THE CHARACTER OF A RIGHT MALIGNANT.  
HE is one that professes love to the Protestant Religion; but hatred to all that Party through Europe, which maintain it. He confesses that the Irish Rebels were too blame for massacring 200000. Protestants: yet he cannot choose but wish them good success against all that oppose them, especially against the Scots. Indeed that is the Nation, which, of all other, he most hates, ever since they entered into Covenant with England for maintaining and settting right the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of both Kingdoms. The Spaniard he loves better than Englishmen heretofore used to do, by reason of some hopes that he has of their doing good in Ireland, and is much reconciled to the French, because he thinks they will invade England. The Netherlanders out old friends and confederates, he would extremely hate, but only that he thinks there is a faction among them, which are not very right to England. He protests openly that he much condemns those Lords and Commons who betrayed their trust, and left the Parliament, because else he thinks this sad War had not been: but yet he hates all those Lords and Commons, who continue here at Westminster, only for doing that which he condemns the other for not doing: and now he honours those, whom he confesses to be the causes of the War; and rails daily against the other side, because there is no Peace. Those, that say he hates a Parliament, do him great wrong; for he says he loves a right Parliament, which is such an one as claims no power at all; but is a thing of bare advice, and l●sse jurisdiction than any inferior Court of judicature in England. He loves his freedom, and would be loath to be a slave; but he verily believes that the King may lawfully take away whatsoever he hath, and dispose of all men's fortunes and persons at his pleasure. He does not think that the King of England is as absolute a Monarch as any in the world: but he thinks that the King may do what he will; and that neither a Parliament, nor any humane power may resist him in it. These are his hourly disputes, and yet sometimes he will not understand them to be his own tenets: but for all this his Majesty is not much beholding to him, for he swears that if he thought the King would do any thing against our Religion, Laws and Liberties, he would himself (though a Parliament may not do it) bear Arms against him, and verily believes that those Lords & Gentlemen, that now fight against the Parliament, would do the same; as if he thought it more derogatory, or less safe for his Majesty to be fairly kept in the right way by a lawful convention of the Estates in Parliament, whose advice he ought to follow, then to be afterwards enforced to it by such arms, as no man will doubt to call rebellious; or as if it were not more lawful for the Parlia. to stand now in the gap against the proceed of the King's evil counsellors whilst there is such a gap legally and fairly open, then for private persons to force open such a gap hereafter by rebellious Arms. He acknowledges that Queen Elizabeth was a glorious Prince; but of all her actions, he remembers none so well as that, when she seized Wentworth in the Parliament House, and committed him to prison. He loves those Members of the House which are now gone away from it; and among others, those who at first stood fiercely for the Commonwealth, and were since taken off by honours, and preferments from the King. But those which have still continued constant to their first positions he disparages and says it was, because the King would not take them off by such honours and preferments; and that which they did, was done upon such hopes: so that he honours those which have apparently been corrupted to forsake the Parliament, and condemns those which have not done it, because he thinks they would have done it; and has no reason to think so but by seeing the quite contrary: It appears therefore that he accounts deserting the Parliament upon such ends to be a fault: for else he would not charge it by his conjecture upon those men here, whom by that conjecture he labours to disparage; and yet loves that fault in the others: when he wants actions to condemn the Parliament side for, he does it upon his own suppositions. He calls those Hypocrites, who lead a godly life: and though he thinks it a great uncharitableness in those godly men to censure him for living loosely; he thinks it no uncharity in himself to censure them for professing godliness: he pries narrowly to find faults on th● side, and publishes them with great eagerness: but when he finds virtuous actions instead of faults, he says they were done for sinister ends. When General Lesley was likely to take Newcastle, he was every where prophesying what cruelty the Scots would use in pillaging the Town: but when it was apparent what extraordinary humanity the Scots shown there, though it had cost them a sharp assault to win, he said they did it for subtle ends, though he could name none, being equally unjust in his first false supposition, as in his last false aspersion upon a good action; it being as impossible that any good deed on this side should gain his applause, as that any bad one at the other side should incur his censure. There are some sins, which he acknowledges to be very usual at the other side, and thinks nothing of it: and yet the same sins, when he finds them committed at this side, he mightily condemns and jeers; which is a  acknowledgement that the profession of this side is more virtuous, and vice more repugnant to it then to the other: there is no vice can make him out of love with that side, which he now adheres to, though in other things he shows little constancy, for there are no positions held by the Parliaside, which he now so much contradicts, as those which himself held four years ago: nor no great persons in State, whom he then hated, as supposing them evil instruments in the government, whom he does not now applaud, though they continue the same men. But would you see more of his constancy? The barbarous cruelty of the Irish Rebels he detested much about November was three years, but within a year after he became much reconciled to them, and did not only spare to condemn them himself, but accounted it a great cruelty and uncharitableness in the Protestants hear to be so bitter against them: but about a year after that, they became friends, and those Rebels and he both of a side: neither in reason, for favouring of those Irish, can he be thought loyal to His Majesty. For seeing it must needs be granted the King had the greatest loss of all men, when so many of his own subjects and of his own Religion were cruelly butchered: those that took, and still take the King's loss most to heart, are the truest and most loyal subjects to him, and therefore the Parliament, who are still enemies to those Rebels, and desirous to revenge their brethren's blood (which undoubtedly cries aloud to God) must be better Protestants and truer Subjects than those that join with them, and fight or wish at the same side. The Paradoxes which he holds are very strange; as namely, that those Armies which fight against the Parliament, fight for the Protestant Religion; and yet that no Papists domestic or foreign but have reason to adhere to that side, rather than to the other. That a Parliament would destroy the liberties and privileges of itself, with other paradoxes of the same kind, of which nothing can so well inform you as his own discourses: for unless you take them from himself, they are too strange for another man to believe, much more to invent.  
FINIS.