L. Colonel JOHN LILBURNE revived.  
Showing the cause of his late long silence, and cessation from Hostility against alchemy St. Oliver, and his rotten Secretary; as also of the report of his Death. With an answer in part, to the pestilent calumniation of Cap: Wendy Oxford (Cromwells Spy upon the Dutch, and upon the English Royalists, sojourning in the United Provinces) closely couched in a late delusive Pamphlet of the said Oxford's, called [The unexpected life, & wished for death, of the thing called parliament in England]  
All which, with many Historical passages, giving light into the unworthy practices of the English Grandees, is contained in three letters (The first to a friend in the United Provinces. The second to a friend in Scotland. And the third, To the Honourable, Colonel Henry Martin, in England)  
Written by L. Colonel JOHN LILBURNE.  The Lord that delivered me out of the paw of the roareing Lion at Oxford, and out of the paws of the ravenous Bears at Guild-Hall in London, and from all the earnest expectation of their Masters, the incensed Bearwards at Westminster; he will deliver me out of the hands of the uncircumcised Manqueller. 
And the Lord said unto Satan, Behold he is in thine hand, only save his life.  Job. 2.6. Go ye and tell that FOX, that a Pleader for his country's liberties, and the performance of solemn Engagements and Promises, cannot be murdered out of England. The Gentiles which have not the Law, do by Nature the things contained in the Law (Romen 2.14) whiles alchemy Christians having both Law and Gospel do nothing but make Remonstrances, Declarations, vows and Covenants; and writ Hypocritical Letters, to choke the Actings of otheres more honestly minded. 
Printed in the Year 1653. In March   

For my Loving friend and Countryman Mr. D.D. in the United Provinces.  
Kind Sir,  
THere is a saying in Scripture, that in adversity there is a friend to be found, that is nearer than a brother. and truly although there is betwixt you & me both in things moral and divine, a great deal of difference betwixt our judgements, yet seriously without flattery or falsehood, I must aver, that with that little accidental conversing, that now and then I have had with you, dureing my abode in the United Provinces, I have truly found you one of those real friends, that hath been nearer to me then a brother, yea, and in my present adversity I may really aver, I have found more obligations of true friendship from you alone, than I have done from my brother, and all the brothers in law I have in the world, put all together in one: and being now really in the condition of a true man, set upon by a company of robbing thiefs, that rob him of all he hath (for seriously since I left England, I neither have now, nor ever had before, the absolute command of one Sixpence of all my estate, the greatest part of which some months ago Haselridge as I am informed, hath got an extent upon) and when they have done that, lie waiting with a company of murderers to take away his life also, which by the following discourse, you will find to be my case. and being truly, really and bona fide, in that condition; I hope it will not appear to you to be irrational, unworthy, or an undervalueing of myself [and thereby an exposeing myself to shame and contempt] for me, as much as in me lies, to cry out for help, to all ingenuous men in the world, against their unjust, cruel, & unrighteous dealing with me, especially seeing if I any longer sit still, an unavoidable, & an apparent ruin is before me. therefore whither my present crying out, will accomplish the end I wish and desire it may do, or the quite contrary, there is in my present case no choice at all; for necessity hath no law, and if I sit still, (in my own thoughts) I perish, and if I writ and print, I can do no more. therefore through the strength of the Lord God Almighty, I am resolved to do that, which in my own judgement I apprehend to be my duty, and then trust God [that never hitherto failed me] with the issue.  
When I left Holland, to come to meet my wife in Flanders, I did not then resolve to have been so long silent as I have been, neither hath my long silence arose in the least, from the fear of my adversaries greatness, or any mischief they could do to me or mine, (for I have long since scorned their courtesies, and contemned their malice) neither hath it solely and altogether to this day, proceeded from my tender affection to my wife, her and my poor babes afflicted condition, but hath somewhat I must truly acknowledge, been mixed many times, with these and the like considerations.  
First, because it hath ever been esteemed by me, ignoble, and unworthy a man of gallantry, and pure mettle indeed, [especially such a one as pursues a righteous and just cause, as I am sure I now do] to strike his adversary when he is down, or to be revenged of him, when by casualty and not by his opposites immediate actings and endeavours, his hands are full with other adversaries. and that this hath been my practice to my present adversaries and others, I aver it for truth, and give these instances for the illustrateing and proving it.  
Cromwell and I were professed adversaries to each other, in the year 1647. but his adversaries by several rise in England, came upon him, and filled his hands full of work; and my prosperity comes upon me, by my deliverance out of the Tower, from almost a three years sad imprisonment, originally by the then house of Peers. And having upon the 19 of january 1647. English stile, impeached Cromwell and his son in law Ireton (which impeachment is since Printed) then in their full glory and Majesty, of high treason, at the open bar of the then house of Commons, for an hour or two together, themselves being then present in the house, for any thing I then knew, or do to this day to the contrary, and offered, upon the hazard of my life, legally to make it good, if they would put it judiciously to trial, which for fear of his guilt they durst not do, but unworthily and basely committed me back again to the Tower, by their order, as a Traitor for my pains. yet for all this, when his own Major Robert Huntingdon, the 2. of August 1648. presented to the Parliament a kind of a shrewd impeachment against him, and which is mentioned as a considerable business, by the Author of the History of Independence (with which book to my knowledge you are well acquainted) in his first part, Pag. 98. And although I was proffered no small matters, by no small person or persons, to have joined with the said Huntingdon against Cromwell; and solicited thereunto by some that had a great interest in my affections, and to whom I own a great deal of obligations to, for singular courtesies done me; yet I abhorred it to Huntington's face, at the Parliament door, at the very nick of time he delivered it (and principally because Cromwel's hands were full with others, with whom in the original, I was not in the least joined with against him.) And the next day after I writ Cromwell [then in straits enough] a letter, and sent it by an express, the copy of which letter [as it is recorded in the 32 Page of that notable book called The Legal & fundamental liberties of the People of England revived, asserted, and vindicated. for pretended making of which, I was also arraigned for a Traitor at Guildhall, the foresaid October 1649.] thus followeth;  
Sir, What my Comrade hath written by our trusty bearer, might be sufficient for us both. but to demonstrate to you, that I am no staggerer from my first principles that I engaged myself upon, nor from you, if you are what you ought to be, and what you are strongly reported to be, although if I prosecuted, or desired revenge for an hard and almost starving imprisonment, I could have had of late, the chief of twenty opportunities to have paid you to the purpose. But I scorn it, especially when you are low. And this assure yourself, that if ever my hand be upon you, it shall be when you are in your full glory, if then you shall decline from the Righteous ways of Truth and Justice, which if you will speedily and impartially prosecute, I am  
Yours to the last drop of my heart blood, [for all your late severe hand to me] JOHN LILBURN. From Westminster this 3 of August, 1648. Being the second day of my freedom.  
ANd besides this particular, I could instance several others of the like nature, with this very CROMWELL at other times, and with several other persons, of several other interests, both Caviliers, Presbyterians, and Independantes. but they would, all put together, be too long for the intended brevity of this Epistle, only one more I will take the boldness to insert, and that is this.  
There is one Captain Edmond Chillington, (a Captain of Horse now in Commissary General Whaleys Regiment,) one of the falshearted Independents, who to purchase his own Liberty, in the Bishop's time, in 1637. in the Starr-Chamber as their Agent, swore two false and wicked affidavitts there against me, by virtue of which principally, I suffered all those unexpressable miseries I underwent in the Bishop's time [which are partly expressed in my late Apology to the People of the Netherlands] which Chillington when I was a prisoner under the King, in the years 1642. and 1643. at Oxford Castle, was also brought in thither as another Prisoner. where he was brought to those straits, that he was ready to starve, and where wanting money to buy him bread, he could not of any there borrow  to buy him food to keep him alive from Starving, but what he had of myself. who freely out of mere humane compassion, upon his own bare entreaty, lent him both Silver and Gold, in the day of his very great Calamity, to supply his necessities, and keep him alive. and afterwards upon his earnest entreaty, when at liberty, I improved my interest in An: 1643. in the Earl of Manchesters' Army, to make him an officer of horse, in that very Regiment, (which as I believe) he hath remained ever since in: and thereby is grown now a rich and great man. But the ungrateful knave, like a false hearted Independent indeed, in my late imprisonment in the tower of London, and my contests with Cromwell then; was one of my principallest, reproachfullest, maliciousest and most mischievous Enemy's.  
I confess this constant practice of mine, is not according to the Policy the great men of the world walk by. yet I must aver, I find a great deal of peace and tranquillity of mind, in the practising of it. And must aver, and that in truth, I am never so much an Heroic and daring man, nor so much carried out with Divine supportation, strength, assistance, counsel and presence of the Lord God Almighty; as when by my wicked, base, cowerdly, and cruel adversaries, I am most dealt with in the quite contrary, and thereby and by their Barbarism, robbed and stripped (as it were) many times of all humane power, means, earthly support, and advise. even then: and at such time as this, and never before, am I in my delight-some Eliment, being then accompanied with Divine strength and power, through the Lord Almighty, to grapple, and and encounter with a Legion of wicked men and devils. and then with ease, (at least in my own mind) to overcome all the difficulties, that it is possible for the wickedness and greatness of my adversaries to environ me withal. which was clearly and evidently manifested to an observant spectator, at my carriage at my bloody and intended murdering trial in October 1646, and which in a great part may easily be discerned by a judicious and serious reader of the first and second parts of the said printed trial, which contains betwixt 20 and 30 sheets of paper, of which trial I can truly say thus much, to the praise of the Almighty, that I had not a friend in the world, neither male nor female, but to their clear apprehensions their spirits all failed them, and gave me over for a dead man, and endeavoured with me as Peter did with Christ, when he said, Master save thyself; at all of which and whom [through the assisting strength of the Lord God] I laughed, being absolutely confident, that there was that unresistable strength, and fortitude, in naked truth and reason alone, that if I singlelie and throughly cast myself upon it, it would with a witness carry me through, with a merry countenance, and a cheerful heart: which I was as visibly and sensibly possessor of, without one minutes wavering, from the very first beginning to the latter end of all, till the jury cleared me. and then I confess my countenance fell and changed, as being rapt up with Spiritual singing praises unto God, even at the very Bar, for that infinite faithfulness, wisdom and truth that he had clearly, evidently and sensibly manifested unto me his unworthy servant, even in that very trial and great deliverance. about my method of mannageing of which, I neither did nor durst tell any man or woman in the world what was my intentions, till I came to the Bar; lest my adversaries should get a hint of it, who I believe never expected but I would have dealt with them upon a ranting highflown score, in totally denying their jurisdiction, and the authority of those that constituted them. but through the strength of the Almighty, I went beyond their expectations, and gave them such a cuff under their other ear, as I believe they will never throughly shake of the smart and pain of it, whilst Cromwel's beastly & most grossly abominable Tyranny lasteth. And yet, through the goodness of God, I kept my principles to the breadth of an hair, in the whole mannagement of my defence [that Masterpiece of all the earthly works (in my thoughts) that God ever wrought by me, or for me.] But to return from this digression: I say, my forementioned carriage or practice, is not only full of peace and tranquillity of mind to me, but also in my own apprehension, and upon my most serious scrutiny and examination, I never yet found myself a loser by it, no more than the old and famous Commonwealths of the Acheëns, or Romans did judge themselves to be loser's by the like, of which Acheëns Polybius the Grecian in his wise and wel-pend History, fol. 414. gives this worthy testimony, viz.  
That they were estranged from deceit towards their friends to advance their power, by which they would not vanquish their enemies, holding it neither noble norfirme if they did not vanquish by prowess, and in open fight. Wherefore they ordained amongst themselves, that no man should make use of hidden arms, thinking that an open Combat hand to hand, was the true determining of war. Finally they declared themselves to their enemies, and signified the war, when they were once resolved to undergo the danger of the battle. The like they did, of the places where they would decide it. And in the fame page he goes on and saith, there is yet in his time, [which was in the life of Hannibal the great, that cut his way, in the depth of Winter, through the mountainous Alps of Italy, to get his armies as nigh Rome, as their swords would enable them] remaining in the Romans some relics of their ancient humour. in such affairs, they signify their war before, and they seldom use any ambushes, fight readily hand to hand. Let these words [saith he] be spoken against the affection which is much more ready than is needful, in malicious practices, policies, and ambushes amongst Princes, as well in affairs of war as policies. And Plutarch in his History, fol. 139. relateing how that the old renowned Romans by their General, Consul Camillus, made war and besieged the strong cities Falerians, which being a very strong place in all parts, made the people within very secure. which their General Schoolmaster to their Children perceiving, he [for his own treacherous ambitious ends] led the Children day by day, out of the walls to play, and at last presented himself and them before the Roman General, in hopes of great matters from him for so doing. but the virtuous & gallant old heathen Roman [although he brought him the chief men's Children of the city] said to those that were about him: War of itself surely is an evil thing, because in it many injuries and mischiefs are done, nevertheless amongst good men there is a law and discipline, which doth forbid them to seek victory by wicked traitorous means, and that a noble and worthy General should make war, and procure victory, by trusting to his own valiantness, and not by another's vileness and villainy. Therefore he commanded his Sergeants to tear the  off the back, of this vile Schoolmaster, and to bind his hands behind him, and that they should give the children rods and whips in their hands, to whip the Traitor back again into the city naked, that had betrayed them, and grieved their parents. which when the Falerians heard, that the Schoolmaster had thus betrayed them, all the city, saith Plutarch, fell a weeping, and men and women ran together in one another's necks, to the town walls, and gates of the city, like people out of their wits, they were so exceedingly troubled at the loss of their children, but when they see their children bringing back the traitorous Schoolmaster, as is aforesaid, and calling the Roman General Camillus their father, their God, and their Saviour; not only the fathers and mothers of the children, but generally all the other Citizens, did conceive in themselves a wonderful admiration, and great love of the wisdom, justice and goodness of Camillus. so that notwithstanding the great strength of their city, they presently called a Counsel, and there concluded to send Ambassadors forthwith unto him, to put their lives and goods to his mercy and favour; who sent their Ambassadors unto Rome, where having audience before the Senate, the Amstassadors said; because the Romans preferred justice before victory, they taught them to be better contented to submit themselves unto them, then to be their own men at liberty, confessing their virtue did more overcome them, than any force or power could do: where upon the Senate left all to their General Camillus, to do in it what he pleased. and he used them so as became a man of a truly noble mind, that rather desired to overcome their minds with love, than their bodies with fear & terror, and thereby choosed to have their subjection out of the lasting principles of love, rather than to have it by the cobweb ties of fear.  
And as full of nobleness and justice, was that act of Fabricius, another of the Roman Generals towards Pyrrus King of Epirus, a dangerous and formidable adversary to the Roman Commonwealth, and who forced their Generals and Armies in divers pitched Battles, against whom his own Physician [for the hopes of filthy lucre] conspired to take away his life; for the accomplishing of which, he writes a letter with his own hand into the Roman Camp, in which he proffered to poison the King his master, in case the Roman General would promise him a large reward for his pains, and for ending their desperate wars, without further danger. But Fabritius detesting the wickedness of the Physician, and having made Quintus Aemylius his colleague, and fellow Consul, also to abhor the same; wrote a letter unto King Pyrrus and bade him take heed, for there were that meant to poison him. the contents of the letter were these.  

Caius Fabricius & Quintus Aemylius Consuls of Rome, unto King Pyrrus greeting.  
You have (o King) made unfortunate choice both of your friends and of your enemies, as shall appear unto you by reading of this letter, which one of yours hath writ unto us. for you make wars with just and honest men, and do yourself trust altogether the wicked and unfaithful. hereof therefore we have thought good to advertise you, not in respect to pleasure you, but for fear the misfortune of your death, might make us unjustly to be accused: imagining that by Treachery or treason we have sought to end this war, as though by valiantness we could not otherways achieve it. which letter procured the execution of this physician for his treachery, and a high admiration in King Pyrrus of the Romans worth and noble gallantry. Plutarch Fol: 409.   
O Renowned and worthy heathens, far surpassing in honesty, and far surmounting in justice and righteousness, our great pretended Christians the governors in England; that Judge no means nor ways though never so abominable in themselves, too vile for them to undertake for the accomplishing of their own ends: whether it be treachery, murder, prejurie, breach of faith, or what ever it be. and who have cheated all manner of Interests that ever yet in their lives they dealt with, and hold it as an undoubted article of their faith, for the support of their State and policy; that it is not fit nor convenient for them to keep faith with any Interest or generation of men in the world, longer than it serves their own ends: being absolutely in their own thoughts (as their constant practices sufficiently demonstrate and declare, as clear as the Sun at noon day) tied by no engagement, declarations, protestations, oaths, Covenants, or Contracts whatsoever [that even amongst Pagans and Infidels themselves are most Sacred] longer than they please. and if any of their mercenary penmen dare be so impudent as to deny this, that I now say of them, and indeanor in there behalf to prove the contrary; I dare hereby engage my life and reputation, by abundance of evident, declared and known instances to prove these my pressent asertions, as clear as the Sun in its most glorious shineing. therefore let all wise men be wary and take heed how they trust them.  
But a little further to go on, me thinks it seems ugly and so inconsistent with the principles of a man that would really be reputed a Christian, and that enjoys Communion with the Lord of Life and glory, and believes his Almighty power and faithfulness; to be a pursuer of any design whatsoever, but what he well examines, and before hand compares with the Rule of truth and righteousness the revealed will of god contained in the Scripture, and which evidently upon the examination appears to his conscience and Judgement to be just and honest in itself, and in the mannageing of which he Steers his course by those two sure and never faileing cards or Compasses of righteousness, viz: [do as you would be done unto] and [ye shall not do evil that good may come of it] that should I either undertake such wicked designs as my Cromwellish Bloody adversaries constantly for these 5 or 6 Years together have done against me; or pursne the accomplishment there of with such false, treacherous, hellish, diabolical, Bloodly, cowardly means and ways, as they have commonly done upon me, not with standing any glorious outside pretences of religious fastings, prayings and preach [which yet in themselves rightly preformed are excellent good things] that possible I could have acted or performed: really I should have Judged myself, so far from deserveing to be reputed to be a true Christian indeed; that truly I should rather have thought that abundantly more justly I had truly deserved, to have that saying of Christ in john 8: 44: spoken unto me, that Christ himself spoke unto the hypocritical jews, that boasted much to be Children of Abraham, but did not do his works, but the quite contrary: and therefore saith Christ to them, you are of your Father the Deviland the lusts of your Father you will do. he was a Murderer from the beginning, and abode not in the truth, because there is no truth in him. when he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his own, for he is a liar and the Father of it.  
The second consideration that I have had in my thoughts, ariseth from that endeared affection, that I justly bear to the Land of my nativity above all nations in the world, and that extraordinary obliging cause and ground I have to bear the same to multitudes of the honest in habitants thereof, for their former tender affection in the day of my great adversity largely manifested unto me. now if under the pretence of my indeavering to preserve myself against Cromwell's faithless, and apparent indeavoring, utterly to destroy me and mine, and extirpating me from the Earth; I should in the present day of England's adversity by their wars with Holland, hand over head [rashly and inconsiderately by way of hasty revenge] engage against it, and endeavour to have done to the whole as several banished men [upon far greater causes and grounds than mine] that I have red of, that were banished from Rome and Athens did; who by joining their presonall and particular interests; parts and abilities to the strength of Rome and Athens their professed enemies, and thereby several times brought their native Cities & countries almost to utter desolation: I say should I have done or indeavonred to have done this, in the day of England's present adversity [though I have I am confident of it as much cause given me, in any open avowed way in the world, to endeavour to right myself, against that grand Tyrant Cromwell and his lawless bloodthirsty Crew, as can be given unto a man] yet I say, if my indevoring my own right, should intentionally or rationally, and consequentially tend to the mischeise and destruction of the whole, I should have had little peace or comfort of mind in it; or small honour or repute, in the estimation of righteous and just men who might justly have told me, God himself [though absolute Sovereign over all mankind] in wicked Sodoms case, abhorred to destroy the righteous with the wicked, Gen. 18. And all those that truly profess the fear of his name, aught to be like unto him, at least in the habit or disposition of there minds. And besides,  
They might also have justly told me of God's severe threatened revenge upon Edom, for dealing with the house of his brother Jacob in the like case, although the smitings of God himself, for their sins was upon them, yet in this very case, God in Obadiah Verse 9.10.11.12.13.14.15. thus saith, And thy mighty men, o Teman shall be dismayed, to the end, that every one of the mount of Esau, may be cut off by slaughter; for thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall cover thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. in the day that thou stoodst on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast lots upon Jerusalem, even thou wast as one of them: But thou shouldest not have looked upon the day of thy brother, in the day that he became a stranger, neither shouldest thou have rejoiced over the children of Judah, in the day of their destruction: neither shouldest thou have spoken proudly in the day of their distress. Thou shouldest not have entered into the gate of my people, in the day of their calamity, Yea thou shouldest not have looked upon their affliction, in the day of their calamity, nor have laid hands on their substance, in the day of their calamity, neither shouldest thou have stood in the cross way, to have cut of those of his that did Escape, neither shouldest thou have delivered up those of his, that did remain in the day of distress, for the day of the Lord is near upon all the heathen, as thou hast done, it shall be done unto thee, thy reward shall return upon thine own head.  
And also having red the Scripture, as I have done diligently, they might have told me, if the blood of one righteous Abel causesly shed, called, or cried so loud in the ears of God for wrath and vengeance against Cain; how much more louder would the cry of many righteous Abel's be against me, whose blood must of necessity in the eye of reason have been shed, should I have taken or now should take such a course, as to endeavour revenge of the whole, for a mischief done me by those that oppress the nation in general in a great measure as bad as they do me and I know it was Judah and Jerusalem's condition, in the day of her great adversity [as Jeremy in his Lamentations witnesseth] amongst all her lovers to have none to comfort her, and to have all her friends to deal treacherously with her, and to become her enemies, for which she wept sore in the night, that the very tears remained on her cheeks, and their lamentations were beyond expression, which made her in the bitterness of her Soul, to cry out to the Lord her God, and say, Render unto them a recompense, O Lord, according to the work of their hands; give them sorrow of heart, thy curse unto them, persecute and destroy them in anger, from under the Heavens of the Lord. And these their prayers and outcries were not in vain unto God, (as a little before may partly be seen in Edom's case) for the Apostle James saith, chap. 5.16. that the efectuall fervent prayer of the righteous availeth much.  
All these considerations laid together, though my provocations are many (and aggravated very much, not only by the slight and forgetfulness, but also by the base and unworthy deal with me, by some of those, for the preservation of whom and their estates, I have apparently ran the hazard of a total ruin, to me and mine) and my straits (as to the outward man) great, yet through the goodness and loving kindness of my good God, by his special assisting me with the foresaid, and other the like considerations, and by the immediate necessities of self-preservation, that my adversaries basely and unworthily have brought upon me, the way of my present goings is not only clear, to be just and righteous in my own understanding, judgement and conscience, (that lively voice of God speaking in my own soul) but I am confident I have so deliberately, rationally and justly gone on hitherto) in the progress of my business, that I am confident, through the assistance of God, I am sufficiently furnished, with a just and grounded plea to answer fully, what ever can be objected against my present proceed, by the most maliciousest and cunningest of my adversaries, or the scrupulousest of my friends in England.  
And although in my own imagination and invention, I have of along time laid down a method to myself (which I would not willingly go from) by me to be used in my appearing in print again to the world, rationally and methodically to prepare and make way for my formal appeal to the body of the people of England (which my wicked and unrighteous judges, have several years ago [viz. Upon the 4. of Janury 1648,] in words voted to be their masters, or the Supreme fountain or orginal of all just power in England; as you may largely and particularly read in the second part of the History of independency Pag: 55: 56: 57: as alsoo the grounds and reasons that moved them so to vote) which I resolved on in my own thoughts come life come death before I left England, which was upon Saturday first of Feb: English stile. in which appeal seeing my cruel judges (merely for the accomplishment of their own ends, the more coullorably to take away the King's life, that so when they had slain him they might take possession of his power & estate, and at their pleasure divide it amongst themselves & their slaves, and by the strength and power of it domineer arbitrarily and Tyrannically over the lives, liberties and estates of the anciently free people of England, and maintain themselves unaccountable by the strength thereof, either to God or man, law or reason) have in words voted the people of England, under God, to be the Original of all just power there, but never intended it, that ever in actions or reality they should in the least enjoy it; I will by God's assistance do the best I can in my appeal, to discover the cheats of Alchemy Saint Oliver, and his graceless Tribe in that vote: and also I will instruct the people of England, in the best way, method, or form that I can, to set themselves in, to obtain the real exercise of their declared rightful supreme power; and also produce them several precedents from the practice of the people in the Ancient & most famous Commonwealth of Rome, and the Ancient Grecian Commonwealths of Athens, Corinth, Thebes, etc. how they practifed their supreme power upon many occasions, even upon the greatest Generals, Patricians, noblemans, Senators, or Parliament-men they had, and there is abundantly more reason, and ground for the people of England now to contest even to the death, for the election from amongst themselves of Tribunes, or keepers, or desenders of the people's liberties, endued with ample power, to preserve them against the annhilating mcroachments, that their present Tyrannical Riders have already made upon them; then ever in the days of old, there was for the old Plebeians, or Common people of Rome, to contest with their Patricians or Senators for such protectors of their Liberties, because even when the contests begun, or were at the highest in Rome, when the people in their numerous and cemented body, betook themselves to Marsfield against their Lords; they were abundantly (though Pagans and Infidels) more just, compassionate, less Lordly, and less domineering, and more freehearted to the people of Rome, then ours are to the poor people of England.  
And also I will show them grounds & reasons to demonstrate clearly to them, that there is in a manner as great a necessity for them, to contest for the establishing by a law (as to contest for the preservation of their lives) those two essential Maxims, without which England in a Common wealth can never be free; viz First, that the chief commander of their Militia, or the General of their Forces, by Sea or Land, be often removed; at least once every two years, upon pain of immediate death upon the least refusal to surrender his command. And  
Secondly, that they make strict and sure provision, for the keeping out at one and the selfsame time, divers of one family or kindred, in their chiefest offices. And if by the help and benefit of this intended Appeal, the people of England come to assume unto themselves, the true exercise of their public declared Supreme power, that their present Tyrants in words have already instated them in, and deal with my grand adversaries thereby according to their just deserts: let my bloody and malicious adversaries thank themselves, in not letting me alone to sit under my own Vine in peace and quietness, when I as much endeavoured it, in my own understanding and judgement, as much as ever I did since I was a man, endeavour to preserve my life when it was in danger.  
A late Book of one Captain Wendy Oxford's (a Spy in pay to Cromwell, or Scott of the Counsel of State at white Hall) and the hazards accrueing to my life, and well-being thereby, hath at the present put me out of my intended method. and because there is an absolute necessity, that one thing which already I have writ (saving a short introduction to it) be published in print before my answer at large, to that false and lying Book of Oxford's comes out; and yet the perfecting of that Introduction, will take up more time, then in prudence and wisdom is fit for me to delay (being already lately allarumd from several places, and from several of my loving friends, by more than bare hints, that a private Pistol, a dagger, or a potion of Poison, is my speedy defined ruin) by reason of the charge upon me in the 20. 21. 22. Pages of that Book; some of which the foresaid Author, (Wendy Oxford) was in hopes, by his wicked, cowardly, and bloody instruments, had so operated upon me, that he hath already all over Holland reported me to be dead [as a late letter from a special friend of mine there doth signify unto me] and therefore in the interim, I have judged it convenient to send herewith unto you a copy [saving a few words of alteration] of a late Epistle of mine, sent to Scotland; in which this book, and the designs of Oxford, is so far mentioned, as the publishing of it may at present be a rational security to my person, till a further answer come from me, which I hope a little time will effectually produce. & also seeing my foresaid piece, which is purposely penned for the use of England, the greatest part of it being long since in Mr. Peter's hands [on purpose to communicate to Cromwell, to teach him if he were capable of receiving good counsel or instruction to be wise be times] will be delayed a little by my going on with this, and seeing [as from England I am informed] divers of the rational sort of people there are a little awaked once more vigorously to look after the enjoyment of their often and long promised liberties, and seeing also by the like information I am informed the officers of the Army are also again at work, to find out a speedy convenient way for the procurering of a new representative, & for that end (as they pertend) have chose lately a committie of officers, to consider of the business; which according to their names sent unto me, I Judge out of a long knowledge or experience of them to consist partly of evident knaves or creatures; Secondly of neuters, and lastly mixed with some of their honestest Officers they have. but in the whole, I look upon the establishing that committie, to be in its intention a perfect cheat, [as all the actions and pretences of the Officers of the Army to the people's liberties are] set up on on purpose to gull the people, and to keep of (if it be possible) from acting, a more serious, honester, and through paced generation of men.  
The Grandees straits at the present being very great, as to any knowing man in the affairs of England may evidently appear, by there calling for to debate in the house the longwinded act for a new representative (their common and well known cheat to gull the people, and to draw (in there imaginations) the people's affections to them, when they are in great straits) and that they are in great straits, and great fears, evidently appears to me more fully out of these considerations.  
First I know when I was in England, it was the master piece of Cromwell's, and his Knipperdollings, Achitophel's, or wise Oracles, or Counsellors designs, to perpetrate their arbitrary and Tyrannical power over the people of England; so to make a peace and league with the Hollanders [if possible] that if hereafter he and his perjured faith-breaking party, should any ways by the people of England struggling for their liberties, come into any straits; that then for his help and aid, he might have some sure friend in Holland to give him assistance against them. but being not in his desired way able to accomplish this; his interest led him to engage in a plundering war with Holland, to beggar (if it were possible) and spoil their Merchants, and thereby destroy their trade, that so the averse people in Holland to an agreement with him, might thereby be themselves necessitated to desire peace with him, in a manner upon his own terms. and having in his own thoughts by his said plundering war, and by his underhand tamperings, brought his design [at least in his own imaginations] to a great perfection, before van Tromp his late foiling of Cromwell's General Blake. which action hath given Cromwell and his Knipperdolings or Counsellors, a clear demonstration, that the Dutch will not be brought to his bow, in his way, and also he clearly now sees that if the war with them hold long in a lingering way, it will unavoidably prove so chargeable to him, that in a short time it will source him to increase the taxes in England to that extraordinary height, that in the eye of reason must mad & vex the people, & and by consequence occasion the apparent ruin and destruction of him and his wicked and cruel tribe. in which regard and to avoid that eminent danger by lingering out the war, they are resolved at once to put all to a push, and either (as in our English proverb we say in England) win the horse or lose the saddle. in order to which their interest leads them not only, to make all the preparation that the strength of England is able to furnish them with, to offend the Dutchat Sea, but also to make it so strong, as that (in their imaginations at least) they shall be enabled thereby to be absolute Lords at Sea, this next summer, against all comers & goers; & by consequence, thereby be able to land in their own season, when & where they pleas, a formidable land-army of Horse and Foot, to be commanded by one or both, of those notable shrewd men, viz. Lieutenant General Monck, or Major general Deane. only here is their alone fear that now troubles them, viz. That in the absence of their land-army, the true lovers of the liberties and freedoms of England, should have an opportunity thereby, to imbodie together, and so force the establishing of their long-promised, and long-contended-for rights and freedoms: and then good night Oliver and all his hypocritical cheats.  
To countermine and delude whom once again (if it be possible) I am confident Cromwell and his Cabal associates, hath under hand set the said Committie of the Army a foot. To overbalance whose specious pretences even to the public view of the people of England, with real actions of transcendent good, done by gallant old Heathens and Pagans (who in actions were better Christians then our great ones) for their own Country and their oppressed Neighbours, I have sent you a copy of an historical and pleasant Epistle, which in November last I sent to that rational English headpiece Colonel Henry Martin.  
I must conses its probable, the dutch may be offended at the first part of it, for the preventing of which [if possible] I shall aver this [& that in truth] that although I am very much an English man, yet I am (bona fide) no enemy to Holland and its welfare, but desire with all my hart, an honest and a just pace betwixt them and England, to the rational securing distinctly the rights and privileges of each nation, without encroachment of either side: in such a away as to bring to condign punishment the great knaves of both sides (if Holland have any) by stripping them of their Arbitrary & Tyrannical power, with which ours in England (I am sure of it) have not only endeavoured, but really have acted the enslaving of their brothers. And this I do further protest, that if my weak abilities, and shattered interest, could contribute any thing to the accomplishing such a peace and agreement; I would hearty venture my life, for the procureing of it, and all that I can call dear unto me in this world, with as much resolution and hazard, as any Dutch man, or English man breathing upon the earth whatsoever he be. I desire to see no better a day in this world, but such a one, wherein I may be counted worthy to be made use of to this end. Besides, let them give Oliver their chiefest enemy a box of the ear, on the one side, in their own way, and give me but leave in my own way to give him a box on the other care: and if I do not do it hearty, and to the purpose, I will freely give them leave to account me a knave for my pains, and if I do it hearty and effectually, although it be not in every puntillio in their mode, yet I am sure they can be no loser's by it. So with my hearty and true love presented to you, I commit you to the protection of the most High, and rest,  
Your assured faithful and loving friend, JOHN LILBURN. From my delightsome palace in my little Garden-house in the Mary-Brugh, in Bridges Feb. 4. 1653. New style.   

The copy of the forementioned Letter to Scotland thus followeth.  

Dear friend.  
I Had thought the strength of your air in Scotland, would have breathed ere now as far as Bridges in Flanders, but it may be the viewing of the fineness of your gallant new Forts, and other fine Monuments of that rare Nation, with the embraces of your lately married delight, hath so taken up your time, that you have had no leisure to think of an exiled and banished man in Flanders. I confess I partly know it by experience, that divers months after marriage are most commonly a time of dotage, and many times proves so, even in the most solidest persons, and therefore for once I will excuse your negligence and remissness. I confess had it not been so great a journey from Air to London, and so unseasonable a time in the depth of winter, and so irrational to desire too suddenly to take you away from the enjoyment of your new delight and joy, I should have presumed often ere now to have pressed you with all that little Rhetoric that my dull pen can express, to hasten your return to London, to have lent my honest Bess your wont assistance, and to have helped her efectually to have solicited my business with my Tyrannical adversaries there, who through her own ungrounded desire, to have me again in England upon such sneaking terms as my Soul abhors, and in my poor opinion no way becomes a man of a gallant Ennobled and Heroic mind, who never was engaged in any thing in his life to the purpose, but he deliberately and wisely looked into every crevice of the business, before he too much engaged in it, that it was both just and honest in the sight of God and man, and then was never fearful to play a game at all, even life to the utmost, nay for a man that by virtue of that power and assisting strength that is abundantly given him from the Lord God Almighty, that thereby he is by faith sufficiently able to make him encounter with a Den of the most fiercest Lions in the world or a Legion of the most dreadfullest men and devils in Earth and hell: Nay upon such terms (as upon my conscience in the presence of God I speak it) as in my own opinion, can no way be for the safety of my life, which can now never be secure so long as Cromwel's absolute Tyranny lasteth, upon any promises that he can make either before God or man. For in short, by too large experience I judge him to be as false as the Devil himself, and who I will never trust again while I breath, let him swear and protest never so much. I say my poor wife out of her over-earnest-desire in Engeland to enjoy my company, hath made thereby herself a burden to herself, and forced me to the greatest use of my brains and patience, that ever I was put unto in my life, to deal with her with that tenderness (with a Salvo to my own peace) that doth become a man of conscience, gratitude and humanity, to an object so dear in my affections, several years before from me she knew any thing of it, and who now for about 12. years, hath many times with a good proportion of strength & resolution, gone through so many miseries with me, with so much affection as she hath done; and when she was last with child, with it, her sickness and grief, her condition was so sad, that truly I scarce knew how gently enough to handle her, and seriously betwixt the struggle of care and tenderness, my endeared affection to her made me to have of her, and the strong beat and compulsions of that voice of God that constantly speaks in my enlivened and awakened conscience, my Soul was many times almost rend in pieces, and in which condition for a length of time I would not be again for all the Gold in the world.  
And in the second place, when she was lately with me, she was so oppressed with sickness, and the death of my little Babe, that my most entire affection to her compelled me to deal with her as if she had been a Suckinge Babe, till she got strength; and then béyond any bounds of reason, pressed me so far to endeavour again in her way to get into England, that I was forced to tell her to this purpose. Vict. that my present banishment was as delightsome to me as my wedding day, and nothing in the world could more rejoice my heart then when I was got out of England in Safety from Cromwell sir reconcilable malice and blood thirstines, and Seeing she forced me so far, I must do more than Ever I had thought to have done in my life, and truly tell her, that now England was toe little, to hold Cromwell in the possession of his beastly and gross Tyranny, and me in the earnest pursuit of my just freedom, and therefore I ptayed her, as she loved my life, and her own welfare, not to expose me to such hazerdous and dangerous new temptations, which whilst I was in England I was scarce able to resist, being satisfied in my own conscience that Cromwell was grown as perfect a bloody devouring Wolf, as any was in the world, and justifiably both before God and man might be dealt with as such a one, having enclosed himself with such a strong unovercomable power of the Sword, as no law can possibly lay hold of him, for all his visible murders, rapines and treasons; protesting further unto her, that if it had not been for the strong affection I bore unto her and my poor babes, (whom willingly I would not leave beggars when I did) and for that I had some grounded assurance in my own spirit, that I should live to see his downfall, and the full restauration of our English Liberties and freedoms, and myself be an actor or instrument to procure it without so apparent hazard to my life as such an Act would be: I had with my own right hand at the house door avowedly ended the quarrel betwixt him and me, and the rest of the freeborn people of England, with a Paper of reasons in my left hand, ready to be sent unto the Speaker, and with several others in my pocket to justify to the whole world, the lawfulness and justness of such an action, both by the laws of God, nature, and Nations, and therefore her company by reason of her unreasonable, and not to be satisfied importunity, was a burden unto me, and I longed [I must confess] to be quit of it, and in haste upon those terms, shall not desire to enjoy it again; yet professing most truly unto you thus much, that her company and society [if I could enjoy it with security as not being oppressed with those most unpleasant importunities, of submitting or acting in things which my own reason and judgement is point black against] is more delightful to me, and more to be desired by me, than all the delights in this world besides. And therefore that we might part with as little disgust of Spirit as possible could be, and that I might stoop to her as low as possible I could, and give her all the satisfaction that my entire and unshaken affection to her, and the utmost of my brains could possible imagine [stil with a Salvo to my own peace and tranquillity of mind which I protest seriously in the presence of God, I value at that high rate, and by above twice seven year's experience, find it so full of sweetness, and soul-satisfying content, that I had rather a thousand times over part with my life, than part with it, for to die to me is gain, which ever since 1637. was never one moment more dreadful to me, then to eat and drink when I am hungry) I engaged to her to petition the Parliament in my own way of Law, and reason, for the taking off my whole Sentence, that so, if it were possible, my little estate might once again be free, which I should willingly and absolutely surrender into her hands, to settle, with the advice of her own friends, and do what they would with, so that I might be left to myself, to manage my own present business, as a master workman, or a poor instrument, in the hands of the Almighty, to the purpose, to chastise that hypocritical and Alchemy Saint Oliver Cromwell, betwixt whom and myself without a new Representative (so undeniably the people of England's due, as in my late printed epistle to him, I have undeniably proved) it is impossible to have any medium come life come death.  
But thirdly, after she had past her promise to send me speedily over my books, to enable me the more masculinely to complete such a petition, and after she and I had seriously and solemnly agreed upon the Mode or Method to manage it in, and I had told her the heads upon what I would compose it of; yet through childishness, weakness, or womannishnesse, she in England falls off from all, and takes new counsel, from some friends (wise enough in themselves, yet I am confident unto whom she never declared what I had said unto her, as is above expressed) and enters into new paper skirmishes with me, something filled with womanish passion and anger, which yet by reason of the sickness of my children (which I knew might not a little trouble her afflicted mind) I bore with her in, with all the patience that possible I could, and took so much pains in readeing, studying and writing large Epistles to her, to satisfy her with reason, that I have sometimes therewith almost made myself Blind, and which I seriously protest, to be hired with gold to do the like again, in so short a time, I would not be tied to do it for a thousand pounds; the fruits of which in part the world with some new additions, had seen ere now, had she not with sadness sent me word of the continuance of my Daughters dangerous sickness, which made me out of mere compassion (and because I would not justly be judged, apparently guilty of totally over-whelming her) forbear these many weeks the printing thereof, although long since, I had sent several sheets into the United Provinces on purpose to be printed. but finding no satisfaction from her, (especially about sending me my books) but dodgeing with me for these three or four months together about them, and thereby necessitateing me to resolve that if speedily I do not receive them from her, to procure money, and hire a messenger, to go to England and buy them all over anew, and bring them to me. so that in the conclusion of all, through her own folly, she hath forced me to bid her set her heart at rest, for I am now totally and positively resolved, if I can avoid it, never to see England, so long a CROMWEL'S most hateful and detestable beastly Tyranny lasteth, unless it be in a way to pursue him, as the grandest Tyrant and Traitor, that ever England bred, or the people thereof ever red or heard of. And therefore once again in good earnest sound Trumpets and Drums, and have at thee Oliver once again with all my might, for the liberties of the freeborn blades of England, by the agreement of the people! but withal I with this sent her word, that seeing Haselridge and Cromwell, etc. pretends much compassion pity, and affection to her, that if by her own petition, she will endeavour to strive for herself and her childerens (and let me alone to shift in the world for myself) and get of the sentence upon my estate, I have engaged to her and will stand to it to sign and seal any thing by way of further settling of it upon her and her children, that she and my adversaries themselves rationally will have me, provided in the managing of my business she do it so, as that it is like the action of the wife of J. Lilburn, and that to the General, nor Haselridge, nor none besides, she by promise etc. engage not for me in any thing, that is dishonourable to me. for I assure her before hand, I will keep and perform nothing in that kind she promiseth to them in my behalf, notwithstanding which, if she should do that which is unworthy my wife, I am confident it would take such a deep impression upon my Spirit, that notwithstanding my now entire affection to her, I should never own her again as the wife of my bosom while I breathed, although I should force myself thereby to live in a voluntary Widowhood all my days, which truly in my present apprehensions of it, would be a condition almost as upleasant to me, as to live under Cromwel's bloody tyranny. And in her last Letter to me she tells me she is now vigorously going about her said petition. the consequence of which nor nothing else can make me delay any longer from speedily and effectually endeavouring to appear in print again: because one of Tho: scott's Spies whom he sent over on purpose to contrive my murder, [as I have too evident and apparent cause to judge] hath lately published a Book at the Hague called [the unexpected life and wished for death of the thing called Parliament in England,] wherein he incites all the Princes and Potentates of Europe to rise up in arms as one man against them, and to extirpate them from the earth as a pack of the bloodiest, wickedest, and faithlessest Tyrants that ever breathed, and to Reinthrone his gracious Sovereign Charles the Second in his three Kingdoms. The book is dated from his Lodging at Delf, the first of September 1652. but I could never get sight of it, until a little before Christmas hollydays, and reading it over and over very seriously, I clearly perceived that in the 20. 21. 22. pages of it; the wicked and lying Villain, hath lain a notable and close design to have me murdered. I having already (for his former villainous practices in that kind acted upon me in Amsterdam) by scott's instigation as Cromwel's chief Agent) put him in Print in my late printed Epistle to Cromwell in May last, entitled [As you were] Page 1. 2. by the name of Capt. Wendy Oxford, where I positively accuse him as being a Spy in pay for Cromwell and Scot among the Hollanders and Caviliers. but the impudent knave takes no notice of the accusation, to make any defence against it, it being too true, and too evident to be denied, and too easy for me as he very well knows punctually to prove, and which in a Letter to an eminent person in the Hague, I have already proffered to prove face to face before the State's General themselves, but he being at Amsterdam discovered by me to be in truth what he was and thereby in danger not only to lose his large Salary, (as being no farther useful to Scott) but it might probably be his life also, to gull and cheat the Credulous Cavaliers and Dutch men, and the better to take them off from the conceit of his being a Spy. I believe with the advice or consent of Tho: Scott himself, he hath published his said Book, for his Wife, alias his Whore [as she is avowedly by divers reported to be] hath several times since I came into these parts, gone and come, to and from England, from Mr. Scott. and I could name her the City and the Person, where she either begged or borrowed money the first time she went, to bear her charges thither. and I could also tell her of a Message that that very Person from whom she had the said money, immediately after brought me to Bridges from her pretended Husband. And the knave to be revenged to the purpose of me, knowing the King's party to be so mad against all those that were actors in the taking away of the late King's life, that about 18 of them in the Hage in May 1649. beset the house of Doctor Dorislaus, the Parliaments Agent there, and slew him therefore, although at most he was but one of the petty under actors, prosecutors, or Lawyers to plead against the late King at his trial, and if one of the inferior prosecutors of him, in the Cavaliers thoughts deserve forcibly in his own lodging to be stabbed and murdered, than what in their opinion, must one of the chief complotters and layers of the design deserve? But in the foresaid pages he accuseth the people nicknamed Levellers, to be the principal contrivers of the King's death, and me by name to be one of the principallest among them. and therefore if I have any affection left to my own life and being, (notwithstanding all my Wives irrational persuasions to be quiet and silent] or any reason left in me to judge of things, it behoves me well to look about me, and not too long delay to publish my Vindication in this particular; Especially considering besides, the attempts that have been upon me, by this very Rogues underhand means at Amsterdam, as I have too clear cause to judge, which are partly mentioned in my already printed books.  
At my coming from Holland to Bridges to meet my Wife, I was certainly informed that as I passed through that City at my first coming out of England [where I lodged but two nights] there was a conspiracy to have stabbed or pistold me there, the actors in it, as my information told me, were to have been a Major or such an officer of the late Kings, and two of the Duke of Lorraigns' soldiers, that were hired for that purpose, [as I have too much ground to fear by the foresaid Oxford] and the first of the three came into my Lodging [though unknown to me] to view my person and countenance, that so when the intended blow should be given me, they might not be mistaken in my person, and thereby destroy another for me. and upon a jealousy of a person in the world, ask the reason of his earnestness to know me, the intention was discovered and prevented, and the said Cavalier for his intended rashness could render no other reason for it, but that I had been a devilish or zealous Parlamentier, & an active man against the King in the late war. which actions and say makes it evident to me, that my Friends that petitioned for me to the Parliament, upon the 20 of January 1651. English stile, before I came out of England [which Petition is recorded in my Apology to the people of the Netherlands Pag. 53. 54. 55. 56] were no false Prophets, in that assertion of theirs, there laid down, viz. that my banishment in relation to my person considering my affection to Parliaments, and my zeal to, and for public freedom, renders all foreign nations so unsafe to me, as that in effect [as they say] I am banished into a wilderness, exposed naked to the fury of Bears and Lions. Whose affection to me [I mean the said peritioners] even in that one particular alone, I can never in my own thoughts, value at too high a rate, but especially the contrivers of it, whom I very well know.  
But the said book of Oxford, I could never get asight of, till about ten days before Christmas last that a friend brought it me from Amsterdam, since which time I have been allarumd from several places and persons, that I know wish me well, either speedily to answer that book or look to myself. and I must confess, as soon as I read it, I apprehended my own danger sufficiently, and apprehended that Cromwell and Scot [by whose consent or at least the one of them, I am as confidently persuaded, as that I am a man, it is published & doubt not but by the assistance of God in the answering thereof, to render clear and evident reasons, for the evinceing the truth of my persuasions or belief] had three things in their eye, one of the which they judged would necessarily follow upon the publishing of that book.  
First, that either I would not answer it, and then undeniably they would have had a great part of their end, and be in hopes my silence would tacitly grant the truth of it, and thereby would speedily cost me a Stab or the like, by some of the King's mad blades. or, Secondly, if I did answer it, and do it flatteringly, than I should thereby lose my interest in England, amongst my friends there, which is the thing they so much desire, that so thereby I might be rendered, but a single man, uncapable by virtue thereof, any more to wound or shake their Tyranny; or Thirdly, if I answer it home & throughly, to the full justification of my former actions in the wars, than they hope I shall so provoke and enrage the King's party here thereby, as that from their hands, for my so doing, I shall be in as much danger from them, as if I were totally silent. for its apparent to me, these or some of these considerations must be his, and his setters on ends, in taxing me with that notorious falsehood, I being very well known & clearly long since published in England, that I said more to the Grandees teeth, against their intended taking away the King's life [I am confident of it] then all the Caviliers put together in one, avowedly durst have done. and after it was done [being all his trial and execution, 200 miles from London, at my coming home] I run more apparent hazards, in Speaking, and publikquely in the face of the Sun, acting against the essence and being of all manner of High Courts of justice, than all the Cavaliers in England put together again in one man, durst avowedly do. and in my zealous managing my public testimony, in bearing witness against all the Murders, committed by the said high Court of justice, I am confident, I clearly gave an apparent and evident testimony, that if I had had two sons of my own, that had sat as Judges therein, and if I had had the chief judicial power of the Nation in my hand, as once that famous and renowned consul Lucius Brutus had in Rome; I should undoubtedly have acted by his precedent, & have given sentence of death myself against my own two Sons, as grand Subverters (by being of, and sitting in the high Court of Justice) of the fundamental securities, of all English men's lives, liberties, and properties, viz. juries (trials by which are as equally & justly due, to the grossest wickedest English man whoever, in all cases whatsoever, as to the justest and semingest righteous English man that breathes) and have seen their heads chopped off as he did therefore who being Consul, or chief Magistrate of Rome did pass sentence of death against his own two Sons, and see both their heads chopped off in his presence, for con spiring to overthrow and betray the liberties of that famous commonwealth into the hands of its adversaries, as you may read in plutarch's History, in the life of worthy Publicola, fol. 101.102.103. And that I was thus zealous against all their proceed whatsoever, by a high Court of justice, the understanding Author of the three parts of the most remarkable, & notable history of Independency, doth abundantly & sufficiently witness for me, in his second part thereof, Pag. 32.61.129.133.135.136.138 154.156.161.162.165.166.168.178.179.180.181.197.201.151.257.263. and in his first part, though he often useth my name, yet he neither speaks contemptuously nor reproachfully of me, as there you may read, Pag. 35.50.63.98.114.120. & the said Author was Cavalier sufficient, even in the highest, as his book plentifully witnese for him, and was as great an enemy to all the King's judges and the high Court of Justice as could be, as his putting his judges names [in his 2 part, Pag. 103.269.] in red letters, and his Commentaries upon their names, and acts, do plentifully witness; as also his bitter and resolute assertions and protestations against them, and their setters up, in his 2. part, Fol. 177.266.267. where he expresseth himself thus, viz. This kingdom of the Brambles now set up, viz. (Oliver Cromwell, and his purged little party in the House) being only able to scratch and tear, not to protect and govern, I further declare and protest, that this combined traitorous faction, have forced an Interregnum, and Justicium upon us, an utter suspension of all lawful government, Magistracy, Laws, and Judicatories, so that we have not the jure, any laws in force to be executed, any Magistrates or judges lawfully constituted to execute them; any court of justice wherein they can be judicially executed, any such instrument of the law, as a lawful great Seal, nor any authority in England that can lawfully condemn & execute a thief, murderer, or any other offender, without being themselves called murderers by the law; all legal proceed being now Coram non judice: not can this remaining faction in the house of Commons, show any one precedent, law, reason or authority whatsoever, for their aforesaid do, but only their own irrational tyrannical votes, and the swords of their Army. and also (saith he) our words were free under Monarchy, though now not free under our new free State, so were they under the Romans, Tacitus an 1. subfinem speaking of treasons, facta arguebantur dicta impune erant. These horrible tyrannies considered [saith he] and being destitute of all other less desperate relief, I do here solemnly declare and protest, before that God that hath made me a man and not a beast, a free man, and not a slave; that, if any man whatsoever, that takes upon him the reverend name & title of a judge, or justice, shall give sentence of death upon any friend of mine, upon this [before mentioned] or any other illegal act, of this piece of a house of Commons; I will, and lawfully may (the enslaving scarecrow doctrine, of all time-serving, State-flatteriing Priests and Ministers notwithstanding) follow the example of Samson, judith, jael and Ehud: and by poison, poniard, pistol, or any other means whatsoever, secret or open, prosecute to the death the said Judge or Justice, and all their principal abettors; and I do hereby invite and exhort all generous freeborn Englishmen, to the like resolutions, and to enter into League, defensive and off nsive; and Sacramental associations [seven or eight in a company, or as many as can well confide in one another) to defend, and revenge mutually one another's persons, lives, limbs, and liberties as a foresaid, against this and all other illegal and tyrannous usurpations. And in his third part of his said history of independency, he sufficiently shows his enmity against them by arraigneing the high Court of justice, or Cromwel's new Slaughter house in Engeland (as he calls it) with the authority that constituted it, & ordained it; and by law convicting and condemning them both, of usurpation, treason, tyranny, theft, and murder. in which third part of his said history are the notablest things against the illegallitie and being of a high Court of justitie, that ever I red in my life. all which three parts bound up together, are openly and avowedly to be sold at the Hague, and of which the said false Knave Oxford, in the 15. page of his said book declares he is not ignorant of, for there, speaking of the late Earl of Essex, he sets down his Character, completely transcribing it, out of the first part of the said history of independency pag. 25.  
And the Apostle Paul declares Act. 17.28: & Titus 1.12 13. that there is no better testimony in the world, to witness against a man then the testimony of one of his own party, and that the considerations aforesaid towards my person (and not a design to make the Parliament rationally odious (as he would seem by his book to do to Foreign Nations) is Oxford design, is to me very evident by the simplicity and Falsehood of Oxford's said book, which upon my life I dare aver and easily undertake to prove undeniably that it hath above half a dozen if not above half a score lies and falsehoods in only one lease. and therefore when any piece of a rational and pertinent answer, is published against it, its effects in that particular cease. But if by books it had been his design indeed to have done the Parliament a mischief with a witness, he then should either have gotten the said most notable three parts, of that most mischievous book to them that ever was penned in the world against them; and which was done by a learned man in the knowledge of the laws of England, and one commonly reputed one of their own members, and thereby immediately furnished with the true and certain knowledge of abundance of matter of fact, contained in it, which one without doors could have but by hear say, translated and published in Several languages, or else have got divers thousands of them dispersed in England; where 3. years ago to my knowledge, one single book of one single part of them, hath been sold for 10. sh. & 20 apiece. and ten or twenty thousand of the last part against the high court of justice (which in itself is but a short book) well dispersed in England & its territories by the operation of it, in a very few months after, would pussel Cromwell and his grandees there more, I am confident of it, than van Tromp and all his fleet at Sea, which yet many letters out of Engeland say is not a little.  
My dear faithful friend, I have been the more large and plain in unboweling my Soul in my present condition to you (who in times by past I have found so much truth, faithfulness, and simpathizeing in; and so much willignes, readiness, & activity to be a fellow Solicitor, and helper to my wife in her former greatest straits, especially in my Guildhall business in 1649.) on purpose if it be possible and savour not of toe much unreasonableness, to create in you a serious apprehension of that extraordinary steed, you may stand me and my poor wife and babes in, in reference to our estate only by as speedy repaireing to London to help her & me [and where yet I have something of instructions about it more to say unto you when you come thither, then is fit to be put in this hazardable to miscarry paper] as possible the parting with your own delightful enjoyments will permit you, and the season of the weather will rationally afford you safety to travel in. which will be the greatest obligation that ever you put upon me in your life, and probably of the greatest consequence to me, of any action that ever you did in your days, and of which journey I am confident hereafter, you will have no cause to repent. So with my hearty and affectionate respects presented to your whole self, with my true love to all the honest Sea-green blades, that in your quarters shall ask for me; I commit you to the protection of the most high and shall rest,  
Your faithful and very loving Friend and Servant. JOHN LILBURNE. Bridges in Flanders Saturday the 18 january 1653 new, or the 8 january 1652 & 3. English stile.   

POSTSCRIPTUM.  
I hear by a letter from London, there is likely to happen a strange thing, viz: a resurrection from the dead, or a conjunction of several honest blades of formerly disjointed interests, once more vigorously to act again, for their known, full, and declared libertyes. and I perceived this is occasioned by van Trumpets late beating of Blake. If such good effects follow such kind of actions; I wish he would come and do as much for you in Scotland, provided it would make you rise again from your dead condition, in most unworthily and basely turneing your backs, upon all your printed promises, and solemn engagements in reference to the people's liberties, thereby rendering yourselves, the scorn and contempt of all Europe, and also thereby having given too just occasion to the nations round about you, to judge you less faithful and your oaths and promises less to be regarded, than Turks, Pagans, and infidels with abundance of whom [as History doth fully witness,] their solemn & Public faith, hath often times been more valued than their lives, or all other earthly relations. the so open, palpable, and not to be hid, or covered over or pleaded for breach of it in you, undoubtedly will be the visible occasion of the hazard of a total ruin of the English nation, which must needs and unavoidebly fall upon you, if speedily you do not manifest your repentance, by a speedy settleing the nation upon that just foundation or principles of righteousness, you have so often before God and the World solemnly declared for; as the only and alone justifiable ground and reason, to warrant you either before God or man, for breaking all the settled and legally established power and Magistracy in England, as you have done; and as the only and justifiable reason, to acquit you before God and man, of being reputed absolute, and wilful murderers, of all those persons, of what kind or sort soever, you have slain with your Swords, Sterved or adjudged to death in the 3. nations: and which is the only justifiable reason, that can acquit you in the thoughts of any rational man in the world from rendering [by your most reproachful and perjured actions] religion and the power of godliness, more reproachful and contemptible, in the Eyes of the Sons of men then ever the foolish & ridiculous actions, Fathred upon and said to be conmitted, at Munster, in Germany, by johon of Leyden & Knipperdolling: whom in folly, murder, madness, & ridiculousness: you have, visibily in the face of all the world outstripped, and already made good, the truth of the worst of the Kings say against you, or the sharpest & bitterest of his penns against your, and who, in History to future ages, must leave behind you, the blackest name that ever the sons of men did, and for whom no defence or excuse or a shadow of a bare figg-leafe covering can be made for you, without the speedy doing the thing aforesaid, to the full performing all your promises made for good unto the English people. therefore woe, woe, woe, unto you, if speedily, and effectually you do it not, before once again you have made England an Aceldama or field of Blood, as by the breach of your solemn faith, public oaths, and promises you have 3 or 4 several times already done since it was in your power [as clearly it was in 1647] rationally to have made it the freest and happiest nation in the world, and thereby justify your fore Fathers in all their wickedness, yea and by many degrees far out strip the worst of those you have destroyed for the Capitallest offences. that so upon your heads as Christ saith (Math: 23.29 to 36.) might come all the righteous Blood shed upon the Earth, from the Blood of righteous Abel even unto this very day.  
Farewell. JOHN LILBURN.    

To the Honourable and his very good Friend Colonel HENERY MARTIN, a Member of the Parliament, and Counsel of State of the Commonwealth of England. At his house in Cheynel-Row, in Westminster; These present.  
Honoured Sir,  
HAving found you by many years' experience to be one of those amongst that great Assembly and Counsel in which you sit, that principally mind the real good of their Country and of the generality of the inhabitants thereof: I am thereby encouraged now and then in my banished condition, to trouble you with some of my scribleing lines, and sometimes to give you an hint of something concerning public good, which at this time I shall make the subject of my pen.  
It is not long since I wrote a letter to you, by two masters of Ships, at their earnest entreaty, and therein gave you some reasons why it was requisite that a speedy convoy should be appointed and sent for the convoying in safety, that rich laden fleet of small English Vessels at ostend, to London. And the Masters to your commendation, at their return hither told me you were active to get, and did procure for them an Order for a speedy Convoy often good Ships, sorthwith to be sent for that end. Which Order being as yet unaccomplished, give me leave without offence, to put you in mind of it again, and to use now but two reasons unto you: the first whereof shall be drawn from the utility and gain, and the second from the honour & security that will arise from so doing.  
Now for the first, I cannot imagine but your great public expenses drive you sometimes to a little straits for money, so that all ways for supplying you, cannot but in reason be very acceptable to you, especially those that are just and honest. Now here are divers rich laden Vessels at Ostend, whose cargo or loadeing is worth several hundreds of thousands of pounds; which as divers of the Masters aver to me, they are confident will bring the Parliament in more Custom and Excise then either your late East-India Fleet did [for whose Convoy you judged it requisite [as I have been informed] to send Sr. George Askew his whole Fleet to Plymouth] or then your Turkey or Straits Fleet will bring you in, for whom your Ships or men of war in those parts have run so many hazards to preserve and convoy them. For some of the Masters have informed me, that some of those little English vessels (besides great store of Threads and Linnings, both rich commodities) have 40 Bails of Silk, every Bail of which pays custom in England 35. pounds, besides the Excise. Which will amount in the whole in Custom and excise, to no inconsiderable sum of money.  
Secondly, As for the point of honour and safety; I judge the reputation of a Nation [especially in foreign parts] to be no small part of its honour, and by consequence of its safety. Now what a dishonour is it for those that lay claim to the Sovereignty of the Narrow Seas, not to be able, or not to dare to venture to fetch home so rich a Fleet of Ships, that are but 6 or seven hours good sailing from their own doors, in five or six month's time; for so long some of them (to my knowledge) have been ladden, and waited for a Convoy. For shame rather, than they should lie 20 days longer, send the whole Fleet for them, who if they should all come hither for that end, would be in the rode-way to daunt and offend their adversaries, as much as for any thing I know, they are in any part of the Seas, which they can sail in.  
The second point of honour and safety lies in this; that you shall by doing thus, very much encourage the Seamen (who must now, under God, be your walls and bulworks) and make the trade, for these parts, English. And in the not doing hereof, you cause the traffic of these parts, to be in a manner wholly in Flemish bottoms, which I am sure of it, is neither for your profit, nor for your honour.  
And again, by the neglect hereof, you cause the poor Seamen to hang down their heads, which I am sure of it (at the present, at least) is not for your safety. And besides, by the neglect hereof, you give just cause to all rational men in these parts, that are lookers upon you, to account you a weake-witted people not able to manage your business as you should, or else a careless & regardless People, that will not do it as you ought & might; which also (I am sure of it) is neither for your honour nor safety. Wherefore, as you love the honour & safety of your country, let me as your true friend advise you, to strive effectually to get a speedy convoy sent for them, though it be of your whole Fleet, if a lesser number dare not come to fetch them. I have prevailed with the bearer my very good friend & present neighbour to promise me, with my wife to deliver this unto your own hands, & in a few words besides to set it home to you, if it be needful, & either prevail with you to write me your answer, or with them to do it.  
For my part (Sir) my End is no other than English in it, it being in no manner of respect a farthing advantage unto me, either in possession or expectation. Only, it is one of the greatest ambitions I have in this world, to be really and substantially a true lover of my Country and its real liberty. And the rather because of late in readeing some store of History, I find that many gallant and worthy heathens, made it their work, study and hazard, to make the sons of men living in this world, happy in their lives; yea and to march with Armies valiantly to venture their lives, to set at liberty and freedom their neighbours, that they might enjoy their own laws and customs (which they themselves had according to reason and the light and law of nature (that supreme and original guide, that God man's alone absolute Sovereign had placed in every man's soul) by common consent chosen and established, or hereafter should choose and establish (the actings according to which principally (if not only) makes Man to differ from a brute Beast) and be delivered in good earnest, from the bondage and slavery of Tyrants and Opressours (or rather savage brute Beasts in Man's shape) not in words only, but in deeds also. Of which without being judged tedious, suffer me (I beseech you) to give you a few remarkable instances.  
The first is of the City of the Acheëns, who by their good and just government and common liberty became (as saith that old and rational historian Polybius fol: 28.83. &c) a certain precedent of a true Commonwealth and reconciled thereby all Morea. And one of their chiefest and most virtuous Cittyzens called A rate, made it his chief work to study by all means, to chase away the kings or tyrants (as they are there called) and to preserve the common liberty of the Country of Morea: and prevailed with Lysidas, Aristomachus, Xenon and Cleomenes to lay down their crowns and renounce their royal principalities and to join themselves to the league of the Acheëens; of whose virtuousnes, faithfulness and nobleness of mind, the said author gives a most commendable character in fol: 414. in which Plutarch fully concurs with him in his famous History of the lives of the noble Grecians and Romans, fol: 371. yea the said Author Polybius declares, that when Antigonus, a Governor and General under a king and Tutor to his son, had overcome the Lacedæmonians by force of Arms and thereby had made himself Lord of them, if he had pleased so to be; yet he forbore to use any outrage or cruelty towards them, and carried himself not only like a moderator and temperate man; but was also gracious unto his very Enemies, and returned into his Country, leaveing them in their full liberty & doing them many favours both in General and particular. So as they not only termed him at that time their benefactor, but after his death they called him their Saviour folio 86.100.229.353.  
Yea Plutarch in his foresaid history declares, that Lycurgus when he had the power of the kingdom of Sparta in his own hands, and might easily have kept it; yet so sincere, just, and full of virtue was he, that he voluntarily laid it down and betook himself to a weareing and toilsome life, to study and find out a government, that might make that City & its territories, a free, happy, and pleasant Commonwealth; which he accordingly did. And as that judicipos Author saith, made it one of the famousest that was in the world: and filled it full of valour, virtue and love for many years together. Their very children being trained up in it from their cradles (that so it might be as it were incorporated into their very natures) and there being in it no covetousness, nor poverty, nor lack; but a fullness of abundance with a quiet and sober life. Having also two singular good properties besides viz: that it had no Lawyers, nor yet any suits in Law. And 2dly, whilst these Laws of Lycurgus were observed, and kept their life and vigour (which for many years they did) Sparta seemed not to be a policy or a Commow wealth; but rather a certain holy place and order of religion; and of that respect and honour amongst their neighbours, that with a little scroll of parchment and a poor cap the Spartans' commanded and gave Laws to all the rest of Greece, even with their own good likenig and consent; yea and expulsed and chased away the tyrants which usurped tyrannical power over any of their neighbour's Cities; and did decide all controversies and often times pacified their seditions, without sending out one soldier, but only a simple poor Ambassador. So great reverence had their neighbours of the good government and justice of the Spartans'. Plutarch fol: 42.44.49.56.57.60.78.  
It would be too tedious unto you, for me to be any thing large upon too many instances. And therefore I shall but only name the hazards that love to just liberty and freedom (that rational image of God amongst men, who only as absolute sovereign Lord of Man commands him by his will) led Clisthenes to run into, to set Athens free from their tyrants and tyranny, wherewith they were oppressed in his time; and that Pericles under took to deliver Samos from its tyrants and tyranny, or small aristocratical, or olig-archical government of a few nobles, to establish a popular Government, or Sovereign Authority or Majesty of the People (as the aforesaid Author calls it) or that Alcibiades and his associates underwent again to recover the Liberty of Athens from new upstart tyrants: or that Pelopidas, Ismenias, Androclidas and Pherenicus with their associates hazarded, to deliver the City and Commonwealth of Thebes, from the usurpation and tyranny of Archias, Leontidas and Philip, with their associates and mercenary soldiers. Which story especially: is extraordinarily well worth the readeing. All which are by Plutarch touch it upon, in his foresaid history, in fol: 158.171.212.288.289.290. And in fol: 300.302.305. he shows that Pelopidas being by his City sent Ambassador to Artaxerxes king of Persia (who very much honoured him for his valiantness and Wisdom) procured of him that all the People of Greece, should be free again. And his City and he being solicited by the Thessalians to help to deliver them from the most unsupportable and beastly ugly tyranny of their grand Tyrant Alexander; they made it their work to deliver all such as were oppressed by tyrants; yea and sought to root out tyrannical government throughout whole Greece. For the obtaineing of which in a pitched battle, with the forementioned tyrant Alexander, that valiant and worthy Captain Pelopidas lost his life; which the Thebans immediately after sufficiently revenged and compelled the Tyrant to withdraw his garrisons and set those City's free, which he kept in bondage.  
Yea, when the ancient and most famous commonwealth of Rome came to have power in Macedonia, after the Consul Paulus Aemylius had overthrown king Perseus in battle, and Slain in the field above twenty-five-thousand of his men, whereby their country was forced to submit unto him: yet notwithstanding, the history saith of him, that he redelivered the Macedonians their Country and towns again, with power to live at liberty according to their own laws, paying yearly to the Romans for tribute an hundred talents, where before they were wont to pay unto their Kings ten times as much.  
But most worthy to be written in letters of gold, are those two most commendable, admirable, virtuous and most noble precedents of Corinth and their General Timoleon; and of that worthy General and Consul of old Rome, Titus Quintius Flaminius. The substance of which in brief, is thus.  
After Dion had driven out the Tyrant Dionysius of Syracuse in Sicily, and restored the People thereof to their freedoms: yet through their folly or baseness, the tyrant got in again, ten years after he was first driven out, and made himself King. Upon which the chief Citizens repaired to Icetes tyrant of the Leontines, who being borne in their own city, they believed would afford them help to deliver them from the insufferable bondage of the said tyrant Dionysius. And having chose him their General, the Carthaginians invaded Sicily with a great Army, which put the Siracusians into a great fear, and necessitated them to send Ambassadors into Greece, unto the Corinthians, to pray aid of them against the barbarous people. Having better hope of them then of any other Grecians; not only because (saith the History) they had some relation to them, and that they had formerly received favours from them; but principally because they knew that Corinth was a City that in all ages and times, did ever love liberty and hate tyrants; and that had made always their greatest wars, not for ambition of Kingdoms, nor out of a covetous desire to conquer and rule, but only to defend and maintain the liberty of the Grecians. Upon the arrival of whose Ambassadors, they were very forward to relieve them. And amongst others that proffered their service, and were named for Generals; a mean private Commoner names one Timoleon, a man that until that time was never called upon for service, neither looked for any such preferment. Yet he was naturally inclined to love his Country and Commonwealth, and was always gentle and courteous to all men, saveing that he mortally hated tyrants and wicked men.  
The people of Corinth willingly accepted of him, and freely chose him for their General. In which mean time, the forenamed Icetes had forsaken those that chose him for their General, and turned traitor, by joining with the Carthaginians, on purpose to divide all sicily betwixt himself and them; and therefore wrote letters to Corinth, to dissuade them from coming, or putting themselves to any charge or trouble; forasmuch as the Carthaginians did lie in wait with a great fleet of Ships to meet them, and to destroy them. Whose embassage was so far from cooleing them at Corinth, that it filled them full of choler and zeal to go on with their business. and accordingly their General set sail with 17 galleys and being waylaid by the Carthaginians, with a far greater power than he had; he by a sleight got from them and arrived safe at the City Tauromenion in Sicily, where they were very well received by him that governed the City; who ruled his Cittyzens with all justice and equity, and did always show himself an open Enemy to tyrants. He lent his City to the Corinthian General to gather forces in, he having of himself not above a thousand footmen in all, and neither provision nor so much money as would serve to pay them: the People having been squee zed so much before, by some that had formerly been with them, upon pretence that they came to set them at liberty & to drive out tyrants, and yet nevertheless (just like your General Cromwell and his mere mercenary Army in England whose wicked way of getting their livings by killing of men merely for hire I judge to be abaser & more sordid trade then, that of a common Hangman, who earns his bread by killing of those the law hath legally convicted and condemned; or then the trade of a common whore that prostitutes her body to all comers and goers) had done so much hurt unto them, that the misery and the calanity which they had suffered under the tyrants, seemed unto them a blessed condition in comparison of that which such Captains had made them to undergo. Now in a little City called Adranus, there being dissension amongst the people thereof; one Part of them sent for Icetes the traitorous General, who came with about five thousand men; and the other part sent for Timoleon who with all he brought from Corinth and those he had got in the Island could make but twelve hundred men, with which he overcame his adversary Icetes and his Axmy. And having spoiled his Camp, the Cittyzens of Adranus opened their gates and received the Corinthians in. After which many Citties sent to join in league with their General Timoleon. And the Tyrant Dionysius having been beaten before by Icetus and penned up in his strong Castle at Syracuse, & much esteemeing the valiantness of Timoleon; sends privately to him, to yield himself and his Castle into his hands. Who having with the like privacy taken Possession of it, and several times put in four hundred of his own soldiers to garrison it, which was full of riches and arms of all sorts, he sent the Tyrant away to Corinth. This good success of Timoleon (having done all this in 15 days) encouraged his masters the Cittyzens of Corinth to send him a supply of two thousand foot and two hundred horse; who found it almost impossible to get to their General Timoleon, because the Carthaginians kept the Seas with a great navy of Ships.  
In the mean time the traitor Icetes, kept the said Castle blocked up and also hired two soldiers privately to go and kill Timoleon, (who kept no guard about his person, nor mistrusted any danger) which by a kind of miracle was prevented. At which Icetes being mad, and also understanding that multitudes were daily drawn to Timoleon's devotion; he causeth Mago the Carthaginian General with his whole fleet of an hundred and fifty sail to come into the harbour to his aid. Out of which he landed threescore thousand men, and lodged them all in the City of Syracuse. Which greatly distressed the Corinthians in the Castle. But yet their General supplied them with some provisions from Catana, in little fisher-bootes. Which Mago and Icetes finding out, they took the best soldiers of all their Army, and sailed away to take Catana, to hinder thereby the relief of the Corinthians.  
But Leon the Corinthian Captain that kept the Castle, perceiveing it, and that the enemy within the City kept but a slender guard, he sallied out upon them, killed abundance of them, and took a good and strong part of the town, where he found great store of corn and of gold and silver, which he secured; and within a short while after, through many straits and difficulties, the foresaid Corinthian succour arrived; with which their General Timoleon joined, so that all his forces put together made up about four thousand men. With which he marched forth towards Syracuse to relieve his men in the Castle there. Whereupon Mago the Carthaginian General in a kind of panic fear and supposition of some treason, hastens away with his great Army and Fleet, in to Africa from whence he first came. Yet Icetes having got great spoils together, and secured himself with great store of men in a very strong part of the City, would not yield till Timoleon desperately stormed him on every side and so took the City. Where he pulled down the tyrant's strong fort, and made council Halls and places of justice to be built where it stood: and did establish a free-state or popular Government, suppressing all tyrannical power. And because that City and many others were by the cruelty of the tyrants and by the wars much destitute of inhabitants; he and all his Captains did write to Corinth to send People out of Greece, to inhabit those desolate Cities. Which letters being arrived with the Syracusian Ambassadors; the Corinthians did not (saith the History) greedily desire to be Lords of so great and goodly a City; but.  
First, they proclaimed by sound of trumpet in all the assemblies and solemn feasts and common plays of Greece, that the Corinthians having destroyed the tyranny that was in the City of Syracuse and driven out the tyrants, did call the Syracusians that were fugitives out of their own Country, home again, with all other Sicilians that liked to come and dwell there, to enjoy all freedom and liberty: with promise to make equal and just division of the lands amongst them, the one to have as much as the other. Moreover they sent out posts and messengers into Asia and all the Islands where they did understand the banished Syracusians remained, to persuade and entreat them to come to Corinth, and that the Corinthians would give them Ships, Captains and means safely to conduct them to Syracuse, at their own proper costs and charges. (ö most worthy and compassionate, most noble and gallant old Heathens! hereby truly showing themselves real actors in the true fruits of the true knowledge and adoration of the supreme Deity [who prefers Mercy and righteousness before all services & sacrifices whatsoever] and therein far out stripping our great, and fair-seemeing Alchemy christians, at this day ruleing in England. These heathen Corinthians dealeing hereby a thousand thousand times more honourably, nobly, justly and righteously with the Syracusian strangers and aliens, than our great Hypocrites in England deal with their own Countrymen and brethren, (notwithstanding all their many solemn fair and glorious promises to the contrary: and notwithstanding in an extraordinary and free measure, they have been assisted by them, against their Enemies with abundance of their blood and treasure) In recompense of which most noble and commendable acts of the worthy Corinthians, they received (saith my Author) every man's most noble praise and blessing.  
Nevertheless, such of the Sicilians as repaired to Corinth upon this proclamation (being but a small number to inhabit so great a Country) besought the Corinthians to join to them some of their own people and others of other parts of Greece. Which was performed, and there were Shipped to the number of about ten thousand, which with others that Timoleon had got together from other parts, came to about threescore thousand persons. With all whom he dealt so virtuously, honourably, justly and compassionately; as he rather seemed to be an endeared and tender father unto them, than a valiant and victorious conquering General over them. And havenig settled that great City in freedom and in a way to flourish, he resolved to set all other Cities in that famous Island at perfect liberty also, and totally and utterly to root out all the tyrants of Sicily. And the better to obtain his purpose, he went to make wars with them at their own doors.  
And first he began with the forementioned Icetes, who by flight had saved his life at the taking of Syracuse, and him he compelled to forsake his league with Carthage; to raze all his strong holds and to live a private life. And Leptines the tyrant of Apollonia and divers places there unto adjoineing, out of fear submitted unto him, whom he sent to Corinth. And when he had done this, he forthwith returned to Syracuse, about the establishment of the Commonwealth; assisting Shafalus and Dionysius two notable men sent from Corinth, to reform the Laws and to help him to establish the goodliest ordinances for their Commonwealth that might be invented. After which, the Carthaginians perceiveing, they were totally like to lose their footeing which they had in Sicily, came down with an Army of threescore and ten thousand men, with two hundred galleys and a thousand other Ships and Vessels, which carried all sorts of provisions for wars. Against whom (after several of his people and soldiers had fainted in the way) Timoleon with five thousand footmen and one thousand horse, resolutely marches eight day's journey, with a full intention to give them battle in the open field. And observeing his advantages, when he came nigh his Enemies, he got to the top of an Hill: where a mist ariseing, and the Sun after a while (it being in May) breakeing out, made the valley wherein his Enemies were, clear, whiles the mist continueing on the top of the Hill hide him; where he could see his Enemies and the warlike manner in which they passed over a River. where he suffering a great many of them to come over, took his advantage (although they were fronted with armed carts and wagons before them) and gave a most furious and soldierlike charge upon them, both with his horse and foot. Where comenig to the close fight of Target-and-Sword, with them who were heavily armed, and being much helped by providence from Heaven, that sent a marvelous tempest of thunder, lighteing, wind, rain and hail, that bet full in the Carthaginians faces; after he had slain the front of their choicest men, the rest fled, divers of them being slain and the rest drowned, by reason that the rain newly fall'n had much increased the river. There were three thousand natural Carthagenians and of their noblest families, and seven thousand of their mercenary or hired soldiers slain in this battle, and five thousand prisoners taken with their whole Camp and Baggage, being very rich. After which Icetes and Mamercus the tyrant of Catana, perceiveing that tyrants could look for no peace at Timoleon's hands; they made a league with the Carthagenians again, and wrote unto them that they should send another Army and Captain suddenly, if they intended to preserve any footeing in Sicily. Whereupon they sent Gisco thither with seventy sail of Ships. Who having done several mischeises unto Timoleon and his men, Timoleon thereupon jed his Army before the City of Calauria. In whose absence, Icetes with a main Army, enters the confines of Syracuse, and carries away a marvelous great spoil. And returning by Calauria (because he knew that Timoleon had but few men about him) is notwithstanding fought with by him, and put to flight and pursued to the City of Leontinus, where Timoleon takes him and his son alive and puts them to death like Traitors and Tyrants.  
And afterward he went to Catana, where he overthrew Mamercus and his Army in Battle; made peace with the Carthaginians, confining them to keep beyond the river Lycus, and engageing them that they should enter into no more leagues with any of the Tyrants. After which the City of Catana was yielded to him. But Mamercus fled to Messina to Hippon the Tyrant thereof, whither Timoleon pursued him, & besieged the City, both by Sea and Land. But the Messinians having the Tyrant in their hands, made all their children come from School into the Theatre or playhouse, to see the Tyrant punished, who was openly whipped, and after put to death. But Mamercus yielded himself to be tried by the Syracusians, where he was condemned and put to death. Thus did Timoleon root out all tyrants out of Sicily, and made an end of all wars there; and did not only assure the inhabitants of peace and safety to live there, but willingly did help them besides, with all other things necessary to his utmost ability. For which they loved and honoured him as their father & fonnder. And he accepted of a fair house which the Syracusians gave him in the Country, for his good service, and returned no more to his own Country, but sent for his Wife and Children to come to him. And that which completely crowned all the rest of his most worthy Acts, and rendered him a most just and virtuous man indeed, was, that of his own voluntary accord, he laid down his Office of Generallship, praying the citizens to accept of that which he had already done for them, being not at all puffed up with pride, by all his conquests or glorious and wonderful successes, whereby he might make himself envied of the honest citizens. Yet notwithstanding two busy Fellows put in an accusation against him, before the Supreme assembly of the People. at which the honest citizens began to mutiny against those accusers, & would not in any case suffer the day of adjuournment for the putting in his answer to take place. But the good old and honest General pacified them, telling them that he had taken all that extreme labour and pains which he had done, and had passed so many dangers, that every cittyzen and inhabitant of Syracuse, might frankly use the liberty of their Laws. And another time, Demaenetus in open assenbly of the people reprovenig many things which Timoleon had done when he was General: Timoleon answered never a word, but said unto the people, that he thanked the Gods, they had granted him the thing he be had so requested of them in his prayers; which was, that he might once see the Syracusians have full power and liberty to say what they would.  
So he lived to his dying day, with the greatest and universallest honour and respect amongst those people, that possible could be given to a truly virtuous, wise, just, and upright man; being esteemed a most loving and common father unto them all. As you may read at large in Plutarch's said history, Fol. 266.267. unto 285.  
O Sir! that in England, amongst all the present great men thereof (that in outward show profess the highest enjoyment of union and communion with the Lord Jesus Christ [the truest fountain of pure righteousness that can be enjoyed,] and pretend assuredly to look for and expect the future possession of a most glorious immortality (with the Lord of life and glory) in the life that is to come) there could be found out one amongst them all, that could jnstly deserve in the least, for his virtue indeed, valour, justice, humanity, compassion and nobleness of mind, to be compared to this most honest old Heathen and Pagan General Timoleon. If but any one could be sound out amongst them all like him, how soon would all your desperate and dangerous divisions be closed up with humanity and brotherly affection; and that great issue of blood [for the cause and continuance of which, some have a large and dreadful account to make] that for many years together, hath been let openly run amongst you, and is still without remedy like to continue. All of which by the practice of this Heathens thence most commendable virtues, would quickly be stopped, and healed up; and yourselves made truly formidable and dreadful throughout the world, to all those that durst account themselves your adversaries. For the very fear of having their people infected (as they term it) with your righteous principles of justice and reason, would more trouble and affright them, than all your great strength and power [for verily great is the power and strength of truth and reason, & it will at last undoubtedly overcome and prevail] by Sea or Land doth. And undoubtedly, if God be the God of truth and righteousness [as absolutely he is] he will speedily, and with a witness blast you, and make you a perfect hissing and scorn to all the Nations and people round about you, if you continue to walk in crookeder and wickeder steps and paths, than all or any of those did, which you yourselves have condemned and executed for notorious Tyrants and Oppressors.  
And yet for all that which hath been largely spoken of the foresaid honest and worthy Timoleon, give me leave to speak a few words of another old heathen, who may most fitly be compared unto him for humanity, justice and righteousness; and that is the most famous old roman Consul and General Titus Quintius fflaminius, who when he was but a young man not thirty years old, was by the clear voices of the supreme assembly of the body of the People of Rome, for his virtue chosen into that high dignity of Consul of Rome, in its most glorious, commendable and flourishing condition; although two of the People's Tribunes or Protectors of their Liberty, spoke against his Election.  
Who after his Election being ordered to make wars against Philip king of Macedon; immediately departs to his charge, with three thousand gallant old Roman soldiers, which being added to the rest of his supplies in Macedon, under the command of the last year's General and Consul Paulus Junius, made his Army above, twenty six thousand fight men. Which yet was a less number than King Philips was; who had in such naturally strong and almost in accessible mountainous places planted his Camp, that Rome's former Generals could not come at him, but at the end of their annual Consulship or General ship, came away without hurting his Army. Yet Titus Flaminius with pains, care, industry and valour got up to him, although the Macedonians throughout the world were most highly esteemed for valorous and good soldiers, by reason of the famous and wonderful acts, that Alexander the great not long before had done with them: betwixt whose Armies there was a most fierce fight, the Battle of the Macedonians being usually joined target target to target so close together; that before it be broken, it seemeth as it were the body of a beast of a force invincible. Yet notwithstanding, the valiant and wise Consul was not long in overcomeing them, and forced them to fly, leaveing eight thousand dead upon the place, besides five thousand taken prisoners, and when he had done & thereby had the whole Country at his mercy [who were miserably divided with abundance of civil wars & oppressions of Tyrant's] yet he took not the avantage against them, which he might have done. But he sent his herald forthwith into their public meeteings or plays, where in great abundance they were assembled together, by sound of trumpet with a loud voice to proclaine in their Assemblies, that the Senate of Rome & Titus Quintius Flaminius Consul of the People of Rome (now that they had overthrown King Philip & the Macedonians in battle) did thenceforth discharge them from all Garrisons and set them at liberty from all rapes, subsidies and impositions for ever, to live after their own ancient Laws and in full liberty. which privileges should extend to the Corinthians, the Lochians, to those of Phocide, those of the Isles of Euboea, the Achaians, the Phthiotes, the Magnesians, the Thessalians and the Peirobeians. And the second time after silence made; the Herald proclaimed it far louder, that so the People might hear it distinctly. At which there a risen such a loud shout and cry of exceeding joy throughout the whole people, that the sound of it was heard to the very sea. and the people risen up full of joy from their seats, and let the fenceing sword plays and other games alone, and went together with abundance of joy to salute, to embrace & to thank Titus, the recoverer, protector and patron of all the liberty of famous Greece. and then was seen (saith Plutarch) in strange and wonderful manner the power of men's voices; and the People were so violent in expressing their joy to Titus, that if he had not got him away betimes, he had hardly escaped from being stifled amongst the People, they came so thick about him, from all places. who after they were weary, with crying and singing about his Pavilion till night, they went away. and as they met any of their kindred, friends or cittyzens, they did kiss & embrace one another forjoy, and so supped and made merry together. And yet in their Farther rejoicing, at their tables they had no other talk but of the wars of Greece; discourseing amongst themselves, what sundry great wars they had made, and what they had endured here to fore, and all to defend & recover their liberty. and yet for all that could never so joyfully, nor so assuredly obtain it then they did even at that present, receiving the honourablest reward and that which justly deserved the greatest fame throughout the world, that by the valiantness of strangers, who fought for the same (without any bloodshed of their own in comparison, or the loss of the life of any one man, whose death they had cause to lament,) they were so restored to their ancient freedom and liberty.  
And (saith my judicious and wise another) it is a very rare thing amongst men, to find a Man very valiant & wise withal. but yet of all sorts of valiant Men, he saith it is hardest to find a just valiant man yet did all these three most commendable perfections of valour, wisdom and justice meet in rare perfection in this young heathen Roman. The Grecians ('tis true) had amongst themselves many famous & valiant Captains or Generals, who had very good skill to lead an Army and to win the Battle, as well by sea as by Land; but to turn their victories to any honourable benefit or true honour amongst men (as he calls it) to reconcile their homebred differences and cement themselves in union; they none of them could ever (of late especially) well skill of it. And excepting a few battles which the author names, all the other Battles and wars of Greece that were made, sell out against themselves and did ever bring them into bondage, and all the tokens of triumph which were ever set up for the same, was to their shame and loss. So that in the end Greece was utterly destroyed and overthrown, and the captains of the Cities, one envying another's do. Whereas a strange nation the which had very little or no occasion at all to move them to do it, have notwithstanding with dangerous battles, and infinite troubles delivered it from oppression & servitude of violent Lords and Tyrants. This and such like talk did at that time occupy the Grecians heads. And moreover the deeds following did answer and perform the words of the proclamation. For at oneself same time, Titus sent Lentulus into Asia, to set the Bargilians at liberty, and Tetillus into Thracia, to remove the garrisons out of the Isles and Cities which Philip had kept there. And Publius Julius was sent also into Asia, unto king Antiochus, to speak unto him, to set the Grecians at liberty which he kept in subjection.  
And as for Titus, he went himself unto the City of Chalcyde, where he took sea and went into the Province of Magnesia, out of the which he took all the garrisons of the Cities, and redelivered the government of the Commonwealth unto the Cittyzens of the same. And after he had spent some time in mirth with the People, in celebrateing some feasts and games: he caused again solemn proclamation to be made openly, for the General liberty of all Greece. Furthermore, visiting the Cities, he did establish very good laws, reformed justice, and did set the inhabitants and Cittyzens every one of them in good peace, amity and concord one with another; and did call home also all those that were outlaws and banished men, and pacified all old quarrels and dissensions amongst them. The which did no less please and content him, that by persuasions he could bring the Grecians to be reconciled one with another, then if by force of arms he had overcome the Macedonians. In so much as the recovery of the liberty that Titus had restored to the Grecians; seemed unto them the least part of the goodness they had received at his hands. O rare perfection of wisdom, Righteousness, true Virtue, Gentleness, Goodness of an old heathen and pagan Roman (not in the least to be found amongst our great seemeing saints and pretended Christians in England) which in the glorious and transcendent rare Effects it produced, reaped its full recompense of reward. For, saith my said Author, the good deeds of the Romans and of Titus Quintius Flaminius, done unto the Grecians, did not only reap this benefit unto them in recompense, that they were praised and honoured of all the world, but they were cause also of encreaseing their dominion and Empire over all Nations, and that the world afterwards had great Affiance and trust in them, and that most justly. So that the People and Cities did not only receive the Captains and Governoviss the Romans sent them: but they also went unto Rome and procured them to come, and did put themselves into their hands.  
And not only the Cities and Commonalties, but Kings and Ptinces also that were oppressed by others more mighty than themselves, had no other refuge but to put themselves under their protection. by reason whereof in a very short time (with the favour and help of the Gods as my Author is persuaded) all the world came to submit themselves to their obedience and to be under the protection of their Empire.  
Titus himself also did glory more, that he had restored Grece again unto liberty, then in any other service or exploit he ever had done. and having besides all this, done many more famous things, he went to Rome with a world of riches and treasure, and triumphed. And this year being out, (longer than which not Roman General did ordinarily hold his place, especially in the purity and glory of their commonwealth) and mischief in his absence being a brewing amongst the poor Grecians, by the forementioned Antiochus a potent king, who went out of Asia into Greece with a potent fleet of Ships and a very puissant Army, to stir up the Cities of Greece to forsake their league and alliance with the Romans. Thereupon the Romans fearing the rising of the People in Greece, and the fame of the power of that great king Antiochus, they chose and sent out for the next year Manius Acilius for a General, and Titus was content without scruple to go under him as one as his Lieutenants. Whose behaviour in that Journey was as full of wisdom and humanity, as in the former; in saveing several Cities by his sweet and overcomeing persuasions, from the fury of the present General's Rage; who in battle having overthrown the said great king, sought and prosequted revenge on those that had any way sided with him. Which made the poor People of Grece when besieged, to look over the walls to spy Titus and to call unto him by his name, holding up their hands unto him and praying him to take pity upon them. But he answered never a word to them at that time, but turned his back and fell a weepeing. Yet was he their sure Intercessor to prevail with the General for their pardon. Which made one of the Cities being preserved by his means, to consecrate unto him all the remembrances, that that heathen Age could devise to honour a Man with. And in the Temple that they dedicated to him, they had a Priest chosen by the voice of the People to do sacrifice unto him. After which, the People sing a song of triumph made in praise of him, the latter end of which runs thus.  

The clear unspotted Faith  
Of Romans, we adore:  
And vow to be their faithful friends,  
Both now and evermore.   

Sing out ye Muses nine,  
To Ioves eternal fame:  
Sing out the honour due to Rome,  
And Titus worthy name.   

Sing out, I say, the praise  
Of Titus, and his faith:  
By whom ye have preserved been  
From Ruin, Doole and Death.   
And after his return from the wars with Antiochus, he was chosen Censor at Rome; which office is of great dignity, and, as a man may say, the crown of all the honours, that a Citizen of Rome can have in that Commonwealth. And he and his fellow Censor, by their office having power to put all such as they judged unworthy persons out of the Senate, did put out only four. They did receive also into the number of Cittyzens of Rome, all such as would present themselves to be enrowled in their common Register, with a proviso that they were born free by Father and Mother, unto which last they were compelled, by Tenentius Culio, Tribune or protector of the people's liberties. who to despite the Nobility, persuaded the people of Rome by their Supreme authority, to command it should be so. After all which high dignities and honours, and brave and noble actions, he abased himself to become a Colonel of a thousand foot, being obtained of and by his own seeking, of purpose to go into the wars, to fight for the glory of his Country, which action in my opinion is to be commended in him. For I believe none of the great Generals of our age, but would scorn, after their being Generals, to go into the wars again as private Colonels. And so much for famous and renowned Titus Quintius Flaminius. All which you may read more at large in Plutarch's Lives. Fol. 381.382. to 395.  
Making (Sir) no farther Application of these things at present, I only beg your pardon for my tediousness, to you especially (to whom I know large Epistles are no way pleasant) entreating you likewise; to steal a little spare time from your many great occasions, to read these lines seriously, which I very strongly imagine may prove of some use to you. And oblige me yet so far unto you, as to present my hearty service to my old truehearted, plain and blunt friend Mr. Moyle of your house, and tell him from me, that he often used to clap me on the back, & call me Noble Cato; which before I came to Flanders] did not fully understand, what he meant by it. But having red so much of famous Plutarch's Lives lately, with so much delight and seriousness as I have done (reading for many days together fifty of his large Folios in a day, and also largely takeing notes as I read (my common practice in reading any book that pleaseth me) I hope shortly in a few lines, which I intent to present him with, to let him know I now fully understand his meaning. So with my hearty and true love and service presented to you, I take leave to subscribe myself  
(SIR,) Your most affectionate Friend, hearty to serve you [being yet as much an English man as ever I was] JOHN LILBURN, Semperidem From my delightful dwelling in Bruges, Saturday, Novemb. the 9 1652. New stile.  
The End.