usurper) of my people, cannot but be more chary of many thousands of them, then to put them into a bloody combustion among themselves. And my royal Father, who (for his wisdom) hath been magnified as a second Solomon is highly 
z Sir W. Raleigh Hist. world. l. 5 c. 3. § 17.  commended, For having done a most Kingly and Christianlike deed in Scotland, which the most renowned of all his Predecessors could never do, in beating down and extinguishing that hereditary prosecution of malice (called the deadly feud) A conquest which shall give him the honour and power of kingly prudence for evermore.  
And that done, and both Scotland and England united in his Royal Right, 
a K james his Speech in Parliament, anno 1603. p. 488, 489. and in his third Speech in White-ball, p. 511.  he proposed and zealously pursued their union under the general title of great Britain. And I will not so degenerate from his gracious disposition, as to set them at enmity, whom he so desired to settle in unity.  
And though the Soldiers be ready and forward to fight, better it were that the most valiant Captains should yield to the persuasions of a weak woman, as 
b Plut. in the life of Coriolanus, p. 239.  Coriolanus to his Mother Volumnia, or that two complete Armies (ready to dash one with another,) should suffer their manhood to be overcome by female mediation; (as did the Armies of King 
c Seruce French inventor, p. 193.  Edward the third, and King Philip of France,) then that they should make such a confusion and dashing together, as might be like to break both in pieces, and to bring them to a feebleness which might make them, and perhaps myself and my posterity with them, a prey to that party whose ambition and bloodiness have no bounds, but such as an over-prevalent power doth force upon them.  
Such was His Majesty's good meaning to his Subjects of Scotland (published in print, not much above 
* Auno 1639.  two years ago) which may be a just ground of all, that hath been hitherto said in his Name, and we have no cause to conceive that his goodness and kindness should be less to his people of England, then to them: since though his Majesty was not borne among us, he is pleased to make his choice to live among us, as accounting this Kingdom, for the chief part of his Royal birthright, and therefore fixing his abode here.  
And I doubt not but the lives of his true Christian Subjects in common (both as Christians, according to the pious compassion of Charles the Emperor, 
“ Bu●●●lz. Jud. chronolog ad ●●. 1541. p. ●●.  Who had rather save one Christian, then kill a thousand Moors or Turks or other perfidious enemies) and as Subjects to whom he hath the relation of a father (as hath been showed) may be still precious in his sight (his own sight I mean, not in others who look upon a Protestant Parliament, and people with blood-shotten-eyes) whereby he may more comfortably remember, that 
* Mavult commemor are se (cum posser perdere) p●per●●sse, quam cum parcere potuerit, perardisse, C●cer Orat pro Quint. ●. 3. p. 2.  He hath spared their blood, when he might have spilt it, than contrariwise that he hath killed, where he might have saved alive.  
4. Preparations to war are many times (and always should be) made with purposes of peace (as we have observed before) which each party is so much the more engaged to accept of (upon so honourable terms) as they make more profession of Justice and Religion.  
5. If we saw no hope of peace by any mediation of man or woman, we may yet desire it, pray for it, and hope to speed in our prayers, by the favour of God to his people, and his power over such as are most powerful by the Sword: for he hath overruled, not only the hands, but the minds of such, as have been most forward for war, as in the difference betwixt Frederick the Prince Elector of Saxony, and another German Prince; when Frederick prepared war against him, and he (without any preparations to that purpose) had resolved to commit his cause wholly to God; 
Bucholz jud. chron. ad An. 2450. p. 420.  Let another man (said he) be so mad (but I will not) as to make war with him who committeth his cause unto God.  
Now if our desires, endeavours and hopes of peace (which we should keep, if it were possible with all the world, Rom. 12.18.) should all prove frustrate, we must by our Christian Prudence do our best to make a virtue of necessity, and as cunning Physicians do our endeavour to turn a poison into a Medicine, then  
For a fourth Application of the Point (the sharp point of the Sword of war) let it be our warning against division among all those, whom the adverse power would unite in a society of sufferings, if they should successfully proceed; and how many are they?  
All true Protestants must look for nothing less from Papists, if (they get the better) than the loss of their liberty of conscience, and of their persons, their livelihoods and lives; the regular and conscionable Christian must expect scorns and contumelies of all kinds, and he is like also to have his ears, and heart smitten with execrable oaths and blasphemies of impious Atheists; the civil, sober and temperate man, shall be urged, and it may be forced to swallow down needless draughts (as an Horse doth a drench) by domineering drunkards; the rich man shall be sure to be made a prey to the needy, or greedy Soldiers, whose luxury will lavish out in a day or night, what a provident worldling is laying up all a whole years together: And if he have a wife or daughter, whom their carnal appetite will not refuse for a familiar companion, he may suffer in the sensual and shameful abuse of their persons; and he that hath but his personal liberty to lose, shall if war conquer him be made a slave to the conqueror.  
If therefore men have any private emulation or exception against each other, they must now set them aside, as the creatures (in the Ark) laid by their Antipathies within, because of the common danger of an inundation without; our danger is much more than theirs, of drowning in the water: For ours is a drowning in blood, and our reason and Religion both, oblige and enable us to be more chary of our mutual concord, and more ready to cement up every little chink in the Fabric of our State: we should now (above all times) unite our hearts in affectionate well wish to the common welfare, our heads in a communion of counsels and cares to recover it, and our hands for support of ourselves, and suppression of those, who (if they had us in their power) would fall upon us more fiercely than the evening Wolves, (Hab. 1.8.) upon aprey of fatted lambs.  
And is this a time for the Protestants of England to fall to variance among themselves? to break in pieces, and as it were to crumble away into petty breaches of particular Societies, into new Sects and Factions? Is it a time for any of them to desert the common cause of their Brethren, by Nation and Religion, and against them both to partake with Papists, and to put to their helping hand on their side, not considering or not caring (what shallow heads or hollow hearts have they the while) what intent first set their wheels in motion, or what event is hoped for and pursued by the furious driver of that Hell-fiery Chariot of Popery, which is no less nor better, then to wrap up their native Country in most lamentable ruin, and to bring down the strait and golden Sceptre of Jesus Christ (by which he governeth his Church) under the sway of the crooked and wooden Crosier of Antichrist, who pretends title to the chief office of a Pastor of Christ's flock, but acts the part of a wolf toward the Sheep of his fold.  
They could not surely be so wanting, much less so adverse to so weighty a cause in so clear a case, so necessarily requiring a most cordial union of us all, if they considered how our adversaries, though of 
* It is ordered and est ablished, and that (upon pain of the high, est punishment to be inflicted by authority of this Assembly) that every Roman Catholic, English, Welsh & Scottish (who was of that profession before the troubles) who will join in the present union, shall be preserved and cherished in his life, goods & estate, as fully & freely as any native. So in the orders made at the Popish general Assembly at Kilkenny, Octo. 24. 1642 Ord. 14. & Order 33  several Counties and Countries, are associated in an unreconcilable quarrel against us, and all our fellow Professors of the same faith, And what they have determined for the destruction of us all. It is worthy the notice of those that have not read it in the Irish Remonstrance, and of their remembrance that have read it, what order they have agreed upon for our confusion, which is this.  
First, They have resolved to extirpate all the English out of Ireland, as hath been showed, 
¶ Irish Remonstrance, p. 31.  That Kingdom settled and peopled only with sound Catholics (it is their title not mine; for in very truth they are neither sound nor Catholic) Thirty thousand men must be sent into England to join with the French and Spanish forces, and the service (they should say the Sacrifice, for they mean a slaughter of the English) in England performed, than they will jointly fall upon Scotland, for the reducing of that Kingdom to the obedience of the Pope; which being finished, they have engaged themselves to the King of Spain for assisting him against the Hollanders, that was their plot, discovered by examination taken upon Oath.  
There is then more cause, that England, Scotland and the Netherlands should be united in a league of mutual defence, then that we of this Kingdom should first break asunder by division, and then break in upon each other with enraged violence; For if all the crafty Counsels of Spain, of the Conclave of the Pope and Cardinals, of the Congregations of jesuites and other Assemblies of pestilent Politicians (our sworn Enemies) should lay their heads together, for an undoing device against us, they could not imagne any one more dangerous and desperate, then that which we are now acting upon ourselves; The Lord open the eyes and turn the hearts of those in whose power it is, to found a Retreat to this Martial fury: That English valour may be diverted from the ruin of England to the recovery of Ireland, or if the Sword of war must be the Sword of divine Justice, to avenge the quarrel of thy Covenant against a rebellious people, Let it, O Lord, (we beseech thee) do most execution upon thine obdurate enemies, and sway thou the victory upon their side, whose cause and persons have better title to thine Almighty protection.  
Thus fare of the Question, How long shall I see, etc. as importing the Prophet's strong apprehension of, and vehement aversion from the evil of war.  
Now of the Answer, For my people is foolish, they have not known me, they are sottish children, they have none understanding, they are wise to do evil, but to do good, they have no knowledge.  
They neither know God nor acknowledge or glorify him as God, but set their wits on work for wickedness, therein having a kind of cunning, (which the unwise world calleth wisdom) while they remain ignorant, inconsiderate, dull and stupid towards the doing of good.  
The words are considerable 


1. In general.  
2. In particular.     
In general they contain two parts. 


1. An Accusation, My people are, etc.  
2. An Exception, They are wise to do evil.     
Under the accusation are comprehended two points of Importance. The one expressed; The other implied; that which is expressed is the cause of the calamities , For my people, or because my people is foolish, etc. And that will direct us to a twofold Observation.  
First, The one of the Malignant operations of sin, in procuring heavy punishments upon a people.  
2. The other the disgraceful denomination of sinners, or the contemptible titles given unto them, as foolish, sottish, without knowledge or understanding.  
The particular implied is the continuance of sin, for the Question being expressly made of the continuance, How long? and implicitly of the cause; the answer is satisfactory to both, showing not only, why the people are plagued, but that so long they shall be plagued, until they be reform: until the cause of their sinful folly be removed, they shall not, or not in mercy be eased of their misery; as long as they be so bad in their disposition towards God, they must look for no better a condition from God.  
First, For the cause in the 18. verse, the Indictment against them is framed under other titles, Thy way and thy do have procured these things unto thee, this thy wickedness, because it is bitter, because it reacheth unto thine heart. So likewise in the Lamentation of jeremy. jerusalem (saith the Prophet) hath grievously sinned, therefore she is removed. Chap. 1. ver. 8. And that it is not the peculiar case of jerusalem, he showeth in more general terms: Wherefore doth living man complain, and man for the punishment of his sins? Lam. 3.39. or (as the Geneva hath it) Wherefore is the living man sorrowful? He suffereth for his sins. And jerusalem herself, as if she made answer to some such Question as this, pleadeth not any excuse of her ignorance, but cleareth God's Justice, and freely and fully taketh the Accusation of her sins upon herself. The Lord is righteous, for I have rebelled against his Commandments, Chapt. 1. ver. 18. We have transgressed and thou hast not pardoned, Chap. 3.42. Which is not to be understood of the people only, but (with them) of the Prophets and the Priests, for the sins of her Prophets, and the iniquity of her Priests, did Jerusalem's misery come upon her, Chap. 4.12. for the Prophets prophesied falsely, and the Priests bare rule by their means, Jer. 5.31. And they ruled with bloody and unrighteous rigour, For they shed the blood of the Just, in the midst of Jerusalem, Chapt. 4. ver. 13. And in the 30. Chapter, God emphatically avoweth his own Justice against their wickedness, in these words, I have wounded thee with the wound of an enemy, with the chastisement of a cruel one, for the multitude of thine iniquity, because thy sins were increased. Why criest thou for thine afflictions? Thy sorrow is incurable, for the multitude of thine iniquity: because thy sins were inereased, I have done these things unto thee, ver. 14, 15.  
So that we must not take this Text, though it impute ignorance unto these Jews, to import any extenuation of their transgressions which may serve to excuse them, either a toto, or a tanto, as sometimes ignorance is pleaded, by way of argument, or inducement to compassion, and pardon, as it is by God himself, in the Prophecy of jonah, Should I not spare Nineveh, that great City, wherein are more than sixscore thousand persons, that cannot discern between their right and their left hand, and also much Cattles? and by our Saviour, Father, forgive them, they know not what they do, Luk. 23.34. and as S. Paul giveth instance in his own case, I was before a blasphemer, and a persecutor, and injurious: but I obtained mercy, because I did it ignorantly in unbelief, 1 Tim. 1.13. for such ignorance was partly inevitable, partly involuntary, but this was neither, and therefore it is urged rather by way of aggravation, to augment their guilt: as in the first of Esay, Hear O ye Heavens, and give ear O earth, for the Lord hath spoken, I have nourished and brought up children, but they have rebelled against me; the Ox knoweth his owner, and the Ass his Master's cribb, but Israel doth not know, my people doth not consider; ah sinful Nation, a people laden with iniquity, etc. chap. 1. ver. 2, 3, 4.  
Now since the Prophet, the people, and God himself, so expressly put together the cause and the effect, (sin and punishment) and that the punishment expressed in the question, sin is implied in the Answer, for not to know and acknowledge God, (as God) is a sin as sure as well as a folly, we must first observe, the Malignant operation of sin in procuring punishment upon a people, and it is doctrinely or historically so universally diffused throughout the whole Bible, from Gen. 2.17. to Revelations 22.19. that (besides the testimonies alleged) there will be no need of farther proof, (from divine Authority) to confirm it, though some parts of it, do more fully clear and press this point, than others do; as the 26. of Levit. the 28. of Deut. the Lament. of jeremy.  
And for them who never read a leaf of these divine Dictates, as they have by the light of nature discerned a great difference betwixt Virtue and Vice, (as their Books of Ethics, or moral Philosophy sufficiently show) so have their consciences cheered them up in well doing, and checked them for evil, Rom. 2.15. and by the same light they have apprehended 
“ Ammian Marcelli (an Heathen Soldier) observeth the just judgement of the Almighty-powers in punishing Maximinus and other bloody butchers. Marcel. hist. l. 25. c. 5. See also the discourse in Plutarch's Morals, de Sera numinis vindicta.  a divine Judge or justiciary, observing the minds, and ways of wicked men, and imprinting his displeasure upon them, in outward plagues: and have thence inferred their duty, to address themselves unto him in supplications, and other means of pacification of his anger: as the Mariners (in whose Ship jonah would have sailed to Tharshish,) shown, by their inquiry by Lots for the guilty person who was the cause of the Tempest, jonah cap. 1. ver. 5, 7. and by the continual practice of the Heathens in sacrifices to the gods they served, (acknowledging sin to be the cause of their common calamities,) and offering them up for pacification of an offended Deity.  
I need not then spend time, either in clearing of this observation by examples, or assuring it by Authorities and reasons: nor will it be necessary, to bring down the general guilt, and hurt of sin, by showing how troublesome a thing it is in breaking peace betwixt God and man, Lament. 2. ver. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. and 17.21. chap. 3. ver. 3, 5. and 15. chap. 4.11. Esay. 57.20. a man and his own conscience, and betwixt Man and Man in Foreign and Civil War, Hab. 1.8. Esa. 19.2. this (I doubt not) is done to mine hand already, neither is there cause I should be copious in application of it to your consciences, since some of my reverend Brothers (I conceive) who have had precedence before me in this place) have anticipated the delivery of this doctrine, and driven it home to your hearts.  
All I conceive requisite for this point at this time will be, to make a brief Application of it, to our present state, and so to proceed to the other point, of the folly of sin and sinners, which I suppose hath been less insisted on by any, (though it be not less worthy of prosecution at large, nor will be less profitable to those that give due attendance unto it.)  
First then for the present point, the guilt of sin being expressly showed by this answer of God, to be the cause of all the evil (which was so grievous to the Prophet.) It is our parts what tribulation soever light upon us, to give God the glory of his Justice, without murmuring at any thing he doth, or we suffer under his correcting hand: and to make a free confession of our sins, (without mincing) as Dan. 9 the holy Prophet having a joint apprehension of the people's provocation of God by their sins, and of God's indignation against them, expressed in his punishment of them, for that cause, maketh his confession to God in this manner, We have sinned and have committed iniquity, and have done wickedly, and have rebelled: the abundant hatred of sin, in his heart, made him so full in the mouth, with multiplication of words, of the same sense, for the aggravation and detestation of sin: yet he goeth on, we have rebelled, even by departing from thy precepts, and from thy judgements, ver. 5. and then he cometh to the cause, whereby they came to such a guilt of sin, it was from their refusal of their guidance, whom God had sent to lead them in the right way, (and how could they but wander when they forsook the light) neither have we hearkened (saith he) unto thy servants the prophets, which spoke in thy Name, to our Kings, our Princes and our Fathers, and to all the people of the land, ver. 6. he spareth no person, great or mean, past or present, ver. 6. Because of all this, he taketh both the sin and the shame upon himself and his Countrymen, and giveth God the due glory of his own Justice in their punishment. O Lord Righteousness belongeth unto thee, but unto us shame and confusion of face as at this day, because of their trespass that they have trespassed against thee, ver. 7.  
And from this generality of sinners and sins to descend to a search of particulars in both, both for every man that sinneth, and every sin that he committeth: and then if we look back upon our precedent carriage towards God, and his present dealing towards us, we may have cause to conceive, not only that the burden of our sins (in common) have pressed him even as a Cart is pressed with Sheaves, Amos 2. ver. 13. and that he hath great cause in the general, to ease himself by diseasing them, who overloaded him with such a wicked weight, as he saith he will do, Ah I will ease me of mine adversaries, and avenge me of mine enemies, Esa. 1.24. But withal that there be some sins in particular more provocative than others, which spur on vengeance to a swifter pace; and those were come to some height, in our State, before these calamities, (which many have felt, and all have feared) came down upon us, and chiefly these three. First, Idolatry. Secondly, Profanation of the Sabbath. Thirdly, Contempt of Gods most faithful servants; and then we shall proceed to a confutation of the misconceits of the wicked touching the cause of calamity, and so conclude with an apology for the godly.  
First, For Idolatry, I will not tell you (of myself) how much it hath increased in a few years before the summons of the Honourable Senate now assembled, you may receive information for that, 
See Ord p. 143, 144.  by better warrant, than any private or particular intelligencer can give, in the 
* First Remonstrance, p 18, 19  first Remonstrance of the Parliament, in these words;  
The Popish party enjoyed such exemptions from the Penal Laws, as amounted to a Toleration, besides many other encouragements, and Court Favours: They had a Secretary of State, Sir Francis Windebank, a powerful Agent for the speeding of all their desires, a Pope's Nuntio residing here to act and govern them according to such influences as he received from Rome, and to intercede for them with the most powerful concurrence of the Foreign Princes of that Religion: By his autherity the Papists of all sorts, Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy were convocated, after the manner of a Parliament; New jurisdictions were erected of Romish Archbishops, Taxes levied, another State moulded within this State independent in Government, contyary in interest and affection, secretly corrupting the ignorant, or negligent professors of our Religion, and closely uniting and combining themselves against such as were sound, in this posture waiting for an opportunity by force to destroy those whom they could not hope to seduce.  
If compliance with Popery, should advance so many degrees, in every 12. or 13. year's space, as it hath done since the year 1628. they that have been solicited (for above threescore years) in vain, to abate some (at the best indifferent) Ceremonies, for more conformity with the reformed Protestant Churches, might within a Jubilee (of the 
† A jubilee of 25. years, shortened from 50. by sixth: 4. Anno 1475. Bucholz p. 425.  shortest size) become as complete Papists as any reside at Rome or Rheims.  
And what an incentive of wrath Idolatry is, we may conjecture, by the near relation betwixt God and his people, as by the conjunction of Wedlock, Hose. 2. ver. 16, 19 whence Idolatry is accounted by God spiritual whoredom; Ezek. 16. ver. 22, 26, 28, 32, 35, 38. Hose. 2.1, 2. which enkindleth the rage of jealousy against the disloyal party, for jealousy, saith Solomon, is the rage of a man, therefore he will not spare in the day of vengeance, he will not regard any ransom, neither will he rest content, though thou givest many gifts, Prov. 6. ver. 34, 35.  
And that the wrath of a jealous God, is not more remiss in such a case than that of a jealous man, we may be sure of, by the pathetical expression of the Prophet Nahum, God is jealous, and the Lord avengeth, the Lord avengeth, and is furious, the Lord will take vengeance of his adversaries, and he reserveth wrath for his enemies, Nah. 1.2. and he counteth those rather his adversaries and enemies, who break covenant with him, (as the jews did in their Idolatrous desertions of him) than the most notorious transgressors that never entered covenant with him, as the Sodomites, and therefore doth jerusalem, or the Prophet (in her Name complain,) the punishment of the iniquity of my people, is greater than the punishment of the sin of Sodom, Lament. 4. ver. 6. and so indeed it was, if we limit our consideration of it to a temporal calamity: for that of Sodom (in that respect) was but of one sort, and it was sudden, quickly at an end, whereas the Jews, (by wars, famine and captivity) endured many kinds of misery, vehement in degree, permanent in time, whereof they would have taken a sudden death, for a certain remedy by what Element or instrument soever.  
The second particular sin is the breach of the holy rest of God, in the violation of the Sabbath; which was never so profaned, with heart, and hand, and foot, and tongue, and pen, and press, as of late years it had been, sixteen hundred years (from Christ downward,) have not disgorged so much gall against the Sabbath, nor spent so much Ink, or brought forth so many tracts of detraction of the divine dignity, and holy duties of that day, as these last 40. years have done, and is it not just with God, that those who would justle his religious rest out of its right, should be restless in their condition? as the Jews complained, our necks are under persecution, we labour and have no rest, Lam. 5.5. by continual agitations of hostility. The reformed Churches (never throughly reform in this point, (though of late better than they have been) have been grievously scourged, and the more it is like for this sin; and we since we have been deformed like them, and would conform to them in their liberty on the Sabbath, but will not endure any of their strict discipline of manners, we have been made partakers of their pressures.  
The third provoking impiety is, the contempt of the Ministry (wherein the dishonour of the divine Majesty is involved,) Luk. 10.16. and with him his ordinances, his word and Sacraments, and whatsoever he hath consecrated as serviceable to the glory of his name, and salvation of his people; and when were Ministers more contemned then of late years they have been, when by greater numbers, or by greater persons, or in deeper degrees of disgrace and disdain, and yet are even at this day?  
I deny not but divers of our Tribe, have been entertained with a civil respect, in regard of their good parts, as for their wit or learning, eloquence of speech, elegancy of carriage, perhaps (somewhat too Courtlike) and for their riches, or reference to great persons; their siding with some potent party, in times of faction. And I confess the Bishops have found great friends, to support their preeminency, as well the Temporal as Ecclesiastical which (of old, and even of late at the 
“ Praedicationis munus quod Episcoporum praecipium est, Concil. Trident. Sess. 24. c 4.  Council of Trent, was thought to consist rather in the Pulpit then in the Chair.  
But abstracting from these and such like secular plausibilities, if a Minister have set himself in good earnest to preach and press sound doctrine to the conscience, and punctually to exemplify it in his own life and conversation, if as an Ambassador from Christ (as he is by his calling, 2 Cor. 5.20.) and (as in duty he ought) he deliver all the council of God, Act. 20.27. lest keeping back any part of it, he should be guilty of the blood of souls, v. 26. if he have taken the boldness to admonish and rebuke the rich as well as the poor, as he may and must do, 1 Tim. 6.17. james 5. ver. 1. if, in the administration of the Sacrament, he have endeavoured to put difference between the holy and profane, the unclean and the clean, Ezek. 44.23. to keep such as are like dogs and swine (Mat 7.6.) from the holy Table of the Lord, lest they should eat and drink their own damnation, 1 Cor. 11. and have not denied to deliver the consecrated symbols of the body and blood of Christ, to such as made scruple of the gesture, enjoined by the Canon, though otherwise most worthily prepared, for the receiving thereof (
* That this is no time-serving Denet, my discourse is witness (penned and perused by divers learned Divines 14 years' ag●●) to prove that ●h Canon cannot discharge a Minister from his duty, charged upon him at his Ordination for preaching the Word, and administration of the Sacraments to any, unless greater exception can be taken against them, then their doubting of the lawfulness of any particular gesture.  in which case it is not only lawful to receive them, but unlawful to reject them) if he have opposed profane pastimes, or superstitious customs, such an one (and he that is not such an one, howsoever accounted of by men, is not approved of God) hath been more hated, contemned, reviled and persecuted, by the most, and some of the greatest, in many places (as we see at this day) than such as show little care, or conscience of saving, either their own souls or others (whereof they have usurped the charge) and are so fare below the endowments of sufficient shepherds, that they are not competently qualified to be a sheep of the fold.  
And how much this bad usage, of the best of God's servants, may provoke their great Master's wrath against a people, you may guess, by David's high displeasure against the Princes of Ammon, and the revenge he took of them, for their base abuse of his Ambassadors, 2 Sam. 10. from the fourth verse to the end of the Chapter; but you may be sure, the Lord will severely punish this high contempt of his most holy and worthy servants, by that you may read, 2 Chr. c. 36. the Lord God of their Fathers sent to them, by his messengers, rising up betimes and sending, because he had compassion on his people, and on his dwelling place: but they mocked the messengers of GOD, and despised his word, and misused his Prophets, until the wrath of the Lord arose against his people, till there was no remedy, 2 Chron. chap. 36. ver. 15, 16. no remedy, but he must take revenge of the unsufferable wrongs done against his own Majesty and his Minister's fidelity, such indignities against them, cannot but provoke great indignation in the Almighty; and that may be like to fall upon the offenders, in a storm of War, as the next verse showeth, therefore he brought upon them the Sword of the Chaldees, who slew their young men with the Sword, in the house of their Sanctuary; and had no compassion upon young men or maidens, or on the old man who stooped for age, ver. 17.  
And it is no less, but rather a greater Judgement, when in the same Nation, a Civil War is enkindled, as when the Egyptians were set against the Egyptians, and they fought every one against his brother, and every one against his neighbour, City against City, Esa. 19.2. but especially when Gods own people, professers of the same Religion, are up in Arms (one against another) as Manasseh against Ephraim, Ephraim against Manasseh, and both against Judah, Esa. 9.21. And (as now we feel to our sorrow) in the stormy commotions of our own Kingdom, wherein Protestant is stirred up against Protestant, City against City, yea in Cities, Towns, villages and Families, many Esau's and jacobs' struggling, (as in the womb of Rebeccah) Husband and Wife, Fathers and Children, Brothers and Brothers, breaking through the strongest bonds of covenant and nature, (obliging them to love and peace) into division and dissension, and yet better so divided (I confess) then that all should hold together to drive on a design to the undoing of three Kingdoms.  
And if we look beyond the reward of wickedness, (in this world) to the judgement to come, we shall discover a danger, to such contemners of the Lords Ministers, far worse, than any that attendeth on the Trumpet or Standard? It is that which our Saviour threatneth in the tenth of Math. Whosoever shall not receive you, nor your words, when you depart out of that house or City, shake off the dust of your feet, verily (I say unto you) it shall be more tolerable for Sodom and Gomorrah, in the day of judgement, then for that City, Mat. 10. ver. 14. & 15.  
And if it be a thing so displeasing to God, so dangerous to men not to receive his servants into their houses, what is it then, to drive them out of their Countries? or shut them up in prison? to strip them of their , to put them in nasty dungeons, to deprive them of diet necessary to the support of nature? And if the dust of their feet shall be a witness against them that receive them not (for that is the meaning of that forecited command given by our Saviour, and practised by the Apostles, Act. 13.51.) what a Conviction will be against them, by the words of their mouths, by many sound and excellent Sermons, preached unto them by their exemplary lives in holy conversation set before them.  
Those who contemn the true Ministers of the Gospel in these times, will haply say, that if they were men of such extraordinary gifts, in prophesying and casting out Devils, and in miraculous and mighty operations (as those in whose behalf our Saviour gave out so severe a Commination) we might expect more respect, and have it too, otherwise not. To which the Answer may be,  
First, That the acceptation of God's Ministers, should not be made for those extraordinary Acts, wherewith themselves may be damned, Mat. 7.22. and others deceived, 2 Thess. 2.9, 10. and none saved without other helps, 1 Cor. 13.2. but for the glad tidings of the Gospel, for dispensation of the word and Sacraments, the only ordinary means of man's salvation, for their delivering Gods will unto the people in preaching, and the people's desires to God in praying; whereby they may be saved without miracles, but not by miracles without them, and for such gifts and acts, as serve more for the people's profit, than the Preachers credit; and yet this ministration of righteousness, the righteousness of faith by the Gospel is exceeding glorious, 2 Cor. 9 ver. 8, 9, 10. So that the feet of those that bring it, should be beautiful to those to whom it was brought, Rom. 10.15.  
Secondly, Though they pretend to put such difference betwixt those extraordinary messengers of old, and these of later days, as if (had they lived with them) they would not have dealt with them, as they do with these of their own time: their tongues either hypocritically be-lie their malitious hearts, or their fallacious hearts cunningly delude themselves, as theirs did, Who builded the Tombs of the Prophets, and garnished the Sepulchers of the righteous, and said, If we had been in the days of our Fathers, we would not have been partakers with them in the blood of the Prophets, Math. 23.30, 31. When in the mean time, they did fare worse: for they thirsted after the blood of Christ, the Son of God, and pursued him with implacable spite to the death, to whom all the Patriarches, Prophets and Apostles, Martyrs and Saints (how many, how worthy soever, yea and all the Angels of Heaven taken to them) were not so much as one Grasshopper, to all the Inhabitants of the world, were all of them as glorious, as Solomon in his Royalty.  
And I doubt not but if Christ himself, were now alive upon the Earth, and yet (by his passion) to make an expiation of the sins of the world, and should so make himself known to be the holy one of God, as he did at his first coming, and should be so severe in his life, as never to laugh, se impartial in reproof as to spare neither King nor Subject, Luk. 13.32. Priest nor people, friend nor foe, Math, 16.23. and so sharp in rebukes and comminations, as you may read him in the 23. of Math. from the 13. verse to the end of the Chapter: there would be found (among the men of this faithless and treacherous generation those, who are neither true to King nor Kingdom.) not one, but many a judas to betray him; many Scribes and Pharisees to pursue him with slanderous accusations, an irreligious rabbleto make a clamorous outcry against him, Crucify him, crucify him, an Heathen Pilate to pass a deadly sentence upon him, a Longius or to correct the Legend, a Lonchius (that is a Speare-man soldier) to pierce him, and many one of that pillaging profession (as it is used at this day) to spoil him of his garment and not as the Soldiers (who were his guard to Mount Calvary) to dispose of it, with a formality of Justice, as either equally to divide it, or entirely to allot it to one, by casting of lots for it, as they did, john 19.23, 24. but (with a plundering expedition) to snatch it away, and so keep it as an incommunicable prey.  
And that I am not uncharitable in this conjecture, you will easily acknowledge, if you do but observe, how the most faithful, constant and powerful Preachers, and the most sincere and conscionable Christians in all places, (where the profane and Popish Tyrants do prevail) are persecuted, and if overtaken, oppressed with all kinds and degrees of contempt and cruelty; and that for Christ's sake, even for endeavouring to do his will, and to be conformable to him in life and conversation.  
And yet these men (such as the Prophet Ezekiell showeth to have affinity or rather consanguinity with beasts, Brutish men and skilful to destroy, Cham 21. ver. 31.) take upon them the Name of Christians, and which is more, most of them pretend themselves Champions for the true Protestant Religion, when they do what they can to root it out, by ruining those, who most sincerely profess it, and (which is yet more than that, and an undoubted evidence of his egregious imposture, who so blinds the minds of men, as to make himself (though a Devil, to be taken for a God, 2 Cor. 4.4.) There are many who believe what these profess (though their practice be most contrary) and adhere unto them to the hazard of all their own temporal being, and eternal well-being, for with them they pursue the slaughter of God's dearest servants, with such a mad Malignity, as if it were a service acceptable to himself.  
Thus we see that fulfiled on our Saviour's Disciples in our days, which he foretell (of his Apostles) many hundred years ago, whosoever killeth you will think that he doth God service, Joh. 16.2.  
And they are moved to this madness (many times) by a misconceit of the soundest Christians (which we must confute & return upon themselves) as if they were the causes of the common calamities of a Kingdom or Nation: a stolen slander of Satan, cast upon the best in the precedent Ages (as 
* Arnob lib. 1. contra gent. Tertullian Apologet 640. Origen l. 3. contra Celsum. Euseb l 4. Hist. Eccles c. 12. Cyprian. l. adver. Demetrian August Retract. l. 2. c. 43. & de Civ. Dei l. 1. c. 30 & l. 4. c. 30 31  many of the Ancients testify) and easily taken up at any time against the most godly, to whom all public plagues (whether from 
† Si Tiberis ascendit ad mania si Nitus non ascendit in auna, si caelum stetit, si terra movit, &c statim Christianos ad Leoxes. Tertul. Apologet p 36. 40 Edit. 2. Nic Rigaltij Luret. 1641.  Heaven or earth or water, whether of war, famine or pestilence) were imputed, as procured by their impieties: because they did not worship Heathen Deities, and thereupon (as convicted of the guilt, and desert of all those miseries) they were presently hurried to be devoured of Lions. Of the like doting idolatry and calumny the besotted jews in jeremiahs' time were accused and by him convicted; for they ascribed their prosperity to their service of the Queen of Heaven in offering up Cakes and burning Incense unto her, and their adversity to their omission of that Idolatry, jer. 44.17, 18. When the quite contrary was true, and so much was averred by that holy Prophet to their faces, ver. 20, 21, 22, 23. of the same Chapter.  
So when Heathens have cast the calumnies of their calamities upon Christians; the learned and religious Fathers of those times, have both refuted and retorted them upon themselves, for example 
‖ Aug de Civ. Det. l 5. c. 24, 25 26.  August. (in answer to their slanders of the Christians Religion) showeth the happy condition of Christian Emperors, and 
† Romani qui v●tae integritato mala metuebant ab hostibus (perdita integritate vitae) crudeliora patiebantur à civibus. Ibid. l 1. c. 30.  That they who durst not be good for fear of war from abroad, for their being bad, suffered fare more cruelties of their own Countrymen at home, then of foreign enemies they had done.  
If then we must frame an indictment against the Troublers of our Israel, either according to the tenor of Scripture, or experience of all times, we must do it (and we may do it most justly) in the names and for the crimes of such as are adverse to the virtue and power of godliness for their speculative and practical Atheism, their robbing of God of his right in honouring of Idols and dishonouring his name, and profaning his Sabbath, and for being no less injurious to man, then sacrilegious to God, for they usurp a power (both personal and real) over whatsoever their hearts desire, and hands can compass with the angle, net or drag, Hab. 1.15. or any other instrument, which brings in more by rapine then by right; and for their intemperance in meats and drinks, their incontinence in delights (whereof some are such as in modesty we may not so much as mention) and all this committed with such high degrees of excess, as makes the kingdom of Heaven suffer violence in a forcible pulling down of divine vengeance upon the earth.  
Therefore when any epidemical danger is come upon a people, these Malefactors (whose wickedness hath drawn it down upon them) should like Achan be stoned, Iosh. 7. veo. 25. or as jonah be cast into the Sea, jon. 1.15. or as Zimri and Cozbi thrust through with a Javelin, Numb. 25.8, & 9 verses, that humane Justice, might make men capable of divine mercy, as in those cases it did.  
And on the contrary the Godly (that we may conclude this point, with their just Apology) by their interest in Christ (which gives them right to the enjoyment of all good things) 1 Cor. 3.22, 23. are the means of much happiness to any State or Kingdom, and for their sakes, do the wicked enjoy the benefit of light and heat, of fruits of the earth and riches of the Sea, plenty and peace, and all the comforts of this life; and by the sincerity and importunity of their supplications, are the plagues (God sends among men) either remitted or removed, and sometimes the greatest crosses converted into blessings.  
But when they die, it is many times like sampson's pulling down the pillars of the house with him, judg. 16.29, 30. (their prayers and acceptation of their persons with God, being as the props on which a Temporal prosperity is supported,) and they leave a Kingdom destitute of defence, for they are as Elisha said of Elijah, the Chariots of Israel and the Horsemen thereof, 2 King. 2.12. and therefore woe unto the wicked, when God takes the godly away from them: while Lot was in Sodom the City was safe, though prodigiously sinful, Gen. 19 for God was so gracious to him, as to say he could do nothing against the Sodomites, until Lot had taken sanctuary in the City of Zoar, ver. 22. but when he was departed from them, a shower of Brimstone was poured down upon them, ver. 24.  
And at the final consummation of all things, so it shall be with all the godly and wicked of the world, when the number of the elect is fully made up, and all the wheat for God's Storehouse grown full ripe, the Tares that were mingled with it, shall be bundled up for burning, after the fanning of his floor by Christ, whereby the solid grain and light chaff are severed, that shall be first gathered into his garner, and then this burned with unquenchable fire, Mat. 3.12. and when the Sheep and the Goats are separated, the one on the right hand of the judge, the other on the left, and the Sheep invited and admitted to his society, with Come ye blessed of my Father, etc. Mat. 25.34. the Goats shall be presently cast off, with, Depart ye oursed, ver. 44.  
Therefore if they were so wise, as to know their friends and Benefactors, they would endear themselves in their society, as Ruth did in Naomie's, when she said, Entreat me not to leave thee, nor to return from following after thee, for whither thou goest I will go, and where thou lodgest I will lodge, thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God, where thou diest will I die, and there will I be buried, the Lord do so unto me and more also, if ought but death part thee and me, Ruth 1.16, 17.  
But my Text saith, they are foolish and sottish children, they have none understanding: So their folly is now (in its proper place) to be considered; and from the Malignant operation of sin (procuring plagues upon a people) we may now come to the disgraceful denomination of sinners.  
Where we shall principally observe the connexion of sin and folly: for their sin is rendered as a cause of their suffering the calamities of War, but under the name and notion of ignorance, folly and sottishness, and being bound in duty and conscience both, to know God and glorify him, as God: their not knowing of him, and averseness from him, was their sin (for otherwise it would not make them worthy of God's wrath, as jerem. 11.25.) so that sin and folly be associates, for where sin is there is folly, as Abigail said of Nabal to David, Let not my Lord regard this man of belial (even Nabal) for as his name is, so is he, Nabal is his name, and folly is with him, 1 Sam. 25.25. She entitles him two ways: First by a Periphrasis, Man of belial. Secondly, by his proper name Nabal. The word belial signifieth one that is nothing worth, stark naught, yea the worst of wicked ones, even the Devil is called Belial, 1 Cor. 6.15. And for his other (which is) his proper name Nabal, it signifieth first a sapless and unprofitable thing, as a dry leaf fallen from a Tree, which hath no moisture in it, and then it is taken for an unprofitable person, and for a Fool, and a wicked man: and both in 
* Some fetch the affinity of folly and sin, from cain's dwelling place the Land of Nod. Gen. 4.16. calling a wicked man Nodite, a Cainite, that is, one of cain's condition, or one that as jude speaketh, goeth in the way of Cain, therefore a Fool, Noddy or Nodite, a fit man to be an inhabitant of that Country, where he dwelled, but we need not look so fare back for affinity betwixt folly and sin, for the word rendered foolish, in my Text, and so used and transtated, Zach 11. 1●. is the same with ●u● wont word, for a wicked man, or wicked one, to wit, the word [evil] for that word is both Hebrew and English, and it signifieth not only foolish and ignorant, but rash and froward: from the word Nabal may come the Latin Nobulo, which as the word Nabal may note a Knave and a fool; the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 folly, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sin, differ but a letter, and it is like our English word [Fool] was derived of the Greek word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] a wicked one.  Hebrew, Greek, Latin and English, there is a cognation of Names, which notes the concurrence of folly and sin in the same subject.  
So Abigail made the application forementioned: and as if they were not only inmates in the same person, but Twins of the same birth, they are both of one age, of one stature; if sin be big like a Giant, folly is not little like a dwarf, according to the degrees of the one, is the growth of the other, as we may observe by the confession of David, I have sinned greatly (saith he) in that I have done, and presently after, I have done very foolishly, 2 Sam. 24.10. great sin and great folly go together, and so a very wicked man is a very fool.  
In prosecution of this point, I look for a paradoxal prejudice, to oppose me, for there are many that strongly believe, there is more affinity betwixt folly and piety, then betwixt folly and sin. I shall therefore hold myself obliged in discretion, more clearly and fully to set forth the folly of sin, and the more firmly to assure and prove it; and that by a double light, the one of Scripture, the other of Nature, so that if a man have either of the eyes of his soul open, the eye of Faith as a Christian, or the eye of Reason as a man, he shall easily discern it.  
First for Scripture: they that read it, and mark it, cannot but observe, in the holy dialect thereof, that where folly is spoken of, or any of the denominatives of it (which are to be found above an hundred times) there for the most part a wicked man or wickedness is meant. To present you with some passages, for instance, as with a little poesy of flowers culled out of a large and fruitful garden.  
In the Book of Deut: Moses complaining first of the people, then to them, exchangeth both the person, and the phrase thus; they have corrupted themselves, their spot is not the spot of my children, they are a perverse and crooked generation, Deut. 32.5. and the next words are, Do ye thus requite the Lord O foolish people and unwise? ver. 6. a corrupt, spotted, perverse and crooked people, (which are fit Titles for a wicked people,) is a foolish and unwise people.  
So David varying his Title, but keeping to the same subject, Psal. 73. saith, I was envious at the foolish, when I saw the prosperity of the wicked, ver. 3. he might as well have said, I was envious at the wicked, when I saw the prosperity of the foolish: for he means the same men, and the same vice, by both appellations; and in his own case he passeth sentence on himself, in the like disgraceful language, Psal. 38. Mine iniquities are gone over my head, (saith he) as an heavy burden, they are too heavy for me, my wounds stink, and are corrupt, because of my foolishness, ver. 5. the same cause is contained by turns, in two terms, as the same sand of the Hourglass in two bottles, thus is finfull simplicity or foolishness simply condemned, and it is aggravated, by way of comparison, where a wicked man is set to School to, and shown to be more ignorant than an Ox or an Ass, Esa. 1.3. than a Stork, jer. 8.7. than the Pismire, Pro. 6.6.  
In the Proverbs of Solomon, the nomenclature, or phrase of the affinity betwixt sin and folly, is too samiliar, to require quotations out of them: and now (as in the midway) betwixt Religion and Reason, and in our passage, from the one to the other, we may take a testimony or two, out of the Book of Ecclesiasticus: which is a kind of Participle of Scripture Divinity, and Moral Philosophy, and so we use it, not as for a proof or assurance of Faith, for no humane Dictates, (as that is) have place on the Tribunal of infallible Truth, but only at the Bar of rational Evidence: which yet in this cometh nearer demonstrative conviction, then topical probability; the wise Author of that Book (speaking of the sinner) saith, he shall be left to his foolishness, Ecclesiasticus 23.8. and in the 16th. Chapter, he that is God (saith he) was not pacified towards the old Giants, who fell away in the strength of their foolishness, ver. 7. he might have said, in his sense, in the strength of their wickedness: (for their sins were like themselves, Giantlike, or mighty sins (as the Prophet Amos gives the Epithet, Chap. 5.12.) and their foolishness was equal to their sins, mighty or strong foolishness: and speaking of a very wise Father, and of a very foolish Son, (Solomon and Rehoboam) his words are, Solomon rested with his Fathers, and he left behind him Rehoboam, the foolishness of the people, and one that had none understanding, and turned away the people through his counsel, Ecclus. 47.23.  
Here was counsel, but none understanding, (wise counsel the while) he turned away the people from serving the Lord, the counsel that was turned to such an evil purpose, must needs be as wicked as unwise, so the people's wickedness was his wickedness, because he seduced them to it, and he not their fool, but their foolishness in abstracto, because his wickedness was very wicked.  
And that there is sound sense, and good reason (for the equivalence of these terms) sinner and fool, sin and folly, the most prudent Doctor (of that sect, which of all that are not Christian, come nearest, to the rules of Christianity) showeth where he saith, that a 
* Stultus omnia vitia babet Senec, de benefic. lib. 4. cap. 26.  Fool hath all manner of faults in him, which we may invert, and as truly say, a wicked man hath in him every folly.  
Now as in this Chapter, the people are charged first with wickedness, and then with folly, so in the Position we undertake to prove, wickedness shall have the precedence, as the subject, and foolishness shall follow it, close at the heels, as the predicate, thus, wickedness is folly, or because it may make a better impression (in concreto) a wicked man is a fool, by his indisposition either to be or to do good: which though I mention but once, must be virtually presupposed, in every proof I shall produce, and I am glad I have so many wise men to be judges of the evidence, I shall bring in for his conviction, and that shall consist of several Arguments.  
First Some taken from the causes of folly.  
Secondly, Some from the signs, marks and effects of it.  
First for the causes: folly is a defect, and therefore the causes of it are rather deficient then efficient, and they are, 
Either 


Without a man,  
Or  
Within him.      
Without him is the want of a good Instructor and good Books, which wicked men willingly and witlessely refuse to hear and to read, or if they do, it is with so little heed as brings little fruit unto themselves.  
For the first, The best Instructor for any thing that is truly good, is God: by whom they that are not taught, can never be truly wise, or learned; but they that refuse or contemn his Instruction, are many times punished in their understanding, and that justly, with very foolish and mad mistake, and sometimes given over to strong and strange illusions. And the wiser any Instructor is, the more doth the wicked man reject him, as we may read in the third of the Proverbs of Solomon, Wisdom cryeth without, she uttereth her voice in the streets, ver. 20. How long (ye simple ones) will ye love simplicity, and the scorners delight in their scorning, and fools hate knowledge? ver. 22. Wisdom herself offereth to be their Instructor, but they would none of her counsel, ver. 30. and whereas there is a spirit in men (as Elihu said to job,) and the Inspiration of the Almighty giveth them understanding, Job 32.8. the wicked are adverse to his spirit, and if it offer to enlighten them, and inflame them, they are ready (by their reluctancies) to quench the light and heat presented unto them, for that is it which the Apostle forbiddeth (and the wicked forbear not) 1 Thes. 5.19. and so in effect they say unto God, depart from us, for we desire not the knowledge of thy ways, Job 21.14. and so the Father of lights, (as he is called, james 1.17.) withholdeth the light of instruction from such, because they love darkness rather than light, Joh. 3.19. and sheddeth forth his beams of illumination upon such, as have eyes to see it, and hearts to rejoice in it.  
And therefore, there is in this respect the like difference betwixt the Godly and the wicked, as was betwixt the Israelites and Egyptians, in respect of the Cloud that God put betwixt them, which to them was a bright Cloud, but to these a Cloud of darkness, Exod. 14.20. So the Lord will enlighten his people, to see and to know, what is good for their safety: but those that list not to take him for their teacher, as the wicked do not, are left to the blindness and darkness of their own understandings, and by that being no better then brutish, (for every man is brutish by his own knowledge, jer. 10.14.) we may say of them, (as the Lord doth in my Text,) they are a foolish people, sottish children, they have none understanding.  
Secondly, for the Book, which is the treasury of sound and saving instruction, (to wit the word of God,) wherein (as 
“ Aug. confess. l. 12. c. 14.  S. Augustine said) there is a marvellous profoundness, and he trebles his words of it by way of admiration, it is that which maketh wise the simple, purifieth the heart, and enlighteneth the eyes, Psal. 19.7, 8. and makes a man wiser than his enemies, Psal. 119. ver. 98. yea wiser than his teachers, ver. 99 (if he ply that Book more diligently than they,) But the wicked hath no liking of it, takes no delight in it, and if sometimes he read or hear any part of it, he never learns it by heart, but so little remembers or respects it, as to do quite contrary to it: and they that reject the word of the Lord (and therein they reject him also) what wisdom is in them? Jer. 8.9. if they be such Rebels against the light, Job 24.13. God can and in Justice he may, make their Sun is go down at noon, Amos 8.9. and make all their ways darkness, Prov. 2.13. he can smite the Horse with astonishment, and his rider with madness, Zach. 12.1. he can make judges (that should excel in wisdom) fools, Job 12.17. Diviners mad, turn wisemen backward, and make their counsel folly, Esa. 44.25. as he did Achitophel's, 1 Sam. 15.3. he can (and he hath threatened to do it, and he hath done it,) smite the wicked with blindness, madness and astonishment of heart, Deut. 28.28.  
At lest when they reject God for their teacher, and his Book for their lesson, and like not to entertain, or retain the knowledge of God in their minds, he will give them over (and such wilful fools well deserve it) to a reprobate mind, Rom. 1.28. Because they receive not the love of the truth, this they may be saved, God sends them strong delusions, to believe a lie, that they may be damned, 2 Thes. 2.10, 11. and he may justly, (and often doth) give them up to his impostures, who of fools, will make them madmen, as he did the Scribes and Pharisees, Luk. 6.11. and who (when he hath them wholly in his power) will use them like to madmen, keeping them in dark lodgings, under chains and scourges.  
Now for the causes of the folly within themselves: they areas deficient, concerning such as would conduce to their prudent direction, as in their want of a good teacher, or of such good lessons of his Book as would make them wise, if they did not very unwisely reject or neglect them both, their defect in themselves, (which increaseth their folly) is manifold; as 
Their want 


1. Of Intelligence.  
2. Of Memory.  
3. Of method.  
4. Of Diligence.  
5. Of Consideration,     concerning those things, which are of greatest moment, to make them truly wise, and happy: for their wise wickedness, (for the Prophet saith, they are wise to do evil) we shall speak of that under the other general part of the verse, which is the exception.  
For the first, if we consider the godly and the wicked in their physical temperament (which hath an influence I confess upon the operations of the mind:) the observation of 
* Gentes septentrionales sunt plurimùm ingenio inferiores, sed rebore superiores Australibus: cujus ratio est, quod sub frigido ext membra indurentur ad quidvis telerandun, sed ab inclusum interius calerem babent sanguinem crasstorem, contra quam usa venit, australibus quippe quibus in calere illo externo sanguis & spiritus subtilior, unde & ingenio & sapientis prevalent. joh. Gerard Voss de orig. & progressu Idolat. jib. 2. cap 34. Tom. 1. p. 484.  Vossius, belongeth equally to both, which is; that the Inhabitants of the Northern Climates are more strong in body, but inferior in wit to the Inhabitants of the South; because the heat in those, is more kept in, and so the blood groweth thicker, and the spirits grosser in them, than it is in those of the Southern parts, whose spirits being more subtle, make their wits more sharp. But as in this respect, (the godly and wicked) (who live under the same elevation of the Pole) may be even: so the godly have an advantage (for understanding) above the wicked, by the help of piety and temperance, for the wicked being destitute of divine light, (as hath been said before) that which is but merely humane in them, is too dim, and weak (towards the most excellent objects) to denominate them wise, or understanding men.  
For as the Apostle saith, the natural man receiveth not, or (as the Geneva readeth the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Greek word) perceiveth not, (and that will bear both interpretations) the things of the Spirit of God: for they are foolishness unto him, neither can he know them, because they are spiritually discerned, 1 Cor. 2.14. and with the want of divine illumination, concurreth, (many times) a mist of satanical illusion, blinding the minds of the wicked, 2 Cor. 4.4. as was intimated before. And if he did not so fare benight them, (by putting his dark veil upon their intellectual eyes) their understandings would yet be and certainly are eclipsed, many times, by the excess and disorder of their unruly passions, and corrupt affections, as the light of a Candle is obscured by puffs of smoke, from the pipes that took fire from it. I will give instance in the particulars, as 
In 


1. Love.  
2. Desire.  
3. Anger.  
4. Hate.  
5. Hope.  
6. Fear.  
7. Sorrow.  
8. joy..     All which, (if they exceed moderation) as they are hindrances to the health of the body, and hastners of death, (as 
“ In my Moni●●r of Mortali●● p. 14, 15, 16, 〈◊〉.  elsewhere I have showed) so are they great impediments in the mind, to true apprehension; and so great causes of error and folly, and this most of all, in wicked men in whom they are commonly most predominant.  
As for the excess of Love, how it bemists and misleads the understanding, we may see by its working several ways, the love of beauty, is a Pearl in the eye of the mind, hindering it from discerning the difference betwixt Love and lust, and sometimes pursuing its own contentment, until it bring forth the mere contrary affection: as we find in the story of Ammon and Thamar, 2 Sam. 13.15. it makes a man (though not otherwise unwise) to be easily deceived, and (after deceit deiscovered) to be taken again and again in the same snare; as we see in Samson, the eye of whose understanding was blinded, by his fond love and delight in Dalilah, before the Philistines put out the eyes of his body: else he would never have trusted her, (as he did) after she had thrice betrayed him, judg. 16. from v. 6. to the 17. The love of gain is a pin and web in the eye of a covetous man; thence a gift is said to blind the eyes of the wise, Exod. 23.8. Through immoderate love of glory in the Pharisees of our Saviour's time, though he did such works as no man could do, and therefore his works did sufficiently testify of him, that God had sent him, as his Son, john 5.36. And spoke such words as never man spoke, john 7.46. yet they did not know him, and were so fare from acknowledging of him, and believing in him, that they held the people both ignorant and accursed, because they did both, john 7.48, 49. and the reason was, because they loved the praise of men, more than the praise of God; Joh. 12.43.  
The like deceit doth darken the Conclave of the Roman Rabbis (the Pope and Cardinals, the Pharisees of the latter times) to this very day, by shutting out all informations of truth, which comport not with their proud ambitious and pragmatical humour; hence it is that men perceive not the vileness of their own excesses, so as they do other men's, as a covetous man will cry shame of a drunkard, and he again will exclaim against the covetous: Little love or charity to their brethren and neighbours, making them quicksighted enough, for discovery of a mote in the eye of another, while self-love so blinds them towards themselves, that they cannot discern a beam in their own eyes, Mat. 7.3, 4, 5.  
Desire is an affection of near alliance unto love, for what men dear love, they eagerly desire to enjoy, and it is of as near affinity to folly and sin, if it be excessive: Such was the desire of Amnon towards Thamar, whose lusting after her, made him in his body lean from day to day, 2 Sam. 13.4. and in his mind so besotted, as not to discern that his love was lust, his lust incest: that incest was not only a great sin in itself, but would prove a great shame to them both; to him, so as to make him accounted as one of the fools of Israel, ver. 13. to her, by taking from her, the honour of her virginity, and staining her name with the ignominious note of an harlot: As the sons of jacob said of their deflowered sister Dinah, Gen. 34.31. And lastly in making him believe, he should find much content in the enjoyment of what he desired, whereas his lust was soon turned into hate, and the hate more, when he had abused her, than the love wherewith he had desired her before, v. 15.  
It was not so base a desire (I confess) which David his father had of the water of the well of Bethlem; yet it was as blind an one, through the vehemency of it (as the expression, 2 Sam. 23.15. showeth) which suffered him not to apprehend (until it was brought unto him) that it was the price of blood, because it could not be had without breaking through the Host of their enemies (the Philistines) ver. 16. nor that done without the jeopardy of their lives, that fetched it, and therefore accounting it too dear a draught for himself, he poured it out unto the Lord, 2 Sam. 23.16, 17.  
The desire of Rachel was more warrantable (for the object) then either of these; yet the degree of it, raised above all due moderation (when being a wife, but not a mother, which she longed as much to be, as any breeding woman longeth for that which her appetite most affecteth) put her upon this passionate request unto her husband, Give me children or else I die, Gen. 30.1. her desire was so vehemently set upon Mother-hood, that either she thought she should die, if her life were not saved by that painful and perilous adventure of child bearing: or that she should have no delight in life, and so be (as the Apostle speaketh of a wanton Widow) though from a contrary cause, as dead while she lived, 1 Tim. 5.6. if she continued childless; and that made her so foolish, as to conceive, that the power of Conception was in her husband's disposal: and that folly was no less than Idolatry, with a spice of blasphemy, for so much jacobs' reply (as passionate as her demand) importeth: Am I in God's stead, who hath withheld from thee the fruit of the womb? Genes. 30.2.  
There is the like opposition in quality (but greater in degree) to the light of reason, and rule of grace in the opposite affections anger and hate.  
First for anger, Solomon saith, It resteth in the bosom of fools, Eccles. 7.9. It may sometimes steal into or rush into the bosom of a wiseman; but a wiseman will not suffer it there to rest: an unwelcome guest it may be unto him for a while, but it shall not habitually reside there, as one of the household; and only where it dwells it domineers, and that is only where a fool is master of the Family; and when the habit is stirred up into act, and that raised from the bosom to the head, it distempereth the brain; and so he that is hasty of spirit exalteth folly, Prov. 14.29. and that folly (many times) is exalted tomadnesse, for (as 
“ Senec. de ira. l. 1. c. 1.  Seneca saith of it) it is the foulest, fiercest and maddest affection of all others, and the angry person shows it by his words, his looks, his actions; his words are wild, and (many times) thrust forward; so many at once, in such haste, as puts him presently to silence; as a crowd hasting to get out of an house at once, stop up the passage, so that they stick at the door; his looks are sometimes furiously red, sometimes ghastly pale; His lips trembling, his teeth grinning, his hair staring, as 
* Labra quatiuntur, dentes comprimuntur, horrent & subriguntur capilli, Sense de ira. l. 1. 1. c. 1.  Seneca maketh the description of him, mad-man-like: for 
‖ Quidam e sapientibus viris, iram dixerunt brevem insaniam. Ibid.  Wisemen (saith he) have said of Anger, that it is a short madness; and (for the time it continueth in act) the 
* Affectum maxime ex omnibus terrum & rabidum. Senec. de ira l. 1. c. 1.  foulest and maddest of all the affections: So it was in Achitophel, who enraged that his counsel was rejected, saddled his Ass, got him home, set his house in order, and hanged himself, 2 Sam. 17.23. He should first have set himself in order, altering his counsels and reforming his affections, and then he might have hanged his house with Cover of Tapestry, Prov. 7.26. and with the broidered work of Egypt, Ezek. 27.7. and if he had bridled his anger when he saddled his Ass, he would not of an oraculous Counsellor (2 Sam. 16.23.) have turned such a notorious fool or madman, as to put his house in order, and himself into such a desperate and irrecoverable confusion.  
It was as foolish an act of King Cyrus (though not so sad or tragical, as this was, but rather ridiculous) who having raised his wrath against the River 
† ●dem ibid. l. 3. cap. 21.  Gindes for drowning of a white Horse of his, exalted his folly so high, as to turn his intended War against Babylon upon that River (the greatest next unto Euphrates) whereof he threatened to take revenge by deviding it into so many streams, as to make it passable on foot, and so he set his whole Army to work, and parted the main water into 360. Channels: wherein he buried the treasure and strength of his Army, and so lost a fair opportunity of invading his enemy.  
Now as anger is called a short madness, so may hatred or malice be called a long madness; the sinful absurdity of which, we may observe in wicked King Ahab, who when he might have known the truth of Micaiah (the man of God) had no mind to hear him, because, He hated him for prophesying no good concerning him, but evil, 1 King. 22.8. for the wicked are like unto the beast (some say it is the Camel, some the Elephant) that cannot abide to drink of a clear water, lest it should show him his unseemly shape, and therefore before he drink of it, he first stirs it and troubles it with his feet: So the wicked of him that will clearly show them the evil that is in them, or imminent over them, will take none intelligence, unless they can trouble his clear stream, with flattering accommodations to humour and please; as the false Prophets did, and Micaiah was solicited to do in that Chapter at the 13. verse.  
And may we not observe the like blindness in the minds of many, even of the learned Papists, out of the hatred of Protestants? Which they show by their imposing false opinions upon them, and opposing the truth of God, delivered by them, and that out of mere malice against them, as did the Pharisees against both the doctrine and person of our Saviour?  
The first you may see (as in many Popish Writers) so especially in the book of that fiery Friar Fevardentius called 
* Theomachia Calvinistica. Printed at Paris n folio 1604.  Theomachia Calvinistica, wherein his fancy (being infatuated by his malice) makes him to feign 1400. errors, and to impute them all to the Professors of the Protestant Religion, under the name of Calvinists.  
And as they impose falsehood, so (upon the same mistaking motive) they oppose truth, as Erasmus observed in an Epistle to the Cardinal of Mentz. Those things (saith he) were condemned (in 
† Compertum est ab his damnata ut haeretica in libris Lutheri, quae in Bernardi Augustinique libris, ut orthodoxa, immò ut pia leguntur. Erasm. Epist. Alberto Cardinati moguntino, l 12. ep. 10. col. 585. edit Lond. 1642.  Luther's works) as savouring of Heresy, which were read in and received from more ancient Writers, as very sound and Orthodox Divinity. This misguiding Malignity made Genebrard (who took up his pen many times with as much passion and wrath, as any Soldier takes up his Sword) to impute to Calvin as an error, that he taught God to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, God of himself; whereas 
¶ Bellarmin. l. 2. de Christo ca 19  Bellarmine (a man of more moderation than he) understood the truth of that Tenet, and so defended an enemy against a friend, Calvin against Genebrard.  
And though 
† Maldonat. Comment in Joh. 6.  Maldonat were a Jesuit as Bellarmine was, yet his hatred of Calvin made him as adverse to the truth (for his sake) as Genebrard was: for he deserted an Exposition of Scripture, and took up another, though less warranted (by the testimony of the Ancients) because it was more cross to the Tenet of Calvin; and even to this day, we may observe many whose malignity (like that of Ahab's towards Micaiah) shutstheir eyes against the light of Information; and therefore they will not read what an Adversary writes against their conceits; for having taken in their opinions by a partial affection, they keep out the contrary by prejudicial disaffection, though it be never so true, and in rejecting truth (by what hand so ever it be offered unto them) they are both unwise and wicked.  
The like operation (to the prejudice of reason) may be observed in hope and fear, sorrow and joy; for the first, how are men befooled by their hopes in entertaining for truth many improbable and (sometimes) impossible reports: because they wish things were so, they hope they are so, as they are reported; 
‖ Quod valde volumus facile credimus.  for men easily believe and confidently hope for that they hearty desire, though there be little ground for it, as the foolish Merchant, who having a Ship abroad, took every Vessel that coasted toward the Port to be that of his lading. The excess of such hope (in spiritual matters) hath been an occasion of Shipwreck to many a soul; for it hath made them so to presume of mercy, as to put themselves more audaciously upon the desert of Justice, and in stead of working out their salvation (with fear and trembling) Phil. 2.12. to work out their damnation with a confident jollity; This hope (contrary to that well-grounded hope, Roman. 5.5.) maketh men ashamed, (as being a means to make them fools) and a sign they are so: and it will end (if thus they hold on) in shame and everlasting contempt, Dan. 12.2.  
And how foolishly doth extremity of Fear make the wicked fly (when no man pursueth him) Prov. 28.1. And what a gross and mad mistake doth a wicked fugitive make, when (through fear) hetakes the sound of a shaken leaf for a drawn Sword, Levit. 26.36. and flieth from it to save his life; he that shall judge of his head by the faintness of his heart (in such a case) cannot but think him a very fool or a madman, to conceive such danger (where there is none at all) as well as a Coward, running away to some refuge of safety.  
And what folly, and how frequent a folly is it in many, out of fear of the creature to rush upon the displeasure and indignation of the Almighty Creator (who is a consuming fire, Herald 12. and the last) when they dare not (for fear of offence and danger from man, (whose life is but a vapour, Jam. 4.14.) be really and zealously religious, lest the profane should set upon them with reproachful contumelies, whereby they expose themselves (which none but very fools would do) upon the greatest peril that can be imagined, the fearfullest doom of the holy Ghost, Revel. 21. concerning the fearful (such as are afraid to be good and to own God for their Lord) Who with the unbelieving and other offenders, shall have their parts in the lake, which burneth with fire and brimstone, v. 8. of that Chapter.  
It is said of Sorrow that it is an 
* Res est ingeniosa dolour.  ingenious thing, yet the excess of it, makes a man foolish, as it did Ahab, who (when he was denied the vineyard of Naboth the jesraelite) betook him to his bed, would look upon no man, for he turned away his face, and shut his mouth against his meat, he would eat no bread, because he could not drink the wine of that vineyard (as his own) 1 King. 21.1. There was folly and sin in his concupiscence of another man's goods, having better of his own, vers. 2. Folly and sin in his sorrow, because it was without cause, without measure, and it brought forth madness and mischief for a remedy or cure of his discontent, as you may read in the same Chapter from the seventh verse forward.  
And in the Story of Nabal it is showed, that (when Abigal had told him in what danger he had been by David's indignation upon his denial of his humble, moderate and necessary request) His heart died within him and he became as a stone, 1 Sam. 25. v. 37. which was not (it is like) through fear, for the danger was past, but through sorrow, that he had so unwisely and ungratefully returned David evil for good, to the great peril of himself and family; and when his heart was like a stone, how stupid was his head?  
But howsoever it be doubted what passion was so predominant in Naball as to put his understanding, and it may be his senses also, out of office: certain it is that excessive sorrow makes many foolishly neglectful of themselves, and irreligiously defective in their duty to God: for some when they have buried a friend, forbear the Church, because they cannot endure the sight of an Hearse, or any memorandum of his mortality, whom it is like while he lived they had entertained as an Idol, and by such sorrow (their sin and punishment both) is their carnal Idolatry scourged, and their sin punished with sin.  
I may not here omit a pertinent observation out of the Book of Wisdom (which though to us it be Apocryphal, with Papists it is Canonical, and against them it is a good proof, as now I shall produce it,) It is this, a Father afflicted with untimely mourning, when he had made an Image of his Child, soon taken away, now honoured him as a god which was then a dead man, and delivered to those that were under him ceremonies and sacrifices, Wisd. 14.15. and a few verses after, so the multitude alured with the grace of the work, took him now for a god, who (a little before) was honoured as aman, ver. 20. and this was an occasion to deceive the world, ver. 21. by drawing on Idolatry.  
Immoderate sorrow for the dead, required comfort to the living, that comfort was ministered, by a resemblance of the dead, that resemblance was made an Idol, that Idol was worshipped with ceremonies and sacrifices, and with that worship was the world deceived; here is a chain of many sins and follies, and the first link of that chain was excessive sorrow.  
Which sometimes makes a wiseman to think and speak, and do like a fool, David was the man who was much commended for his wisdom, 1 Sam. 18.5, 14, 15, 30. 2 Sam. 14.17. and he shown himself wise, in acting the part of a madman, 1 Sam. 21.13. but when Absolom was dead, his sorrow for him was so exuberant, that it drowned his discretion, and made him such an immoderate and unadvised mourner, as if joab had not recovered him out of that fit of fond lamentation, he had brought upon himself a greater evil, than any befell him from his youth until then, as you may read, 2 Sam. 18.33. and chap. 19 from the first verse, to the end of the seventh; and it was the general folly of the Israelites, (under the Egyptian bondage) that for sorrow and grief of heart, they would not hearken unto Moses, Exod. 6.9. who came unto them from God for their deliverance.  
joy (if kept within due compass) cheereth up the spirits, quickeneth the brain, and sharpeneth the wit, but (if it go beyond it) doth hurt it much, but not help it at all, for as folly is joy to him that is destitute of understanding, Prov. 15.21. so is joy a folly in him, both a means to effect it, and a mark to discern it; and in some degrees it proceedeth to madness, else the Wiseman would not have acknowledged, that he said of laughter it is mad, Ecel. 2.2. and how madly do many delights misled a man, when they bring him to be a lover of pleasures more than of God, 2 Tim. 3.4. though in his presence be the fullness of joy, and at his right hand pleasures for evermore, Ps. 16.11.  
And even of those joys which have a good relish in Religion, some of them (in their predominancy) are impediments to a right apprehension of things; for when our Saviour (after his Resurrection) appeared to his Disciples, and offered them the assurance of many of their senses, for they saw him, heard him, and he said unto them, behold my hands and my feet, that it is I myself, handle me and see, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see me have Luk. 24, ver. 39, 40. yet they believed not for joy, but wondered, ver. 41.  
And in the twelfth of the Acts of the Apostles, we read that when Peter (upon his miraculous deliverance out of prison) came to the house of Mary (the mother of john whose surname was Mark,) ver. 12. and knocked at the door, a Damsel coming to it, and having heard his voice, went hastily back, and told them within who it was that was without, they said she was mad, ver. 15. but sure she was (at the least) somewhat foolish, and her excessive joy was the cause of her folly, for she opened not the door for joy, ver. 14. whereas if her mind had been prudently composed, she should rather have made them within to stay a little for the joy they expected not, then have kept Peter without from the entrance he knocked and looked for.  
And surely we find in the experience of our own times, that those who addict themselves so much to delights, as to have their carnal sports and pastimes, (on the Sabbath day) are the most ignorant hearers of Sermons, to whom (before many others) that of the Apostle may be applied: when for the time they ought to have been teachers, they have need again to be taught which be the first principles of the Oracles of God, Heb. 5.12.  
And for men of more eminent parts, we may observe in some of them, how their misplaced joys and delights have corrupted their judgements, as Augustine was so taken up with contentment in the Oratory 
* Aug. Confess. lib. 5. cap. 13.  of Ambrose and of Faustus the Manichean-heretick, that he contemned the Scripture, as neither eloquent, nor learned enough for the elevation of his wit, yet 
¶ Idem Confess. lib. 7. cap. 21.  afterwards, when he was both a better and a wiser man, he saw his own shallowness, and admired the 
“ Idem lib. 12. cap. 14.  profundity of God's holy Oracles, and held the style of them very venerable, and betook him to the reading and studying of the word of God, with a very vehement and ardent devotion.  
And a 
‖ Mr R. Bolton.  late Divine of our own Church, well known to myself by familiar acquaintance, and very well accepted of in the world for his worthy Works; was before his calling (though otherwise both witty and learned) so vain a 
* Mr. E. B. in his relation of of his life, p. 12.  voluptuary, (much delighted with Stageplays, Cards and Dice, and thereby so unable to judge of true, sound and solid Divinity) that he took M. Perkins but for a 
¶ Ibid p. 13.  barren empty fellow, and a passing mean Scholar, whose excellent Learning, the best Divines (both at home and abroad) have highly approved of, and he himself, when he had taken double degrees (both of Grace and knowledge) afterward acknowledged his error, and professed 
* Ibid. p. 14.  he thought him as learned and godly a Divine as our Church for many years hath enjoyed of so 
¶ He was but little above 40. years old whom he died.  young a Man.  
I will add to these observations of the excess of passions and affections, and their impeachment of the apprehension of man, the saying of Basil in his tract of reading profane Authors, which is that a man cannot come to the knowledge of himself (and he is an ignorant or proud fool that knows not himself) if his mind be not purged from excess of passions; and the sentence of the Areopagite Judges, who judged inordinate passions, to be such enemies of true judgement, that they would suffer no pleaders before them, to make any Exordiums of insinuation into their affections, lest that should erroneously misled them to an unrighteous decree.  
Thus you see when passions are rampant, true Judgement is couchant, when they are raised to their Zenith above, judgement is put down to the nadir be low. If to this distemper of mind there be joined the intemperance of the palate, and excess of diet, there will be place for the vulgar proverb, Loaden bellies make but leaden wits, for thereby the brain is floated with too much moisture, and overclouded with abundance of muddy vapours and exhalations ascending from the stomach to the head, and the blood engrossed and thickened, whereby the spirits that are engendered of it, are not so spiritual and active as those that proceed from purer blood, the proper effect of temperate diet.  
Both these excesses, viz. of the passions of the mind and pampering of the body are the sins of wicked men, and so make up a part of the conviction of their foolishness: for as the Wiseman saith, their own wickedness hath blinded them, Wisdom. 2.21.  
Thus much of the impediments to true intelligence and right understanding: whereof I have said the more, because I conceive, the manifold aggrievances, under which many mourn, and many bleed, and many are dead, and all that remain alive, do suffer, and are running on towards an universal ruin; may be referred (as to one chief cause) to the usurping power of passion over reason; for when the wisest counsel of the Kingdom (so much the wiser as it is less subject to passions; and in the 
* This wise body politic can have no passions. Lord Digby in his Speech in Parliament, April. 21. 1641. in the Book of Speeches, p. 220.  Lord Digbys judgement it seems to be a privilege of Parliament, to be freed from them) is called, and come together with mature deliberation, and judicious advice, to give redress for what is amiss; what is it but passion, which will renounce such a judicatory? and expect a juster award from the Sword, then from the sentence of such an Assembly?  
And may we not observe, in this obstinate reluctancy to the prudence of the Parliament, a muster of passions? sure there is too much love towards some, too much self-love in many, else they would not have the public peace given up in sacrifice to their particular interests, there is too much desire in divers, for somewhat (which their covetousness or ambition aimeth at) though they cannot obtain or retain it in a peaceable state; there is (I doubt not) a height of wrath and hate in many, which will not be assuaged (without wrong;) there is a guilt and fear in offenders, which cannot endure a diligent inquiry into their crimes, much less the due punishment which (for them) they do deserve.  
And there are that have hope the shaking of the Kingdom by Warlike commotions, will make somewhat lose, which may fall to their lot, to mend their estate, though their manners be much worse than ever they were: and how jocund are such as never had much of their own, or have prodigally spent it, when they come to rifle the rich, and to commit so great robberies at once, as divided into many parcels of pilfery, would serve to furnish all the Goals with thiefs, and to garnish all the Gallows in the Kingdom, with pendents of exemplary Justice.  
These passionate excesses (like wild Horses) having broke the reins of regular government, run riot with all manner of rudeness and outrage, and so by refractory oppositions to reason and religion, so violent, so general, the greatest part of Great Britain is at this day become a great Bedlam of madmen, by acting such bloody Tragedies upon each other, as the Popish party (throughout the Antichristian world) will entertain as sportful Comedies; so Calvin conceived of the contentions of Protestants in his time, though they did not proceed to bloodshed or blows, 
* Deus bone quales & quam jucundos Iudes praebemus papistis, quasi illis locaverimus operam nostram. Calvin. Epist. Melanct. p. 52.  good God (saith he) what delight and sport do we make the Papists? (viz. by our dissensions) we could not gratify them more if they had hired us to do them some acceptable service.  
To cast up the particulars into a Totall (under the Title to which they belong, lest any forgetting my grounds, should suppose I have digressed) the sum of what hath been said, and particularly proved is this: Whatsoever is an hindrance to Intelligence, or true understanding (especially in good things) is a cause of error and folly.  
But such is the excess of passions and affections as of Love, etc.  
Therefore the excess of passions and affections is a cause of error and folly, and to make the argument personal as well as real we may thence deduce thus much,  
Whosoever is swayed by the excess or predominance of passions and affections, is most subject to error and folly.  
But so is a wicked person;  
Therefore is he most erroneous and foolish.  
I should in order now proceed with, and prosecute the other causes of the conjunction of wickedness and folly, but since they are many (and I have held you long already) I will reserve the rest for such an opportunity of time and place, as shall be allotted unto me by the alwise providence and disposal of Almighty God, to whom be glory, honour and praise for evermore.  
FINIS.