TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS ADAM'S Lord Major of the Metropolis of England, the renowned City of LONDON.  
Right Honourable,  
THe concurrent desires of people of all sorts, (except of such as raise their own particular interests out of the common ruins) for recovery of our peace, and the pant of many lying under the power of the oppressor for deliverance from war, have of late by the good hand of God upon our public counsels and forces, thriven up to hopes, and those hopes to presages, that it will be an Honourable note upon your Name in time to come, to have had the good hap within your view (before you give up to another the Ensigns of your Honour) which is the general vote of all the true hearted Patriots of three Kingdoms, that is a well compounded, and compacted happiness, made up of three of the most desirable blessings of humane society, which are consistent with the condition of mortality; and they are these,  
1. A sincere and through reformation of Religion, in Doctrine and worship of God.  
2. A Discipline and Government established according to God's word, and the example of the best reformed Churches: whereby, with the assistance of Divine grace, we may be better (than heretofore) secured from relapses into irreligion, heresy, schism, and profaneness, which have been the great crimes and curses of the last precedent, and present times, though (through the cunning workings of Satan) the evils now in course (with some degrees of improvement from bad to worse) are taken by some to be the remedies against foregoing corruptions.  
3. A third thing (which in order of dignity is the last, though in most men's affections it be the first) is, that according to the prescript prayer of the Apostle, we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, 1 Tim. ●. 1. he addeth in all godliness and honesty; but both these have been virtually premised in the two precedent particulars. This will be of so much the sweeter taste to all, as either by actual suffering, or by affectionate sympathy they have taken the deeper draught of the bitter cup of furious hostility.  
That none of this hopeful expectation may fail of effect, it will be requisite that every one (for his part and to his power) endeavour to make it good by all the good means, and helps, which conduce to the comfort and safety not of a few, but of the whole Common weal, in each of the Nations now so much shaken, and in danger also to be broken in pieces.  
1. By making an holy Covenant with God, and by being steadfast in the Covenant when we have made it; so we may engage his favour, and power to our party, to be not only a friend, and Patron to us, but an enemy to our enemies, and an adversary to our adversaries, Exod. 23.22.  
2. By being at union among ourselves, and studying as much to uphold it, as the seditious Shebaes' on the other side plot the setting of discord betwixt the dearest brethren; and if it be not to be looked for, that all, who are equally concerned in the same Cause, should unanimously consent in that course which may carry it on to desired success; yet there may be a fivefold union among us, which may give strength unto, and maintain the reputation of the great Design it hand, viz. a through reformation both in Church and State.  
The first union is of the two Sister Nations, according to our solemn League and Covenant, which must be preferred before all either factions, or questuo●s interests of any particular party whatsoever.  
For as no two Nations under heaven have more and stronger bonds of union, than we of England, and our Brethren of Scotland, being bounded, and surrounded by the Sea, as one entire Island, united under one King, under one Title in the King's Royal style [the King of Great BRITAIN] united yet more in Language, and Religion and most of all in our late Covenant for a general Reformation of Church and State, and mutual association and assistance against all malignant combinations; So nothing is more enviously observed by our common enemies than these many obligations of union betwixt us, nothing more cunningly contrived, or more seriously pursued by them, (and I wish some among ourselves had neither hearts, nor heads, nor hands in the plot) then to disjoin us, and to make us, not only perfidiously to fall off from performance of our common Covenant, but with the same hands which we have lifted up to the most High God, to fall one upon another, as the confounded and accursed Midianites, judg. 7. 2●. and when by such wickedness we are brought to a weakness, which may be easily subdued (but God forbidden, we should be both so bad, and mad as to act a Tragedy upon ourselves, to set forth a Comedy for such malicious spectators, as would make their greatest mirth of our most grievous misery) we must expect the execution of the bloody and destructive design, resolved on in Ireland: which a knowing Intelligencer hath reported of the rebels there in these words: 
* The Irish Remonstrance. p. 31.  This Kingdom, viz. Ireland, settled and peopled only with sound Catholics, thirty thousand men must be sent into England to join with th●●rench and Spanish forces; and the service in England perfor●●, than they will jointly fall upon Scotland for the reducing of that Kingdom to the obedience of the Pope, which being finished they have engaged themselves for the King of Spain, for assisting him against the Hollanders. Wherein, though they reckon without the Lord of Hosts, who only commands both Peace and War at his pleasure, and swayeth the success to which side he will, yet this discovers their design of unpartial perdition of the Protestant party; and the discovery thereof should be a motive of more confirmed union among ourselves.  
The second Union is that of the Parliament and City; whereof we have had such happy experience, ever since the unhappy hostility betwixt the flatterers of the King, and friends of the Kingdom, that we are bound to bless God for it, and to pray for the continuance of it, both for our own time, and for the ages to come.  
The third is the Union of the Parliament and Assembly of Divines; whose recipr●call, and proportionable respects, (which I mean not in an Arithmetical, but in a Geometrical Proportion) give much countenance and authority to what is propounded to the people in their names; for so the command of the one will be more awful, the advice, direction, and resolution of the other more useful, throughout the whole Kingdom.  
A fourth Union is betwixt the Assembly of Divines and the City Ministers; who may the more easily accord and agree together, because many of them be but the same men under several relations; and most of them are swayed by the same principles of truth and piety, and involved in a society and participation of the same duties, hopes, and hazards.  
The fifth Union is betwixt the City Magistracy and the City Ministry, to which both ingenuous, and religious correspondence doth dispose them; for no where in the Protestant Churches (so fare as I have read or received by report) are good Ministers better accepted of, or more respectively used, then in this City, nor by any Citizens more than by those who are most worthy of honour; and is cannot but be the desire, as well as the duty, of godly Ministers, to advance them as much as may be in the estimation of the people; and to press upon them obedience according to their duty, and dependence, for conscience sake.  
And though it be obvious to common observation, how much the Magistrates favour maketh for the Minister's honour, and succour, it is not unknown, nor unobserved by the wise, that the Ministers have been very serviceable to the Civil State, and to the Military too, not only by their supplications to God, for good success to all their public undertake, and their happy proceed in all their warlike marches, and motions, as at the removal of the Ark. Numb. 10.35. Rise up Lord, and let thine enemies be scattered, let them that hate thee flee before thee; but by their informations, and solicitations of the people, to engage both their estates, and persons, in the Cause of God, and their Country: and I could name such at have b●●● looked on by the blood sh●tten ●yes of professed enemies, and feigned by them (by way of most hateful repr●ach) at the Authors of the Rebellion of whole Counties, that is, (in the true sense of their charge) the persuaders of them, not to betake themselves to a divided party, but to unite in the union of the King and Parliament.  
And I am sure that some of them who have been envied, and reviled in Print (by libellous Schismatics) as growing rich upon the revenues of fat sequestrations, (when by a just account they have come short of a competent subsistence) have been offered both riches and honour in the King's name, by persons of eminent degree, to employ their parts in his Majesty's service (the terms were no worse, the intention likely not so good) and have modestly, and yet resolutely refused them, than when it seemed both most profitable, and honourable to accept them, and not a little dangerous to withstand rewards, when there was power to call for observance by minatory commands.  
And it was then an advantage visible enough, which the King had above the Parliament (as the Pope hath above a Council) that the disposal of Church dignities was held in right, and exercised in fact, as a branch of the Royal Prerogative; whence arose the Proverb which made so many Ecclesiastical Courtiers, No fishing to the Sea, No service to the King; and by the power and Court Countenance that such had over the inferior Ministers, both they by the Prelatical Clergy, and the people by them were made more obsequious and serviceable to whatsoever constitutions, and impositions, which came upon them, whether from the Civil or Ecclesiastical Authority. And though we have cause to multiply our benedictions, as David did, 1 Sam. 25. ●2, 33. Blessed be God, and blessed be the Parliament, and blessed be their advice, not only to themselves, but to all the Kingdom, that the heavy yoke of the domineering Hierarchy is taken off our necks, yet betwixt the Magistrates and the people, the godly Ministers of the Kingdom (and ordinarily the Ministers of this City especially (for the Synod of Divines is an extraordinary Assembly) will be always as least instrumentally profitable for the promoting, and upholding of a conformity and commodious correspondence on both sides, according to the Relations, wherein for the glory of God, and the public welfare they are mutually obliged to each other.  
In proposal of these particulars to your Lordship, I shall not be thought to present you with an impertinent discourse, by any thus will consider bow much the union of three Kingdoms depends upon the union of this Metropolis, or mother City with the Parliament above it, the Ministry within it, and all the sister Cities, and daughter Towns and Villages round about it; and how much the union of this City now depends upon your Honour, and I doubt not but that by God's special providence your Honour was reserved for such a time as this, when by a prudent, and zealous, and authoritative endeavour for the cure of the manifold distractions among us, you may be a blessed means to keep off the destruction from us, which is threatened by our Saviour to a Kingdom, (and there is the like danger to any either City or family) given over to division, Matth. 12.25. wherein your Lordship and your Venerable Colleagues may have the deepest share in suffering, according to the measure of your eminent prelations in honour, and estate, above ordinary Citizens, if (which God forbidden) violent and unruly spirits should not be circumscribed with the virge of your awful authority.  
To this end though the Presbyterian Government may be very subservient, and the Ministers of the City will be always ready, (as their faculties furnish them with ability, and their duties oblige them with diligence) to serve your Honour, yet since that is set up but in part, and for a good part subject to dispute, (as your power is not, for it is wholly complete, and no way questionable) the through reformation of this spacious and populous City, next under God, and the Parliament, will more depend upon your head for counsel, your heart for affection, and your hand for execution, then on any humane help or means, whatsoever it be.  
And if in regard of newly emergent mischiefs, (for Satan infus●th into his Agents new fancies, and devices, and stirreth them up to dangerous Innovations every day) you find not ready remedies for all present, or imminent evils, within the bounds of your municipal Charters, you are so near the wellhead, and spring of Civil Government (the Legislative Senate at Westminster) that you may easily, and speedily procure a supplement of power, for any service that may conduce to the safety of the Parliament, and City, and (with both) by consequential operation, and virtual influence, of many millions of subjects within the three Kingdoms, united in the most Sacred bond of our solemn Covenant; which may with more ingenuity be desired, and with more facility be obtained, because thereby the Parliament itself may be the better secured, both from contempt, and tumult, which may justly be feared from such an insolent, and violent generation of fanaticke, and some frantic Enthusiasts, and other fiery spirited Separatists, who account it the height of their Evangelicall zeal, to bring down the highest and most eminent Worthies of the State for true piety, prudence, dignity, and power, under the feet of confused Anarchy, and popularity.  
Wherein that they mean to make no reserves of reverence for the supreme Senate of the Kingdom, nor to allow any protection by privileges of Parliament, is clearly discovered in that most seditious Pamphlet (besides many others) called England's Birthright. For notwithstanding the present, pressing, and imperious necessities of the Commonweal, requiring the raising of supplies in extraordinary ways for its own support, and preservation from perpetual ruin, and notwithstanding the exemplary justice of the Parliament, upon their own members of both Houses, (to which may be added to their glory, and the Kingdom's comfort, their most just and impartial provision against oppression of the people, either by themselves, or their substituted Committees) the Libellous (and in respect of some passages of his Book, I may say blasphemous) Author, taking no notice of any thing that may be justly pleaded for the proceed of Parliament, labours to represent them to the people as a combination of most grievous, and ●ngratefull oppressors.  
I will set down his own words, but so as the Scripture doth the blasphemies of Satan, or Rabshakeh, and other such like 
* The word cometh of Saraph, which signifieth to burn, and of that is derived the noun Saraph, (with the only difference of a long vowel for a short) which is used for a fiery serpent, Isa. 14.29.  Seraphical slanderers, that they may be as odious, as their disposition is dangerous to all good men, if they had as much power in their hands, as there is gall in their hearts, their tongues, and pens; the Title of this out-lashing Libel is set down in these words.  

* For an Antidote against such calumnies see M. Prinnes Book entitled The Liar confounded.  England's birthright justified against all arbitrary usurpation, whether Regal or Parliamentary, or under what vizor so ever. With divers Queries, Observances, and Grievances of the people, declaring this Parliaments proceed to be directly contrary to those fundamental Principles, whereby their Actions at fast were justifiable against the King, in their present Illegal deal with those that have been their best Friends, Advancers, and Preservers: And in other things of high concernment, to the Freedom of all the Freeborn people of England.  
What ever the man is, the B●●ke is no hypocrite, for it i● th●s●●● within, which it seemeth without. For page the 33. he putteth this Qu●re (and his Queres are implicit resolutions on the wrong side.) Whether is it not agreeable to law, justice, equity, and conscience, that there should be a Parliament once every year, and more often if need require? whereby he meaneth that this Parliament hath sat too long already, for a little after he chargeth them, that many of the Members have betrayed their trust, and those that remain engross Law-making, and also Law-executing into their own hands, contrary both to reason and to the true intent and meaning of the Law; and within a few lines, he goeth on thus: By which manifest abusing, negligent, and not true using the Laws, oppressions, mischiefs, and grievances are no less (if not fare more) increased than they were before the Parliament began; and many times by the powerful Interest of a faction in the Parliament, to save some one, two, or three of their Members undeserving credits, they so violate the known, unrepealed, and declared Law of the Land, yea and their own Votes, Ordinances, Declarations, and Protestations, as if they had never made them; I say all these things considered, ought not the Freemen of England, who have laboured in these destroying times, both to preserve the Parliament, and their own Native freedoms, and birthrights, not only to choose new Members, where they are wanting, once every year, but also to renew and inquire once a year, after the behaviour, and carriage of those they have chosen.  
And having page 44. aggravated the condition of the times by taxes and impositions, instancing in the Trade of Ha●makers, he concludes with this enclamation (which may serve for an incentive to seditions tumult) O ●ruell, pitiful, and intolerable bondage, no longer to be endured, suffered, or undergone, the burden being heavier than the poor labourers can bear!  
And that we may know of how lawless a Sect himself in, and those whom ●e pleads for, he pr●fesseth himself a litter enemy to Lawyers, first 〈◊〉 the writer of a lose sheet of paper, under the Title of Advertisements for the new election of Burgesses for the House of Commons (by the name of a worthy Author) as a Caveat against filling up elections with such kind of men, making the knowledge of the Law of noose for making of a Statesman, since it is, saith he, a confined and Topical kind of learning, calculated only for the Meridian of Westminster Hall, and reaching no furthen then to Dover; for transplant a common Lawyer to Calais, and his head is no more useful there, than a Sundial in a grave. Whereas it is notorious to the world that sundry 
* As the L. Ver. M. I. Seld. Will. Pr. (and some others) whose excellently learned labo● praise them i● the gates.  professed Legists have been qualified with other learning, and that both with great variety, and in an eminent degree, above other men.  
Having impeached their heads, he cometh down to their hearts, and hands, and taxeth these for ill conscience, as the other for ignorance. Lawyers (saith he) being a bold, and talkative kind of men, will intrude themselves into the Chairs of all Committees, where (being accustomed to take fees) they will underhand protect Delinquents, and their concealed estates with tricks and devises. He knoweth sure very little of the manner of Committees; for no man can thrust himself into such an employment, but is thrust into it by the major part of the Committee; but there needs none Apology, where the antilogy is none other than a most rash and unreasonable calumny; and my present purpose is but to note how headstrong and unruly, how refractory to Government, and Law, the Sectaries are already; to what an height of insolence would they grow, if (which they press for) they should be permitted a toleration by public Authority? It may be some among them in time would take upon them as the proud and rude Rebel Wat Tyler, in Richard the Seconds time, who presumed, among other most lewd and impudent demands, to 
* S. Daniel continuation of the History ad Rich. K 2. p. 5.  propound this for one, That all Law might be abolished, affirming with an execrable oath, before Night all the Law of England should pass through this straight, (clapping his hand upon his mouth.)  
But I must take my hand from this Table, lest I trespass against the public Interest, in detaining your Honour too long in beholding this Sciographie or shadow-draught of pernicious Sectaries, sixce it is a time rather of action, then of speculation; and yet if your Honour have any spare hours for further information in the various, and dangerous turn, and wind of the spirits of Error, (whom Satan in these last and worst times hath sent out, not by couples, as our Saviour sent out his Disciples, Mar. 6.7. but almost by Legions, to seduce simple souls, to trouble our public peace, and to reproach and retard the reformation desired) I should make bold to offer to your view an 
* M. Robert Bailiff his Dissuasive from the errors of the time; wherein the Tenets of the principal Sect of the Independ: are drawn together in one Map: Printed for Sam. Gellibrand at the Brazen Serpent in Paul's Churchyard.  exact delineation, or description of the whole body of Schismatical, and Heretical novelty, drawn by a very skilful and faithful hand, and newly published to undeceive the English, especially the people of the City, of whom many are miserably misled, and more will be, if both Magistrates and Ministers do not watchfully overlook them, and seriously sot themselves to prevent their increase: Wherein your Lordship's prudence, and power, (beginning betime, and continuing your care in a proportionable tenor, until your Office expire, (which is the expectation of all that know the solidity of your judgement, and stability of your spirit) may prevail very much, though it be but for an year; for how great matters in how short a time have been attempted and accomplished by that worthy General Sr. Thomas Fairfax, undertaking, and prosecuting the war (with a courageous and constant resolution) not as a Trade to enrich himself, but as a Remedy to deliver his Country, from partly present, and partly imminent miseries?  
And for that purpose your Lordship's Sword in the City may be of very great use, as his in the field; and that with both the Sword of the Lord may be associated, as with the Sword of Gideon, judg. 7.18. and his power may still support your state, protect your person, and promote your proceed to most happy success, is the hearty desire, and shall be the daily prayer of  
Your Honour's most humble servant, JOHN LEY.   

An Advertisement to the Reader to prevent mistaking in the variety of Petitions.  
IN the Postscript of the late Answer to Mr. Burton from Aldermanburic, entitled The door of truth opened, there is an Apologetical Reply to his tart reproof of a London Petition in these words: There is one thing that Mr. Burton mentioneth in the 
* Pag. 2. ante med.  Narrative, which though it concerns not Aldermanburic, yet we must not wholly bury it in silence, and that is concerning the late large Petition for the speedy establishment of Religion: Of which he speaks very dishonourably, as also of the Petitioners, as of men led with blind obedience, and pinning their souls upon the Priest's sleeve. We leave it to the Petitioners to answer for themselves. For our parts we conceive that no Reader, unless blinded with prejudice, can charge them with blind obedience. For the Petitioners do not desire to have the Model of that Reverend Assembly established, but the government of Christ established, a Model whereof, etc. These words, a Model whereof, etc. come in with a Parenthesis, and the sentence is complete without them, all that they affirm about the Model is that the Reverend Assembly hath framed a Model of the Government of Christ according to their ability, and presented it to the Parliament. And who but he that hath pinned his faith upon an Independents sleeve, can except against this? But if Mr. Burton be displeased with the Model of the Reverend Assembly, we would entreat him that he at last, after so long expectation, would set forth his Model.  
Which some have mistaken, conceiving both parties speak of the late Petition sent from the Common Council of London, whereas there be these differences betwixt them.  
1. That Petition is of a different style, tenor, and date from this of the Common Council, for it was brought forth to light before this later was conceived.  
2. That hath the Parenthesis (a Model whereof the Assembly of Divines, etc.) specified in the Exception and Answer; the Petition of the Common Council hath no such clause in it, as I am informed, for yet I have not seen it.  
3. That was never presented by the Petitioners to the Parliament, this of the Common Council was.  
4. The Petition of the Common Council was not printed, that was priuted, both in a single sheet, and in the Book called Truth it's Manifest, p. 130. Which I note in this place, because having denied that the Petition of the Common Council was yet printed, a Gentleman of quality said, he would show it me presently, and produced for proof the Book forementioned.  
5. Lastly, the former Petition had not so good acceptance with the Parliament, as the later partly hath had, and partly may be further hoped for, when the Honourable Houses have opportunity to make their return unto it.   

The Contents.  

Section I. OF the Author and Title page of the Quere, and Deter mination upon it. Page 1.  
Sect. II. Of the Title page. p. 3.  
Sect. III. The matter and scope of the Quere, and resolution upon it. p. 7.  
Sect. FOUR Reasons against the present settling of government taken from conscience, answered. p. 12.  
Sect. V. The Argument against the speedy settling of Church government taken from example of the New Testament in general, answered. p. 14.  
Sect. VI. The Argument against the speedy establishment of Church government taken from Christ's description, answered. p. 17.  
Sect. VII. Master Colemans' experimental exceptions against the severity and rigour of the Presbyterial government, answered. p. 20.  
Sect. VIII. The Argument against the speedy setting up of the Presbyterial government taken from Christ's practice, answered. p. 23.  
Sect. IX. Reasons taken from rules and considerations of prudence, answered. p. 26.  
Sect. X. The Negative Argument taken from want of experience of the New Clergy, answered. p. 32.  
Sect. XI. Objections against the Reasons for the not establishing Church government, propesed, and answered, as Objections against M. Saltm. his Tenet in the Quere, with Replies to his answers. The first Observation, his Answer and the Reply unto it. p. 36.  
Sect. XII. Objection second, answered; with a Reply to that Answer. p. 38.  
Sect. XIII. An additional Answer to some exceptions of M. Saltm. (taken out of M. Prins Vindication) against the present establishment of Church government, in his late Book entitled, The opening of M. Prins New Book called a Vindication. p. 45.  
Sect. XIIII. The Objections taken from a supposed needlessness of the Presbytery, answered. p. 47  
Sect. XV. Of M. Colemans' Interi●ist is all Magistracle. p. 51.  
Sect. XVI. The Objection of eager contestation for Church Discipline, and 〈…〉 p. 53.  
Sect. XVII. The Objection of inefficacy for holiness of life in such as live under the Presbytery, answered. p. 57  
Sect. XVIII. Showing what might be retorted upon the Antipresbyteriall party, but concluding for unity and peace with allegation of M. Burroughs his propositions of reconciliation and accord: and some other particulars tending thereto. p. 61.  
Sect. XIX. Further grounds and hopes of union in the Churches of the Sister Kingdoms of England and Scotland, with Answers to the Objections that are made against it. p. 64.  
Sect. XX. An Appendix to the precedent Examination, being an Apologetical Narrative of the Petitions of the Common Council of the City, and Ministers of London, presented to both the Honourable Houses of Parliament the 19 and 20. days of November, 1645. with a Vindication of them, and the proceed in them from the scandalous aspersions of the weekly Pamphleteers, especially of him who miscalls himself the Moderate Intelligencer. p. 71.  
Sect. XXI. The occasion of the Petitions of the Common Council and Ministers of London, and the presenting of them to the Honourable Houses of Parliament. p. 77.  
Sect. XXII. The offensive acceptance of them by the Parliament as the weekly Newes-makers falsely report it: Cautions premised before their confutation. p. 79.  
Sect. XXIII. A Copy of the Ministers Petition, and the Intelligencers scandalous censure upon it. p. 84.  
Sect. XXIIII. Britanicus taxed for traducing the Petitioners. p. 89.  
Sect. XXV. An answer to the Intelligencers commination of the Petitioners. p. 92.  
Sect. XXVI. The misreport of the Diurnal and Weekly Account confuted, and the lose sheet called Perfect Passages convinced of absurdity and sedition. p. 93.  
The Conclusion. p. 97.  
The Postscript, or after reckoning with the Moderate Intelligencer, and Mercurius Britanicus. p. 99    

Errata.  
PAge 70. lin. 10. after the word taken in the Parenthesis read the words and indeed it is, and blot them out in the following line: pag. 84. lin. 2. after the word trial, for of read to: & lin. 3 after the word plainly for to read as: & p. 97. lin. 20. after the word lives read long: & lin. 21. for it was a read upon this: & p. vit. Marg. after the word called put out Lilbi●ues.   

AN EXAMINATION AND RESOLUTION OF the New Quere.  

SECT. I. Of the Author, and Title page of the Quere; and Determination, upon it.  
OF the Author I have not much to say, save that when he was sent for examination to the Committee of Divines, I found him well qualified for parts, and gifts, to be employed in the Ministry; and as he was entertained by us with beseeming civility and courtesy, so did he carry himself towards us with an ingenuous modesty; and we met, and parted with mutual acceptation: After that, he was pleased to own me as his Friend, and to honour me as his Censor, with a request to peruse some papers of his which he intended to publish; yet to this day I never saw them, unless they were graduates from his pen to the press; and so I might read them, and not know them to be the same: whether he changed his mind concerning his own pains, or my perusal, or wanted a convenient opportunity to bring, or send them unto me, I cannot resolve, nor will I conjecture; but I will take his invitation of me to play the Critic with him, for some more authority to examine his divulged dictates, than others have, who have none other interest in them then that of an ordinary Reader.  
Upon this intercourse betwixt us, having heard adverse opinions, and reports of his impression, in the present difference of discipline, I thought I had acquaintance enough with him, to put a Question to him, Whether he were an Independent or no? (a Title by some of our dissenting brethren 
a That proud and insolent title of Independency was affixed unto us, as our claim, the very sound of which conveighes to all men's apprehensions the challenge of an exemption from all subjection and dependence; or rather a Trumpet of defiance against whatsoever power, spiritual or civil; which we do abhor and detest. Apolog. Narrat. p. 21.  abhorred, by others 
b Mr. Whites Book which he calls Truth gloriously appearing, etc. in the Title page and fol. 2. pag. 1. of the Epistle Dedicatory, and fol. 2. p. 1. of the Epistle to the Reader.  owned, and honoured) he told me, he was not, but that he had a latitude of charity for them of that way; and so have I also.  
Since this answer, I had some glimpse of more inclination in him to that side, than he acknowledged before, by his Dawnings of light, which have lately shone forth to a full discovery of his mind, in his book which he calleth The opening of Master Prins Vindication; wherein he hath laid himself so open to the view of them that read it, that none of them can doubt but he is an Independent at least, and at best not well affected to the Discipline so much desired, (as in the first page of his New Quere he hath phrased it) for in his Epistle Dedicatory, to the worthily much honoured Major General Skippon, he makes the Controversy of these times to be but this, that some would walk more close with Christ, some can be content like Peter to walk at more distance, and to follow him afar off, and to stand warming themselves with the multitude in the Common-hall; and let the world judge betwixt us, which is of best report. Who he means by such as walk close with Christ, and who by those that walk at more distance, we may gather by his answer to the Vindication, 
c Pag. 24. Of the opening.  where he saith, That our Parishes are not constituted, nor yet the government, according to the Gospel's order; which he refers, for their original, (by way of reproach) to Dionysius Bishop of Rome, Anno 276. and in England to Honorius Bishop of Canterbury, while he endeavours to prove the particular 
d a. p. 33. ad pag. 37.  gatherings, and separations of congregational meetings to be a fruit of the spiritual antipathy betwixt grace & nature, flesh & spirit, and that their pure and unmixed communion is the ordinance of Christ; of which (after he hath laid a charge upon the Presbyterial Churches) he saith, As I know not any such things among them, so I will make none Apology for them, because that would bring them within the compass of some thing like a crime, and I know nothing but well by them: By which comparative censure he bewrayeth himself to be partial to one side, and prejudicial to the other; and to that I profess myself a Servant, whereto he showeth himself to be no friend; yet in defence thereof, I will not entertain him as an enemy; for my Genius hath always been very averse from jars, and it is the less disposed to quarrel with him, because I see he dealeth not so harshly with Mr. Prin, as most of those polemical Penmen have done, who have written against him; and to give him his due, in all that I have seen set forth in his name, I find him rather opiniative, than passionate, and more luxuriant in new notions of his brain, then exorbitant in the passions, or perturbations of his spirit.  
I premise thus much, that you may not mistake my mind in my contestation with him in this cause, as if I took him for an enemy, because he telleth what he taketh to be a truth; for whatsoever different apprehensions we have in our heads, I wish we may have nothing in our hearts, which may tend to effect, or foment any alienation of affection betwixt us. For it is my desire, and shall be always a part of my care, that while I seek after a controverted truth, I may not turn aside from a certain duty; which is, in meekness to deal with a brother that is contrary minded; so fare as may not prove to the prejudice of what in conscience I am bound to undertake, and to manage also to the best advantage. This for the Author and for the Title page besides (for the Author's Name is a part of it) it is as followeth.   

SECT. II. Of the Title Page.  
A New Quere at this time seasonably to be considered, as we tender the advancement of Truth and Peace.  
He knew very well how the Athenian humour of listening after news prevaileth with our people of all sorts; and therefore being to fish in troubled waters, he puts upon his hook that bait, at which it was like many would be nibbling.  
Next he saith, It is at this time seasonably to be considered, as we tender the advancement of Truth and Peace. He commends his New Query to acceptance in two respects: 

1. As seasonable.  
2. As much importing the advancement of Truth and Peace.    
For the first; he saith it is at this time seasonably to be considered. So it is, now it is published; but it was very unseasonably offered: and I marvel that he, who hath written a whole book of policy, should be so unpoliticke as to think it seasonable, to set forth such a Quere, and so to resolve it; such it tends to retard the establishment of Government, whereto the Parliament is so much engaged, not only for the thing itself, but for a timely proposition, and imposition of it by their civil sanction.  
For the first, that they intent to set up a Church government, we have it, 1. From their express profession, December 15. 1641. We do here declare, that it is fare from our purpose or desire to let lose the golden reins of Discipline, and Government in the Church, to leave private persons, or particular Congregations to take up what form of service they please; for we hold it requisite, that there should be throughout the whole Realm a conformity in that order, which the Laws enjoin according to the word of God. So in the first Remonstrance of the Honourable House of Commons. pag. 25.  
2. from the first Article of the solemn League and Covenant, published by Authority of Parliament, September 21. 1643. Wherein they, and all others that take it, do covenant to endeavour the reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, according to the word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches.  
3. this Covenant was ordered again by the Honourable House of Commons, Januarie 29. 1644. to be publicly read every Fast day, and to be set up in every Congregation in a fair Table, where every one may read it; and to this are set the names of Master Speaker, and 243. more of the Honourable House of Commons.  
And for the second, that they mean to expedite the settling of Government with all convenient speed, we have good cause to conceive.  
1. Because they have bestowed already very many days in consultation about it.  
2. They insist in the same consultations still.  
3. They (according to the eminence of their wisdom) apprehend many and great evils, that grow both in number, and power, by Doctrines of Libertinism, which necessarily require the restraint of a reformed Church Government.  
4. They have already set it up.  
1. In their Ordinance of Ordination, set forth the last year.  
2. In an Ordinance for making London a Province this last year, dividing it into several Classes, and for choosing a Committee for trial of Elders to be chosen, and Rules to be observed for orderly proceeding in the same; and this before this Quere came forth.  
3. Since that, they have advanced further, by a Vote and Order for choosing Elders forthwith in particular Congregations.  
4. And last of all, they have published an Ordinance, with rules and directions for suspension from the Sacrament, in cases of Ignorance and Scandal.  
Yet they cannot make that speed with the Government, which by most is desired, and very much desired by themselves (as we of the Assembly can witness, who have often been sent to by that Honourable Senate to quicken our work, and to ripen our debates to a full resolution) because as with us the liberty of speaking (wherein every one is free to propose, and prosecute any doubt) prolonged the Government in our hands; so the like liberty in the Honourable Houses (or rather our liberty is like theirs, it being the Prototypon) lengthens the debates, and delays the Votes of that most Honourable Senate; and so much the more, because they are more in number than we in our Synod; and because their determinations are final, as ours are not.  
And though that which is published do not yet reach home to our full satisfaction, we hope it is in the way towards further perfection; which cannot reasonably be expected in the first Essays of frames, and forms of Government; for we may say of Jerusalem as well as of Rome, that it was not built in a day, though in time it became the perfection of beauty, the joy of the whole earth, Lam. 2.15. Such we pray God that fabric may prove, which is under the hands of our Honourable and holy Nehemiahs; and Lord polish, finish, and establish the work in their hands, yea the work of their hands establish thou it, Psal. 90.17.  
The other particular he propounds to make his Quere more plausible, is the reference it hath to two precious things, viz. Truth and Peace; both which are upheld by Government, Church-Government; and without it, for truth we have abundance of errors, and heresies broached among us, which divide men into manifold Sects and Factions; and where they are multiplied, there can be no peace, without a treacherous toleration, which will resolve at last into an Anarchy and confusion.  
Having premised this, he putteth his Quere thus.  Whether it be fit according to the Principles of true Religion, and State, to settle any Church-government over the Kingdom hastily, or not; and with the power commonly desired, in the hands of the Ministers. 
First, he putteth the case according to the Principles of Religion, and State: which if he had well considered, he might have thought the Parliament for the one, and the Assembly of Divines for the other, (competently qualified, each in their profession, for resolution of such a doubt, especially since it is a chief part of the public work of them both, to drive it to its issue) might have prevented such a Quere as this, from a private Divine.  
Secondly, he suggests a suspicion, as if the Parliament were driving on the Discipline and Government of the Church in Jehu's Chariot, with furious haste, whereas both Parliament, and Assembly have much ado, to ward off imputations of procrastination, and delay; for debating so long, and determining so little, whereof we have rendered the reasons before.  
Thirdly, he presents it as a gravamen, or of some dangerous consequence, that the power should be put in the hands of the Ministers, whereas Ministers put in for no more power as their due, either from the Magistrate, or over the people, then is consonant to the Scripture, and the principles of prudence; and if less than that be allowed them, since it is from God, and for God, not for themselves, God rather than they will be unworthily dealt withal; and if it be commonly desired, (as he saith) it is the less liable to his, or any man's exception.  
Hereto having put his name, (which to me is of a savoury relish, by what I have tasted of his other Writings) he closeth up his Title page with the Testimony of the Apostle, 2 Cor. 10.8. in these words, Our authority (which the Lord hath given us for instruction, not for destruction); the ordinary reading or rendering of the original word according to the literal sense, is edification; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  but he refused that, and took the word instruction, which is metaphorical; either because he thought the Paranomasia more pleasant to the Reader, or less profitable for the Ministers claim to Church-Government; for edification importeth more power than instruction doth; and he thought there would have been too strong an intimation of Authority in the first substantive of his quotation if it had not been allayed with a weaker word than the Grammatical construction bringeth with it: and for the other word destruction, if it be taken in a symbolical sense to his resolution of the Quere, it implieth two things, which are of strong prejudice against the Government of the Church:  
1. That it is a destructive thing,  
2. That being such, it should neither be set up by the Magistrate, nor exercised by the Minister, nor received by the people: whereas indeed the severest act of discipline is salutary, and preservative to the better part of man; and though it be destructive to the worse, it is not to be rejected, but co nomine to be admitted; both these we make good by the authority of the same Apostle he citeth, though not in the same Epistle, deliver such a one unto Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord jesus, 1 Cor. 5.5.  
This for the Title Page of this New Quere.   

SECT. III. The matter and scope of the Quere, and resolution upon it.  
NOw for the Discourse itself, the drift whereof is to prove the Negative; viz. That it is not fit, according to the Principles of Religion and State, te settle any Church Government over the Kingdom, etc.  
For this he pleads in eleven Paragraphs, which stand for so many reasons for support of his Opinion; but they are set out rather with a Rhetorical breadth, than a Logical strength; and he seeks to cover the truth with a broad hand, which he cannot crush with his clutched fist.  
I will endeavour to present them rather according to the natural vigour (be it more or less) that is in them, then according to the artificial colour he hath put upon them; about which the matter of greatest difficulty is to marshal them in a right method, which must be mine, though the reasons be his, and yet it shall be so fare his, as may consist with good sense, and the order of proceeding: and therefore I will divide them into the two heads, to which his Title page directeth me:  
Into reasons 

1. Of Religion, and they are taken 

1. From faith.  
2. From Conscience. 

1. Positively, misguided to a popish compliance.  
2. Negatively, not working any good upon the conscience.    
3. From Christian examples 

1. In general, of the New Testament.  
2. In particular, from the example 

1 Of Christ his 

1. Description.  
2. Practice.    
2. Of his Apostles.        
2. Of Policy, taken from 

1. Rules or considerations of prudence, which are three. 

1. The more time for trying of spirits, and proving of all things, there is the less danger to that State of erring in things received and authorised, etc.  
2. There is no Religion established by State but there is some proportion in the two powers, etc.  
3. Our parties or dissenting brethren being now together and clasped by interest against the common enemic, this foundation of common unity is such, as may draw in both affections and judgements, if not too suddenly determined, etc.    
2. Examples of practice 

1. Negatively.  
2. Positively.        
The first reason, (taken from the rules of faith) because it is the clearest and cometh nearest to his negative conclusion, though it stand too fare off either to build, or uphold it. I will propound his own words, The rules laid down in the word for practical obedience are 
* § 1. p. 3.  these in part, Let every one be fully persuaded in his own mind, Rom. 14.5. and, whatsoever is not of faith is sin, vers. 23.  
Now the settling of any government upon a people who are yet generally untaught in the nature and grounds of it, is to put upon them the practice of that wherein it is impossible they can be persuaded in their mind, and so either on a necessity of sin, or misery.  
Answ. If Mr. S. had minded, as he ought, what he was to prove, he should have planted his reason directly against the enjoining, or imposing of a Government, rather than against obedience to it; and so the Scriptures alleged should have been made remoraes to the erecting of a government, thus:  
Those that set up a government whereof they are not fully persuaded in their mind, and which they cannot do in faith, do sin. But they that now set up a Church government, with power commonly desired in the hands of Ministers, do set up a government whereof they are not fully persuaded in their minds; Therefore in so doing they sin.  
The mayor proposition hath warrant from the forecited places; but the minor is that wherein the weight or weakness of the Argument doth consist; and that cannot be proved, nor can, without breach of charity, be supposed of such as have taken so long time, made use of so many learned and faithful Counselors (discussing and resolving all points of difficulty by the Scripture) to be sound grounded both in conscience, and prudence, for what they set forth, touching the government of the Church.  
Secondly, if we take this reason to stand immediately against obedience, and consequently against commands or impositions, it will be somewhat more formal, but every whit as feeble, thus:  
That whereof every one (under government) cannot be persuaded in his own mind, and whereto he cannot yield 〈◊〉 obedience of faith, may not be set up or settled in the Church.  
But of the government of the Church, with the power commonly desired, every one under government cannot be fully persuaded in his mind, nor submit to it of faith; And therefore it may not be set up, or cannot at all be set up without sin.  
Here the Minor proposition granted, the Mayor must be denied: For it is flatly repugnant to religion and reason, and makes as much against the former Protestations of the Parliament, and the late Covenant of three Kingdoms; yea against all assurances of either kind, as against the Government in question; for there will be always some that will be scrupled with any thing that is publicly established.  
Object. But saith he, 
* § 1. p. 3.  The people are generally unt aught in the nature, and grounds of this Church Government; and therefore to put upon them the practice of that whereof it is impossible they can be fully persuaded in their minds, is to put them upon a necessity either of sin or of misery; To which,  
The Answer is so easy and ready, that it may be some matter of marvel an ingenious man (as Mr. Saltmarsh is) should make such an Objection; for  
1. The Church Government desired, is no other than (for the chief parts of it) hath good warrant from the word of God.  
2. For what is of less moment, if it be not directly deduced out of Scripture, it is not repugnant to the Scripture, but agreeable to grounds of prudence, and the example of the best reformed Churches.  
3. For the practice of Government, it belongeth not to the people's part (as he puts the case), to be active in it; but to the Ministers, and Elders, and they are not to enter upon the exercise of their authority before they be sufficiently informed in it: and thence it is that (though there be an Order given for it): they that should officiate in it make a pause, and deliberate upon it, before they set upon the practice of it.  
4. For the people, so fare as concerneth their compliance or correspondence with the government, they are to be instructed in it before they yield submission to it; for that purpose the Government is proposed by parts, and by degrees, so as it may be best apprehended by all; and the Preachers appointed to teach both the offices of the Gevernours, and the duties of the people, so as each may perform his part without scruple, or doubting.  
5. If any after this information out of weakness remain unsatisfied, be is not (as this Writer resolveth) put upon such a dangerous Dilemma, as either to make choice of sin by obeying, or of misery by refusal to obey; for such as (not out of wilfulness, or faction, but out of tenderness of conscience) cannot comply with the rule, are not presently to be ruled with the rod, 1 Cor. 4.21. but with meekness to be instructed though they be contrary minded, 2 Ti●i. 2.25. and with so much long-suffering and patience to be forborn, as may not be injurious to the truth of God, and prejudicial to the peace of the Church.  
6. Whereas he would have the general ignorance of the people touching government a roason to suspend the setting of it up, it may rather be pleaded for expedition in the work; for if it be not set up, the people cannot know it practically; and while it is unknown unto them, it is impudently slandered by some, and impotently yielded by many others, to be injurious and tyrannical; whereas if it had been experimentally known as it is, it would have been before now both honourable, and amiable in the eyes of them, who are not prepossessed with prejudice against it.  
7. For those two Texts which he allegeth for deferring the Government (and if there be any weight in them as to that purpose, they make against it not for a time only but for ever) I commend to his consideration, and wish he would preach and press to his people when the government is set up, (as I hope it shortly will be) or rather beforehand to prepare them for it, such Scriptures as these; We beseech you brethren to know them which labour among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonish you: and to esteem them very highly in lo●e, for their works sake, 1 Thes. 5.12, 13. Let the Elders that rule well be accounted worthy of double honour, especially they who labour in the word and doctrine, 1 Tim. 5.17. Remember. them which have the rule over you, who have spoken to you the word of God, Heb. 13.7. & vers. 17. Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit yourselves, for they watch for your souls, as they that must give account, that they may do it with i●y, and not with grief.  
Thus much for his first Paragraph, which may deserve the first place, and a fuller answer than any of the rest, because it brings more appearance of proof, both by Scripture and reason, than any of the other.   

SECT. FOUR Reasons against the present settling of Government taken from Conscience answered.  
THe next reason for adjourning or putting off the Government to a further time, is taken from Conscience; and that in two respects.  
1. In that the conscience hereby, that is, by a speedy setting up of government, is misguided to a compliance with a 
* § 2. p. 3.  Principle of Popery against the Nationall Covenant.  
Answ. It is very strange that any one, who remembreth the Nationall Covenant (as he taketh upon him to do that citeth it) wherein we are bound sincerely, really, and constantly to endeavour the reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland in Discipline and Government, in the first Article of it, should from the same Covenant plead for delay in the establishment thereof; and yet more strange, that he should do it under the title of Popery, which in the next Article of the Covenant is disavowed; which (if his reasoning were right) were such a contradiction, as would argue the composers and penners of the Covenant to be men of most pitiful simplicity.  
But wherein appeareth this Popery? Why, in 
* § 2. p. 3.  bringing the people under a Popish implicit obedience; and he confirms it by experience: 
* § 2. ibid.  We know it by e●eperience (saith he) that the people have been ever devoted to any thing that the State sets up, all the disputes or conscience of the common people ending in this, Whether it be established by Law, or no; and going usually no higher, or further than a Statute, or Act of State for their Religion. To which I answer.  
1. For that he saith of implicit Popish obedience, it is very impertinently applied to the Discipline, or Government in question; since (as I have showed in what I said to his first reason) it is so ordered already that therein instruction must preced, or go before observation; nor shall any one be bound to act in that particular any further than according to his light.  
2. For his observation upon experience, it maketh as much against matter of Doctrine as mats of Discipline; and more against the Authority of the Parliament then the authority of Ministers; since They, not Ministers, make Statutes, and establish Laws; and if the people be so apt to idolise a Statute, or an Act of State, (but I believe they more often offend in defect then in exeesse of respect unto them) it will be the duty of such as have the Legislative power (wherein he that finds the fault is fittest to do the office of an Admonitor unto them) to suspend their authority for matter of Religion, and to ordain and decree nothing of that subject to be received or observed.  
2. A second reason, which hath reference to Conscience, he brings in upon experience thus: 
* §. 5. p. 4.  We have found by experience that the speedy settling of Government upon a Nation, hath made reformation take little root, save in the outward man, or formal obedience; because they received not reformation in the power of the word; but of the State, which went not so deep into the conscience but they could part with it at any time upon a Law: And he concludes his observation with a pathetical interrogation: O then why do not days speak, and multitude of years teach knowledge?  
To this may be replied:  
1. That if he mean it in respect of our own Kingdom (and that experience is most like to come within his cognizance) the fault was not in the over-speedy settling of a Government, but in the choice of a wrong Government: viz. that of Prelacy, which by an Act and Ordinance of Parliament, and by the Nationall Covenant is cried down.  
2. If when Discipline is established, Doctrine were abolished, or for a time suspended and silenced, there were some force in this exception of Mr. Saltmarsh; but Doctrine goeth on where Discipline cometh in; as a School master is at the same time in Office both a teacher, and a corrector of his scholars; and so the power of the word may go deep into the conscience, and the Discipline or Government is rather an help, than an hindrance to that operation: for,  
3. The Discipline or Government is as an hedge or wall about the Doctrine of Religion; a goad or spur to the means of grace, to bring men under the power of the Words operation; a curb to licentious courses; all which conduce much to the keeping of the conscience void of offence toward God and man: and though with many the reformation reach no further than the outward man, yet that is not to be imputed to the Discipline which brings them to the Word, but to their own corruptions, and Satan's sleights, and deceits which hinder the Words kindly and saving work upon them.  
4. Where the Discipline hath been rightly chosen, and timely established, God hath blessed it with better fruits; as in the Kingdom of Scotland; whence it is that that Church hath had the favour and honour from God, to be free both from heresy and schism, where with we of this Kingdom and State have abounded so much the more, as the Discipline bathe been the more delayed; which agreoth to Mr. Saltmarsh his politic observation in these words: 
* M. Saltmarsh his practice of policy, pol. 81. p. 69.  When places of authority be likely to be vacant (much more when authority itself is at a nonplus) be ready in project with a successor; long interregnums or interstices, (i) intermissions in government, are the Winter and ill season of a State, where the nights are long, and the days short.  
5. And lastly, for his Epiphonema with the words of Elihu forementioned which are taken out of job 32. vers. 6, 7. Why do not days speak, and multitude of years teach knowledge? they make nothing for his purpose; for the meaning of them is not that Government, or Discipline, or any other useful thing should not be with all convenient speed established, but that the ancient, with whom is wisdom, job 12.12. the grey headed and very aged men, Chap. 15.10. who have had the experience of many days, and years, should be heard and heeded in matter of advice, and consultation, before such green-headed Counselors as Rehoboam followed to his ruin, 1 King. 12. vers. 13, 14.   

SECT. V The Argument against the speedy settling of Church Government taken from example of the New Testament in general answered.  
A 
* § 3. p. 3, 4.  Third head of exceptions against the speedy (so he calls it Paragraph 5. though the word hastily please him better in the body of the Quere) setting up of Government is taken from Christian examples.  
Contrary to 

1. The New Testament in general  
2. In particular to 

1. The example of Christ, and that two ways, in respect 

1. Of his description, §. 6. p. 4.  
2. Of his practice, §. 3. p. 3, 4.    
2. The example of the most ancient Christians, and excellent Ministers of Christ. 

1. As of John Baptist; Christ's forerunner.  
2. The Apostles his followers.        
1. For the general; 
§ 4. p. 4.  We never read in the New Testament of a Government settled upon any, that were not brought first under Gospel obedience by the power of the Word and Spirit, which thousands of Congregations in this Kingdom are not; for as in material buildings, stone and timber are not to be clapped together without hewing and squaring, so not in the spiritual; and whereas in the Temple there should be neither axe nor hammer heard, because things were fitted before hand, and so laid together, I question how this could be in our Congregations now; I believe there would be now more of the axe and hammer heard, then of the building seen●.  

Answer.  
1. Here he argueth from the example of the New Testament negatively; which, (considering the difference and disproportion of the times) is very impertinent. For the conversion we read of in the New Testament was from Paganism and Judaisme to Christianity; and while men were jews or Pagans, they were uncapable of a Christian Government; our Congregations in England consist of professed Christians; who, as such, are capable of, and liable to a Gospel Government, without which the sanctification of the Sabbath, the preaching of the Word cannot be well ordered, nor either of the Sacraments rightly administered.  
And though in thousands of Congregations there be many whom the power of the Word and Spirit hath not brought to Gospel obedience, it is no cause why a Gospel Government should not be established over them; nay rather it is reason why it should be hastened upon them; and we may impute the profaneness of the people to the want of it, or of some parts of it, whereby Church Governors may be enabled to put a difference betwixt the holy and the profane, the unclean and the clean, Ezek. 22.26. For the rod of Discipline, 1 Cor. 4.21. may have a salutary operation in the Church, as the rod of correction in the family, Prov. 23.13, 14.  
2. He makes a comparison betwixt a material and a spiritual building; 
See § 11.  as in the material building stone and timber are not to be clapped together without hewing, and squaring, so not in the spiritual; of which words (if I rightly understand them) the meaning is, that Churches must be gathered and made up only of holy, reformed Christians, which are as hewn or squared stones; to which I answer:  
1. That similitudes may illustrate a truth proved, or to be proved, but they prove nothing.  
2. That conformity betwixt material and spiritual things is not to be carried too far; similitudes, (as the common saying is) run not on four feet.  
3. There is this difference betwixt the building of the spiritual and material Temple, that in the spiritual there is nothing but what is homogencall, and of one kind, all squared and living stones, but in the material the foundation and walls are made up not only of hewn and squared stones, but of others, yea many pieces of stone which are but as rubbish, have their use in the material building.  
4. And yet we may say of those whom he accounts rough and unhewen stones, that they are in part squared towards a conformity to the rest of the building (in that they submit to the Gospel's rule in many particulars) though they be not so exactly squared, or so perfectly polished as others.  
5. Upon this difference the best stones are not to be taken from the rest to make up a building by themselves, as in separated Congregations many pretend, but perform not; for of those who separate from others as from profane persons, divers are not only rather gilded Hypocrites then golden Christians; but they are sundry of them such as for want of charity and humility Christ would not own for his disciples, joh. 13.35. Matth. 11.29. and who for railing and covetousness, and other reigning sins of an heinouses guilt ought to be discarded from Christian society, as well as a fornicator, a drunkard, or an idolator, 1 Cor. 5.11.  
Lastly, To conclude with a Negative Argument from the Now Testament, as he began his fourth Paragraph, (and against him it is good Logic, as an Apocryphal Text is good proof against a Papist.) Let him show any example of such a separation as he aims at, in the New Testament; where when there was a mixture of holy and profane, (as there was in the Church of Corinth, 1 Cor. 11.21.) the Apostles, or Evangelicall persons, gathered out the holy part to make a separated Church from the r●st, as many do now adays.  
That which followeth, concerning Axes and Hammers not heard in the building of the Temple of Solomon, hath a mysterious truth in it, but not to the purpose for which he produceth it; for it importeth that the spiritual Temple is built up chief by the soft whisper and secret motions of the Spirit; whereof men hear no noise, nor can take notice; and what is this to what he would have?    

SECT. VI The Argument against the speedy establishment of Church Government, taken from Christ's description, answered.  
THen for particular example he propounds Christ's example, and therein observeth first his Description, secondly, his Practice. For the former, he saith, The setting up of Government, 
* §. 6. p. 4.  is against the nature of Christ's Description of himself, and against that suitableness he presseth for among all such as should submit to his Commandments; He shall not strive nor cry, neither shall any one hear his voice in the streets, Matth. 12.12. My yoke is easy, and my burden is light, Matt. 11.29. His Commandments are not grievous; neither do men put new wins into old bottles.  

Answer.  
In these words we have reason pretended, and Texts of Scripture annexed as suitable to it, but how impertinently, will be easily apprehended by such as please to observe.  
1. That his reason, if it have any force, is not against a speedy Government alone, but against Government at any time; for if it be contrary to the nature of Christ, it is liable to that exception whensoever it is set up, and worthy presently to be cried down again; but we add further.  
2. That if there be a difference betwixt the Description of Christ and Church Government it is no marvel, for Christ as a Saviour came to suffer, to be under government both just and unjust; He made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a servant, and humbled himself, and became obedient to death, even the death of the Cross, Philip. 2.7, 8. which is cross, and quite contrary to the condition of Government.  
3. That neither is Christ so remiss as not to take upon him a Government in his Church, for he is the Head of it, Ephos. 1.22. and the Head doth, may, nay and must govern the body; nor is his Government so meek, but that he hath an iron red to dash in pieces like a patters vessel, Psal. 2.9. those that are wilfully wicked; as well as a golden Sceptre to call those into his presence, who are gracious in his eyes, Esther. 5.2. and though coming to suffer, he descended to the low condition of a servant, Philip. 2.7. (as hath been said) and to the lowest kind of service, washing of the feet of his own servants, joh. 13.5. yet sometimes he took upon him to be a Lord; and as Lord of his house, with a scourge of small cords drove the chafferers out of the Temple, and the oxen, and sheep sold by them there, and overthrew the Tables of the money-changers, joh. 2.14, 15. And that we may not think he is made all of lenity and meekness, even the●●: where he is called a Lamb, a formidable wrath is ascribed to him, which maketh mighty men, and military men, free men and bond- 〈◊〉 to seek to hid themselves from him th●● sitteth in the Throne, and from the wrath of the Lamb, Rev. 8.15.  
●. Nor is the Government or Discipline so unsuitable (in regard of severity) to the description of Christ, as in the protended disparity is sluggested, for it is to be administered with the spirit of meekness in admonition, to such as are humble and conscientious in their way, as well as with the rod of Discipline, to those who are 〈…〉.  
●. For the places of Scripture produced in the close of this Paragraph, they are all quite besides the Question, or very little to the purpose. For which they are brought; for the first, Matth. 12.19. He shall not strive nor cry, nor shall any man hear his voice in the streets; it showeth the singular patience, and meekness of our Saviour, when he was under the pursuit and persecution of his enemies; as in the 53. of Esay he was oppressed, he was afflicted, yet he opened not his mouth; he is brought as a Lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep before the shearers is dumb, so opened he not his mouth, v. 7. Yet at other times he took liberty to speak, and authority to reprove very sharply, as Matth. 23. from vers. 13. to 35. as if out of his mouth had come the sharp two edged sword, in the apparition to john the Divine, Revel. 1.16. For the second place, My yoke is easy and my burden light, Matth. 11.29. and the third, (His Commandments are not grievous, 1 joh. 5.3. which is so like unto the former, that one answer may serve for both) they make nothing against a speedy, but against a grievous Government; and yet surely, though the Evangelicall yoke of our Saviour in regard of the rigorous yoke of the Law of Moses, (which neither we (said Peter) nor our forefathers were able to bear, Act. 15.10.) be easy, and yet more easy by the assistance Christ giveth his servants to bear it, (whence it was that the Apostle professed, that he took pleasure in infirmities, in necessities, persecutions, in distresses for Christ's sake; for when I am weak, said he, then am I strong, 2 Cor. 12.10. When he was weak in himself, than was he strong by the support of Christ.) Yet is his yoke in itself, to those that are not by him enabled to bear it, very burdensome; as where Christ requireth the plucking out the right eye, or cutting off of the right hand, that is, of any concupiscence or contentment (which becometh a scandal or an offence to the soul) if it were as dear unto us, as a right eye, or right hand; Matth. 5.29, 30. and the denial of a man's own self, and taking up his cross to follow him, Matth. 16.24. the hating his nearest kindred, not only in a collateral, but in a directline, whether above or below him, yea, and his own life also, Luke. 14.  
The last place is, neither do men put new wine into old bottles, Matth. 9.17. Whereof it is hard to make any sober sense, which may serve to stay the Government at Discipline for a moment; and how it belongs to the resolution of this New Quere is hard to find out, though by a sober and serious consideration of the Case. If his meaning be (which he should not have put his Reader to study for) that a new Government should not be put upon those, who have long been accustomed to the old, lest it make a breach upon their conscience, or patience, as new wine will by its working be like to break crazy bottles, if they be stopped while it is in working, than it makes rather for the continuance of the Prelacy, then against the setting up of the Presbytery, and not against the Government, or Discipline at this time only, but at any time; for whensoever it comes, it will be new Wine at the first, and the longer it is delayed the older will the bottles be into which it must be put: but the truth is, the Government is neither so new as he would make it, nor will there be any violent working by it to the breaking of any bottle, or vessel, unless it be a vessel of wrath fitted to destruction, Rom. 9.22.  
His last words in this Paragraph, and the next to those but now rehearsed are, all which cannot be fulfilled in the Parochial congregations. All which? all what? why, what is , what is that? the Discipline of Christ, the suitableness he presseth for, his meekness, and silence, his easy yoke, and light burden, his Commandments not grievous, and the putting of new wine into new bottles, all which (saith he) cannot be fulfilled in Parochial Congregations: what language is here? what sense? what Logical connexion, that may join the premises and conclusion together to beget a thought of compliance with the resolution of the Quere? Conceiving the Penner to be a sober man, I must think in this passage the Printers brain might be troubled with the fume of new wine, to conclude with nonsense for a rational consequence: and I believe no new wine and old bottles, how new or old soever, can worse agree together then the foregoing evidence and final sentence of this Paragraph.    

SECT. VII. Master Colemans' experimental exceptions against the severity and rigour of the Presbyterial Government answered.  
But doth not Mr. Coleman complain of the Presbyterial Government as too severe and domineering, and that upon his own experience, and thereupon forecast some strange fears, and strong prejudices against it?  
Yes, and he doth it in these words, I will tell you, saith he, both what, and whence my fears are; I fear lest the Presbyterial Government should encroach upon the Civil; and I also fear lest it should Prelatically tyrannize; and these my fears arise from Scotland, and from London.  
1. From Scotland, I myself did hear the Presbytery of Edinburgh censure a woman to be banished out of the gates of the City; was not this an encroachment?  

Answer.  
It may be not, for there might be Civil Magistrates in the Presbytery; and they, (as Civil Magistrates, not as Presbyterians,) might inflict such a Censure upon her; or upon proof of notorious lewdness, they might say, she was not worthy to be suffered to live in the Town; and therefore that she deserved to be banished out of it: but that the Presbytery did, as a Presbytery, authoritatively take upon them to banish her, he doth not affirm, much less confirm by any good evidence; and I am credibly informed, 
* On monday, November 3.  that some of the Reverend Commissioners of Scotland have confidently gainsaid that report to his face.  
And what if that were one exorbitant act, and usurpation upon the Civil power? will that one act make void the right of a power which is Presbyterial? And what if a Civil Magistrate should take upon him to preach, and administer the Sacraments, as Vzziah would have burned incense, 2 Chron. 26.16. would that make a forfeiture of all Civil authority? Mr. Coleman will not say it, nor can he prove what he pretends, by such an encroachment, against the Presbytery. But for this I leave him to his Antagonist, the religious, learned, prudent, and modest Commissioner of Scotland; who, I doubt not, will do the Cause and himself right against Mr. Coleman his exceptions in time convenient.  
2. From London; Presbytery (saith he) with us here is scarce yet in its infancy, we have had but one or two preparative meetings, and yet in them we had as Prelatical a trick endeavoured to be put upon us, as the nature of the business could possibly bear; and when I stood up to plead for an equal interest, and to prevent such usurpations, the grave Prelatical checks of knave and fool were at least whispered for mine entertainment: Hence these fears.   

Answer.  
He doth not show what Prelatical trick that was; but as (since he hath explained his speech to a reverend Brother of the Assembly) it appeareth upon examination, that he was much mistaken both in the person he suspected, and in the motive and intention of the speaker; so that it was so fare from being a Prelatical trick, that it was neither a trick, nor Prelatical, no nor Presbyterial neither; for what if the spirit of Diotrephes be in a single Presbyter without a Presbytery? I am sure that meeting (which he meaneth) was not form Presbytery, none such as was endowed with, or assumed any power of Ecclesiastical censure; if it had, neither he nor his opposite would have been suffered in such incivility of language, as he hath expressed.  
Nor is it reasonable to entitle the extraordinary excesses of particular persons to any sort or society of men; for there be some and but some, in all Professions, who are very masterfull in their opinions, and forward to engage in terms of contradiction, and when they are once heated with a fond affection to their own fancies, (which is the more blown up by the breath of an opposite) they are not masters of their own words, nor can they exercise any reasonable rule either upon their spirits, or speeches; and sometimes they second their precipitancy in both, with such a pertinacy of will, and stoutness of stomach, that they choose rather to cast firebrands about, to put Nations and Churches into a dangerous combustion, then quietly to compose any personal quarrel of their own, though never so inconsiderately stirred up by them; this is the extremity of that malignant and mischievous practice, which God professeth especially to hate, Prov. 6.19.  
And for the opprobrious terms he complaineth of, if he had the patience to bear them when he heard them, and did not reciprocate one contumely for another, (as some say he did) he should have had the prudence (and to that) should have advised him, had I been of his counsel) to have buried them in silence; and not for that which was but whispered in the ear, to propose it to public view, that every one may read the reproach of K. and F. put upon him, in print.    

SECT. VIII. The Argument against the speedy setting up of the Presbyterial Government taken from Christ's practice answered.  
A Second exception reduced to the example of Christ in his practice is that 
* § 3. p. 4.  Christ jesus himself could as easily have settled his Government by miracle, as any can now by Civil power, if there had been such a primary, or moral necessity of establishing it so soon upon a people scarce enlightened for any part of it. But we see the contrary, first in himself, he taught long, and john before him, and so the Disciples, and the gifts for Government were not given till he ascended, and the model for Government was not brought forth but by degrees, and as people fell in, and were capable of the yoke, and would mould more easily to the Commandments of Christ; and whether then or no, is yet a Question (which some have sit the debates to) though not with me, who am fully persuaded of the power of order which the Apostle joyed to behold; though a power with as little dominion in government, as tradition in worship.  

Answer.  
1. The acts and times for the Divine providence towards his Church are various; and the reasons of them many times reserved to God: he could, no doubt, have governed his Church in the first age of the world, by the sceptre of his written word, but there was no Scripture till God wrote his Decalogue or ten Commandments in Tables of stone, Exod. 31.18. and if the Book of Genesis were written before, it was yet after the birth of Moses, (for he was the Penman of it) who was not borne till the year of the world, 2373. all this while God had his Church, and no written Law for the government of it. Yet when he brought the Israelites out of Egypt, (which was in the year, 2454) the next year after, he gave direction for the building of a Tabernacle; and to the Moral Law forementioned added Laws Ceremonial, and judicial; divers of which were not to be put in execution until their coming into Canaan, which was well near forty years afterward; so fare was he beforehand with the government of his Church of the new edition.  
2. Whereas he saith, that jesus Christ could have as easily settled the government of his Church by miracle, as any can now by Civil power; we grant it, yea and more, that he could have done it without a miracle; and yet more, that he did so, when he chose Apostles and gave them the keys of the Kingdom of heaven, Matth. 16.19. for remission and retaining of sins, joh. 10.23. and set down a rule of gradual proceeding with offenders, Matt. 18.15, 16, 17.  
3. If it be said, that this was late in the Ministry of our Saviour, and therefore we must take his example, not only for the thing itself, but for the time; this will make more for the anabaptistical delay of Baptism, then for delay in Discipline or Government: for he was not baptised until he was about thirty years of age, Luk. 3.23. but he began to set up a government of his Church within the compass of his public Ministry, which at the most lasted but four year's space, and many learned men confine it to three years and an half, or thereabouts. As for john Baptist, his time was shorter, for he was beheaded in the second of the four years forementioned; nor did it belong to his Office to set up a government in the Evangelicall Church, but to prepare the way of the Lord by preaching repentance unto the people, Matth. 3.3. Isa. 40.3.  
4. Whereas he saith, the gifts of government were not given till Christ ascended; to that it may be answered:  
1. That he ascended forty three days after the period of his public Ministration, which added to the years forementioned, make but small difference as to the government in question.  
2. That though he gave them an increase of gifts for government, as he did for preaching, he put his Apostles upon neither of those offices without competent gifts, and qualifications for them.  
5. For the model of government, which he saith was brought forth by degrees, as people fell in and were capable of the yoke; I would know what model he meaneth; if he mean any model of Christ or his Apostles (as it appeareth he doth, for saith he, against Mr. Colemans' opinion, I am fully assured of a power of order, which the Apostle rejoiced to behold, Col. 2.5.) I ask whether this be given by tradition, or contained in the Scripture; I suppose he will say of Government (as well as of Worship) not by tradition, but by the written word; and if so, though it were but young in the time of Christ, or his Apostles, it is very ancient to us; (for we have no part of the written word but it is fifteen hundred years of age at least) why then should that which is so old in constitution, be thought too soon to be put in execution at the present? especially since (besides the direction for it in the Scripture) we have had these many years several patterns of it, in many reformed Churches in the Christian world.  
Nor do our brethren of Scotland (though they assert it from Scripture to be the will of God) expect that the Parliament should establish it Jure Divino.  

* M. Gelaspi● his brotherly examination of M. Colemans' Sermon. p. 32, 33.  If they shall in a Parliamentary, and Legislative way establish that thing, which is really and in itself agreeable to the word of God, though they do not declare it to be the will of jesus Christ, they are satisfied.  
If it be best, (as his words imply) that the government be brought in by degrees, so it is in the present reformation; for it hath by soft and slow degrees passed the debates, first of the Assembly, and afterward of the Parliament; and as for approbation, so for execution, it passeth by degrees the Civil sanction, which authorised first an Ordinance for Ordination, after that a Directory for worship, a good while after that was the City of London, and the Parishes annexed made a Province, and divided into Classical Presbyteries, and then with some intermission of time was a power granted to choose a Committee for trial of Elders; and now lately a Vote and an Order for the choice of Elders in every Parish; and since that an Order or Ordinance touching admission to, and rejection from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper: and yet there remain other parts of government to be added to them, which we hope will be authorized in time convenient, and the sooner the better.    

SECT. IX. Reasons taken from rules and considerations of prudence answered.  
THus much for his Reasons which respect Religion: Now for the Politic part of his Quere, in 

1. Rules or considerations of Prudence.  
2. Examples of practice.    
His rules of Prudence in the general are three; the first he layeth down thus: 
* §. 7. p. 5.  The more time (saith he) for trying of spirits, and proving of all things, there is the less danger to that State of erring in things received, and authorized, and of involving itself into the designs of Ecclesiastical power, than which nothing hath sooner broken the Civil power; as may be seen in Popish Kingdoms, and our late Prelatical. There can be no great danger in the not sudden incorporating the two powers. Since Moses is not alive to bring down the just pattern of the Tabernacle, there may a new star arise, which was not seen at first, which if we shut up ourselves too soon, while the smoke is in the Temple, cannot appear.  

Answer.  
1. It is the duty of a State, that is, of them that govern a State, not only to try spirits, but to rule them; and rather to rule them then to try them; and for that purpose the sooner they be brought under government, the better; for the rod and reproof, saith Solomon, give wisdoms, Prov. 29.15. And on the contrary, the longer they live without the yoke of Discipline, the more enormous will they be: and so the observation of Solomon will be verified, a child left to himself bringeth his mother to shame, Ibid. and his father too, whereof we have an example in his brother Adovijah, 1 King. 1. vers. 5, 6. And for proving of all things to be imposed, there is a due proportion of time to be observed, which may as well be too much, as too little; and it hath been, if not the fault, the ill hap of our Church and State, to have the Government fluttering upon the Lime-twig of deliberation at Westminster, when it should be upon the wing of actual execution, all over the Kingdom.  
2. Whereas he makes it a dangerous matter for the State to involve itself into the designs of Ecclesiastical power, because it is a means to break the Civil power, as may be seen in Popish Kingdoms, and our late Prelatical.  
His position and proof are most unseasonably, and impertinently applied to the Presbyterial government, which abjureth both Popish, and Prelatical dominion by solemn Covenant, and taketh a course not only to suppress and bury, but to keep them down, that there be no fear of a resurrection of them.  
3. And when on the contrary he saith, 
* § 7. p. 5.  There can be no danger in the not sudden incorporating the two powers: since Moses is not alive to bring down the just pattern of the Tabernacle; there may a new star arise which was not seen at first; which if we shut up ourselves too soon, while the smoke is in the Temple, cannot appear.  
This is a very perplexed and confused expression, darkening the truth which he should illustrate; wherein if his meaning be that there is no great danger in the not establishing Ecclesiastical government by the Civil State, or that if now it were done, it were too sudden and hasty, it is a groundless conceit, refuted already; and for that he bringeth in of Moses not being alive to bring the pattern from the Mount, and of a new star to arise, it bewrayeth his design not only to delay the government desired for a time, but to debar it for ever; or to prepare the way for some seducing 
* See Bucol. Ind. Chron p. 156. add an. 134. & Schindl. Pentag. col. 826.  Benchocheba, or Barchochebas, (as his name soundeth) the son of a star, who (pretending himself to be the star of jacob foreprohesied, Numb. 24 17.) took upon him to be a new guide unto the jews; but misleading them to their ruin, he was called Bencozba, the son of a lie.  
2. For the other prudential rule his words are these: There is no Religion established by State, but there is some proportion in the two powers, and some 
* § 10. p. 6.  compliance betwixt the Civil and Ecclesiastical state; so as the establishing the one, will draw with it some motions in the other; and we all see (saith he) how hazardous it is to dis-ininteresse any in the Civil part, even in Kingdoms that are more firm, as France, where the Protestants are partly allowed their Religion, in pay for their civil engagements; and so in other States; and sure I am, the State is most free where the conscience is least straitened; where the tures and wheat grow together until the harvest.   

Answer.  
Here he makes the Civil and Ecclesiastical State so linked, and nearly allied together, that if there be motions in the one, there will not be quietness in the other; and that the Ecclesiastical State hath such an interest in the Civil, that it is hazardous to the Civil part, if it be not allowed: and for that reason the Protestant Religion is tolerated in the Popish Kingdom of France, which is as a pay or a recompense for their civil engagement. In which passage (as in divers others) he aims at the perpetual prohibition of Government; not at a temporal forbearance only; and he carrieth it on so as if we must allow him the authority of a prolitique Dictator without any proof of Scripture, reason, yea or of any humane testimony; for what he saith, (though in the way of a rational ratification) hath so little strength of reason in it, that it reacheth not half way to the resolution of the Question in the Tenor of his Tenet. For what if the Church and State be so symbolical as to reciprocate interests, and conditions, betwixt themselves? shall the Civil State leave every man, or every Congregation to their own liberty to be governed, or ungoverned as they list? every man in matters of Religion to do that which is right in his own eyes, as when there was no King in Israel? sudg. 17.6. Nay rather, because disturbances are communicated from the one to the other, the Civil State ought to settle the government of the Ecclesiastical, according to the word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches; that it may the more securely enjoy its own peace. And for that he saith of the toleration of the Protestants of France, the original of it was not out of any principle of compliance of all Religions with the Civil State, but because the King himself Henry the fourth having been a Protestant, and recovering his right by the Arms of Protestants, (though he wickedly revolted from his Religion, and wretchedly suffered for his Apostasy) he could do no less in humanity then allow them the liberty of Religion; which hath been continued unto them not upon Mr. S. his ground before mentioned, but because the Protestants are the trustiest friends of the Crown of France, and most engaged to defend it against the interests, and designs of the Spaniard, whose longing after an universal Monarchy, is carried with the strongest degree of concupiscence towards the Crown of France, as the fairest mark of his boundless ambition. Now though his argument fall fare short of probable, he concludes with assurance: Sure I am (saith he) that State is most free where the conscience is least straitened; If he mean most free in indulgence, by letting lose the reigns to all Religions, it is true, and if he allow of such a freeness, (as by his ensuing words it seems he doth) he complieth with the Author of the Book of the Bloody Tenet, who holdeth (as absurdly as impiously) that it is the will and command of God that (since the coming of his Son the Lord Jesus) a permission of the most Paganish, jewish, Turkish, 
The sixth Proposition of the twelve prefixed before the Book published Anno 1644.  and Antichristian consciences, and worships be granted to all men, in all Nations and Countries, and they are only to be fought against with the sword, which is only (in soul matters) able to conquer, to wit, the sword of the Spirit, the word of God. If he mean, where there is such licentious allowance of all Religions, there the State is freest from commotion, and distraction, manifold experience in several Ages, and countries' proveth the contrary. He concludeth this exception against the settling of the Government with the Parable of the Tares and the Wheat, wherein he closeth with the forementioned Author, cap. 18, etc. of his wicked book. But withal, if there must be such a mixture of the tares with the wheat, what warrant is there (for his party) to pluck the wheat from the tares, nay the wheat from the wheat (for they leave as good Christians as they take) in their new gathering of Churches?  
A third Remora against the setting up of Government of prudent or politic consideration, is this:  

* § 11. p. 6.  Our parties, or dissenting Brethren being now together, and clasped by interest against the common enemy, this foundation of common unity is such, as may draw in both affections and judgements, if not too suddenly determined into heretics and schismatics. It is possible while a Controversy is long suspended, and time given for conclusion of things, opinions may be soon at peace: A fire let alone may die out under that wood, which stirred in would kindle it; The contentions of brethren are like the strong bars of a Castle, and a brother offended is harder to be won then a strong city, Prov. 18, 19   

Answer.  
The danger of a common enemy is many times, and should be always, a cause of suspension of particular antipathies; the wild beasts in the Ark were reconciled with the tame, while without it the overwhelming flood was round about; but this clasping of dissenting brethren in the Camp upon present undertake, must not leave us lose to division in the City; for that (as Mr. Saltmarsh himself acknowledgeth) 
* M. Saltmarsh practise of policy, l. 4. pol. 12.  is the mother of confusion; and he 
* Idem l. 2. of his Book of the Practice of policy. pol. 123. p. 288.  calls private Conventicles the very Parliaments of factious deliberations and resolutions; and saith, they are to be observed and dispersed. And by the Text he citeth, viz. Act. 4.26. he meaneth such factions, as are adverse or opposite to true Religion; and for expedition in repressing the peril of such combinations he giveth this advice, (which if he had now thought of I suppose he would not have made such a dilatory discourse as he hath done) 
* M. Saltmarsh his practice of policy l. 2. pol. 124. p. 289.  Kill factions betimes, as Herod did the Infants in their cradles; if you let them grow, they may prove too strong for you; when sedition is at an age, it is more able; a little Physic will disperse a gathering disease, which (if it knot) hath more danger and difficulty: it was enough to make the servant bade when he thought with himself, My Lord delayeth his coming, Matth. 24.48. And truly the delay in setting up a Government hath been an occasion of the multiplication both of heresies, and schisms, and of an increase both of number and courage of such as are engaged in them; and the longer the delay is drawn on, the more difficult will the reducement be; for men who are disposed to division, make account that such as forbear the remedy are either inclinable to them, or unable, or afraid to displease them; and by such conceits they foment their own sancies, and heighten their spirits to contumacy, and contempt; whereof there is but too much evidence given in many that oppose the settlement of Religion by establishing Church Government. And whereas he saith, It is possible while a Controversy is long suspended, and time given for conclusion of things, opinions may be sooner at peace: We answer.  
First, that possibility is but a poor plea against probability, nay, against particular experience; for it is obvious to any man's view that will observe the method of proceeding, and manner of prevailing of the dissenting party, that while their brethren have endeavoured by all amicable carriage towards them, and by courteous compliance with them, to work and win them to a brotherly accord, they have driven on their own design with a politic activity, and have gained more by the slowness of their adversaries pace, then by the goodness of their own cause, though therein they would be thought to have the advantage. He addeth, A fire let alone may die out under that wood, which stirred in would kindie it. But when a fire is kindled, not in green, but in dry wood, (which will easily burn) will men let it alone till it quench of itself? or shall we think, that the settling of a Government is as the bellows to a fire, to blow it up into a flame? No wise man can imagine either the one, or the other; and the contrary is plain by manifold examples of the Anabaptists, and other seditious Sectaries in Germany; for whom at first 
a Guy de Bres against the error of the Anabapt. p. 6.  Luther did mediate with Frederick Duke of Saxony, That within his Dominions they be favourably dealt with all, because (excepting their error) they seemed otherwise good men; but afterwards, by the connivance and indulgence that was used towards them, increasing both in bodies and boldness, he was feign to 
b Sleyd. Comment. l. 5. fol. 76. p. 22.  stir up the Princes and people of Germany against them, as for the extinguishing of a common combustion, or a fire that threatened the burning of City and Country. Which I mention not to excite Authority to any needless or unseasonable severity, but to note the danger of too much delay, in applying remedies to imminent mischiefs. He concludes this politic consideration, with a sentence of Scripture, which is, The contentions of Brethren are like the bars of a Castle, and a Brother offended is harder to be won then a strong City, Prov. 18.19. And this he brings in as a seal to this politic Aphorism, for the ceasing of differences of themselves by silent forbearance: But will the bars of a Castle be broken by letting them alone? And shall one expect to take a City, a strong City, and do nothing against it? We have not found it so for the most part of our late wars, either in England or Ireland.  
Thus fare his Politic Rules. Now for particular Instance: We find it of two sorts; 

1. Negative.  
2. Positive.      

SECT. 10. The Negative Argument taken from want of experience of the New Clergy, answered.  
FIrst, for the Negative, 
* § 8. p. 5.  We have not yet any experience of our new Clergy, (saith he) who are many of them branches of the old stock, and so may wield the Government too much of the Episcopal faction; as the Samaritans did with the Jewish Government, because they were not natural Jews: It is not safe trusting a power too much into those hands; our Brethren of Scotland have been better used to the way of Presbytery, and may better trust one another upon mutual experience, than we can yet.  

Answer.  
Have we not yet experience of our new Clergy? Then they cannot be charged with the misgovernment of the people; but we have experience of much evil for want of Government; but how can there be experience of them, if there be no government to try them withal? He saith, Many are branches of the old stock; and so may wield the Government too much of the Episcopal faction; and yet presently he compareth them to the Samaritans, and jews, who were most adverse in affection, and disposition, and dealing one to another; compare joh. 8.48. with Luke 9.53. and joh. 4.9. and then saith, It is not safe trusting a Power too fare into those hands; I think he needs not much to fear that; The Government will be so qualified for the thing itself, and so disposed of for the persons that are to manage it, that it will not be in the power of any to abuse it, but upon their peril. Here lest the example of our Brethren in Scotland should be brought in by way of prejudice to his advice, and resolution against the timely establishment of the Presbyterial Government in England, he saith, They are more used to the way of Presbytery, and may better trust one another upon mutual experience, than we can yet. It is well that Scotland (the Kingdom or Country wherein there is best experience of the Presbyterial Government) yields least occasion of exception against it; a great commendation of it doubtless; which alone were enough to convince all those who stand for a liberty of conscience, against a certain and general rule; of which liberty if there were as much trial made, as hath been of the discipline of that Kingdom, it would appear faulty, scandalous, dangerous so many ways, as would make all good and wise men weary of it; and there are men of note who affirm (upon late experience in some Counties of the Kingdom) that the best way to suppress the multiplicity of Sects, is to let them have scope, and they will run themselves out of breath; whereto I cannot give my Vote, since we may not give way that God should be dishonoured, nor the people be endangered, nor false teachers tolerated, if we may hinder it, no not for an hour, Galat. 2.5.  
2. For the Positive Instance, his next words are, 
* § 9 p. 5.  We experience in part some remainders of Prelacy working in many, which shows a constitution not so clear nor pure, as the Disciples of Christ should have; then whether it be safe committing the power too suddenly; for though I question not but some may be like the ten, yet there are others that are like the two brethren, who strove which should be the greatest, till the Lordended the difference, It shall not be so among you.   

Answer.  
This parcel of his politics beginneth scarce with good English, for where reads this writer this phrase, We experience? and why did he not keep to the Terms he used in the precedent Paragraph, We have experiment, or experience? And he goeth on with as little good sense, for a little after he saith, Then whether it be safe to commit the power too suddenly, for though I question not, etc. Where he suspends the sense of his speech, and leaves it to be made up by a supplement of the Reader; yet we know his meaning thus fare, that it is not safe to commit the power too suddenly; if he mean by this, and by the word hastily, (in the body of his Quere) rashly, or inconsiderately, we say so too; but we deny (which he meaneth) that if it had been done sooner, or be not deferred longer, it will be too suddenly done; but it appeareth (by what before hath been observed) with him to commit any power, or establish any government, (especially the Presbyterial government) it is too soon or suddenly done, if it be done at all. In the next part of this Paragraph he beginneth to be rational, but so that it may make more for that part he opposeth, then for that which he pleadeth for, in these words: For though I question not (saith he) but some may be like the ten, yet there are others like the two brethren, which strove who should be the greatest, till the Lord ended the difference; It shall not be so among you. Where if we keep the proportion he brings in, and make application accordingly, we may say, for two ambitious Presbyterians, it is like there may be ten that are more modestly, and humbly minded, then to affect such a preeminence above their brethren.  
Besides, the Presbyterian government is framed directly according to the resolution of our Saviour, (It shall not be so among you) as opposed to the Prelatical authority. 
* § 9 p. 5.  We find (saith he further) the hottest controversy is now moved about Church government, and there hath been most spoken and written this way, and in most violence. Now when the contention for power is so much, and the controversy streams most in government, we may soon discern dispositions.   

Answer.  
But is it not an hotter Controversy that is now moved, and in motion, and in commotion, touching Civil Government? And for the discovery of dispositions thereupon, it may be so without any fault in those that are for government in question, but not without a crime in such as oppose it, or despise it in any thing wherein it is consonant to God's word, and found reason subordinate to it; especially when in a great part it is settled already, and they who are in authority are intentively employed to bring it to perfection.  
But saith he, 
* § 9 p. 5.  Is it good parting with the stakes yet, while there is such quarrelling for them, and when one party cannot but take it for an injury, if wholly given to the other?  
This Question prosupposeth and importeth an evenness, and equality as betwixt parties that lay wagers, or play matches, and lay down stakes upon equal terms; whereas the difference indeed is betwixt Government and no Government; and betwixt the high Court of Parliament, and all the most orthodox Churches, and Divines of the Christian world on the one side, and a small and inconsiderable party, in respect of them, on the other; who for the most part (though there be some of them of good note both for learning, and life) might with good Decorum be brought to the Bar, to receive censure from those, with whom they cannot take upon them contestation without arrogant presumption so it cannot be an injury to resolve for government against them, no more, (no nor so much) then against the Bishop's ill government, who had possession of Prelacy by a prescription Legally authorised, whereas those who are against the government desired, have no possession or prescription, nor pretence of Law, for their Anarchy against it. And therefore if the Bishops had struggled more for their chairs in the Church, and their seats in the Parliament, than they did, and had been all of them as obstinate as two of them were, 
* B. W. of L. & C. & B. W. of L.  who said, they would be hanged at the Court gate, before they would yield up their votes and places in the House of Peers; they had been more excusable in that contumacy, than most of those who wilfully withstand the Presbytery resolved on.  
The last part of this proof is, that 
* §. 9 p. 5, 6.  It is to be feared (saith he) there is too much of man, because the by as runs most in these times towards the truth of Government, and many others are wholly set by, which might well be looked upon with it: which, if there were not a principle in man more fitted for a truth of this kind, than any other, would not be. But every truth hath its age, and season: this only for Caution.   

Answer.  
Most of this may be granted, and nothing gained to Mr. S. his cause; if there be two much of man in the Controversy, it is like to be in those, who despise Government, who are presumptuous, and self willed, and are not afraid to speak evil of Dignities, a Pet. 2, 10. If the by as run most in these times toward the truth of Government, it is but as it should be, and as it was when the Prelatical power was opposed and suppressed by the Parliament; and if the by as were wried aside from the truth, it were rather to be noted as matter of exception, then that it bendeth towards the truth; especially since he saith a little after, there is a principle in man more fitted for a truth of this kind than any other; and if, (as he saith) every truth hath its age and season, surely then this truth of Presbyterian Government is seasonable now; For the Bishop's Government being put down, it is necessary some other should be set up, and before all other the Presbyterial, as most agreeable to the word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches and it is yet more seasonable to establish it with speed, because for want of it in part, are so many divisions and distractions in Church and State.  
And if that be true which he saith, that many other truths are wholly set by, which might be looked upon with it; it may be the fault of those who set themselves too much against that Government; who, mistaking the truth and integrity of it, make it their main work to revile, and reproach it, to make it odious among the people before they have any true understanding thereof. But for such as are most for the Presbytery, I am sure they are intentively studious to discover, deliver, and defend all other truths of faith and manners, which make for salvation, as well as for the setting up or settling of the Government in question.  
The end of this Paragraph is, This only for Caution. Then neither for proof, nor reproof; and I wish he had had more caution in his mind, (for if so, he would not so hastily have set upon the Government, as too hastily either intended or attempted) and more in his paper, and then I should have spared some labour, for he would have had fewer faults, and a shorter refutation would have served the turn.    

SECT. XI. Objections against the Reasons for the not establishing Church Government, proposed, and answered, as Objections against Mr. Saltm. his Tenet in the Quere, with Replies to his answers.  
HAving played the assailant against the Church Government hitherto, (but without any impediment or impeachment of moment) he now turneth Defendant, and takes up the Bucklet to ward off objections against his opinion; but whereas there be many such, he meddles but with two only, and those two such as he thought himself best able to answer.  

Objection 1.  

* p. 7.  But the Temple was builded with all speed, in Nehemiabs' time, and therefore, etc. And Haggai calls to the building of it, Is it time? Hag. 1.4.  
To which be makes this answer: 
● Ibid.  Yea, but the material pattern wa● more clearly left, and known, than the Gospel pattern; the other were more in the letter, these more in the Spirit; now there must be a proving of all things, else there may be more haste then good speed, and the Temple may be built by a false pattern, as well as a true, and then better no building, than no right Cedar to build with; and there were Prophets then who knew the periods of times, and could prophesy, as Haggai, and Zechariah, but none so exactly now; and these knew both the fashion, and the time for building; yet who ought not to hasten the Temple, if the Timber be ready, and if the Prophets and Apostles be there for a foundation, and Jesus Christ for a chief coruer stone? Ephes. 2.   

Reply.  
That he may not be thought to side with Sanballat and Tobiah against the speedy building of the Temple, who scorned and derided the expedition of Nehemiah and his brethren, in being so forward to the work, as if they meant to make an end in one day, Neh. 2. v. 19 & Chap. 4. v. 2. he endeavours to show considerable difference, 1. Betwixt the Material pattern and the Gospel pattern, (though 
* See Sect. 5. p. 16.  before he married them together to engender an exception against the Presbyterial government). 2. Betwixt the bvilders of the one, and the bvilders of the other; whence he would infer, that in the former bvilders there was good speed, in the latter there would be too much haste, if it should be set up sooner than he would have it. And if it be too soon now for the Gospel government, will he set a time for it when it will be seasonable to establish it? will he have it stay till it be a material building, as the Temple was? or till we have inspired Prophets, as Haggai and Zechariah were, to order the work? If so, the answer is a contradiction to government not for the present, but perpetually; and tendeth not to a delay in setting of it up, but to the keeping of it down for ever. If not, then surely it cannot be an undertaking of too quick dispatch, if we endeavour to set up the Gospel pattern according to the rule and direction which we find in the Dictates of the Holy Ghost, in the New Testament; which to us of this age cannot be called new, nor the determination sudden, or hasty, since it is made after frequent, and serious consideration of the Scriptures, and advised consultation with the best Divines of the reformed Churches, and studious collation of the exactest patterns of Discipline; after many and long debates in the Assembly of Divines, where the dissenting Brethren (who by their party were thought most able to manage an opposition to the government) have had liberty to object what they pleased: And lastly, after a review, and re-examination of matters debated and voted in the Assembly by most of our grave and prudent Senators, the two Houses of Parliament: And in all these passages, by all the Bvilder's especial regard hath been had to the firm foundation of the Prophets and Apostles, jesus Christ being the chief cornerstone, Eph. 2.20. and care taken that the superstruction thereupon be not of wood, hay, or stubble, or of any material unsuitable to it, 1 Cor. 3.12. and so by Mr. Saltm. his consent the work may go on, for in such a case, saith he, who ought not to hasten the building of the Temple?    

SECT. XII.  

Objection 2.  

* p. 7.  But vice, heresies, and schisms will grow too fast.   

Answer.  
To which the Answer he makes may be divided into four particulars.  
1. That this Objection makes no more for expedition in erecting of an Ecclesiastical Government, then in the time of the Gospel from john's first Sermon to Paul's Epistles, and the sending of the Spirit; presently upon the setting down of the objection, the words he returns are these: 
* p. 8.  So they might have done from john's first Sermon to Paul's Epistles and the sending of the Spirit; but ye see there was no government settled till afterwards upon the people of God.   

1. Reply.  
So they might have done? and did they not do so? did they not grow too fast? sure it was too fast, if there were any growth at all. Yet to say the truth, here●ie hath not in all ages advanced in the lame pace. But why doth be begin at john Baptists first Sermon? were not the Pharisees, Sadduces, and Esseans, Heretics, or Schismatics? and were not they long before john Baptist was 〈◊〉? consult with 〈◊〉 in his 13. Book● of Antiq. ●. 9. and with a Chronologie annexed to it, and you shall find them noted upon the year 144. before Christ's birth. And were not the Samaritans heretics? and very ancient also? See Epiphan. his first Tome and first Book, where he brings in them, and nineteen more several sorts of Heresies and Heretics, all before the incarnation of our Saviour Christ.  
Since Christ, it is a question who was the first Heretic; 
* Epiph. haeres. 21.  Epiphanius gives the seniority to Simon Magus before all others; but 
* Aug. exer●it. in Psal. 54. hom. ●.  Augustine will have those to be the first Heretics in Christianity, who took offence at our Saviour for saying they must eat his flesh, john 6.52. and went away with a carnal construction of a spiritual speech. Howsoever there were variety of Heresies and Schisms but too soon, (and very much vice withal) as that of Ebion & Cerinthus, who denied the Divinity of Christ, which occasioned john the Evangelist to begin his Gospel with the Godhead of our Saviour, and the heresy of Hymeneus and Philetus, who said the resurrection was passed already, 2 Tim. 2.18. though the greatest harvest of such Tares was in after times, when Satan 
* Videns Diabolus Templa daemonum deseri, & in nomen Mediatoris currere genus humanum, heretics movit, qui sub vocabulo Christiano doctrinae resisterent Christianae. Aug. de Civit. Dei. l. 8. c. 51.  seeing his Idolatrous Temples deserted, and mankind begin to run after a redeeming, and delivering Mediator, stirred up Heretics, who, under the Name of Christians, made opposition to the Christian Doctrine.  
But as he makes john's first Sermon terminus a quo for heresies, and schisms, so he makes Paul's Epistles the terminus ad quem; But which of his Epistles doth he mean? from john Baptists first Sermon (which was in the twenty ninth year of our Saviour's life) to Paul's first Epistle, which was the first to the Thessalonians, in his fiftieth year, were twenty one years; and eight years after was the last of his Epistles written, viz. that of Paul to Philem●n, which from john's first Sermon make up twenty nine years: After the Epistles he bringeth in the sending of the Holy Ghost at the Foast of Pentecost, which was much-what about the midway betwixt the two terms before mentioned; and then he saith, But yet you see there was no government, till after, settled upon the people of God; till after what? If after the Feast of Pentecost or sending of the Spirit at that time, that was in the thirty fourth year of Christ, and but five years after the first Sermon of john Baptist; and if after Paul's first Epistle, it was but twenty one years; if after his last Epistle but twenty nine years, and before the end of his Epistles that government was written which we find in Scripture; for the most of that which is produced for Church Government is taken out of them; and if so, the setting up of Church Government was not long suspended: but had it been adjourned to a further time, it would not prejudice any expedition we can make in this matter, because the people of that age, being many of them dispersed Converts, could not generally so readily be form into Christian Congregations, and government settled among them, as with us they may be. Besides, what hath been so long ago established in Primitive times, cannot be said to be suddenly or hastily taken up in our days, especially after so many discussions, and so deliberate resolutions, as hath been pleaded in a former answer. I need not give particular instance of schisms as I have done of heresies, in this place, for heresy is the mother of schism, and sometimes schism is the mother of heresy, for as ice and water they many times mutually produce each other, whereof see the proof in the Advertisement next to the Preface of the New English Annotations on the Bible in folio.   

Answer 2.  
The second particular is the needlessness of Church Government: 1. In respect of man. 2. In respect of God. For the first (saith he) 
* p. 8.  If Heresies stir up their Patrons against the State, the Magistrate bears not the sword in vain; and if moral transgressions, let the Magistrates be set on in every place, to quicken the Statutes; and Preachers every where sent forth to publish the Gospel.   

Reply 2.  
What if they do not stir up their Patrons against the State? but Heretics busily bestir themselves to poison the souls of the people with damnable Doctrine; and what if that doctrine be in an high degree derogatory to the glory of God? as the opinions and positions of Paul Best against the Trinity of Persons in the Deity, and the Divinity of the son of God, and the blasphemous Verses be made against them, shall they be suffered so to reproach the most High, and to seduce the simple to the perdition of their souls, if they do not perturb the public peace? that were a sin of near alliance to old Elyes indulgence to his wicked sons, whose mildness toward them is interpreted by God, an honouring of his sons above him, 1 Sam. 2.29. If Truth be not more precious than Peace, why did our Saviour with reference to the offence (taken at Gospel truths) and the defence of them against all gainsayers, say, he came not to send peace, but the sword? Matth. 10.34. Why are ancient Fathers in their disputes against the 
* The Arians would have had it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Arians commended for their constancy, in that (for reconciliation with them) they would not change a letter of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? and why do we expose ourselves to the quarrels of so many adversaries, especially those of the Romish Religion, rather than be at peace with them, with giving up any part of those truths, wherein God is dishonoured by their antitenets, though the peace of the State be not disturbed by them?  
And for moral transgressions, he would have the Magistrate set on in every place. Set on, by whom? and how? doth he mean that the Magistrate is as a shepherd's dog, to be set on the wolf that comes to make spoil of the flock? we cannot have so mean a thought of the Magistrate, as to make mention of him in such terms of disparagement; nor dare we take upon us so much, either interest in all Magistrates, or so much power in any, as to give them the watchword when to draw the sword, and to expect that they should wield it as we would have them. And if Ministers preach, and do what they can with their assistant Elders, by Church Discipline, to regulate men in a way of religious walking, there will notwithstanding be work enough for the Magistrate to bring them under a Civil trial, and suffering, who make no conscience to deserve, and have so much contumacy as to contemn the Ecclesiastical censures: but I shall meet with this exception again in the 14. Section, and there shall make a further answer unto it.   

Answer 3.  
A second needlessness is in respect of God: God will make out by extraordinary what is wanting in ordinary means, as with armour from heaven against Principalities on earth; and he gives instance in the Prince of Persia, Dan. 10.20. and makes as sure of the conquest, as Christ was in his single combat with Satan in the wilderness, Matth. 4. His words next following those forecited are these. 
* p. 8.  And what if the Prince of Persia withstand for a while? truth is otherwise armed from heaven: though Satan be in the wilderness with Christ, yet Christ shall conquer.   

3. Reply.  
While we know how to distinguish betwixt saith and presumption, we cannot think it meet to divide subservient means from the supreme power; nor the exercise of Discipline and Government, from his assistance who can make it effectual; though the Sword of the Lord be able to cut down the enemy as the Mower doth grass, yet the Sword of Gideon must go along with it to the wars; and in those wars wherein the enemies were miraculously discomfited, and confounded; the Sword of the Lord and the Sword of Gideon are voiced together, judg. 6.20. we must take in all helps, helps in government, 1 Cor. 12.28. to suppress Heresy, Schism and Profaneness; and when we have done all we can, we must ●ely upon Divine aid for success; and therefore must we pray, as the Apostle prescribeth, that we may live a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty, 1 Tim. 2.2.   

Answer 4.  
The fourth and last thing which he brings to answer the Objection is the imputation of jealousy, in such as are desirous to set forward the Government; and he makes as if it were a property of Papists, and Prelates, to keep up their supposed truths, by suspecting every thing that appears for an enemy; which he thus sets down and aggravates by an Antithesis of the boldness of the Gospel. 
* p. 8.  It is the Papists and Prelates jealousy to keep up their supposed truths by suspecting every thing that appears for an enemy; the Gospel dares walk abroad with boldness, and simplicity, when traditions of men, like melancholy people, fear every thing they meet will kill them: For the Angel that comes down from heaven hath great power; and the earth is lightened with his glory, Revel. 18.1.   

4. Reply.  
There is a jealousy which the Apostle calls godly jealousy, 2 Cor. 11.2. and such a one is that which would set up as many securities as may be, against heresy and impiety. Among them Church Government is one; of which, they that stand for it, are not afraid to let it go abroad, for they have made it public, and exposed it to the view of all eyes. The jealousy which is a fault is rather to be found in th●se who have laboured to stifle the government in the birth, and to supprosse it that it might never be brought forth; and who talk of a more perfect model, but cannot be persuaded to bring it to light, that it may be viewed and tried whether it be a well grounded truth, or a groundless fancy. But there is a fear which we profess, and I hope without offence, it is a fear of God's anger and of imminent danger, for communion with, and connivance toward heretical, and wicked men, which makes the godly abhor their company, as we see in john the Evangelist 
* Iren. advers. haeres. l. 3. c. 3. & post eum Eusebius. ; when he suddenly got out of the Bath, so soon as the Heretic Cerinthus came into it, fearing it would fall upon his head, and theirs who accompanied him; and so it did, so soon as john was departed out of it.  
And there is in some an aversion from Heresy, Schism, and Profaneness, out of hatred of whatsoever is opposite to the glory of God, and to the safety of man; and this hate is a great evidence not of a causeless jealousy, but of a true zeal, and love of God and man.  
Hence was it that 
a Iren. advers. haeres. l. 3. c. 3.  Polycarp the Disciple of john (a Scholar of a religious temper like his Master) was so adverse to Martion the Heretic, that when (scraping acquaintance of him) he asked him whether he knew him or no? he answered, he knew him to be the eldest son of Satan; and that 
b Hilary against Auxent. p. 217.  Hilary speaking against Auxentius an Arian Heretic, said, he would never speak otherwise of him then as of a Devil incarnate; and that Hierome 
c Hieron. in Psal. 5. Tom. 8. p. 4.  called Heretics men of blood, who daily shed the blood of souls; and 
d Hieron. Pr●log. in Dial. advers. Lucif. Tom. 2. p. 263.  averred that as he had never spared Heretics, so he never would, and that he studiously desired to make those his enemies, who were enemies to the Church. There be many other causes then, (besides a Popish or Prelatical jealousy (arising out of guilt or mistrust of the weakness or craziness of the cause) which make the godly desirous of a prevention o● suppression of Heresy and Schism; and sincerely to endeavour the complete establishment of purity and unity in the Church of God. But I will take up with that one of the Lords and commons in Parliament Assembled their Ordinance of the 20. of October, 1645. concerning rules for receiving of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, which is the Obligation of Religious gratitude to God piously acknowledged in this pathetical expression. The Lords and Commons considering the wonderful providence of God in calling them to this great and difficult work of reforming, and purging his Church and people; his guidance and manifest protection of them in it, do acknowledge that never any of his servants since the foundation of the world had more high and strong engagements, hearty, and sincerely to endeavour the complete establishment of purity and unity in the Church of God, than they have; they do therefore require all Ministers and Elders, etc. And if Mr. Saltm. had well considered who were engaged for the establishment of Church Government, and how fare, before he published his New Quere, he would not surely have so fare undervalved their Piety and Prudence, as to compare them to Papists, and Papal Prelates, and melancholy men who think every thing they meet will kill them. I will conclude my Reply to his Answer, with a piece of his 
a M. Sal●m. pol. 201. p. 174.  own politic advice, in three particulars.  
1. To suspect plausible and fair language in him whose person may render him suspicious; and such for the most part are seducing Schismatics, and Heretics, who by good words and fair speeches deceive the heart of the simple, Rom. 16.18.  
2. 
b Ibid. pol. 228.  To study to remove the occasions of faction and heresies.  
3. 
c Ibid. pol. 246.  In factious stirs, if it be requisite, to muster forces with all expedition for appalling them; and thus, (saith he) you weigh down the weight of one scale, with the weight of another. And it is no less a part of prudence to prevent them, then to supplant them. Upon such principles as these, in part, is Church Government ordained, and there being so many, and stirring factions, it is with as much speed (as with conveniency may be) to be settled as a remedy against them.  
There is nothing more in his Answer but a Text out of the Revelation, it is Chap. 18. v. 1. which with the word For is brought in as a proof of what was last spoken, and as a seal to close up the total sum of his resolution of this New Quere thus: For the Angel that cometh down from heaven hath great power, and the earth is lightner with his glory: But this serves to none other purpose, but to show, that as he began, so he endeth his paper with misapplication of Scripture.    

SECT. XIII. An additional Answer to some exceptions of Mr. Saltm. (taken out of Mr. Prinnes Vindication) against the present establishment of Church Government, in his late Book entitled The opening of Mr. Prinnes new Book, called a VINDICATION.  
IN this Book which he nameth The opening of Master Prinnes new Book called a Vindication; the Author hath opened himself plainly to be an Independent at least, and opposite to the Presbyterial Government; which he hath formerly disavowed, when in conference with him I desired him to declare to which part he inclined; as Section the first hath been observed.  
I shall present the Reader with so much of the matter in this New Book, as I find symbolical to the sense and resolution of his New Quere; the sum whereof is in his last answer of P. to C. of which two letters (representing two persons in conference Dialogue wise) it is very probable P. may stand for Presbyterian, but for C. to me it is very doubtful whether it be put for the name of my reverend Brother Mr. Coleman, whom he citeth in the fourth page of his New Quere; or whether C. stand for congregational; or if I did not conceive him to be of a better spirit than I have observed in many Antipresbyterian Scribblers, I would think C. stood for Christian, with intimation that the Presbyterian government is Antichristian; but I cannot censure so of him, especially since he professeth to honour Presbyterians as believers, and brethren in the Lord; brethren as Christians, not his brethren as Presbyters; (if it be true which I hear that he preacheth not as a Presbyter, but as a gifted brother) but this but by the way; that which in this Book we are now to observe is that P. as convinced, and converted by C. is made to say:  
P. Well, I am at this time well persuaded, 
p. 23. Of the opening.  and having heard all this, for my part I cannot but see, that in settling things suddenly upon this Kingdom, and things thus questionable, and unwarrantable in the way of administration, and a Kingdom so full of impenitent and scandalous sinners as Parochial Congregations generally are, there is danger of great sin, and great trouble.  

Answer.  
This may be true if government, whereby the scandalous will be severed from the religious, be either not established at all, or too long deferred: but that it may not be set up at all, or not so soon as is necessary, he brings some proofs from Mr. Prinnes Vindication, (which he endeavours to disprove, and confute in other particulars) and I am willing to take notice of them rather from him, then from Mr. Pr. (though I have read them in his Book) for divers reasons.  
1. Because Mr. P. is a friend to the Presbyterial government, having both 
a M. Prinne his Vindication. p. 56.  pleaded for it, and been persecuted (as he saith) by Sectaries, and Independents, for his good will unto it.  
2. Because he 
b So in the Epistle to the Reader before his Vindicat. fol. 2. p. 2.  professeth to love and honour with his soul the Assembly of Divines; and hath in a book of purpose vindicated them from Libellous aspersions of the Antipresbyterians. I confess Mr. Saltm. was once so reverently and religiously conceited of them, that he honoured them in print with the Title of a most Sacred Assembly, in a 
c M. Salem. his Dedication, of the Examinations, or the Discovery of some dangerous positions delivered in a Sermon of Reformation in the Church of the Savoy on the Fast day, July 26. 1643. by Tho. Fuller. B. D.  Dedication of a little book unto them; some of whom (my self for one) desired him to forbear that Title in the rest of the Copies which were not then wrought off from the Pres●e; but being so fare engaged against the Presbyterial way as now he is, I cannot think he hath so good either opinion of, or affection to the Assembly, as formerly he hath professed unto them, and towards them.  
3. Because I am confident that whatsoever Mr. P. writeth (though I approve not all that is set out in his name) he writeth with a very upright and sincere heart; without any sinister end or aim at gain to himself, or glory with men.  
4. Because I have found him so kind to me in several kinds, that I am loath to take him for an adversary in any public contestation; and yet I shall take the boldness (as just occasion shall induce me) to use the freedom of a friend unto him, and to be true to the truth, without partial respect to friend or foe.  
5. Because Mr. Pr. doth not write what Mr. Saltm. allegeth out of him, against expedition in the setting up of Presbyterial government, much less finally to suppress it, which seems to be the desire and endeavour of Mr. Salt●●.    

SECT. XIIII. The objections taken from a supposed needlessness of the Presbytery answered.  
THat which he produceth against the Presbytery in Mr. Prinnes name, consisteth chief of two particulars.  
1. That there is no necessity of it, that it should be established.  
2. The want of efficacy in it, where it is established.  
For the first, he produceth a remarkable passage (as he calls it) out of Mr. Prinnes Vindication in these words.  
And if our Assembly and Ministers will but diligently preach against that catalogue of scandalous sins, and sinners, they have presented to the Parliament, and the Parliament prescribe severe Tem porall Laws and punishments against them, and appoint good Civil Magistrates to see them duly executed, and inflicted; I am confident, that this would work a greater Reformation in our Church and State in one half year, than all the Church Discipline and Consures now so eagerly contested for, will do in an age, and will be the only true way, and speediest course to reform both Church and State at once; which I hope the Parliament will consider of, and take care, that our Ministers (like the Bishops formerly) may not now be taken up with ruling and governing, but preaching and instructing, which is work enough, wholly to engross their time and thoughts.  

Answer.  
This saying of Mr. P. I see beginneth to be had in honour by out Independent Brethren; for it is the Alpha of Mr. S.E. and Mr. T.T. their defence of positions, it is as the Omega of Mr. S. his answer to Mr. Prins Vindication, (and I wish the Author of it may have so much of it from the better sort of them as may make him some amends for the contumelies, and calumnies he hath suffered from the worse) and if Mr. P. his Testimony be so authentic with them, (but with most of them I know it is not) it may not be amiss to mind them, not of a piece of a lease, but of whole 
a Independency examined, unmasked, refuted by 12. new particular Interrogatories: detecting both the manifold absurdities, inconveniences that must necessarily attend it, to the great disturbance of Church, State, the diminution, subversion of the lawful undoubted power of all Christian Magistrates, Parliaments, Synods: and thaking the chief pillars, wherewith its Patrons would support it. And, A fresh discovery of some prodigious New wandering-blazing stars and firebrands, etc.  Books of his making, against their way.  
The words forecited contain three things. 1. A remedy against scandalous sins, and the sufficiency of that remedy, without Church-Discipline, and Censures, so eagerly contended for.  
2. An hope that the Parliament will consider of, and take care that Ministers may not (like Bishops formerly) be taken up with ruling, and governing.  
3. A reason of that hope, because preaching, and instructing is work enough to engross their time and thoughts.  
1. For the first, the Remedy prescribed against scandalous sins.  
If our Assembly and Ministers will but diligently preach against that Catalogue of scandalous sins, they have presented to the Parliament, and the Parliament prescribe severe Temporal Laws, and punishments against them, and appoint good Civil Magistrates to see them duly executed and inflicted.   

Answer.  
Here is less required of the Ministers then is performed by many of them; more promised concerning Laws, Punishments, and Magistrates then without presumption can be expected by any: For,  
1. For the Ministers, they preach against those scandalous sins contained in the Catalogue, and more too; and undertake to add many more to the Catalogue then are expressed; and the Honourable House of Commons hath sent an Order to the Assembly of Divines to that purpose; and when a supplement is made in obedience thereto, there will be yet more found out not mentioned before; so that there will be still new matter for addition, unless there be a reserve 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of remaining particulars, to be added when they are discovered, and some cautionary Order made that the Minister may not be put upon this hard Dilemma, either to administer to any against his judgement and conscience, or to suspend his own act of administration with hazard to himself, either for his person, or estate; which will be a greater inconvenience than any worthy Communicant can suffer, if he be upon the Ministers mistake unworthily denied his right to God's Ordinance for one turn only; (for before the next celebration of the Sacrament that which was doubtful before may be fully cleared) and of this difference there be two Reasons.  
1. If the party came worthily prepared, and were refused, he may have his part in the benefit of the Sacrament, as if he had actually received; for in such a case God accepteth the will for the deed.  
2. If he have well prepared his heart for that holy Communion, he hath so much charity, as not to take offence at the scrupled conscience of his Minister, at least not to desire that he should act any thing against it, because of the counsel and determination of the Apostle, Whatsoever is not of faith is sin, Rom. 14.23. so much humility, as to take the repulse in a doubtful case with meekness, and patience; so much faith, as to believe that though his innocence for the present be under a cloud, the Lord will bring forth his righteousness as light, and his judgement as the noon day, Psal. 37.6.  
Object. If it be said, the Minister may pretend conscience when it is perhaps some secret grudge, which tempts him to put upon his Parishioner an open disgrace.  
Answ. 1. I hope we shall have such Ministers, so well known by their faithfulness in preaching, and conscionableness in walking, that there will be no ground for such a suspicion at such a time.  
2. Though the consciousness of mine own innocent intentions might dispose me, for mine own particular, to accept of any penalty that a civil Sanction can impose, or that the arbitrary revenge of the repulsed party would inflict, if I were convinced to have kept any from the Sacrament out of spite, or a perverse spirit, or inconsiderate rashness, without a cause which may be allowed to be just before a competent judge; yet I hope, that all who have authority to determine any thing upon such miscarriage of the Minister, will think it sufficient, and answerable to exact justice, that he who shall abuse his power or transgress his duty in such a case, be dealt withal lege talionis; that is, that the Classis for his undue suspension suspend him from the Sacrament, which will bring so much more reproach and shame upon him, than he brought upon the party refused, as the more prudence, piety, and charity was required in him, and the more notice is taken of him when he prevaricates in his office and function, and is punished for it in such an open, and eminent manner.  
Object. But to leave it in the power of the Minister, without an express and particular rule, to receive, or reject whom he pleaseth, is to put into his hands an unlimited arbitrary power, which on all hands, in all sorts of men is disliked, and disclaimed.  
Answ. 1. It is not to be left to the Minister alone, but to the Presbytery.  
2. Though he act alone in the administration itself, he is not to be thought to act by an arbitrary power, when according to his duty (following the rule and his present light) he endevoureth to put difference betwixt the holy and profane, betwixt the unclean and the clean, ●zek. 22.26. and to preserve the holy Sacrament from contempt, that by a confusion of holy and unholy communicants, the Brownists & others who act according to their principles, may not be hardened in their separation from our sacred Assemblies.  
And in such a case for any private man to obtrude himself upon the Minister, is to act an arbitrary power upon him, yea an arbitrary tyranny if he should be authorised so to do: and should it be so (out we have so much experience of the piety, prudence, and indulgence of the most Honourable Houses, that we can never suspect any such pressure to proceed from them) we can readily resolve to act, or to forbear what according to the Dictate of our consciences we conceive to be enjoined, or prohibited by our great Master, and to bear and suffer what shall be imposed on us by our Superiors under him, to whom we profess our obedience is due, (being but private persons) either actively or passively, in whatsoever they shall determine concerning our persons, liberties, and estates.  
2. For that he saith of severe laws and punishments to be constituted, and good Magistrates chosen to see them actually executed, we confess, if that could be generally, and perpetually expected, or but for the most part, there were great hope of much help by such means against both the scandalous sins contained in the Catalogue, and others of like kind; but so long as Magistrates are men of no purer mould, or metal, than Ministers are, and they pass not through so severe an examination before they be admitted to their offices, as Ministers do, nor have so many obligations laid upon them for sincerity, and integrity, as are laid upon Ministers; nor so many eyes upon them to observe their aberrations from a right rule, as Ministers have; nor are like to have so many mouths open to reprove, or reproach them for, or so many hands to restrain them from misdoing, or to punish them for it, (as most Ministers in regard of their poverty, and impotency, for the most part may expect, which the Magistrates their superiors in estate and authority need not so much to fear) there is no reason I conceive, to take all power of censure from the Presbytery, for the Minister's sake (for the Elders are not denied to be capable of jurisdiction as they are members of the Civil State) and to put all upon the power, and vigilant and conscionable execution of the Magistrate.  
And I doubt not but we may confidently aver, and the experience of precedent and subsequent times will make it good, that it is so fare from being superfluous that there be a concurrence of the Civil and Presbyterial power for suppression of sin, that when both are employed and improved with all prudence, diligence, and conscience, to suppress the corruption of nature, and to prevent the spreading and prevailing of scandalous sins, and when the severe and strict discipline of private Families, and of common Schools is added unto them, there will be no cause, for all that, to suspect any pleonasme either of piety, or civility, among the people of the Kingdom.    

SECT. XV. Of Mr. Colemans' Interimisticall Magistracy.  
NOr would that way which Mr. Coleman in his late (and yet perhaps too soon put forth) Re-examination of the Examination of his Sermon remembreth, be so sufficient of itself, 
A Brotherly examination, reexamined. p. 1●.  as that if it had prevailed, there would have been no need of a Presbytery to supply the defect thereof, as he delivereth it: it is this,  
At the extirpation of the Prelacy, the Honourable Parliament would have established Commissioners in all Counties as an Interimisticall Magistracy, etc. And this he seemeth to conceive a better way of Church Government then that of the Presbytery; so much better, that if that had been set up, this would have been superfluous.  
But in this historical passage of his, there be many particulars which may come under correction; for first, he saith the Parliament would have established Commissioners in all Counties, as an Interimisticall Magistracy; And would the Parliament have done it? why did they not do it? was any power greater than the Parliaments? any prudence more prevalent than theirs? Secondly, Some, saith he, (and who they were is enough known) fearing that if once it were there placed, they should never get it into their hands again, cried it down, and were a stop in the way of the intended work.  

Answer.  
Who these some were, is not known enough, I think not at all; for it is like that a party, a smaller party, (for so must that be which is a contra-distinct to the Honourable Parliament) should oppose and overbeare the greater part, resolutions being made by plurality of Votes? It is much more probable (to say no more) that some, and but some, would have set up an Interimisticall Magistracy, and that the Honourable Parliament cried it down and were a stop in the way of the intended work; my reason is,  
1. Because they never made Ordinance, or Order for that Interimisticall Magistracy.  
2. Because they have done both for the Presbyterial Government.  
3. Because an 
* Interim Germania decestabibis farrago. Bez. respons. ad Baldwin. p. 49. See Bucolz. Ind. Chron. p. 562. add an. 1548. Epist. Brentii Calvine. p. 77.  Interimisticall Temperament hath been always by the godly, and orthodox party attended with jealousy and fear, and hath been by them as much hated, as feared.  
4. Because that Interimisticall Magistracy that was projected, was too like Prelacy to be liked (by such as desired a thorough Reformation;) and that in three things especially.  
1. In that it had no warrant in the word of God.  
2. That it would shrink up the power into a few hands, which should be communicated to many, as the Prelacy did.  
3. In that it was contrary to the example of all the truly reformed Churches in the Christian world.    

SECT. XVI. The Objection of eager contestation for Church Discipline, and Censures answered.  
HAving done with Mr. Colemans' Interim, (which came in as a parenthesis to the Discourse we were in, though it be pertinent to it) I return to Mr. Saltm. his exception, taken out of Mr. Prinnes Vindication, where he aggravates the matter against the Presbytery, in that, though by the sufficiency of other Remedies it be needless, (so it hath been said, and thereto we have replied) it is yet very eagerly contended for.  
The Answer is, if he meant it concerning admission to, or rejection from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, (which is that which hath been most agitated betwixt him and some of our Tribe) the contestation on the Minister's part is but for the liberty of their conscience, the purity of God's Ordinance, the preventing of Scandal, which causeth and confirmeth Schism; and in such cases it becomes them not to be remiss, or to manage such a Cause with a Laodicean luke warmness, but with servency of spirit; and yet I doubt not, but their zeal therein, for the chiefest of them, is, and will be guided with knowledge, and both tempered with humility, modesty, and meekness of spirit.  
And that it hath none affinity with an affectation of power, or liberty to reject men from the Sacrament at their pleasure, I believe (because I am confident it is the mind of most of those Ministers who are competently qualified with knowledge, and grace for their holy function) that it is matter of great grief of heart unto them to have any occasion of sending any of their Congregations sad from the Sacrament, or (as it may be likely to prove in most cases) with wrath, and heartburning against themselves. For my part I ever took it for one of the great aggrievances which many godly Ministers (who were conformists in the gesture of receiving the Lords Supper) suffered under the domination of the Bishops, that they put it upon them to put such from the Sacrament as out of scruple of conscience durst not kneel at the receipt of it; and that such were threatened with suspension (and some actually suspended from the Ministry) as admitted Communicants either standing, or sitting, though never so well instructed and well affected in matter of Religion, and never so religious in life and conversation; and if I might make mine own choice, I had rather submit myself to the meanest man within my Pastoral charge, in the most servile offices belonging to his person, for a week together, then for one time only return him from the Lords Table, as unworthy to be admitted to partake of the provision thereof; or as 
Coenam proximo die dominico sinnus celebraturi. Hinc cogita quibus angustiis nunc constringar; utinon me absent posset celebrari, bac conditione, ut ad vos usque vel manibus reptarem. Calvin. Epist. Farello, data Calend. Septemb. 1546. Ep. p. 64. in fol. excus. Genev. anno 1575.  Calvin once said on the like occasion, I had rather absent myself from the Sacrament for that turn, when there is cause to turn any from the Sacrament, though I went away somewhither upon mine hands, then to make any distinguishing disturbance in the celebration of the Supper. And if I know mine own heart in this point, I think it would be as great a trouble to me to be an agent, as to any man to be a patiented in such a repulse; and as great a joy if any were able to clear it unto my conscience, that no part of that Government ought to be committed to my charge, which I ever apprehended as a burden, (and that an heavy one) rather then a privilege.  
Secondly, for the hope that he hath that the Parliament will consider of, and take care that our Ministers, (like the Bishops formerly) may not be taken up too much with ruling and governing.  

Answer.  
I hope so too, and I have more than hope also; for I am well assured the Parliament is so wise, that their Reformation will have so much of the spirit of sound judgement, so little of pangs of excessive antipathy, that they will not run so fare from one extreme, as to arrive at the other. There is a golden medium betwixt so much as the Bishops had, and none at all, as some would now have it.  
Thirdly, for the Reason of that hope, it is because preaching and instructing is work enough wholly to engross their time, and thoughts.   

Answer.  
Yet not so wholly, but that there may be a competent time allowed for assistance in Discipline; there have been many Disciplinarians who have been frequent Preachers, and great Writers also; as Calviu, Beza, Moulin, and divers others; and there are many Divines at this present, who bestow many hours daily at the debates, and other business of the Assembly at Westminster, and yet are not wanting to their Pulpits on the Sabbath, and who preach many times on the week days besides; and (in modesty to omit the account of mine own time, studies and tasks for above forty years together, and I believe divers of my Brethren have much to say for themselves to the same purpose) I shall instance only in the great abilities, and diligence of my very learned and religious friend, and Brother, Dr. Hoyle, who had occasion by way of Apology, to plead for himself, before his rejoinder to the lesuite Malone, in this manner.  
The Book indeed is presented to the world fare later than my expectation; which hath been ready, as it now comes forth, these many years: But the Press was still employed, and occupied with other things, by them that had command. He that herein imputes sloth or negligence to me, knows me not. For if I should give but an Indiculus of my studies, Et vacet annales nostrorum audire laborum; I might make the Jesuit, and a thousand more ashamed of their idleness. Fare be it from me to brag and beast, who have ever abhorred all shadow of vainglory: remembering Solomon's words, Let another man praise thee and not thine own mouth, Prov. 27. And therefore leaving it to the disposer, and prosperer of all mine endeavours, I content, and feast myself with the suffrage of my conscience, as desirous for mine own part to have something more than the world knows. Though I might appeal (if need were) to the grand Reader of Europe, as best acquainted from the very first with me, and my studies. But what the world knows give me leave to speak: that it may appear that this work could never fall into fuller hands, or to a man more employed; who could allot no more time to it then what must be gained succisivis horis. 
Pro Archia.  Never could Tully speak more truly of his abstracted life, and importunate lucubrations. I expounded the whole Bible through in the College, in daily Lectures, and in the chiefest books ordinarily a verse a day; we need not origen's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: this work we held almost fifteen years. A few years before this was ended I began likewise the second Exposition of the whole Bible in the Church: and within ten years have ended all the New Testament, excepting one book and a piece, all the Prophets, all Solomon and job; so that my Answer to the jesuite did in part concur with both these labours. What preaching, what expounding, this is my constant practice, (neither sickness nor any thing else withdrawing me) thrice every Sabbath for the fare greater part of the year; once every Holiday, often twice, besides many other extraordinary sudden occasions. Add to these my weekly Lectures (as Professor) in the Controversies, and my Answers to all Bellarmine in word and writing. Where in above eight years I finished his Tome of the seven Sacraments, for there we began; his last Tome in six years, and now sundry years in the Tome or Tomes remaining. What breathing time had I in all these employments? or how could this work be committed to fuller hands?  
And though there be but a few who are so eminent in parts, and in performances so laborious, yet the most of those Ministers who are to bear a part in the Discipline of the Church, either are, or (if the Refomation proceed) will be so well qualified, that they may give due attendance upon preaching, and yet have competent time for other duties, whereto as men, as Christians, or as Ministers, whether in the Church, or Consistory, they are engaged. And Mr. Pr. knows by experience in his own profession, that many are able (being habituated in Book-learning, and Lawcases, and pleading of Causes) upon a little warning to speak more, and better to the purpose, than many others by long preparation; and he himself, we see, hath time enough, not only to plead his Clients causes, but to write so many books, as were they bound up together, would make divers very competent Volumes: and while a good Minister, (and I hope we shall have more store of such then in former times) is exercised in Church Government, he is not quite out of office for preaching, and instructing, for he may have just occasion and fair opportunity, ministerially to admonish those that are convened, either as parties to be censured, or as witnesses to be examined, in the Ecclesiastical Consistory.    

SECT. XVII. The Objection of in efficacy for holiness of life in such as live under the Presbytery answered.  
THe second particular he produceth, in Mr. Prinnes name, against the Presbytery is, 
* M. Salim. in his opening of 〈◊〉 the Vindication. p. 23. 24. and in the Vindication itself. p. 57  the want of efficacy in it, where it is established; which he exemplifieth by instances in several reformed Churches elsewhere, and comparing England with them, he saith, That the practical power of godliness is generally more eminently visible in the lives of the generality of the people, more strict, pious, less scandalous, and licentious in our English Congregations, where there hath been powerful preaching without the practice of excommunication, or suspension from the Sacrament, then in the reformed Churches of France, Germany, Denmark, or Scotland; for which I appeal (saith he) to all Travellours, and Independent Ministers, who have lived in the Netherlands, who will, and must acknowledge, that in the sanctification of the Lords Day, strictness of life, and exemplariness of conversation, our English Ministers and Protestants excel all others.  
These be Mr. Pr. his words, upon which Mr. Saltm. maketh this inference, viz. That the Vindication, though it pretend in the general face of it to be for the Presbytery, yet it is clear, that in aspersing the Government in all those reformed Kingdoms, where the practice and power of it hath been, it secretly wounds the glory of it in the opinion of the world; and though it pull not down the Government quite, yet it Weakens the posts, or judgements of men, on which it stands.  

Answer.  
1. By what I have read of Mr. Prinnes writings, what I have observed of him myself, and received by report of such as are best acquainted with his mind, and ways, I conceive him to be so true an Israelite, without all guile, that he will not pretend one thing, when he intends another.  
2. For the Assertion itself, there be two things to be considered.  
1. Whether it be true or no.  
2. If so, what may be the reason of it, that alleged, or some other.  
For the first: Whether the Assertion be true or no?  
The resolution of this Question must be made with difference of times; for countries', as well as particular persons, have their variations in Religion, not only for profession of the faith, but for practise of holiness: as in King James his days, upon the Declaration and liberty granted upon the Sunday, (that is the name in the Declaration, and it is the fittest name for a licence of profaneness) for sports and pastimes, renewed by the King that now is, the people of England were more lose and licentious on that day, than now they are, upon the burning of that Book, and an Ordinance of Parliament set out for the more holy observation of the Sabbath. The Application of this distinction may resolve the observation several ways; and we may say, that sometimes one people or Nation, sometimes another, (and the same people at one time more than at another) may be more conformable in practice to the principles of piety.  
And as there is a distinction of times, so of places; some are more, some less civilised; as in Scotland 
* Abbot Geogr. P. 207, 208.  the Low-land is the most civil part of the Realm, where Religion is most orderly established; but the other part called the Highland, which lieth further to the North, or bendeth towards Ireland, is more rude and savage, and so further from conformity in Religion.  
And there may be great difference also in respect of Preachers, and Sermons, wherewith some Countries are much better furnished than others; and thence are not only more Civil, but more Religious also; for civility and religion mutually conduce to the help of each other; Civility makes men more capable of Religion, Religion makes them more conformable to Civility; this is observable in many parts of Wales, and Cornwall, which are but poorly stored with well gifted Preachers, in comparison of London, and many other places of this Kingdom.  
And whereas it is said, that in the reformed Churches, as in the Churches of France, Germany, Denmark, and Scotland, the people be less strict and pious, more licentious and scandalous then in England, where there hath been powerful preaching, without the practice of excommunication, and suspension from the Sacrament. It is to be considered that in England both suspension from the Sacrament, and excommuication have been in use, before the deposition of the Prelates and Service Book; and by this Argument we might plead for the retaining of the English Prelacy and Liturgy, and against the establishment of the Presbytery and Directory, both which Mr. Priune hath in a better opinion and reputation, than the Government and Book which were their predecessors in the English Church; and if we suppose there is powerful preaching with the one Government, and not with the other, we should ascribe the prelation to that which is principal and present, viz. the preaching of the word, and not cast a reproach upon that which is accessary (though in a secondary degree necessary also) because it is absent, since the want thereof can contribute nothing to spiritual proficiency, but the presence and exercise of it, very much.  
2. Question: If the precedent assertion be true, what may be the reason?   

Answer.  
If there be less strictness in those forementioned Churches, then in the Church of England, it cannot be charged upon the Presbyterian Discipline, or Government; for there is nothing in that which tends to licentiousness, and scandal, but to the quite contrary; and I can speak it by experience, that the formal admonition of inordinate walkers by the Minister, and Churchwardens, without any further proceeding in Discipline, hath kept many in more awe, and better order, then without it they would have been; so that where the Word is powerfully preached, and that Discipline duly, and piously, and impartially administered, it is not only very effectual for preservation of the profession of Christianity from Heresy, and Schism, (as 
* See the Preface to the new Annotations of the Bible. p. 1.  of the Church of Scotland is observed), but for promotion of the practice of piety, and prevention of looseness of life, as of the Church of Geneva is noted, and acknowledged by Bodine, a Papist, in the sixth Chapter of his Book, the meth, historiae.  
And if any where the people living under this Government be more generally profane, then where it is not, it may, or rather must, be referred, 1. To some other reason, as in Germany the sin of Drunkenness prevaileth so much, that this reproachful Proverb passeth upon them, 
* Heylin● G●●ogr. p. 256.  Germanorum vivere est bibere: The Germans life is drowned in his liquor: whence it is that they abound in Brewers, 
* Ibid. p. 260.  having 777. of that Trade, 40. Bakers, one Lawyer, one Physician, in the Town of Hamburge; and where they are habitually addicted to that vice, they are little disposed to the power of godliness.  
2. In some Countries where the Presbytery is established, the Ministers are in mean estimation, because they are reduced to a despicable poverty, their revenues being kept from them, by the Nobility and Gentry, and they tucked up to 
* The large Declaration of the late Tumults in Scotland. p. 7, 8.  some poor pittance, either by way of stipendiary benevolence, or some other mean allowance, unworthy of the Ministers of the Gospel; and which exposeth them to all manner of contempt, and a base dependence upon their patrons: Now where the Ministers of the Gospel are despised, the Gospel is less honoured, and the people less affected with any doctrine, or duty of piety, and conscience.  
3. Some reformed Churches, though they admit of the Presbyterian Government, are the less reform, because they are in their habitation, and conversation, mingled with profane Papists, as in France.  
4. And lastly, the most reformed Churches in foreign parts are, and long have been much unreformed in the Doctrine of the Sabbath; which few foreign Divines teach so sound, few foreign Christians observe so conscientiously, as do the Divines and Christians of the Church of England; and it is experimentally proved, that according to men's care, or neglect of the sanctification of the Sabbath, they are more or less pious, or profane, strict, or licentious in their conversations.  
It is not then the absence of Discipline, where the Word is powerfully preached, and the Sabbath religiously observed, that furthereth any thing to holiness of life, but the want of these (which should be joined with Discipline) which makes it less effectual for popular reformation; but where all are joined together, there not only the ordinary behaviour of men is more orderly, but divers are in their lives so strict, so exact, that, as a 
* The Essays of the Lord ●erulam. Essay ●2. 〈…〉.  witty Author makes the resemblance, they are like a verse wherein every syllable is measured.    

SECT. XVIII. Showing what might be retorted upon the Antipresbyteriall party, but concluding for Unity and Peace, with allegation of Mr. Burroughs his propositions of reconciliation and accord: and some other particulars tending thereto.  
HItherto I have for the most part held out the Buckler of Apology against the exceptions taken at the present setting up of the Presbyterial Government.  
I could now take up the Sword of Assault, and put Mr. Saltm. to be Defendant, while I bring in Objections against the haste which some of his party make in setting up their congregational way, not only without Authority, but against it. For the Presbyterian Discipline hath been by Authority of Parliament in ●●bate, first in the Assembly, afterward in both Houses of Parliament; and so fare as it is agreeable to the word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches, covenanted to be established in this Kingdom, and in the Kingdom of Ireland, contrary to the congregational and Independent platform; and many parts of it have been set forth already by Ordinance, or Order of the Honourable Houses; yet the Presbyterians take not upon them to be active in the choice of Elders, or in any other part of Ecclesiastical power, but humbly wait for further warrant from the Parliament, to proceed in the work; while many of our dissenting Brethren, of their own accord, and without the command, or consent, and against the Vote of the Civil State, gather Churches, or continue the Government of those they have gathered, according to the model of their own choosing, notwithstanding the joint admonition of many eminent Ministers, as well Independent as Presbyterial, to forbear, until what was, and yet is, in part, under deliberation, came to accomplishment: and 
* M. S. Eton Teacher, and Tim. Taylor, Pastor of the Church of Duckenfield in Cheshire, in their late defence of sundry positions and Scriptures to justify the congregational way.  some take the boldness publicly, and in print, to avow themselves as Ministers under the name, and office of Teachers and Pastors of new constituted Churches, and publicly to assert their repugnant principles, and practices, in opposition to that which the Honourable Houses of Parliament have partly authorised already, by their Civil Sanction, and engaged themselves further to authorize, throughout the Churches of both Kingdoms, as God shall be pleased to make way for a thorough reformation, by reducing the several Countries under the command of the King and Parliament.  
But I had rather (than recriminate) friendly and kindly close with my yet dissenting Brother; and therefore hearty commend it to his Christian consideration, to study the reconciliation, and union of all the godly party, (as Mr. Burroughs hath lately done) and not to proceed to discourses which tend to make, or maintain division, or estrangement, and alienation of affection betwixt them.  
To that purpose I shall propose as a pattern of imitation to Mr. Saltm. and to all others who partake with him in his present Opinion, what he hath set down in the seventh Chapter of his Irenicum in his own words.  
First, 
Mr. Burroughs his Irenieum. c. 7. p. 43, 44, 45.  Those in the congregational way acknowledge, that they 〈◊〉 bound in conscience to give account of their ways to the Churches about them, or to any other who shall require it; this not in an arbitrary way, but as a duty that they own to God, and man.  
Secondly, They acknowledge that Synods of other Ministers, and Elders about them, are an Ordinance of jesus Christ, for the helping the Church against errors, schisms, and scandals.  
Thirdly, That these Synods may, by the power they have from Christ, admonish men or Churches in his Name, when they see evils continuing in, or growing upon the Church; and their admonitions carry with them the authority of jesus Christ.  
Fourthly, As there shall be cause, they may declare men or Churches to be subverters of the faith; or otherwise, according to the nature of the offence, to shame them before all the Churches about them.  
Fiftly, They may by a solemn act, in the Name of jesus Christ, refuse any further communion with them, till they repent.  
Sixthly, They may declare, and that also in the Name of Christ, that these erring people, or Churches, are not to be received into fellowship with any of the Churches of Christ, nor to have communion one with another, in the Ordinances of Christ: Now all this being done in Christ's Name, is this nothing to prevail with conscience?  
If you say, private brethren may admonish, and declare in the Name of Christ.  
This is more than if any private Brethren should do the same thing; for at Synod is a solemn Ordinance of Christ, and the Elders are to be looked on as the officers of jesus Christ.  
But our Brethren say, There is one means more in their way, than the Congregation all way hath, that is, if the six former will not work, than Synods may deliver to Satan.  
In this very thing lies the very knot of the Controversy, between these who are for the Presbyterial, and those who are for the congregational way, in reference to the matter in hand, namely the means to reducing from, or keeping out errors and heresies from the Church, in this lies the dividing business: But I beseech you consider at what a punctum we divide here, and judge whether the cause of division in this thing be so great, as there can be no help; and whether, if an evil spirit prevail not amongst us, we may not join; For,  
First, consider, what is there in this delivering to Satan? which is a seventh thing which our Brethren think may hopefully prevail with men's consciences, when the six former cannot.  
Yes, say they, for by this they are put out of the Kingdom of Christ, into the kingdom of Satan, and this will terrify.  
This putting out of Christ's Kingdom, must be understood clavae non errante; if the Synod judges right, not otherwise; yes, this is granted by all.  
Then consider whether this be not done before, and that with an authority of Christ, by those former six things; for bereticall Congregations, or persons, are judged and declared in a solemn Ordinance, by the officers of Christ, gathered together in his Name, to be such as have no right to any Church Ordinance, to have no communion with any of the Churches of Christ. Now if this judgement be right, are not such persons, or Congregations put out of the Kingdom of Christ, and put under the power of Satan consequently?  
But thirdly. If some brethren rise to a seventh degree, and others stay at six, which have yet such a power over conscience, that if they prevail not, the seventh is no way likely to prevail: why should not the Apostles rule quiet us all, Phil. 3.15, 16. Whereto we have already attained, let us walk by the same rule; if in any thing you be otherwise minded, God will reveal even this unto you; if we have attained but to six, and our Brethren have attained to seven, let us walk together lovingly to the six; if God shall after reveal the seventh (we will promise to pray and study in the mean time) we shall walk with them in that also: why must it needs be now urged with violence, so as to divide else? and although we hold not the seventh, yet there is an ingredient in the sixth, that hath in it the strength of the seventh; for wherein lies the strength of the seventh above the rest? is it not in this, that it is the last means Christ hath appointed in his Church to work upon the heart? this consideration hath much terror it it; Now those in the congregational way say, that this is fully in the sixth, wherefore that is as terrible to their consciences, as the seventh can be to the consciences of our brethren, and that upon the same ground.  
If so, what is the difference (for this matter) more than that which hath been betwixt many godly and Orthodox Divines about the division of the Lords Prayer, whether it contain 6. or 7. petitions, when those that are for six, have as much matter in those six, as those that have seven; and those that have seven, no more than is contained in the six? for my part, if this be candidly, and cordially in point of Church Government delivered, and so received, and professed by those of his side, I hope such as are adversaries unto both parties, shall not long rejoice, and prosper by the advantage they make of our mutual divisions.   

SECT. XIX. Further grounds and hopes of union in the Churches of the Sister Kingdoms of England and Scotland, with Answers to the Objections that are made against it.  
I Have the more hope of the Union , because if they (who in respect of the paucity and novelty of their party, compared with the Churches of the Presbyterian Government, throughout the Christian World, for number and Seniority are not so considerable as some conceive) will yield as fare as they ought, for a pacifical accord, their Presbyterian Brethren will as fare as they may (with security to the truth, and reservation of the interest, and honour of the Reformed Churches) come down to them in such a Christian accommodation, as is requisite for a conclusion of peace.  
My ground for this is that which I have observed in the disposition of the Reverend, Religious, and prudent Commissioners of the Church of Scotland; for though that Church be supposed, and censured by some, as the most rigid in exacting assent to, and observation of her rules, and customs, as if all must yield to her, as the Standard of Discipline, and she would yield to none, they have always, in all their debates, and behaviour, even towards the dissenting Brethren, carried themselves with a most Christian and Evangelicall sincerity, and sweetness of spirit, and some of them have well witnessed to the world their hopes, desires, and endeavours for peace, especially with all the religious and faithful Preachers, and Professors of the Church of England.  
For instance, one of them in his 
* Mr. Gillespie his Brotherly examination of some passages of M. C. his printed Sermon. p. 33. This is repeated in his latter Book called Nihi● Respondes. p. 19  Brotherly examination of some passages in Mr. Colem. his Sermon, to this Question, Where shall the Independents and we meet? returneth this answer, In holding a Church Governmeut jure divino, that is, that the Pastors and Elders ought to suspend, or excommunicate, according to the degree of the offence of scandalous sinners; and who can tell but the purging of the Church from scandals, and the keeping of the Ordinances pure, when it shall be actually seen to be the great work endeavoured on both sides, may wake union betwixt us and the Independents more easy than many imagine? and in his 
* Ibid.  latter book (saith he) we will never despair of an union with such as are sound in the faith, holy in life, and willing to a Church refining and sinne-censuring government, in the hands of Church Officers.  
And in answer to Mr. C. his relation of news of agreement betwixt Presbyterians and Independents, Lutherans and Calvinists, Papists and Protestants, Turks and Christians; in holding that there is a Religion wherein men ought to walk, he saith: No Sir, they must be united upon the like terms, that is, you must first have Turks to be Christians, Papists to be Protestants, and then you must have them as willing to purge the Church of scandals, and to keep the Ordinances pure, etc. And after a few lines before repeated, quitting Mr. C. his jeering report of news, he replieth (but soberly and seriously) Now will I tell you my news, the Presbyterians and Independents are both equally interested against the Erastian Principles; and which is more, for degree of assurance, and for more general concurrence in truth and peace; not this Commissioner, nor these Commissioners only, but the whole Church of Scotland, is well prepared, and disposed to a Christian, and Brotherly compliance with the Church of England, in the way of reformation; for Mr. Coleman having objected that the Commissioners of Scotland came not to the Assembly at Westminster as Divines, by dispute and disquisition to find out the truth, but at judges to censure all different opinions as errors; for so (saith he) come for nine Divines to Dort, Alexander to the Council of Nice, Cyrill to Ephesus; the Learned Commissioner answereth him thus: Is it not enough to slander us, though he do not for our sakes slander those worthy Divines that came to the Synod of Dort, Alexander also and cyril, prime witnesses for the truth in their days? would no less content him then to approve the Objections of the Arminians against the Synod at Dort, which I had mentioned, p. 33? but he gets not away so: the strongest instance which I had given he hath are once touched: it was concerning Paul and Barnabas who wore engaged (not in the behalf of one Nation but of all the Churches of the Gentiles) against the imposition of the Mosaical rites, and had so declared themselves at Antioch, before they came to jerusalem. Finally, whereas he doubts, though not of our willingness to learn more, yet of our permission to receive more: That very paper first given in by we (which I had cited, and unto which he makes this reply) did speak not only of our learning, but of the Church of Scotland's receiving: And which is more, there is an actual experiment of it, the last general Assembly having ordered the laying aside of some particular customs in that Church, and that for the nearer uniformity with this Church of England, as was expressed in their own Letter to the Reverend Assembly of Divines. And though they thought it necessary to show their different opinion in one point of the Directory, yet they entered their dissent without any disaffection to us of the Assembly; I will give you their sense in their own words, which are these:  
Only we have thought it necessary to declare, and make known, that the Clause in the Directory for the administration of the Lords Supper, which appointeth the Table to be so placed, that the Communicants may orderly sit about it, or at it, is not to be interpreted as if in the judgement of our Kirks, it were indifferent for any of the Communicants not to come to, and receive at the Table, or as if we did approve the distributing of the elements by the Minister to each Communicant, and not by the Communicants among themselves, in which particulars we still conceive and believe the order and practise of our own Kirke to be most agreeable to the word of God, the example of our Lord jesus Christ, and the nature of that heavenly Feast and Table; nevertheless in other particulars we have resolved, and do agree to do as you have desired us in your Letter: This was part of the Letter from the General Assembly at Edinburgh, signed thus: Subscribed in the name of the General Assembly by Mr. Robert Douglas Moderator. Feb. 13. 1644.  
Whereby we see they do not for that difference of opinion take any offence, or show any dislike of their Brethren at Westminster, nor any distaste at the rest of the Directory for any particular contained in it.  
But yet for all this some are so unwilling to believe there will be peace, (especially in the point of Government of the Church) that they feign the Parliament and the Assembly of Divines at irreconciliable difference about it, the Divines requiring the stamp of Divine right to be set upon it, and the Parliament resolute to yield no more authority for it, than a mere Civil Sanction can give unto it.  

Answer.  
To this we answer: 1. That the Divines do not affirm the whole frame and fabric of Church Government to be of Divine right, for it is made up of particulars of different kinds, viz. Substantials of Government, which have their warrant either by ordinance in his word, or direct inference from it, as that there must be Church Officers, Pastors, and their Ordination, Elders, and Deacons, and Church Offices both of preaching, administration of the Sacraments, and Government; Church censures, admonition, suspension, excommunication; and accidental, or circumstantial additions, which are of prudential direction, and consideration, as for Pastors, when and in what manner they shall be ordained; whether a Preacher should treat on a Text, or on some Theological Theme or Common place, when and how oft, and to how many at once the Sacraments should be administered, how many assisting Elders should be in a Parish, and whether they should be chosen and admitted to their office with imposition of hands, and continue in it for a year or two, or for term of life; in what form of words admonition, suspension, or excommunication should be comprised and pronounced, with divers others of like sort.  
This distinction the Divines of the Assembly make of the contents of the Directory for the public worship of God throughout the three Kingdoms, (and the same hath the like use in the Church Government desired) their words in the last lease of the Preface of the Directory are these: We have, after earnest and frequent calling upon the Name of God, and after much consultation, not with flesh and blood, but with the holy Word, resolved to lay aside the former Leiturgy, with the many rites and Ceremonies formerly used in the worship of God: and have agreed upon this following Directory for all the parts of public worship, at ordinary and extraordinary times.  
Wherein our care hath been to hold forth such things as are of Divine Institution in every Ordinance; and other things we have endeavoured to set forth according to the rules of Christian prudence, agreeable to the general Rules of the Word of God.  
2. Though the Honourable Houses have not yet asserted the constitution of the Church Government as ordained in or derived from, or as agreeable to the Word of God, because, (as some render the reason) it is not the manner of Lawmakers to mingle matter of Religion with their Civil Sanction; yet when they present it complete in all the parts thereof, it may be they will at least give intimation of the conformity of it to the Canonical Scriptures according to the distinction of the parts before proposed; and it is not so strange and unusual (as some pretend) for Legislative authority to borrow a religious reputation for what they enact or ordain from the Word of God, for we find instance thereof in the Statutes 
(a) Concerning the Sacrament of the Lords Supper the words of Institution are set down, and 15. places of Scripture quoted in the Marginewith letters of reference in the Text. Poult. Abridgm. p. 826.  of the first year of Edward the sixth, c. 1.  

(b) The Statute of the first of Q. Merry, c. 2. repealed as causing a decay of the honour of God, and the discomsort of the professors of the truth of Christ's Religion. Ibid. p. 1005.  In the first of Eliza. c. 2.  

(c) For as much as profane swearing and cursing is forbidden by the Word of God. Ibid. p. 1403.  In the 21. of K. James, c. 20.  

(d) Nothing more acceptable to God than the true and sincere service and worship of him according to his holy will, and that the holy keeping of the Lords Day is 2 principal part of the true service of God. Ibid. p. 1427.  In the first of K. Charles. c. 1. &  

(e) For as much as the Lords Day commonly called Sunday is much broken and profaned by Carrier's, &c. to the great dishonour of God, reproach of Religion, etc. Ibid. p. 1434.  In the third of K. James. c. 1.  
Lastly, the present Parliament hath done the like already for some parts of the Reformation authorised, as for the Ordination of Ministers, which is a chief part of the Presbyterial authority, of which they say,  

* So in the Ordinance for Ordination ordered to be printed. October 2. 1644. p. 2.  Whereas it is manifest by the Word of God, that no man ought to take upon him the office of a Minister until he be lawfully called and ordained thereunto; and that the work of Ordination, that is to say, an outward solemn setting apart of persons for the office of the Ministry in the Church by Preaching Presbyters, is an Ordinance of Christ, and is to be performed with all due care, wisdom, gravity, and solemnity: It is ordained by the Lords and Commons, etc.  
And in their Ordinance for the Directory, Jan. 3. 1644. They begin with these words, The Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, taking into serious consideration the manifold incenveniences that have risen by the Book of Common Prayer in this Kingdom, and resolving according to their Covenant to reform Religion according to the Word of God, and the example of the best Reformed Churches, have consulted with the Reverend, Pious, and Learned Divines, called together to that purpose; and do judge it necessary that the said Book of Common Prayer be abolished, and the Directory for the public worship of God, herein after mentioned, be established, and observed in all the Churches within this Kingdom, etc.  
If it be said, that Ordination and Worship are usually distinguished from Power and Government, and that both of them have more express warrant from the word of God, then can be found in Scripture for the Presbyterial Government.   

I Auswer.  
1. That the question is not now whether there be difference betwixt them, but whether there be such difference betwixt a Civil Sanction, and Divine ratification, that the one may not well be brought in with the other.  
2. That though there were much use made of the distinction of the key of order, and the key of power, or of jurisdiction in the time of the Prelates, so that they confined that wholly to the Clergy, principally to themselves, while they sold, or trusted out the key of power, or of jurisdiction to Vicar's general, Chancellors, Archdeacon's, Commissaries, and rural Deans: yet is Ordination one of the principal parts of the Presbyterial power; and if it be (as it is commonly taken) matter of power, to let into the Church by the Sacrament of Baptism, as indeed it is; and whom to admit to, and whom to keep back from participation of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, it is a degree of power fare above both, whom to ordain to, or whom to debar from the order of Presbyters: for,  
1. Whatsoever power or authority a Presbyter may claim by the word of God, is virtually included in his Ordination.  
2. They that have power to ordain a Presbyter, have power, upon just cause, to silence and suspend the execution of that power, and to stop his mouth, Tit. 1.11. if it be opened to broach heresy, or blasphemy, or if his conversation be vicious, and scandalous.  
3. The Covenant, for the general heads of it, comprehendeth a perfect enumeration of the main parts of the desired reformation, under the titles of Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government; but Ordination is not to be referred to Doctrine or Worship, but to Discipline or Government; for the ordaining of Governors, and the exercise of Government, properly appertain to the same Topick or Classis.  
4. Though Government and Worship be distinguished betwixt themselves, yet both agree in this, that their general grounds and rules are found in the word of God, and in that respect, the one may be set forth in the Civil Sanction with a relish of, and reference to a religious constitution, as well as the other.  
But in case they will not be pleased to express any Divine right, in any part of the Government, in their Civil Sanction, and will in a Parliamentary, and Legislative way, establish that thing which really, and in itself, is agreeable to the Word of God; though they do not declare it to be the will of jesus Christ, (as is noted before out of the learned Commissioner of Scotland his 
* Sect. 8. p. 25.  Brotherly examination, and he hath the like in his 
* p. 32.  Nihil Respondes) we must be satisfied. 
* p. 22.     

SECT. XX. An Appendix to the precedent examination, being an Apologetical Narrative of the Petitions of the Common Council of the City, and Ministers of London, presented to both the Honourable Houses of Parliament the 19th and 20th days of Novem. 1645. with a Vindication of them, and the proceed in them, from the scandalous aspersions of the weekly Pamphleteers, especially of him, who miscalls himself by the name of the Moderate Intelligencer.  
But howsoever the hope of union hath gone on hitherto, since the Petitions of the Common Council, and of the Ministers of the City, were presented to the Parliament, there is great likelihood of a dangerous breach betwixt the Parliament and them, which will not easily be cemented up to perfect accord.  
So haply may some conceive, who know no more of the matter than they are told by the Moderate Intelligencer, or by his Plagiatie the writer of the continuation of especial and remarkable Passages, (who repeats his lying and scandalous Relation, word for word) in these terms: This day the Common Council did present a Petition to the Commons House of Parliament, by divers Aldermen, and others of that Council, which seemed to complain, or take ill the proceed of the Parliament with the Assembly, in the late business past concerning the election of Elders, etc.  
The Commons sat long about the business, and laid it much to heart, that any such thing should come from the City, and that they should lend an ear to any, that should in so evil a way represent things unto them; and of what dangerous consequence it was, and gave them an answer to this effect.  
That they did perceive that they had been informed; and that they could not but lay it much to heart, that they, who had ever been so ready to do all good offices for the Kingdom, and go with the Parliament, should from any, but the Parliament, take a representation of their proceed; and entreated them, that herealter they would take satisfaction from themselves: It's true they did believe they meant well, and had a good meaning, and intention in it, but they were abused. They had no sooner given answer to this, but there came another from the Clergy, to the same effect, which was more sad than the former, for they conceived this latter was an appeal from the Houses to the people, and of as dangerous a consequence as could be imagined; and that it deserved a high censure: and withal they resolved, if that was the way intended, they would go on with their Declaration, and quickly undeceive the people; and in the interim they referred it to the Committee of examinations, that the first contrivers, and after fomenters of this business, may be dealt with according to merit.  
This is a parcel of their weekly report, but principally his, who miscalls himself the Moderate Intelligencer, for he is neither Intelligent, writing what he understands not, nor Moderate, being passionately addicted to a party, to flatter, either out of an erroneous sancie, fond set upon irregular novelties in opinion, and practice, or out of a covetous affection to the wages of iniquity, the reward of flattery or slander, as the bad cause, whereto he hath engaged his Pen, hath need to be served with the one or the other, and in the latter he hath showed himself this last week, a very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (that's the word in the Original for a false accuser) 2 Tim. 3.3. a false accuser of the brethren, Revel. 12.10. not of brethren in evil, as Simeon and Levi, Gen. 49.5. but in good, in most sincere, and zealous desires, and endeavours to be serviceable to the Parliament, in prosecution of the great Cause that is in hand, the through reformation of Church and State.  
Among whom there are many, who taken single by themselves, might in good manners have been entertained with terms which savour more of reverence, then of contempt; but this three-farthing News-monger takes upon him, as if he had been authorised by the Parliament, to involve all the venerable Magistrates, and prime men of power, and trust, in this Honourable City, and a very great number of the most learned, laborious, and conscientious Ministers of the Province of London, in an unfaithful and undutiful association against the Parliament, for their joint petitioning to the Parliament. And where lieth the crime, that may make them liable to so loud a clamour? was it for petitioning in general, or for their petitioning in particular?  
If we consult with his scandalous paper, we shall find that he layeth an heavy charge upon both: First for the general, in the precedent page he ushereth it in with an egregious calumny, in these words: 
* p. 203:  Now let us come home, and look about us, and see if while our Army is labouring to subdue the enemy, and end strife, there is not new beginning by those that Fame saith have been the causes of all the strife; we did entreat them the last week they would let the Parliament alone, and wait, and not doubt they would see a good issue, and good content; they need not fear, they may be kept a while from their desires, but in the end they will have content, if their own earnest pressing for it, do not hinder.  
Now let us come home? It would be well Sir, if you would come home, and keep at home, and take measure of your own parts, and sit close to your Trade, and not ramble abroad, to busy yourself in writing Intelligence of matters which are fare above the elevation of your Pole, or the comprehension of your head-piece. But your zeal perhaps (such a zeal as the Apostle taxeth, which is without knowledge, Rom. 10.2. just like a pressing-iron which hath heat without light) stirred you up to complain of some troublesome spirits, who, while the Army is labouring to end strife, begin it anew; and they are such (say you) as Fame saith have been the causes of all the strife; and who be they? Fame saith, the late Deputy of Ireland, and the little Drelate of Canterbury were prime causes of the Kingdoms, and the Church's disturbance. And are they since their heads were cut off (as Herod thought of John Baptist, Mark 6.16.) raised from the dead, to revive our divisions? Common Fame saith, the Queen and her Faction, that have parted the King and the Parliament, Digby, Hopton, Goring, Greenvile, and other Military malcontents, have caused, and do still continue the most dangerous contentions, and convulsions in England, as Moutrosse and his party in Scotland; Ormond, and his barbarous and bloody Papists in Ireland. But we must look for these make bats at home, and find out such as at present do trouble our peace; and if we do so, Fame saith, that they are such among us, as oppose the settling of an uniform Government, and break out communities into several Sects; such as so divide the husband from the wife, the parents from the children, the master from the servants, that a zealous joshua cannot say, I and my house will serve the Lord, Iosh. 24.15. since his family is distracted, and sorted into several Congregations, and it may be also into heretical conventicles.  
Fame saith, that such factious journeymen as Mr. D. are public Incendiaries, and Trumpeters of Sedition, by taking all occasions, making use of all advantages, casting about for all manner of devices, to increase their divided party, that they may be able to uphold a faction; and because they cannot hope that their novelty and paucity should be able to maintain a public contest against so many both persons and Churches, as are engaged against their way, they make it their Masterpiece, to leaven the most considerable Societies, Cities, Sea-Townes, Armies, but especially the Parliament, with their Independent Principles, and practices; and either to get Independents into places of chief power and trust, or to seduce such as are eminent in dignity, endowments, or authority, to their side; and if they cannot obtain them, they plot how to displace them; and if they cannot do that, to render them less serviceable to the Public, their way is to weaken their reputation with reproaches, or cunningly to intimate some matter of suspicion touching their acts, or intentions; if they be of such integrity as is of impregnable proof against their obloquy, than they will, by way of compliance, work out of them what they can, which may conduce to their design; and if they can prevail no further, they will at least by an artificial sweetness of behaviour, by appearances of more than ordinary piety, by a pretended extenuation of difference of opinion, and practice, and by such insinuations, so becalm or becharme the spirits of some Presbyterians of eminent parts, as to make them, if not favourable to their cause, yet so that they may not appear against them when they should, or but in a very remiss and moderate degree of opposition. Lastly, (to return to our Intelligencer) they set up weekly Pamphleteers, who are wholly of their stamp, or fee them, or by some other artifices work upon them, to take all occasions to magnify their party, and to vilify and calumniate those that oppose them; and so they sometimes hyperbolise a Shrub on that side into a Cedar, and disparage those, who under God are the chief pillars, and supporters of the public welfare, as if they were of no more worth, or use, than Reeds shaken with the wind; and this is not the least part of the Independent policy, to drive on their design all over the Kingdom; for most of the common people know little of the progress of public affairs, but by such Informers, and they furnish them with weekly lies, to honour those of their own sect, or sects rather, (for they are many) and to cast reproaches on such as are serious, and resolute in all just, and lawful means of establishing of truth, and restoring of peace.  
But it may be he meaneth by Fame, that report which he and his fellows in lose sheets have dispersed abroad in City, and Country; and if so, I say, Famaest malum, his fame is infamous; notoriously false, as he applieth it, viz. to those who make addresses to the Parliament by way of Petition. We did entreat (saith he) the last week they would let the Parliament alone, and wait, and no doubt they would see a good issue, and good content.  
We did entreat them to let the Parliament alone? We Sir, who besides yourself? and why you? and what mean you by letting the Parliament alone? do you forbidden the subject of England to petition the Parliament? if that be your meaning (as a man of Moderate Intelligence may easily perceive it is) do you not mean they should be deprived of the most undoubted Privilege, and Liberty, which by the Law of Nature, and of Nations, is allowed all over the world? if the Parliament had been of that mind, since their first Session, they would not have tendered so many Petitions to the King, nor have received so many Petitions from all parts of the Kingdom; nor could they (but by the informations received in them) have known so much of the distemper of several Counties, nor had so just grounds and causes as they had, for many of their Orders, and Ordinances, which were issued out from that Honourable Senate: and yourself say in the next page, that a part of the Parliaments Answer to the City Petition was, that the Citizens were entreated hereafter that they would take satisfaction from themselves, that is, satisfaction of their doubts, and desires by immediate recourse to that Honourable Court; and how can that be better, or more acceptably done, then by way of petition?  
But he saith, They need not fear, they may be kept a while from their desires, but in the end they will have content, if their own earnest pressing for it, do not hinder. How knows he that better than they, who have put up their desires for expediting the difficulties of the Government, by way of petition to the Parliament? The truth is, if he believe what he writes, it is but as the Devil believes there is a God, with a very ill will, and if he do not tremble at it, he is afraid of it; and he would have the Orthodox party but so to believe it too, as to make them neglect the best means to procure it; for it hath been another piece of subtlety of these sons of Zerviah, 2 Sam. 3, 39 to delay resolution against their way, by pretence that there is no need of speed in it, or no fit season or opportunity for it, that their opposites may securely sleep, or slacken their endeavours, while they with intentive vigilance, and double diligence, work on their own web towards the period they have projected; and give them but time to prosecute their cause, and they that say now we need not fear, will say at length perhaps, we may not hope to enjoy our desires; and it may be they will endeavour to 
* See the Epistle Dedicatory to the High end Honourable Court of Parliament, of Mr. Prinues ●resh Discovery of some prodigious new wandring-blazingstarres and firebrands, etc. fol. 3. p. ●. And Dr. Bastwicks' Preface to the second part of his Book against Independency, called the Postscript. fol. 14. p. b. & fol. 15. p. 2.  affright us that they will have theirs by force of arms.  
Lastly, he makes as if over earnest pressing for the Government, were the way to hinder it; and abating the word Over, (which is his word of aggravation, for he thinks all's too much that is done to such a purpose) we doubt not but an earnest, and humble pressing by way of petition, will prevail; for it is not fit to trouble the Parliament with any matter which is not worthy of pressing importunity; though I confess there is a prudence to be observed, when, and how, and how fare to prosecute a suit in that most high and Honourable Court: And so from his exception against Petitioning in General, we will come to what he hath said of the Petitions in Particular, which this week were presented to the two Houses of Parliament, This day (that is, Wednesday the nineteenth of November, etc.) saith he, The Common Council did present a Petition to the Commons House of Parliament,— and there came another from the Clergy to the same effect, etc.  
Of these Petitions it will be convenient to consider; 

1. How they were framed.  
2. How they were presented.  
3. How they were accepted.    
1. For the first, we shall distinctly observe; 

1. The occasion of the Petitions.  
2. The contents of them.  
3. The consent and concurrence for resolution about them.     

SECT. XXI. The occasion of the petitions of the Common Council and Ministers of London, and the presenting of them to the Honourable Houses of Parliament.  
THe Occasion is contained in this Declaration following, made by the Ministers of London, and by them presented to the Honourable Court of Common Council of the City in this Tenor.  
We the Ministers of London, having heretofore received from the Right Honourable the late Lord Major, A Resolve of the Honourable House of Commons, of September 23. 1645. for choosing Elders forthwith in the Province of London, with their Order annexed of October 8. 1645. for communicating the same to our respective Congregations, did thereupon choose a Committee in our names, both to acquaint the Lord Major how we had obeyed the said Order, and further to signify unto him some doubts, and difficulties, for present obstructing our further progress therein.  
Whereupon his Lordship was pleased to impart the same to the Honourable Court of Common Council, which the Honourable Court so fare resented, as to appoint a Committee of their own members to confer further with the Ministers about the Premises, October 20. In which conference we declared to the said Committee that some of the former doubts were removed by the Directions of the Lords and Commons of August 19 and the Ordinance of October 20. 1645. but that some were continued, and other new difficulties did rise, by occasion of the Directions and Ordinance. The result of which Conference was represented to this Honourable Court, attested by their own Committee.  
Upon which an Order of Court was sent unto us, Dat. Octob. 27. 1645. entreating the Ministers to present their desires and reasons thereof to this Court in writing under their hands. In reference unto which Order, we the Ministers of London (thankfully acknowledging ourselves much obliged both to the Right Honourable the said Lord Maior, and this Honourable Court, for all their loving respects unto us in this matter, so much laid to heart by them) did humbly present both our desires, and the reasons thereof: Their desires are the same which are comprised in their Petition, which in its proper place will offer itself to the Reader. The Reasons I think it fit to forbear, for divers reasons, whereof that which I shall mention in the third particular may be sufficient.  
The second thing is the Contents, which consisted chief of requests, and reasons for the establishment of the Presbyterial Government; wherein, though the penning of each Petition was divers in style, and form of words, yet as I know for the one, which I saw, so I believe of the other, which I saw not, that there was nothing in it, which they thought would be offensive to either House of Parliament.  
This traducing Intelligencer saith, the City Petition seemed to complain, and take ill the proceed of the Parliament with the Assembly, in the late business past concerning the election of Elders. But they did but seem so, and to such perhaps only, as were not acquainted how careful they were (who were composers or perusers of the Petition) to shun any expression, that might be justly liable to the exception of the chief Sages of the Kingdom.  
For the third particular, they consented to exhibit the same Schedule of Reasons, (being in number twelve) that were tendered by the Ministers to the Honourable Court of Common Council; which, because they were pleased to own, I will not presume to make public, without their consent; yet their consent I may note (to their great commendation, and for their just vindication from the imputation of Schism, which hath been reproachfully charged upon the Citizens of London) which was such, that, as I have heard from such as I dare believe, the Petition being read in the Common Council, passed with a nemine contradicente, not one man giving a negative vote against it; which is an assured argument of the soundness of the Aldermen, and Common Council, (the most Honourable, and considerable part of the Citizens) and of their clearness from the taint of heretical, and schismatical Tenets; and this union was well observed as a confutation of their reports, who had gloried in a pretended general opposition to the Presbyterial Government in this City.  
The second thing is the presenting of these Petitions, which was done at the House of Commons, (upon Wednesday the nineteenth of November) to whom the City Petition was first presented by a competent number of Aldermen, and of the Common Council, and afterwards the Petition of the Ministers by many of them; and on the twentieth day was each Petition presented to the House of Peers, in like manner as the day before to the House of Commons.   

SECT. XXII. The offensive Acceptance of them by the Parliament, as the weekly News-makers make report of it: Cautions premised before their confutation.  
FOr the third particular, the acceptance the Petitions had; This Malignant Intelligencer tells his Reader, that the Commons sat long, and laid it much to heart that any such thing should come from the City, and that they should lend an ear to any, that should in so evil a way represent things to them, and of what dangerous consequence it was.  
To which before I make any punctual Reply, I desire to premise these particulars.  
1. That in nothing that I have said, or shall say, I intent any contradiction to the Honourable House of Commons.  
2. I believe not this Relater hath truly delivered the fence of that House.  
3. That if any worthy Member among them, according to any information received, and believed by him, have used his liberty in speaking of his mind, (though his wisdom, as well as others innocence, may be abused by misreport) I shall not desire to raise any part of my Reply so high as to him, but to confine myself to the report of this Pamphleter, who I am sure hath no Parliamentary privilege to speak what he pleaseth; (which yet a Parliament man, that hath it, will not take upon him to use when he is out of Parliament, as when he is in it.) And if any of that grave and judicious Senate, supposing us faulty, have thought it fit and just that we should be charged, we doubt not but there are many among them, who, if we be innocent, will be well content to see us cleared; since for many of us, their Honour is in part engaged for our reputation, in the 
* We have consulted with the Reverend, Pi●us, and Learned, Divines called together to that purpose. The Ordinance of Parliament of the third of January, 1644. prefixed before the Directory. p. 1.  public Testimony they have given of us to three Kingdoms; and the most of us are the same men, and have the same consciences engaged in the desire of a present establishment of Government, so as it may be safely, and profitably practical, who in confidence of the goodness and godliness of the Reformation owned, managed, and maintained by the Parliament; and in hearty and faithful devotion thereto, and ready and cheerful obedience to them, have suffered the shipwreck of our estates, and hazarded our lives, and we repent not of any part of our pains, or pressures, or perils, so long as we may be serviceable to so good a Cause, and to such good and gracious Masters, as under Christ they have hitherto approved themselves toward us: and I hope we may without vain-boasting say, by way of Apology, that we have not been altogether their unprofitable servants, in respect of our Interest in, and endeavours with the people, (without whom the greatest Kings are rather cyphers than figures, and destitute both of honour and safety, Prov. 14.28.) to inform their judgements, and to inflame their zeal, and to oblige their consciences, to fasten their affections in loyalty, and fidelity to those worthy P●triots, whom they have in their choice and votes of election entrusted with the Religion, the lives, and the estates of themselves▪ and their posterity.  
To which purpose we cannot be of so good use, nor our mediation so effectual for hereafter, as aforetime, if we be such Prevaricators as he hath represented us to the public view; or, not being such, if we suffer our innocence to be betrayed in mistrust to suspicion, by either inconsiderate or cowardly silence.  
Thus much premised in duty to the Honourable House of Commons, and in due circumspection and caution to my Reverend Brethren, and myself, I shall now make answer to the charge given out, and the answer (so fare as it concerneth us) may be partly made out of the conclusion of the Schedule, (as it was tendered with the reasons of the Ministers to the Court of Common Council in conformity to their desires made known unto us) which was as that Honourable Assembly can witness with us, in these words: These our desires and reasons we humbly present to this Honourable Court, not that we have the least intention of investing ourselves and the Ministry with any arbitrary, unlimited, and exorbitant power: For the power is not to be settled upon the Ministers alone, but upon the Presbyteries; in all which it is provided already, that there shall be always two at least of the people for one Minister; And we sincerely profess our desires and intentions to manage this weighty Government, not according to our wills, or wisdoms, but as near as is possible, according to the will and word of God, the most certain Rule in the world; nor that we would carry on this work by might and power, for we have good hope that God in due time will patronise his own Cause, though men should be wanting; but that we may discharge a good conscience, in our utmost endeavours to advance the Kingdom of Christ, in the purity of Reformation, to be faithful to the Church of Christ, wherein we are stewards, and watchmen; and to succeeding posterity, to maintain the truth to which we are bound to bear witness; to fulfil our solemn League and Covenant with God, from which we cannot go bacl; and as your remembran●ers, to put you in mind to neglect no pious endeavours, in your places, and callings, for expediting both yourselves, and us, out of the former difficulties, and for promoting of such a Reformation of Religion in Discipline and Government, as may have due purity in itself, may bring sweet unity amongst us, and most conduce to an happy uniformity in all the three Kingdoms, according to the vows of God that are upon you in your solemn League and Covenant.  
He goeth on saying, that the House did perceive that they had been misinformed, and that they could not but lay it much to heart that they who had ever been so ready to do all good offices for the Kingdom, and go with the Parliament, should from any but the Parliament take a representation of their proceed.  
misinformed, wherein? is there any thing untrue in that they presented in their Petition, or Schedule annexed? and by whom misinformed? by the Ministers of London? that is the meaning, but certainly they that originally made this suggestion are little acquainted with the minds, consciences, intentions, or proceed of the Ministers who gave in their writing to the Common Council of the City, subscribed with no fewer than fourscore and nine hands; and they had presented more to the Parliament if they had not been straitened in time, for the Petition was drawn up but at night, and was to be delivered the next morning.  
And for the Honourable Court of Common Council of the City, (though their prudence, integrity, dignity, good affection, and fidelity to the Parliament, have no need, nor do desire any defence of so mean or feeble an hand as mine is) I hope it will not be either offensive, or ungrateful to them, if (having had often conference (as well as other of my Brethren) with their Committee, and being sent with some of them, in the name of the Ministers of London, to the Honourable Court of Common Council, on Tuesday, November 18. where the City Petition was publicly read, and ratified by common consent) I make report of some passages, wherein they and we are jointly concerned; as followeth.  
There being a Committee of Common Council chosen by that Council, to consult with a Committee of Divines, and to consider of our common engagements in the Presbyterial Government, (for some of them, with some of us were already chosen to be Provincial Tryers of Elders, and the same, and many others of the Citizens were like to be chosen for Parochial Elders) we saw not how we could be divided in difficulties, if the Directions were not cleared; nor in hazards, if we were not sufficiently authorised to carry on the service, who were in part already, and yet were further to be united in that great (and to this Kingdom altogether) new undertaking; at our Committees we observed nothing in those worthy Citizens of the Committee, nor in those who were partly permitted, and partly requested to be present at our meetings, but what was suitable to piety, prudence, and to affectionate and dutiful observance of the Parliament; and it was our joy, as it may be their glory, that we found so many men of excellent parts, and spirits, so well composed, and balanced, without any propension to be swayed any way further than the light of truth, and dictate of conscience did dispose them: and yet so fare from overweening wit, or self-conceited wilfulness, that while we debated difficulties with them, we saw that of Solomon verified in them, Give instruction to a wise man, and he will be yet wiser, teach a just man, and he will increase in learning, Prov. 9.9.  
And though they were pleased to entertain us with much honour, and favour, we neither took upon us to be their guides, in the carriage of this Cause, nor to persuade them to any thing, but what would be the result of their own judgements, and consciences, upon a due consideration of the matters before them; nor did we know until Tuesday night, the next night before the morning of their going to Westminster, that they would petition; nor when that was resolved on, did any of us know, or see that Petitionary draught, or so much as a line of it, which they presented to the Parliament; only when myself, with some of my Brethren, were sent from the Divines of London, then Assembled at Zion College, to know their minds, how farro they would appear in the proposal of requests and reasons, or what part they would assign or leave to us (who were resolved to make an humble address by ourselves to the Parliament, if they would not) being called into the Court of Common Council, we received from the mouth of the Right Honourable the Lord Maior that now is, some general words of gracious acceptance of what we had done, and of their concurrence with us, for the establishment of Church Government; but withal, not knowing their purpose in particular, we were left to our own resolutions, to present our desires to the Parliament, as we conceived to be most convenient for us.  
In all this what was there which might imply any digression from duty, or any diversion from their or our due respect unto the Honourable Houses?  
Object. But they took the representation of the Parliaments proceed not from the Parliament, as they desired, but from others, viz. the Ministers. The quite contrary is true; The Ministers received the representation of the Parliaments proceed from the Lord Maior, and both Citizens, and Ministers, being in a concurrent condition for scruples and dangers, tendered their Petitions, and Reasons unto them, for satisfaction from them; wherein there was as fair and ingenuous dealing, as could be desired; for the Ministers tendered nothing to the Committee, or Common Council, but what they were willing should be read, heard, and examined, and discussed by any of what mind or affection so ever; nor could that possibly be carried in a private way, which came under the consideration of the Committee so many times, and afterward was committed for probation and trial of the whole Common Council; and as openly and plainly to the Ministers dealt with the City, so did both the City and, Ministry with the Parliament, presenting the same Schedule of Reasons, (annexed to each of their Petitions) to their view and censure; which pattern of plain dealing I commend to the imitation of some of our Independent Brethren, that their ways may not be such Riddles (even to those who are no less wise, but more innocent than they) that they cannot tell where they have been working, no more then of the Moles of the earth, until they see the heaps they have cast up, and they glide away so slily in their pace, as if they meant to give occasion for a fifth particular to be added to Solomon's Proverb, There be three things too wonderful for me, yea four which I know not; the way of an Eagle in the air, the way of a Serpent upon a rock, the way of a Ship in the midst of the sea, and the way of a Man with a maid, Prov. 30. 18, 19 To these as a marginal note, though not as a part of the Text, we may add, and the way of some Independents in their plots.   

SECT. XXIII. A Copy of the Ministers Petition, and the Intelligencers slanderous censure of it.  
HAving done with the City's Petition, which he makes the Simeon, he brings in the Petition of the Ministers as the Levi, or its Brother in ●vill, in this sort: But there came another Petition from the Clergy to the same effect, which was more sad than the former; for they conceived this latter was an appeal to the people, and of as dangerous a consequence as could be imagined; and that it deserved an high censure; and withal they resolved if that was the way intended, they would go on with their Declaration, and quickly undeceive the people; and in the Interim they referred it to the Committee of Examinations, that the first contrivers, and after f●●●●tors of the business, may be dealt withal according to merit.  
For answer unto this, it might be sufficient (if I had to do with one that were indeed, and not in name only a Moderate Intelligencer) to set down the Petition in Terminis as it was presented to both Houses of Parliament; but laying that as a groundwork, it will be meet to build on to a full confutation.  
To the Right Honourable the Lords and Commons Assembled in the High Court of Parliament in ENGLAND,  
The humble Petition of the Ministers of the Gospel, within the Province of London,  
Humbly showeth,  
THat your Petitioners and daily Orators at the throne of Grace, do unfeignedly bless our God, and the Lord Jesus Christ our Saviour, the head over all things to the Church, that in the midst of those many insufferable miseries over flowing, and almost over whelming both this Church and Kingdom, he hath graciously opened for us a door of hope, in raising up, continuing together, and assisting of this Renowned Parliament above our expectations, and against all oppositions, for the rescuing both of Church and State from their deep calamities; having to these ends engaged your hearts (and with you the three Kingdoms) unto himself, in so Religious a Covenant. And we humbly present our hearty thanks unto the Right Honourable Houses, for all their indefatigable endeavours these five years together, for the Kingdom's happiness, and the Church's Reformation; and in particular, for the hopes of a speedy establishment of Church Government, intimated unto us in your Directions of Aug. 19 1645. Order of September 23. and Ordinance of October 20. 1645.  
In which Directions and Ordinance notwithstanding divers difficulties appear both to us, and to our people, hither to obstructing our putting the Presbyterial Government (therein mentioned) into actual execution, according to our earnest desires; by reason of divers things (as we humbly conceive) partly doubtful, partly defective therein.  
Wherefore your Petitioners in pursuance of our solemn Covenant, in zeal to the glory of God, the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the complete establishment of purity and unity in the Church of God, for the satisfaction of our own and our people's consciences in this weighty matter of Church Government, and for the general benefit, not only of the Province of London, but of all the Provinces in England, both for present and future Ages.  
Do most humbly and earnestly beseech the Right Honourable Houses, That the Presbyterial Government in congregational, Classical, Provincial, and Nationall Assemblies, (agreed upon already by the Right Honourable Houses) may be speedily established, with such fullness and sufficiency of power, upon all the said Elder ships, that they may fully, faithfully, and cheerfully, with well satisfied consciences submit unto, and put in execution the said Government. And that there may be to that end, by your Authority, superadded a clear explanation of things doubtful, and full supply of things defective, in the said Directions and Ordinance of the Right Honourable Houses, according to the Schedule annexed, and herewith humbly presented to your Wisdoms and Piety.  
And your Petitioners, etc.  
This being the Petition to a word, pardon mine incredulity if I believe not that you can persuade any Intelligent Reader, that so prudent a Senate as the Honourable House of Commons is, could so mistake the meaning of it, as to put such an odious construction upon it, as an Appeal from them to the people, the people of London; that were to sow sedition, and endeavour dissension betwixt the Parliament and the City, (whose unanimous consent, and correspondence in counsels, and executions, have been, under God, the strongest suppport of the whole Commonweal) a crime worthy of the reward of Metius Suffetius in 
* 
 paulo ante (inquit Tullus) animum inter Fidenatem Romanemque rem ancipitem gessisti, it a jam corpus passim distrabendum dabis.  
Exinde duabus admotis quadrigis, in currus earum distentum illigat Metium, deinde in diversum iter equi concitati lacerum in utroque curru corpus, qua inhaeserant vinculis membra, p●rtantes, etc. Liv. Dec. 1. lib. 1. p. 14.   Livy, who for his double dealing betwixt the Fidenates and the Romans, was so fastened to two Charets, that the Horses that drew them being forced divers ways into a furious pace, fore him in pieces.  
But Sir, if those on your party do no worse offices to the City, by your insinuations into the minds of the worthy Members of the Honourable Houses, then Presbyterial Ministers do to the Parliament, by their intercourse with the Citizens, there will be no occasion given for the least show of suspicion, or jealousy betwixt them; and whosoever shall read your paper and mine Answer, will see good cause to conceive, that some of your spirit have too busily bestirred themselves, out of the union betwixt Citizens and Ministers to raise a Division betwixt the Parliament and City, (which he that desires to see, I wish rather that the Ravens of the valley pick out his eyes, Prov. 30.17.) But that union doth clearly confute the calumny you cast upon the Ministers Petition; for so fare is it from an appearance of an Appeal from the Parliament to the people, that it plainly representeth both Ministers and people consulting, and concluding, jointly to make an Appeal to the Parliament, and humbly waiting to be disposed of by their final Resolutions.  
This is it sure for which you say, the latter Petition was more sad than the former; for when that came in so conformable to the City Petition in matter, (though differing in phrase & style) and in scope, and Intention, and word for word the same in a Schedule of Reasons annexed to it, it was an evidence of so good agreement betwixt the most eminent Citizens, and the forementioned Ministers, as must needs be a great grief of heart to those, that make great advantage of the divisions of Reuben, yea and of all the Tribes throughout out Israel.  
He goeth on with a proficiency from bad to worse; and though he hath no honey at all, he hath a double sting in the tail of his Intelligence; serving up a charge against the Petitioners to the highest aggravation that may be, and concluding with the commination of a censure, commensurate to their merit. For the Charge these be his words: They (that is, the House of Commons) conceived this latter, (that is, the Petition of the Ministers) was an Appeal from the Houses to the people, and of as dangerous a consequence as could be imagined  
Having answered the former words, I will now speak only to the latter: But first I must pause and wonder a while at this superlative Slander. How Sir, Was that Petition of as dangerous a consequence as could be imagined? no such matter Sir. For what danger at all can be imagined in it, when all is in effect no more but this, that the Citizens and Ministers upon Petition may clearly understand the mind of the Parliament, and may be throughly enabled to put in execution their commands, to obey them to the full according to their engagement in the solemn Covenant. Such fearful apprehensions, even of dangerous consequence, (if they be real, not feigned) may proceed from the self-love of your party, who confine the common felicity to your own particular Interests; and think the world will be in a very ill condition, if the Presbytery should be set up, and should set bounds to your ambitious, or covetous encroachments upon the rights of Ministers and people: and it may be (because you are no jonasses, to be willing to be cast into the Sea to save the Ship and passengers in it) you may have in your thoughts some Military commotion of your own making; for you know, or may know, that bloody words, liable to such a sense, and tending to the like effect, have been more than once laid to the charge of some of your side, as hath been noted, pag. 76.  
And if your dangerous consequence be but a fiction and pretence, (which I rather imagine) it must be supposed to be but a cast of your subtlety, to make the simple afraid of, and to beget a mistrust of some dangerous design in the Ministers, that they may desert them, and adhere unto you, as men of prudent insight into imminent mischiefs, and of provident forecast to secure them from danger who betake themselves to your cause and complices for succour and safety.  
Which of these conjectures is true, (or whether any other, any worse, for a plain Presbyterian is too shallow to sound the depth of a projecting Independent) I will not determine; but I will confidently resolve, that such an imagination of transcendent danger in the Petition of the Ministers, was no part of the mind of the major part of the House of Commons; (which must give denomination to the whole) for they can never be so much mistaken, as to put such an exuberant expression of offence upon so inoffensive a Petition; who very well know, and cannot but as well remember, your Brother Lilburnes business, and what seditious papers he, and his faction sent abroad; which if you had forgotten (for I doubt not but such a schismatical polypragm●●n, as those that know you report you to be, if not wise enough to be of his counsel, may be busy enough to be active in his desperate design) I would help your memory with a repetition of some such passages out of them, as might be worthy of your now misapplied aggravation, [of as dangerous consequence as may be imagined] but that I think them fit to be burned by the common Hangman, or buried in everlasting oblivion, than now to be mentioned, especially in a Discourse of defence of the Innocent. And truly Sir next unto Lilburnes Libels, we may say of your malevolent Intelligence of this week, that it is a matter of as dangerous consequence as may be imagined: For do not you, as fare as your credit will carry a mischievous suggestion, disperse all about a suspicion of the Cities and Ministers combination against the two Houses of Parliament? who have hitherto with honour and safety very much confided in their affection, and fidelity, (as I doubt not they will ever have cause so to do) though such malignant meddlers as you say and do what they can to the contrary.   

SECT. XXIV. Britanicus taxed for traducing the Petitioners.  
YOur Athenian Colleague, Britanicus, (though they that read you both, will haply take you to be rather a 
* Boeotion in crasso jurares aere natum. Horat.  Beotian) hath a conceit of some disparagement to the Parliament, by a supposed division, though he lay his action wrong, mistaking an occasion for a cause, and one person for another: whom, though I first mention him in way of opposition to you, I must take for an adversary to us, I mean to the City and Ministry in this business of Petition; and when I have given him an animadversion by the way, I shall return unto, and proceed with you. It may prove (saith he) a train to blow up the reputation of the renowned Parliament, and harden the enemy in their courses, if they should see a door of hope opened through any supposed divisions; the common Adversary will take heart again, and those which favour them (whether at home or abroad) will dare again to show themselves, as not doubting to perfect their design, if we disjoint ourselves, and contribute to our own ruin.  
Divisions among us divulged by you, may animate the common Enemy to a greater height of hopes, and attempts, so much his observation implieth, and that's your fault, Mr. Intelligencer, but he applieth it to the Petitioners, and that's his calumny, as well as yours. It may prove, saith he, a train etc. What is that that may prove so? the Petition? the Petition a train to blow up the reputation of the Parliament? Read it, Sir, and you will see it is not a train●, but a Trumpet to blow up their reputation with a loud sound, and melodious accent, with humble thanks acknowledging, and highly extolling them by the name of A renowned Parliament, for their indefatigable endeavours for five years together, for the Kingdom's happiness, and the Church's Reformation. And can the Petition be charged to open a door of hope to the enemies, through supposed divisions from the Parliament, when it expressly maketh the Parliament a door of hope of much happiness to the Kingdom? It is an easy matter to turn the most innocent action, or business, into an occasion of exception; but they are the causes (for the particular in question) both of disturbance to the Parliament, and of danger from the common enemy, who proclaim unkindness betwixt the Parliament, and their most faithful, and serviceable Votaries, the Common Council, and Ministers of the City of London.  
This Retortion, as by a kind of partnership, belongeth to both these false Brethren, but taking Britannicus by himself, he beginneth at the beginning of the week, by the figure Anticipation, for the Petitions were not presented to the Honourable Houses until two o● three days after; and so he cometh over the matter again upon Wednesday and Thursday: In the first place he findeth fault with Petitioning, as out of season, and so indiscreet, and as imputing neglect to the Parliament, and implying distrust of the Indgment & care of those whom we acknowledge the wisest and supreme Council, and so undutiful; but neither so nor so, for the purpose of Petitioning was so fanned and sifted, by the free and impartial debates of divers wise and worthy Citizens, and by learned and well advised Ministers, that if there had been any folly or indiscretion, it would have vanished into nothing; but, Sir, I can assure you of my knowledge, the more it was weighed and examined, the more it was approved by the prudent, as well as the pious of both Societies, not only as necessary, but as seasonable also. And if the Honourable Houses were intentively employed to perfect the Government, and did set themselves in a constant course, and chose set days for that purpose, and the day of presenting the Petition was one of them, (all which I believe, and cannot think of it without thanks to them, nor without praises of them, and prayers for them) yet was it not unseasonable to petition them, because the concurrent desires of so many, so considerable Petitioners might be a means to remove some obstructions, 
Qui monet u● facias qu●d jam facis ●de movendo  and to facilitate and expedite the business they had in hand. Nor was it any distrust, or impeachment of the high praise of their prudence, for you know the old and ever true Aphorism, when the Acts of goodness do anticipate admonitions, 
Laudat, & hortatu comprebat acta suo. Ovid.  (and we may say the like of Petitions) they are so far from reproofs, that they are the praises of the Actors.  
Nor is there any more cause to impute undutifulness, or ill manners unto the Petitioners, than there is to accuse them of want of policy, or prudence, for this particular; nor any ground to strain up the charge so high, as if that which they did were prejudicial, and derogatory to the Majesty of Parliament, in forestall their counsels with any particular desires. So say you Mr. Br. in your Wednesdays account: But I pray you, Sir, by what dialect do you call those Petitions particular desires, which were concluded in a full Common Council, (the representative body of this famous, and never more than since our late and unhappy wars, renowned City) not one man (as I have been credibly informed) appearing against it at the passing of the Vote; and that not for any particular person, or purpose, but for the general good of three Kingdoms, both for the generation present, and for posterity in the ages to come? And what prohibition I pray you lies against particular Citizens and Ministers, that they may not Petition the Parliament with particular desires, as well as you? Did not you when you were confined, for showing yourself rather an overnimble Mercury, than a sober paced Britannicus, petition them yourself for your enlargement? And when you did so, did you do any thing prejudicial and derogatory to the Majesty and Dignity of Parliament, and as it were forestall their counsels with your particular desires? If not, show us your privilege, which may make it no fault in you, and an indiscretion, or undutifulness, or ill manners in others.  
I shall need to proceed no further in answer to your Criticisms, I see you are ingenious in your apprehensions, and ingenuous in confession of your own misprisions; and since I perceive you so punctual in rectifying your Reader to a title, (for you acknowledge a mistake in honouring Sir The Aston (with whom I have had much, and some perilous opposition in the Cause of the Parliament) with the Title of a Lord) doubt not but you will be as ready to retract an undeserved traducement of the Parliaments friends, (especially so many, and of so great reputation) as to recall an undeserved advancement of the Parliaments enemy.  
I will take leave of you with a word of advice, which is but this, take heed of engaging yourself any further in this cause, see first how the Immoderate Intelligencer speeds with his precipitated reproaches against the City, and Ministers of London; to whom now I will return, and take leave of him, though not in such a manner as I do of you; and having answered his crimination, I shall now enter a defence against his commination of censure.   

SECT. XXV. An answer to the Intelligencers Commination of the Petitioners.  
HAving set the suspicion of guilt up to the height, not only of reality but of imagination, he scrueth up the censure to a proportionable elevation, saying, in the name of the Honourable House of Commons, (but without any warrant from them) that it deserved an high censure, and withal that they resolved, if that were the way intended, they would go on with their Declaration, and quickly undeceive the people, and in the Interim they referred it to the Committee of Examinations, that the first contrivers, and after fomenters of that business, may be dealt with according to merit.  
These words may sound some terror to him, 
— Hic mur● abeneus esto, Nil conseire sibi, etc. Horat.  that hath but a brazen face, but he that hath a wall of brass, a clear conscience from the guilt objected, may be bold as a Lion, when such as you may flee when no man pursueth, Prov. 28.1. For more particular Reply, Sr. we cannot be put into fear of an high censure, while we are assured of our own innocence, and the Houses of Parliaments both prudence and justice; and therefore we shall willingly submit ourselves to examination, when, and where they please to call us to our answer; and if our accusers would meet us at the bar, upon such just and equal terms as lege talionis by the Divine law is ordained, Deut. 19.16, etc. we would petition them again for a trial, and punishment, (upon conviction) as before for the establishment of the Presbyterial Discipline.  
For the Declaration you speak of, there be two things which will secure us from all danger of it; the one is, that whatsoever it is, it is but conditional, viz [if this be the way] that is, the way of seditious appeal from the Parliament to the people, and we are sure that's no way of ours: how near the Independent by-path coasts upon, or bends towards that way, may appear by their making combinations with the people, and setting up a popular Government in the Church, without any authority from the State.  
The other security we have is both from the Parliament, and ourselves, as we have professed before, and in confidence of both, neither Parliamentary Examinations, Declarations, no nor Visitations shall trouble us; for if we be guilty, let them visit our transgression with the rod, and our iniquity with stripes, Psal. 89.32. and (if we deserve it) let them chastise us not only with Solomon's whips, but with Reboboams scorpions, 1 King. 12.14.  
There is one thing more in his minatory report, which, though he tell it as a threat, I would take it for a promise, if he could make it good in the right sense of it, that is, quickly to undeceive the people, for they are shamefully deceived many ways, especially by such impudent Impostors as this weekly Newsmaker; with whom I have now done. And in confutation of Britannicus and him, I have confuted others, who concurr● with them in the same calumnies against the Common Council, and Ministers of London.   

SECT. XXVI. The misreport of the Diurnal and Weekly Account confuted, and the Perfect Passages convinced of absurdity and sedition.  
YEt I must bestow a few words on the Perfect Diurnal, and Weekly Account, and a few lines on the Perfect Passages: For the first, omitting what is virtually or formally answered before, under the Titles forementioned, I shall note but one particular, which is, that it was ordered as a part of the answer to the Ministers, that they should return home, and look after and attend the charges of their several Congregations; so saith the Perfect Diurnal; and the Weekly Account, saith, the Ministers were desired to look diligently to their own flocks, with this addition of the Writer, a neighty charge, and work enough; by which is implied that they were negligent in their Calling, and too busy out of it; but as there was no ground for such an implicit reproof, so there was no such message given in the Name of the House to the Ministers, as he that presented the Petition confidently averreth, to whom other Ministers that accompanied him do give attestation.  
Now for the Perfect Passages (as the Author calls his Pamphlet) it is in one particular most seditious and scandalous: viz. this, What may be thought of those that go about to disparage Lieutenant General Cromwell, and the Independent Army that have done so much good in reducing the Kingdom, and brought the Wars so near to an end? What may be thought of this Questionist? He calls his sheet of News Perfect Passages, by the same figure, belike, that the Furies are called Eumenideses, for never did I read such imperfect passages in any printed paper. The Title is, Perfect Passages of each day's proceed in Parliament; and the day he gins withal is the 19 of November; and he gins that day with a poor piece of Sycophanticall Rhetoric, in praise of the Parliament, and presently passeth from palpable flattery (the shallowest and silliest that ever was bestowed on so profound and prudent a Senate) to pernicious calumny, in answer to the Question he hath proposed; and that's all he hath for that day; and what is that to the proceed in Parliament that day? if he had given in that account for some day about the middle of Midsummer months, his absurdities had been more seasonable, more suitable to the temper of that Lunatic Quarter, and so it might have been some excuse, or extenuation of his fault in moving such a f●ditious and dangerous Question, wherein he seemeth zealous for the honour of Lieutenant General Cromwell, and with him magnifieth the Army under the Title of Independent.  
Now for Lieutenant General Cromwell, I 〈◊〉, no man that goeth about to disparage him, and I doubt many take occasion to commend him otherwise then his wisdom will approve of; for my part, whether he be an Independent or no, I know not; but if he be, I can be content to give him, and any other of that way, all the praise that is due unto them; and though I much mislike projecting Independents, who idolise their own fancies, and pretending the public welfare, care for nothing else, or nothing more than to carry on their own concernments by the Fox's pate, or Lion's paw, by fraud, or force, as either of them may be serviceable to their selfe seeking design, yet I doubt not but there be many go under that name, who are rather passive then active in deceit, who truly fear God, and sincerely desire, according to the song of the Angel, That glory may be to God on high, good will towards men, and peace upon earth, Luk. 2.14.  
And to speak more particularly of him, I believe, (as I have heard of him by those to whom he is well known, as they are to me) that he is a wise man, a well advised and valiant Commander, and so good and sincere a Christian, so true a lover of his Country, that he would not have the peace of it disturbed, for any difference betwixt Presbyterians and Independents. And upon such premises I dare presume to infer, that the gallant Lieutenant General will not be well pleased with such a Question, or Answer, as this Novel Catechiser hath set forth; for whatsoever affinity (or it may be identity) is betwixt him and an Independent, there is no congruity betwixt the terms Independent and Army in our State; for doth not the Army depend upon the Parliament, who give directions, and commands to it for their service? and do not the chief Commanders in it profess themselves to be disposed of only by the determinations of Parliament? in this respect a man might say, an Independent wife, or an Independent servant, as well as an Independent Army. And if we consider the Army within itself, is it (as they would have the Church) composed, or made up of Independent Congregations? so that every Captain and his company are free to attempt, or act, as they can agree among themselves, without subordination to superior Commanders; if so, the Army would not be an Army, that is, an entire and well compacted system, or body of soldiers united, and regulated by prudence, and authority in a gradual series of Martial command and government, but would break in pieces into petty parties, as it is upon a rout made by the enemy, and so would be of little use, or force, either for conflict, or conquest, much less would it be terrible as an army with banners should be, and the Church is compared to such an Army, Cant. 6.4.  
This only by the way: But he means it perhaps an Independent Army materially (not formally) as consisting of Commanders and common soldiers, addicted to Independency: If he take Independents as distinguished from the Orthodox party on the one side, and from the heterodoxe party of Anabaptists, Brownists, Antinomians, and other such erroneous dogmatists on the other side, (with whom if they be true to the Principles of Religion they cannot finally close in accord against the Presbyterians) they are much too few to denominate the Army; and I doubt not but the ingenuous, and conscientious Independents will confess, that there have been since our woeful war begun, and yet are many both skilful, faithful, and courageous Commanders, and common soldiers, who have done very great and successful service towards the finishing of the war, and yet never came under the name or notion of Independents, unless by mistake, or imposture, as this fellow would cousin the Kingdom, and affright the Presbyterians with a conceit of the puissance and prevalence of Independency in the Army, and by the Army, as if that were the life-blood that maintained the spirits of our Military forces, and made all the soldiers valorous and victorious, and so the Independent Army as Independent, reduplicative (for so he would have his Reader deluded) had reduced the Kingdom, and brought the war so near an end; here an end of his Question.  
His Answer is, They, that is, they that go about to disparage Lieutenant General Cromwell, and the Independent Army, are unchristian, and uncharitable, and either very envious, or ill affected; either they know not what that Party have done for us, or else envy that they have done so much: For Lieutenant General Cromwell his detractors I know none such, therefore I know none who therein is unchristian, and uncharitable towards him. For your Independent Army, it is (as Scholars use to term such an unsuitable conjunction) a Bull, a mere contradiction in adjecto, there is no such thing. It may be if you should pass uncontrolled with such absurd inconsistences, we should shortly hear of an Independent Parliament (not because it is the supreme and Independent judicatory in the Kingdom) but because of the members who favour that way, though they be very few in comparison of those who have voted the Presbytery, an Independent Synod or Assembly, because there are some Independents mingled with many Presbyterian Divines; and if the Common Council of the City had not generally concurred to petition for Presbytery, I doubt not but this Nicknaming Newsmaker would, in some of his papers, make London (though already divided into Classical Presbyteries, and united into a Province) an Independent City.  
Last of all he saith, they daily adventure their lives, and many of them have spilt their blood to save our lives, and estates, and i●t not 〈◊〉 hate them for the good they have done, and still do for us. As many as have exposed themselves to such peril, and for such a purpose, ashere is specified, God forbidden, their zeal, and love, and courage should be answered with envy, or hatred: but here is one fallacy in view, they that are so kind to their brethren as to shed their own blood, that they might sleep in a whole skin, did not this as Independents, but as Christians, for many lost their lives before ever Independents were dreamt of, it was a rule of Religion, that we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren, 1 joh. 3.16.  
And there may be another fallacy lurking under those indefinite expressions, they daily adventure, etc. to save our lives and estates; for it is not true of all, it may be not of most, that those be the motives or ends of their engagements. So much for this Question and Answer: Now I could wish this Questionist were questioned, and that we might know the mind of such as have Authority to examine him whether they thought him worthy of Bedlam, foe his witless rashness, or of Newgate, for his seditious wickedness.   

Conclusion.  
For Conclusion of this Apologetic Reply to these popular Impostors, I shall fairly admonish them to be better advised hereafter, (than hitherto they have been) that they do not traduce the Innocence of worthy, and well deserving Citizens, or Ministers, to gratify a party, and to abuse the credulity of the Vulgar with untruths, as opprobrious to the one side, as vainglorious to the other. For since they are discovered to be weekly journey men in the service of a schismatical design, and to carry it on with intolerable contumely to venerable Societies, and with insinuations, and incentives to sedition against the Government intended, and partly established by Authority of Parliament, it will not be their privilege for time to come, to pass without such chastisement as is due to their demerits: whereat if any be displeased, it will be only the faulty, and the offence they take will be like the quarrel of 
* Cum ab eo quaereretur quid tandem accusaturus esset eum, quem pro dignitate ne laudare quidem quisquam satis commode posset; aiunt hominem (ut erat furiosus) respondiss●, qu●d non totum telum corpore recepisset. Cicer. Orat. 2. pro Sex. Roscio Amerino.  Fimbria against Scevola, for that the noble Senator would not take his dagger so deep into his body as he would have thrust it. And in such a case, to forbear a necessary defence of a man's self, or his Associates, in a matter so just and so general, so ingenuously and uprightly managed, as that of the Petitioners, lest an enemy should be offended at it without a cause, were in any indifferent judgement a grand iniquity, a crime composed of a very high degree of cowardice, and treachery.    

A Postscript, or after-reckoning with the Moderate Intelligencer, and Mercurius Britanicus.  
THe pace of a Book at the Press, proceeding flowly, (as Guicciardine saith of the Italian Ordinance drawn with oxen,) hath afforded this advantage to these posting News-men, that they have had a second turn to tell their own tale unto the people, before the confutation of their calumnies against the Petitions of the Common Council, and Ministers of London, be once presented to public acceptance; which Inconvenience hath yet brought with it this recompense; I am by the delay somewhat better acquainted with their spirits, and thence find cause to conceive more hope of the one, and to observe less ingenuity in the other, than I did apprehend, when I put in my defensive plea for the Petitioners, against their traducements; and in this Postscript or after-reckoning I shall entertain them accordingly.  
1. For the Intelligencer, we have from him some previous dispositions to repentance for his printed reproaches, somewhat towards attrition, though fare short of such Christian contrition as is a necessary preparative for the obtainment of a pardon. His words in his Thursdays account are these; There past us last week something that was displeasing both to the Common Council, and likewise to the Clergy; to neither of which we intended the least displènsure; what was inserted, we received, and conceived from a good Author; and finding the House of Commons to be very much affected with what came from both, as that which might be of evil consequence; we therefore were the readier to believe it might amount to so much as we were told, but understanding now from others, that the Petitions had no such words, nor contained any such thing as was expressed; we are hearty sorry, and do freely acknowledge the same, professing that we hold it an high offence to wrong the po●rest particular man, ye●, if 〈◊〉 enemy; nor ever durst we publish that against the Parliamental and Kingdoms present enemy (much more against their Friends) which we did not receive from any good hands, as truth.  
Whereby we may perceive the perplexity of his mind, which makes him recant, and recant, in both senses of this ambiguous term; for he recants, that is, he confesseth his error thus, Understanding now from others that the Petitions had no such words, ner contained any such thing as was expressed, we are hearty sorry, and do freely acknowledge the same: where is one kind of recantation; and withal he recants in another kind, that is, he sings over again the same harsh note, wherein he was far out of time from the tenor of truth, telling the Reader thus much in way of justification, What was inserted we received from a good Author, and studing the House of Commons to be 〈◊〉 affected with what came from both, as that which might be of evil consequence, w●● therefore were the readier to believe it might amount to so much as we were told; which is to make your s●●der of the petitioners the sense of the House of Commons, and the hand that brought that sense a good hand; and if so, you have handled the matter very ill, both in respect of conscience and discretion; for either the House of Comm●●● thought so ill of the Petitioners, as you have now the second time asserted, or not; if they did not, (as no wise man will believe that so many wise men as should denominate the whole House, could so much mis-judge so humble, and fair dealing an address ●nto them) than you wrong them as well as the Petitioners, in calling that a good h●●d, which brought you such a scandalous mism●erpretation of them both; and so in stead of clearing your own conscience, you corrupt i● again with a new guilt.  
If the House of Commons did so conceive of the Petitioners, as you have published before, you have indiscreetly deserted the true information you had from them by a good hand, as you call it twice, (but how good soever you take it to be, there be some false fingers in it, i● it wrote that to you, which you have written to others) and have m●●● yourself an offender above the degree of your 〈◊〉 for though the tale you were told were materially an untruth, it was not formally a slander in you, while you did but publish it, not as any thing made or 〈◊〉 by you, ●ot as received by report from an 〈◊〉 with yourself of much 〈◊〉 for his trusty Intelligence. And yet I conceive it had been a part of good manners, to have forborn the divulging of such news, of so great moment, wherein not only the integ●●y of the Common Council, and Ministers of London, but the prudence of the Honourable House of Commons, was highly concerned, unless they had given you warrant to proclaim to the world, that which in such cases is, or should be kept within the compass of their own walls.  
You conclude, as you began, with commendation of yourself, for the innocency of your intentions, and charitableness of your affection; saying in your first lines, There past us the last week something that was displeasing both to the Common Council, and likewise to the Clergy, to neither of which we intended the least displeasure; and you end with the same self conceit wherein you began, for you tell us in the close of your speech that you hold it 〈◊〉 high offence to wrong the poorest particular man, yea, if an enemy; nor durst we (say you) ever publish that against the Parliaments and Kingdoms present enemy, much more (much less you should say) against their friends, which we did not receive from very good hands as truth.  
If you say this in sincerity, we shall see some clearer evidence of your conscientious acknowledgement (than that contradictory confession can be accounted, which is like an Iliaca passie in the belly, and bowels of your retractation, though the head and loot of it be suitably qualified) of your wronging, not of a single, or a private enemy, but of a numerous society of the most public, Honourable, and venerable Friends and Votaries of the Parliament in the Kingdom; which if you seriously consider, you cannot satisfy yourself, much less can you expect that they should rest satisfied with such a recanting recantation, as you have now made; if other wise, this Paper will assure the Intelligent Reader, that as Belshazzars government, so your repentance, is weighted in the balance, and found wanting, Dan. 5.27. But until I know the worst, my charity disposeth me to hope the best, and my hope is that you are on the mending hand, and so far you well.  
Now for the bold Britain●, who brags of his daring spirit, and would have every man to turn coward in a good Cause, for 〈◊〉 of his courage in a 〈◊〉; yet it seemeth some body 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 to tell him of his miscarriage towards the Magistrates, and Ministers of the City, in such sort, that (as Sallust said to Cicero) 
* Si quam voluptatem male dicendo cepisti, eam male audiend● amittas. Orat. Sallust. in Ciceron. Cicer. Orat. p. 671.  If he took any delight in speaking what he ought not, he may lose it again by hearing what he would not; and I must now do it the second time, by giving him another check for his vanity in magnifying himself, and his injury in vilifying such as he cannot sufficiently honour.  
For himself, he makes as if he were a man of such high elevation, that it is a stooping below his genius. to have any thing to do (though by way of reproof) with such a despicable company, as the Court of Common Council, and the Ministers of the City; whom he would not meddle with, were it not to serve the Parliament; and serve them I dare, saith he, in as high a nature as any man, and shall in all things comply with their proceed, and endeavour to make this compliance universal.  
Were it not to serve the Parliament? For your service to the Parliament, Mr. Brit. I would not have you to be confident either in your own performances, or of their acceptance, or of the good effects it hath brought forth among the people of the Kingdom; there are some, who (though they do not brag of wit as you do) have a great deal more wisdom than you have, and they say, you have begotten much malignity in many against the Parliament, and confirmed it in others, and have much weakened the hands of their most conscionable friends, by the licentious extravangancie of your Pen beyond all bounds of grace, or modesty; and they further add, (which honest men will lay hold on as a promise, but you perhaps will take as a threatening) that they will trace your irregular steps from the first page of your first Pamphlet, to this present of the number 945. and represent you so in one entire delineation, and discovery, as (if you be not a man of impenetrable impudence) will make you ashamed of your own resemblance.  
And for your particular service you pretend to do unto the Parliament, in abusing the Petitioners. I believe they will have little cause to give you thanks, much less any real reward for your painer; since it will scarce lie in your power to do them a greater dishonour, then to make good men believe, and Malignants insult, that their most potent, and beneficent, I may say munificent Assistants, the Citizens, and their most faithful (and not altogether impotent or unuseful servants) the Ministers of the City of London, either give, or take such offence at each other, as may tend to a rapture; but the hope is there will be present help, and an effectual Antidote against this scandal, in the Apologetical Narrative of the Petitions, as now it is presented to public view; which will be the more expedite and prevalent in its operation, by the little credit you have with all such as read your papers as the dictates of a Poet, not of an Historian; and you are like Sir to have less credit hereafter, and to do the Parliament less service than you have done (if ever you did any worthy acceptance) because you profess you will in all things comply with their proceed: For,  
1. No body will believe you will be so regular in you writing, as they are in their Parliamentary passages.  
2. When you say, you will in all things comply with their proceed, you must either suppose that they cannot err (which is fare from their thoughts, for they know it is a pitiful, and perilous ignorance, or perverseness, not to acknowledge their humanity, Psal. 9.20. and that it is the presumption of the Papal Conclave, not a Privilege of Parliament, to assume an infallible guidance in their determinations) or that they may err, and then we must think, that though they do so, you resolve to be on their side, be it right or wrong; if so, do you not tell the world that your compliance with them, hath more of policy in it, then of conscience? and will it not readily follow, that such a Mercurius at Westminster, would easily turn to an Aulicus at Oxford, if (which God forbidden) the Royal Prerogative should so fare advance, as to plunder the Parliament of their ancient and Honourable Privileges.  
The other Animadversion upon Britanicus this week concerneth the vilifying of the Petitioners, whom Lucian like he falls upon in this scornful and jeering manner: It is a fine humour in any to cry, We will have this, we will have that done, Come let's petition, he should have said, we would have this or that done; for we will have this or that done are terms rather of the Imperative, than the Optative Mood, fit for Commanders, than Petitioners. Besides Sir, you know there be a sort of men, who have taken upon them, without petitioning to the Parliament, or Authority from the Parliament, to set up a Government of themselves; which the Petitioners dare not attempt without warrant from the Parliament; this is a humour indeed, a fine humour of a new impression; but when did you bestow a jeer or a taunt upon them? in this surely you bewray your partiality, and somewhat worse which you may hear of hereafter; but say on.  
Yes I warrant you we are wise Statesmen, know the due times and seasons well enough, and though we lie under the deck, are able to discern as well as they that sit at the stern. Did the Petitioners take upon them to be Statesmen? did they not professedly disclaim so vain a conceit, when in a modest and humble way they came to the Parliament, as to Statesmen, the Fathers and Physicians of the State, to receive from their prudent resolutions present remedies against the maladies wherewith the City is dangerously infected, and infested? and was it not time to complain, when they perceived the subtle insinuations of Schism creep into their families, and found it had stolen their wives from their bosoms, their children and servants from Economical communion in their families, and from hearing Orthodox Divines in the public Churches of the City, to sort themselves under erroneous, and heretical Teachers in private Conventicles?  
And whereas you would degrade the Petitioners sitting at the st●rne to lying under the dick, though you (for fear or shame) may have occasion to play least in sight, and to lurk under the hatches to secure yourself, the Petitioners are (for the chief p●●t of them) eminently conspicuous; divers of the one sort sit upon the Tribunal of Authority, and all of the other weekly appear visible to common view in their Pulpits; and have so much advantage ground for discovery of the evils of the times, and places they live in, that it can be no disparagement to the Parliaments prudence, in many particulars to receive informations from them.  
But they go beyond their bounds, as Britanicus chargeth them, for their duty leads them 〈◊〉 further (saith he) then to present matter of grievance in things already established, not to demand the establisment of any thing 〈◊〉; this must be left in the Parliament, who (it is presumed, and we must hold to this maxim) will neglect nothing necessary or convenient.  
Now he takes upon him to play the Casuist, and to resolve both positively, and negatively, how fare men may proceed to petition, how fare not; they may (saith he) present matter of grievance in things already established, not demand the establishment of any new thing: This Aphorism is framed of purpose for the pulling down of the Prelacy, and against the setting up of the Presbytery, that Independency (and under that Title all Sects of what sort soever) may be set up, and spread abroad without restraint; but a man would think it more reasonable, that when things are established, they should command either assent or silence, but in the want of necessary things, the presenting of requests for supply to those that are able to grant them, hath no affinity with a fault, but rather hath the nature of a duty, and therefore they who petitioned the Parliament for Ordination of Ministers in a new way, without Bishops, (new to this State, though most ancient in the Church of Christ) were never blamed, but approved by the Parliament, and accordingly an Ordinance passed both the Honourable Houses, for enabling a certain number of Divines to put it in practice; much more cause is there to approve the Petitioners, who received a command for the choice of Church Governors, whereto without further direction, and warrant, they could not perform complete obedience as they desired.  
And for that he saith of leaving all to the Parliament, in confidence of their universal care, neglecting nothing which may be necessary and convenient, it hath a pretence of respect to the Parliament, but the drift of it is to make all those (who desire a deliverance out of dangerous confusion, by a setting up, and settling a regular Government) remiss in their mediation for it, while Independents intentively bestir themselves in several Counties to make choice of such for Knights and Burgesses, as favour their faction, and quicken their Patrons with uncessant importunity to expedite their design in Parliament, in Committees, in the Army; and some of them are such ubiquitaries, within the Kingdom, and without, (to work themselves up to a capitulating party) that none but that great Peripatetic, 1 Pet. 5.8. goeth beyond them for sedulity in prosecution of a plot. And yet whatsoever he aimeth at in this diversion or prohibition of Petitions, the Parliament may have need of them and may make good use of them, (yea and as some Antipresbyterians brag, 
a The most and best things that ever this Parliament did, were first motioned by private men, and then authorised and established by them. The Postscript of the Libellous Pamphlet called Lilburnes England's birthright.  have done so) and may be very well pleased therewith.  
For instance, having a purpose to ordain the Presbyterial Government which (as the 
b The Copy of the Remonstrance lately delivered to the Assembly by T.G.I.B. etc.  Independents confess) they have voted already, it may be matter of much encouragement to them to perfect their purpose in that behalf, since they see such a general accord of the Common Council, and Ministry of the City petitioning together for the establishment thereof.  
This may suffice for the second Edition of this scandalous contumely against the Petitions, and Petitioners of London; for whose sakes (they being so many in number, and so eminent in rank, and order,) and for the good Cause wherein they, and many more are so much engaged, I have taken the opportunity that was cast in my way to make this Apology, otherwise I should not think it meet to bestow my most idle minutes upon so mean an employment, as a conflict, or contestation with such Antagonists as now I have answered. Who if they appear again with any degree of folly, or offence in this Cause, above that which discretion may disdain, or Religion must pardon, though I be silent (which yet I do not promise) there will be a course taken to make some more sensible of their unsufferable excesses, and others more circumspect, and cautelous, then to run the hazard of their deserved reward.  
FINIS.