THE NECESSITY OF Christian Subjection.  
Demonstrated, and proved by the Doctrine of Christ, and the Apostles; the practice of Primitive Christians, the rules of Religion, cases of conscience, and consent of latter Orthodox Divines, That the power of the King is not of Humane, but of Divine Right; and that God only is the efficient cause thereof.  
Whereunto is added, An Appendix of all the chief Objections that malice itself could lay upon His Majesty, with a full Answer to every particular Objection.  
Also a Tract entitled, CHRISTUS DEI, Wherein is proved that our Sovereign Lord the King is not only Major singulis, but Major universis.  1 PET. 2.17. 
Fear God, Honour the King.  
OXFORD Printed in the Year. 1643.   

THE NECESSITY OF CHRISTIAN SUBJECTION.  ROM▪ 13.5▪ 
Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake.  
WOuld men but meditate, or were they persuaded of the truth of the Prophet's speech, (1 Sam. 15.22.23.) Behold to obey is better than Sacrifice, & to hearken then the fat of Rams; for Rebellion is as the sin of Witchcraft, and stubbornness is as Iniquity and Idolatry. (Were they I say persuaded of this truth) there would not be so little harkening to the commands of Authority, nor so little obeying what they hear; nor would men run so fiercely into the fearful sin of Rebellion, only to maintain and justify their own sacrifice of fools; 
Eccle. 5.1. Olympio. do●. in lo●.  which is indeed no other than their foolish imaginations have devised, and their vain thoughts have set up as an Idol to themselves. Or were we not fallen into those last and worst of times prophesied of by the Apostle (2 Tim. 3.1.5.) wherein men that make show of godliness (yea many that most show of it) have only a show, but deny the power of it, being proud, cursed speakers, disobedient to parents: Proud indeed, when they dare exalt themselves against God's Vicegerent; 
His Majesty's large Declaration, p. 12. 13 225. 256. 257. etc.  Cursed speakers, when they dare libel and slander Prince and Prelate; Disobedient to Parents, Natural, Ecclesiastical, and Political were we not I say fallen into such times, I should not need to 〈◊〉 the Apostles inference, which the unseasonable sins of these seasons make so seasonable: [Wherefore ye must needs be subject, etc.]  
In which words, Infert conclusionem Principaliter intentam, Aq. wherein; Concludit Paraenesin subjectionis ejusque necessitatem, Rol. showing that we must obey the Magistrate, not only for fear of punishment, but much more because that (although the Magistrate hath no power over the conscience of man, yet seeing he is God's Minister) he cannot be resisted by any good conscience, Gen: Notes, ex Calv, & Bez. In qua duas potissimum urget causas ob quas potestatibus necessariò obediendum, Marlor. First their power to cause fear of wrath. Secondly our conscience to obey God's ordinance; In respect of both which we must be subject not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake:  
Wherein I shall consider these 5 particulars.  

1. The Illation, [Wherefore,]  
2. The Duty, [subject]  
3. The Necessity, [must needs]  
4. The persons obliged, [Ye]  
5. The Reasons persuading, and those twofold: 

1. From fear of wrath, although [not only for wrath.]  
2. For conscience, [But also for conscience sake.]     

Aquin. Lyr. Calv. Bez. Marlor. Rolloc.  1. The Illation and inference in this word [Wherefore] being a conclusion, wherein Quod initio praeceperat de praestandâ Magistratibus obedientiâ, nunc per modum collectionis repetit, sed cum expositione: Calv. It will be convenient for conceiving fully the Apostles meaning, and the force of his Arguments, and the drift of this conclusion, that we reflict back as fare as the beginning of this Chapter; where (besides those two mentioned, verse. 4. Of 1. Terror to the ill, which I reserve to be handled under that of wrath. 2. And Reward to the good, which I refer to that of conscience.) We shall find four Reasons premised to enforce this conclusion, [Wherefore ye must needs be subject, etc.]  
1. First, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (v. 1.) for there is no power but of God. How much soever we may perhaps dislike them, and how ill soever they may sometimes use their power; As Pilate did his, 
Jo. 19.20. Matth. 27.26.  in crucifying him whom he should have closed, and losing him whom he should have crucified, yet our Saviour himself acknowledgeth, that even this abused power was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, given him from above; (joh. 19.11.) For misery comes not out of the dust, neither doth affliction spring out of the earth: (job. 5.6.) But as Omne bonum desuper, 
August. de Civitat. Dei, l. 5. c. 21.  Every good gift is from above, (jam. 1.17.) so is there no evil in the City, and the Lord hath not done it, (Amos 3.6.) (i.e.) Majum poena, no evil of punishment.  
Per me Reges regnant, By me King's reign, is the general ground of the Charter, both of good and evil Princes, and Nobles, and all the Judges of the earth, (Prov. 8.15.16.) He it is that raiseth unto David a righteous branch, a King who shall reign & prosper, and execute judgement and justice upon the earth, 
Jer. 33.5, 6. Hos. 13.11.  in whose days the people shall be safe; And he it is that gives an evil King in his anger, & takes a good King away in his wrath: Qui regnare facit hominem hypocritam propter peccata populi. (job. 34.30.) vulg. So that whether they be good or evil, we must be subject, since there is no power but of God; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lest we will be found fighters against God, 
Act. 5.39.  whose power none is able to resist, whether it be for protecting or for punishing; [Wherefore we must needs be subject.]  
2. Secondly, they are not only not without God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Citat.  and so of him permissiuè; but they are the ordinance of God himself, and so of him positiuè, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ordained of God (v. 1.) whereupon they worthily use in their stile, not only Permissione Divinâ, or Providentiâ Divinâ, although those be good titles taken in a good sense; (yet they imply some intermediate means betwixt God and those who bear them:) But Princes writ Dei Gratiâ: for by the Grace of God (no favour of man) they are what they are; so that I may say of their government, 
Gal. 1.1.  as Saint Paul said of his Apostleship, It is not of man, nor by man, but by Jesus Christ, & God the Father, For, Cujus jussu homines nascuntar, hujus jussu & Reges constituuntur; apti his, qui in illo tempore ab ipsis regantur. (Iren. lib 5 cap. 24.) Which may be demonstratively evidenced, if we shall take a survey of the Series, and succession of Governors, from the first man that was placed upon the earth, whom we find created with an intention to make him God's Vicegerent; (Gen. 1.26.) and at his very first setting foot upon the earth, actually invested with Monarchical government; (ver. 27.28.) That government being indeed the special form, 
Boet. de unit. & uno. Apoc. 4.11. Rom. 11.36.  whereby he could resemble the image of God who is in Heaven, as he made him upon Earth the sole unequalled Monarch, from whom alone Quicquid est ab uno est, & est id quod est; and therefore he is worthy to receive glory, and honour, and power, for of him, and for him, and through him are all things.  
Nor was it his intention that he should only govern the Beasts already created, But also he made him to be the Monarch, And confirmed his Authority jure naturali, Potestate patrià, over all mankind, 
T●eophil. l. 2. Chrysost. Hom. 34. in 1 Co●.  which should be propagated after him; who as the Angels and those of Heaven, had their beginning from God by Creation, and therefore were subject to him; so all the Armies upon earth were to deduce their offspring from that one Adam by Generation, and so to owe to him subjection; whereas had not God intended to have Principality, depended only upon his own institution and not upon the subordinate Nobles, nor the multitudes of popular election, It had been as easy for him, to have Created a Company, a Colony, a Country, a Nation, a World of men upon earth, with his own faciamus, As it was, and as he did, so many Legions of Angels in the Heavens; that so out of those choice Colonies themselves might have made choice of a Commander. But he, who found the Heavens not free from mutiny, when he produced a multitude of inhabitants there, although all were his offspring, 
Apoc. 12.  would not give the least colour to contention, for superiority or equality, nor pretext of disobedience against his Monarch upon earth, whilst he suffers no Subject to be set by him but such as owed the Subjection and duty of a Son in Descending from him; Thereby teaching all posterity, how the power of a Prince over his Subjects is, and aught to be acknowledged, as natural, as the power of a Father is over his son; yea and also thereby signifying, That as Naturally there can be but one Father of one Child, 
Theophil. Chrysost. ubi supr.  So Politicly there should be but one Prince and Monarch of one People and Nation. Whereupon God did not create two men (no nor Eve, but out of the rib of Adam) that so from them all others should issue, and they might rule promiscuously, or that each of them should rule such as would make choice to be under his government, rather than under the others, 
Gen 10.9, 10.  (although perhaps propagated of the other) Nor that the mightiest Hunter, he, that could get most, should govern most, as afterwards it fell out in the degenerating days of Nymrod. But he created only one, 
Dan. Aphoas, Polit. p. 402. 24.  thereby to intimate, How far Monarchical government is to be preferred before any other, Aristocratical, democratical, oligarchical, or the like. This and this alone of man on earth, being an Idea or resemblance of God's government in Heaven; and we pray daily, that his will may be done on earth as it is in heaven; And how can it be so, if we reject or resist that form of government? 
March. 6.10.  As also, thereby he implies, that all other forms of government are against the course of nature, different from the pattern of heaven, divers from divine institution, and indeed punishments rather then blest governments, If they be compared with Monarchy; Which made the wisest of Kings affirm, that many Princes are imposed for the transgression of a Land, But that Realm only endures long which is ruled by one man of understanding and knowledge (Prov. 28.2.) Which Doctrine seems to be squared to Gods own practice throughout all ages, whensoever he designed any government over his people the Jews (after they were taken notice of for his peculiar) although for a long time he retained the royal supreme Title of King to himself, (during which time, 
1 Sam. 8.  he oft times immediately delivered his Regal mandates by Urlm, Thummim, Visions, Oracles, Prophecies. etc.) Yet he appointed one Supreme Vicegerent over them, and not many (for as for the Sanhedrine they were but as Moses or the High priests Privy Council, Or as delegated Judges because of the multiplicity of businesses) One I say and not many, 
Judg. c. 10 c. 15.  witness Moses 40. years betwixt Egypt and Canaan, joshua near 60. years settling them in Canaan, after them judah, after him Othniell, than Ehud, then Shamgar, than Deborah, than Gideon, than Tolah, then jair, than jephthah, than Samson, But never above one at one time. And how lamentable the times were when there was not one Supreme, but the multitude took power into their own hands; that hideous story of the licentious Danites, 
Judg. 19, & 20.  and the ravished Levites wife, and the revenge of one upon another may serve to astonish all posterity, and affright them from affecting Anarchy; yea & when God, after that he had in mercy looked upon their misery, sent them new Judges, Holy, and Samuel successively, and they not therewith satisfied would have a King like other Nations, he doth not set several Kings over them, 
2 Sam. 8.5 Josh. 12.  as joshua found 31. over the land at their entrance, but he appointed them only one King (1 Sam. 8.22.) As being safest for his people, best resembling his government and most agreeable to his Ordinance; Wherefore we must needs be subject to such form of government, for it is the Ordinance of God.  
Oh! how much therefore are those too blame who go about to alter this form of government, and to introduce a new deformed device of their own ambitious invention, wherein they are not agreed, whether they shall be styled, 1. The States of England as some of their Preachers (forgetting the King in their prayers) have sycophantically phrased them; 2. Or whether they shall be entitled, The perpetual Senate, or Assessors of the kingdom, as some have endeavoured to derive their stile, as the Impress of a Republic; 3. Or whether they shall be dignified with the Princely Attribute of Gentlemen of the Crown of England (to which should be annexed the power of electing their King although hereditary) as some of themselves have ambitiously expressed their affectation in assimilation to that of Poland; only to the end that themselves might be sharers in Supremacy. A Government which admitting a Monarch whom yet they dare not deny, is neither Monarchy, Aristocracy, Democracy, nor oligarchy; and Anarchy, I dare say, they would not have it entitled; A Government which if Aristotle himself were to sit in Council at their close Committees, he could not yet resolve what to call it, a government never grounded on the Ordinance of God, nor practised in any established Commonweal. And what fearful effects must necessarily follow it, Besides, that it is to conjecture when men leave the fountains of the living waters, and take themselves to Cisterns of their own digging. It may also be apparent to any indifferent understanding who reads or hears the story of Hen. 3. when there was an attempt of 24. Assessors and a traitorous appointing Les Douze Piers, 
Speed H. 3. p. 635. ex. Mat. Westmonast. Martin. H. 3. p. 66, 67, 70, 71, 73, 74.  far short of this confused insolency, what Robberies, what Rapes, what Murders, what Burglaries, what Extortions, what Exactions followed, (every one shrouding himself under that Assessour, which he followed, yea and every one of the Assessors after a little time, bandying himself against another, either for their own faction, or favouring of their followers) is rather to be imagined then reported, yet those times too really felt it, and all must necessarily taste the like bitter fruit, who will plant & nurse the tree of popular faction.  

Upon the Lord's Prayer.  And alas how foolish and fond of flitting (to use King james his Scottish Proverb in another case) are those people which will be bewitched to follow these manyheaded Hydra's, before the voice of the Lamb, and never consider that old Adage Citius impletur unus saccus, quàm plures? hath there been so much pains bestowed in vain, if it be in vain, (As the Apostle speaks in another case) to bring this Kingdom from an Heptarchy to a Monarchy; that now one part of this Island should be turned from a Monarchiy to a Roman Decemvirate, a Venetian Senate, a Low-countries State, nay to the government without a name, God forbidden: Vis unita fortior, but a Kingdom divided cannot stand. 
Mat. 12.25.  I beseech you therefore brethren mark them diligently which cause divisions amongst you, and avoid them: (Rom. 16.17.) for those who at first cause divisions, in Opinion, in Doctrine, and in Religion, will at the length attempt divisions in Government, in Policy, in Countries and Kingdoms. Let us in the fear of God consider with ourselves, That if there be no power but of God, even the punishing and persecuting power, and if we must be subject even to that, lest we should fight against God, 
Esay 49.23.  Oh how much more then, where Kings are nursing fathers, ought we to show our subjection with all readiness and cheerfulness? If Saint Paul enforce obedience to the Prince with so many forcible arguments, when that Tyrant Nero (who devoured Christians like a Lion) reigned and raged. Oh how should we urge & press this point, when a Constantine, a Patron of the Church, and pattern of piety is our precedent in religious exercises, 
2 Tim. 4.17.  as well as precedent over us with righteous government: for certainly, [They that resist, Resist the Ordinance of God] which is the third reason whereupon our Apostle grounds this inference, Wherefore ye must needs be subject.  
For as in his Church Christ gave some to be Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some Pastors and Teachers, for the gathering together of the Saints, 
Ephes. 4.11, 12. 1 Pet. 2.13. ver. 14.  and for the work of the Ministry: so God in the Commonweal appointed some to be King's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, most eminent and excellent above all other, some to be Governors under them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sent by Commission from them: Amongst whom some are Nobles, some Judges, (Prov. 8.16.) some Priests (for those howsoever some conceive of them, were not incapable of government in the Commonweal:) yea, 
Exod. 40.1.5. Heb. 7.8.  some things there are which could not be decided without them. (Deu. 17.8. to 12.) some are Governors of Cities, (Deut. 21.3, 4.) some Rulers of thousands, some of hundreds, some of ten, (Exod. 18.25, 26.) and some live merely in subjection, as the inferior poor servant, 
Polit. l. 1. c. 3.4.  etc. whom Aristotle that Lynceus of Nature affirmeth, Nature itself framed only to that use; and every man bound in conscience by the law of God to abide in that state wherein God hath placed him, and to be contented, with his Vocation, Degree, and calling, (1 Cor. 7.20, 21, 22.) unless he will be as guilty of confusion in the body politic, or Ecclesiastical, as the members should be in the body natural, if one should strive to usurp another's place; 
1 Cor. 14.12. to 31.  The foot the head, the ear the eye; and unless we will be as guilty in resisting the ordinance of God, as they should be of deforming the act of his Creation.  

1 Pet. 2.13. to 17. Mat. 20.14  Submit yourselves therefore to all manner of ordinance of man for the Lords sake, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Take that which is thine own and go thy way. If thou be'st a Ruler, do it with diligence: If an Officer, wait on thy office: If a Teacher, attend to teaching: If but a servant, do that without slothfulness, (Rom. 12.7. to 11.) If a Judge, 
Deut. 17.9. to 13.  be learned, (Psal. 2.11.) yea, and upright too, (Psal. 58.1.) If thou art to be judged, be obedient, or else thou must be cut off, both for thine own sin, and also for others example. Nor must thou be obedient only when Superiors be good and courteous, but even when they are cruel and froward: Nor only when they punish thee justly for ill doing, but even when thou sufferest wrongfully, yet must thou endure for conscience sake, (1 Pet. 2.18, 19) which the Apostle confirms by the example of our Saviour Christ, to (vers. 25.) who when he suffered resisted not, no nor so much as threatened, (vers. 23.) although he could have had more than twelve Legions of Angels, (Mat. 26.53.) teaching us, that we must not resist Authority, although unjustly oppressing: (muchless justly ruling although punishing.) First, Neither offending it, (Mat. 17.27.) Secondly nor defending ourselves against it, (Mat. 26.52.) what specious pretences soever we may make for it. For who might have pretended fai●er in that kind, than the Primitive Christians against Idolatrous Persecutors? 
Ambros.  yet they profess, that Armasunt preces & lachrimae; so that nemo nostrum quando apprehenditur, reluctatur; nec se adversus injustam violentiam vestrum, quamvis nimius, & copiosus noster sit populus, ulciscitur: Cyprian. Who might have pretended more rightly the defence of himself, of his fellow Disciples, of his Master, yea of Religion, than Saint Peter? Yet hear our Saviour's mandate and his menace, his mandate: [Put up thy sword into thy sheath:] His menace, [For all they which strike with the sword, shall perish with the sword.] [All] whosoever Clergy or Laity, strike against authority, or without the licence of it, in what case soever without exception of 1, See defendend●, 
Aug. l. 22. cont. Faust. c. 75.  or 2. Maintenance of a Covenant, or 3. Defence of Religion. And what manner of Christians those men are who dare resist their rightful, righteous, religious Sovereign: Or what manner of Religion that is, which they pretend gives privilege to such rebellious practices, I leave to every good Christian to consider: Only give me leave to tell you, sure I am, it is not such as was known to Primitive Christians: It is not such as was allowed by our Saviour to his Apostles, nor is it such as the Apostles taught the People of their times: for they without any cloak, 
His Majesty's Proclamation and Declaration, etc.  Sub moderamine inculpatae tutelae (which indeed never can be by Arms but only by Laws) Howsoever Pontificians and Consistorians conspire: as Buchanan laboured to beguile his Nation, and some of our Countrymen have beguiled themselves, and Jesuits would have beguiled the whole world, and without any distinction so offensive and defensive disobedience, the Apostles taught the Church of God, That he which resists, (be it how it will) resists the Ordinance of God.  
[And he that resists purchaseth to himself damnation.] which is the fourth reason to enforce this [Wherefore, etc.] and bears a threefold reading, 1. judicium, Judgement: Tremel. 2. Condemnationem, Condemnation: Beza & Tompson. 3. Damnationem, Damnation: Vulgar & King's Bible. All which are but the Graduations of the punishments, implied by the original, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for not only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Matth. 5.22.) they shall be in danger of the judgement of censure and condemnation of the censorious: Although this be a punishment which an ingenious spirit would willingly escape, which made David pray, (Psal. 39.8.) Let me not be made a rebuke unto the foolish, whilst they censure, reprove, condemn my actions in their Assemblies, much more a man that is shot through the head with popularity, as His Majesty saith of the then revolted Rolloc, 
Larger Declaration. p. 25.405.  as indeed all factious persons in Church and Commonweal are, especially if they aspire by, or adhere to the popular faction; For such, like the Chameleon, which turns to all colours save white, lives only by the air, and delights rather in breath then other, Ac si mallet coctam quam crudam; so they who apply to popularity, and suit themselves to all company, saving the innocent, can live no longer (at least not with delight) than they suck the breath of applause from the multitude. 
Ps. 69.12.  But behold, not only those which sit in the gate (the Rulers) speak against such disobedient persons, but if they escape the songs of the Drunkards (who perhaps may whoop on their sides) yet shall verybabes and sucklings chant their disloyalty, and the Viper's tongue shall slay them, (job. 20.16.) Thus an evil condemnation shall fall upon them, 
Prov. 10.7  whereby their name shall rot, and their memorial shall stink, even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, under the censure of those who are as censorious as themselves: Nor only so, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, They shall receive Judgement, and Condemnation: 
Ps. 41.8. Ps. 109.6. Ps. 1.15.  1. Both Judgement before the Tribunal of men, where the sentence of guiltiness shall proceed against them; and when sentence is given upon them, they shall be condemned, for such ungodly persons shall not be able to stand in Judgement, neither these sinners in the Congregation of the righteous. 2. And also they shall receive Condemnation from the Justice of God, who stands in the Congregation of Princes, 
Ps. 82.1.  (as to survey, so to assist) and is a Judge amongst the earthly gods, yea even of those whom they sometimes cannot come by to judge according to their deservings; 
Vers. 8.  who when he shall arise (as he will arise) to judge the earth, he will recompense such wicked persons after their deservings; 
Ps 50.21.  he will reprove them, and set before them, even in Order, the things that they have done: As first their Pride, next their Covetousness to maintain it, after that their rebellion to declare it, than their Hypocrisy and counterfeiting Religion to veil and defend it, 
Ps. 55.16.  & at the length he will bring Death hastily upon them, and they shall go down into hell, since such wickedness is in their dwellings and amongst them; and is not this a fearful Judgement and Condemnation? so fearful, as what can be conceived to be added? And yet behold, 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rom. 14.23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Judgement, Condemnation, yea, Damnation of an accusing conscience shall consummate their misery, even such as drove judas to be his own Executioner upon earth; 
Matth. 27.3, 4, 5.  This shall do continual execution of God's just judgement upon them in hell, by that worm that never dies, and that fire which never shall be quenched, where their rebellious carcases shall be an abhorring to all flesh; 
Esay. 66.24.  wherefore for the escaping such fearful 1. Judgement. 2. Condemnation, 3. Damnation here, and hereafter from God and man; We must needs be subject.  
2. [Subject] Which is the duty; That as the Devil overcame man by his disobedience to God, 
Matth. 20.27, 28. Philip. 2.4 Vers. 5. to 9 Rom. 12.10. Matth. 18.2.  so man may return to God and overcome the Devil, by obedience to man for the Lords sake. Christianity is a School of Humility, and we must not look every one upon our own excellencies, but upon other men's; having the same mind in us, which was in Christ Jesus, in giving (not in taking) honour, preferring one before another, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, humbling ourselves as little children; As they submit to their Parents, so must we be subject to our Prince, for he is the Person to whom principally the Apostle presseth this subjection; as Aquin. Dion. Carth. Bruno. and Claud. gloss it. The subjection to others being for his sake, as the subjection to him is for the Lords sake; which that we may perform aright, let us consider these three particulars: 

1. Qualibus, To what manner of Princes we must be subject.  
2. In quibus, In what things we must be subject.  
3. Quomodo, How we must express our subjection.    
1. Qualibus, To what manner of Princes we must be subject. As the Apostle enjoins Servants concerning obedience to their Masters, so say I to Subjects concerning their Sovereigns; 
1 Tim. 6.1, 2.  Let as many as are under the yoke count their Governors worthy of all honour, (Sive fideles, sive infideles, whether they be gentle, or whether they be cruel) that the name of God and his Doctrine be not ill spoken of: 1. And if they be believing, let us not despise them because they are faithful and beloved, and partakers of the benefit, to wit redemption. 2. Or if they be unbelievers, let us not rebel, nor resist them; because although, 1. Quidam illorum dantur ad timorem & poenam, & increpationem, Some of them are sent merely for a terror and a punishment. 2. Yea, Quidam ad illusionem & contumeliam, & superbiam; Some of them set up themselves in pride, merely to contemn, and scorn, and scoff at their Subjects, as the persecuting Emperors did, when they exposed the Christians naked to fight with beasts and beastly Heathens. 3. Aswell as Quidam ad correctionem & utilitatem subjectorum, & conservationem justitiae; For a fatherly reformation of offenders, a loving protection of the obedient, and the preservation of Justice for both: Yet we must consider and confess, that Ad utilitatem Gentilium terrenum Regnum positum est à Deo, non à Diabolo, qui nunquam omnino quietus est; Imo qui nec ipsas quidem gentes vult in tranquill● agere, ut timentes regnum humanum: Earthly Kingdoms are erected by God, not by the Devil, who as he is never quiet himself, so would he not have the people live in peace, (as appears by his late practices) which government is the means to procure and preserve, preventing men from devouring those that are more righteous than themselves: 
Hab. 1.13.14.  And for being like the fishes of the Sea, or the creeping things who have no Ruler over them: for, Per legum positiones repercutiant multiplicem gentilium injustitiam, Kings and Princes by their Laws restrain and bridle the fury and violence of our natural corruptions: yea, and the worst of Princes is never worse than Quemadmodum populi digni sunt Dei justo judicio in omnibus aliqualiter superveniente: Iren. l. 5. c. 24. such as the people have provoked God to set to afflict them, whose just judgement always interposeth itself in such weighty cases. Although sometimes we know it not, ofttimes we will not acknowledge it: which being so, may oblige every one of us to be subject to all powers, of all qualities, conditions, dispositions, tempers, religions, under whom the Lord hath placed us: Sive 1. Nutriciis, sive 2. Hypocritis, sive 3. Haereticis, sive 4. Tyrannis: Whether they be nursing fathers, for whom we must praise God: or dissembling Hypocrites, or obstinate Heretics, or bloody Tyrants, for all which we must pray to God: Whatsoever , Allen, Stapleton, Parsons, Mariana, Boucherius, Santarellus, etc. on the Romish part: And Knox, Buchanan, Gilbey, Goodman, and Daneus, on the other extreme have formerly taught, Calderwood hath followed, and some too fiery spirits of late have seditiously and scandalously put in practice, of whom I may say in the Apostles language, 
1. Tim. 6.3, 4, 5.  If any man teach otherwise (than what I have affirmed) he consenteth not to the wholesome words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the Doctrine which is according to godliness: but is puffed up & knoweth nothing as he ought to know, but doateth about questions and strife of words, whereof cometh envy, strife, rail, evil surmiseings, froward disputations of men of corrupt minds, and destitute of the truth, which think that gain is godliness, (howsoever they pretend godliness rather than gain) from such separate thyself: For howsoever we must perform active obedience to such Princes only so far as lawfully we may, Calv. Bez. Marl. Roloc. Genev. usque adaras, so long as Cum Deo non comparabuntur, 
Scorpias.  they are not set in competition with God: Tertul. Yet we must perform passive obedience and absolute subjection, suffering without resistance, 
Act. 4.19.  being subject without rebellion, even if they should command the most unjust superstitious, idolatrous, profane, or irreligious things which can be imagined; yet I say we must not rebel, unless we will renounce Christianity, 
Gloss. inte●lin.  but we must let this be Probatio subjectionis, the touchstone of our subjection, even our patiented and constant sufferings:  
For, Quae passos Apostolos scimus manifesta est Doctrina, 
Tertul. ubi s●pr.  The truth of this Doctrine is sealed by the Apostles sufferings, who endured of Heathen Princes, and for not renouncing Christianity, Carceres, Vincula, Flagella, Saxa, Gladios, Impetus Indaeorum, Coetus Nationum, & Tribunorum Elogia, & Regum auditoria, & Proconsulum Tribunalia, & Caesaris nomen interpretem non habent: Imprisonment, Bonds, Stripes, Stoning, Wounds, Violence of the Jews, Conventing before the Gentiles, Questioning in the Courts of Tribunes, Examinations and Answers before Kings, Arraignments at the Tribunals of Proconsul's, yea and could not find an Appeal to the Emperor, any protection for their innocence; yet they not only submitted themselves, and possessed their own souls with patience, but also taught all pious people so to do; as here our Apostle makes it apparent, and (Titus 3.1, 2.) presseth it to all posterity: Put them in remembrance (for indeed we are too apt to forget) that they be subject to the Principalities & Powers, and that they be obedient, & ready to every good work; that they speak evil of no man, 
His Majesty's Declaration ubi supra.  (much less of Princes and Prelates, as some of late have done) That they be no fighters, (much less Armed Rebels) but soft, lowly, gentle, showing all meekness to all men, much more to Rulers; yea, and such effect did this Doctrine produce, that Sanguis Martyrem semen Ecclesiae, Cypr. The blood of the Martyrs was the seed of the Church. The blood, not the sword, that were too Turkish. And however, Circa majestatem Imperatoris infamemur, Tert. ad Scap. l. 2. They were slandered as disloyal to the Emperor; yet, Nunquam Albiniani, vel Nigriani, vel Cassiani inveniri potuerunt Christiani: Never any Nigrian, who made Religion the stalking-horse for Rebellion; Nor never any Cassian who assaulted his Sovereign by Assassination, could be found amongst the Christians: Christianus nullus est hostis nimirum Imperatoris, quem sciens à Deo suo constitui, necesse est ut & ipsum diligat, & revereatur, & honoret, & salvum velit, cum toto Romano Imperio, quousque seculum stabit, tam diu enim stabit: Colimus ergo Imperatorem, sic quomodo & nobis licet, & ipsi expedit, ut hominem à Deo secundum, & quicquid est à Deo consecutum, & solo Deo minorem: For no true Christian can be an enemy to his King or Emperor, whom he knows to be placed over him by God, and therefore upon necessity must love him, reverence him, honour him, pray for him, and desire and endeavour his safety as the safety of the Kingdom; as being next to God, lesser only than God, and endowed with the power which he hath from God, over all the men in his Dominions. Hereupon was it that the Christians fought so many valiant battles, and obtained so many glorious victories, even for Heathen and persecuting Emperors, yea even for julian the Apostata himself: but never did they fight any battle, pitched any Field, arrayed any Army, armed any Legions, or so much as entered into consultation against their Emperor. And thus you see, Qualibus, to what manner of Princes we must be subject. And I think all will willingly conclude, Si parendum est magistratui prophano, certè multo magis obedire oportet Sancto & Christiano, 
In Matth. 22.21.  Bez. If Heathens were thus obeyed, much more should Christians; If persecuting, much more pious Princes, such as our Gracious Sovereign, whose clemency may challenge our love, as well as his power command our duty, whom God preserve, and prosper long over us in honour and felicity, and give us the grace and gratitude to be subject, not only for fear, but even for conscience sake. And so I come to consider  
2. In Quibus? In what things we must be subject? Wherein the true stating of the Question is much differenced from the mistaken and mistaking Tenants of many of these times, who conceive and would bear the world in hand.  
1. That they are bound no further to Subjection, then with a Rightly Regulated Conscience, they may perform Active Obedience to all their Superiors Edicts and Commands.  
2. That they are not bound to Active Obedience, where they have a doubting conscience, although not fully informed by the right rule of Reason, or express authority of God's word.  
3. That the Supreme Magistrate, must have express affirmative warrant in the word of God for all his injunctions, or else the Subject needs not obey them.  
Whereas the truth is,  
1. Concerning the first, That although Active Obedience binds only in the Lord, yet absolute subjection is due without any resistance for the Lords sake, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ephes. 6. ●.  To humane Ordinances (1 Pet. 2.13.) Even when man ordains; not the Load (1 Cor. 7.12.) yet such a man as is ordained of the Lord, and so presumed to ordain according to the Lord, we may not in any wise resist.  
2. And as concerning the second, Although when man is left to his own liberty, The rule is to be observed, Quod dubitas ne feceris, because he that doubteth is condemned of his own Conscience, yet when we are Commanded by Authority, 
Rom. 14.23.  and we only doubt in ourselves whether that be good and lawful which is commanded, or not, The Rule of Saint Augustine must be observed Si dubitas feceris, If you only doubt do it, except you have express warrant out of God's word, or the Analogy of faith, and undeniable necessary Consequence to the contrary; Authority must turn the scale of thy doubting conscience, and weigh down thy Judgement to Active obedience, so that  
3. The Magistrate is not bound to express Text for warrant of each of his particular edicts; It is sufficient that it is contained in his general Commission Dixi Dii estis, I have said ye are Gods. (Psal. 82.6.) and therefore have committed my delegated power to you, Per me Reges Regnant, By me Kings Reign (Pro. 8.15.) And therefore by my authority may lay injunctions upon their Subjects, and they are obliged to Active Obedience, except they can produce a negative Act of Parliament out of the high Court of Heaven; for Princes are not only instead of God by representation (Exodus 4.16.) but they have the power of God over those to whom they have commission (Exod. 7.1.) I have made thee Pharoahs' God, yea and put case the Subject could produce a contradictory command of God to that of his King, yet is not his passive obedience dispensed withal, nor any part of his absolute subjection dissolved or canceled, 
Ambros. To. 3. Epis. l. 5. Orat.  But we must needs be Subject, (at least by suffering if not by doing) in all things, even against the dictate of a doubting, yea, or a discerning conscience.  
3. But then in the next place it remains to be resolved by what means, or in what manner this subjection is to be expressed, which must be by these seven means following; where there are not jura Regni by mutual consent of Prince and people to supersede them, or dispense with any of them.  
1. First by praying for them (1 Tim. 2.1.10.4.) I exhort therefore that first of all, Supplications, Prayers, Intercessions, and giving of thanks, be made for all men, for Kings and all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty, for this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour, who will have all men to be saved, and to come unto the knowledge of the truth. Where observe we must pray, 1. To the end that we may live godly and peaceably, when we did not live so before: 2. That they may come to the knowledge of the truth, when they knew it not before: 3. And that they may be saved, when they were not in that state before. None so bad then, to and for whom we are not to express our subjection by this duty.  

〈◊〉. Tit. 3.1, 2. Citat.  2. Secondly, we must speak no evil of them; (Exod. 22.28.) Thou shalt not revile the Gods, nor curse the ruler of the people. Is it fit to say to a King, thou art wicked; and to Princes ye are ungodly? (job. 34.18) No certainly, nothing less, and therefore follow the counsel of Martialis, who lived in the Primitive times, learned of the Apostles, and taught to succession A murmuratione custodite corda vestra; Keep not only your hands from mutiny, and your tongues from muttering, but even your hearts from repining.  
3. Thirdly, we must not dispute their Commands, for where the word of a King is, there is power, and who may say unto him, what dost thou? (Eccles. 8.4.) (i. e.) Not publicly and illegally to raise opposition against him, only we may privately inform our own judgement, to prepare as peaceably either for active obedience or for Martyrdom.  

Josh. 1.16, 17  4. Fourthly, we must express our subjection by doing all their commands which are not directly against God, resolving with the Israelites, All that thou commandest us we will do, and whithersoever thou sendest us we will go, only the Lord thy God be with thee.  
Fiftly, we must express it by suffering all punishments patiently without any resistance; for those things which we dare not do when they command them, because they appear (not seem) to be directly against God, (as hath been before demonstrated;) imitating S. chrysostom, (Epist. ad Cyriacum) Cum à civitate fugarer, dicebam intra meipsum, si quidem vult Regina me exulem agere, agate in exilium; Domini est Terra & plenitudo ejus; & si vult secare, secet; idem passus est Isaias, etc. Et si substantiam auferre, auferat, nudus exivi ex utero matris meae, nudus etiam revertar; If the Queen will have me go into banishment, let her banish me; The earth is the Lords, and all that therein is. If she will have me sawen in sunder, I submit myself; Isaias suffered so before me. 
Apoc. 13.10.  If she will confiscate my goods, I am contented; Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and naked must I return again. Behold, this must be the patience of the Saints.  
Sixtly, by supplying means, Ad necessaria secundum statûs sui conditionem; Lyr. paying due tribute to our Princes; for this is the manner, Quomodo velit te subjici protestatibus, redere jubens cui Tributum, Tributum: cui Vectigal, Vectigal; (i. e.) quae sunt Caefaris, Caesari, & quae Dei Deo. Tertul. Which tribute must be paid without limitation of the quantity before, or account of the disposing of it after payment, Gloss. Ordinar, If Calvin understand it aright, (which I dare not assure, nor will I dispute) for, 
Calvan ver. 6.  Neque nostrum est vel Principibus praescribere, quantum in res singulas impendant, vel eos ad calculum vocare: We have no power to prescribe to Princes what they shall expend upon occasions, nor to call them to account for their employment of what is expended which I conceive to be intended where there are not Pacta inter Principem & Populum: nor fundamental Laws of the Land to the contrary.  
Seaventhly, we must express our subjection by guarding of the Prince's person, fight for him upon occasion, 
2 Sam. 8.11, 12. Et 10.26. 2 Sam ●. 2 Sam. 11.11.  and sparing him from going out with us to battle, lest he should quench the light of Israel, (2 Sam. 21.17.) And what kind of consciences those men have, who can let their liege Lord go out to battle without them, (they being required) or who can leave him in his Tents in the field, when they return to their own houses, I leave both to men experienced in the Word, and practised in the sword to consider: and so proceed.  
3. To the third part of my Text, which is the necessity of this duty of subjection, employed in these words [must needs.] Must is for the King, and so it is indeed: and so is this: And therefore implies a double duty by these two words [must] and [needs] terms of double necessity; 
Matth. 21.3.  Dominus opus habet, Our Lord the King, the Lord of us and all we have hath need, and who will not then let all go presently? He must have it: in case of true absolute, imminent necessity, to save ourselves and the public, according to the Laws of the Land: 
Luke 10 42.  The supporting of His State is that Vnum necessarium for our safeties, and the safety of the whole Kingdom; and therefore the Apostle doth doth not only say, 1. It is convenient that we be subject, (i. e.) for ornament sake. 2. Or it is fit that we be subject (i. e.) for order sake. 3. Or it is profitable that we be subject (i. e.) for providence and discretion sake. 4. Or it is contenting that we may be subject (i. e.) for peace and quiet sake. 5. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, It is necessary Obligationes juris & propter vim coactivam superioris, viz. quia tenemini & potestis ad hoc compelli ad profitendam veram subjectionem. [We must needs be subject] for absolute necessity sake: 
Dion: Carth:  Necessitate salutis, Aq. even for the necessity of our salvation in Heaven, and of our safety upon earth. What is it but subjection which continues the blessed Harmony in Heaven amongst the Angels? What is it but Rebellion which bred that confusion in Hell amongst the damned spirits? What is it but subjection which can continue Peace, Plenty, Piety, Order, and Unanimity amongst men upon earth, Whereas Rebellion brings forth War, Waste, Wickedness, Confusion; Desolation, and Destruction: wherefore for avoiding these, and preserving those, We must needs be subject. And so I come  
4. To the persons obliged, which is the fourth thing proposed in my Text, in this word [Ye] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Theoph. And so Saint chrysostom before him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. With whom consent Theodoret and Oecumenius amongst the Greeks, and Greg. Mag. and S. Bernard amongst the Latins, express themselves both in opinion and phrase to the self same purpose; we the Clegy, ye the Laity; we the Priests, ye the people; or ye the mighty Peers, 
●al●. Inst. l. 4. c. 20.  we the many multitude. 1. For neither are Peers excepted and reserved like the Lacedaemonian Ephori, Roman Tribunes, or Athenian Demarchi, to restrain the insolences or exorbitances of Prince's oppressions. 2. Nor are the Priests exempted like the Roman Hierarchy, to be insolent and exorbitant in the Commonweal. 3. Nor are the people privileged (as is pretended by some schismatical Demagogi) to carry all by force of their collective body; But we and ye, 1. Peers, 2. Priests, 
Buchan.  3. People, must all needs be subject: And that  
5. [Not only for fear, but even for conscience sake.] Which is the last member proposed for prosecution. [Not only for fear] And yet we must be subject for fear too, which, Cogit vel invitos, Marlorat. Compels those that have no Conscience; 
Theophylact. Lombard.  Imo & possunt potestates etiam sine causa irasci, Hieron. And yet we must fear and be subject too (though they oppress our tender conscience) for fear of punishment from God, and from the Prince.  
1. From God, who will not suffer his Ordinance to be contemned; Non enim privati est hominis abrogare imperium ei quem Dominus cum potestate nobis praefecit. Calv.  
2. From the Prince; for, Vltionem reposcere possunt magistratus ob dignitatis suae contemptum. Idem. They may justly avenge the contempt of their authority, 1. Either by their Laws, by which In legum transgressores & inobedientes severiter animadvertunt: Marlorat. Or else by Arms; for, Portat gladium, He bears the sword, (vers. 4.) And if He draw it against Schismatics, Heretics, or Rebellious persons, Magistratus justè punit gladio, 
Lib. 1. & Parmon. c. 7.  Aug. They must not cast off fear, and encourage themselves and their company against his commands, as if resisting for the cause of God (as they pretend) they were to be accounted Martyrs; for they are no more capable of Martyrdom, dying in contempt of lawful Magistracy, than the Idol Priests, or the devils themselves were by the subversion of their Temples, or ceasing of their Oracles, by virtue of our Saviour's Incarnation; or by the command of the Emperor, converted to Christianity: Aug. ubi supra. But on the contrary it may be verified, that they who under the royal command of a rightful King, obediently, conscionably, zealously, and courageously fight against a Schismatical, or Heretical Rebellious people, (who make Religion the pretext for Rebellion) if they die, they die Martyrs, if they live, they live Confessors: and therefore we must fear even the Prince's sword. That I may not insist upon loss of favour, friends, honour, credit, and the like; 
Prov. 20.2.  Although a wise man will consider even in this, that the indignation of a King is as the roaring of a Lion; 
A●●●●●  and if this Lion roar, who can but be afraid? for he that provoketh him to anger, sins against his own soul; and what then shall become of his body? Or if any be so foolhardy as not to fear, yet must he be subject nevertheless, Not only for fear,  
[But even for conscience sake.] Non solùm, quia resistere potentioribus & armatis impunè non liceret, quemadmodum tolerari solent injuriae quae propuls●ri nequeunt: Sed sponte docet obeundam hanc submissionem, ad quam verbo Dei obstringitur conscientia: Cal. Not only because they are armed and can overmaster us, for so men suffer injuries from private men, because they cannot withstand them: but the Apostle teacheth, that a Christian is bound to subjection to his Sovereign by the Word of God; and the tye of conscience more firm and close, then by a Soldier's Belt, or Jailor's Bolts and Manacles: 
Ambros. Theophylact.  So that, Etiamsi certò constaret nos manus illorum (alioqui valde longas) posse effugere: Marlorat. Although we were assured that we could scape their reach, or oppose their power: Yea, Etiamsi exarmatus esset magistratus quem impune lacescere, 
Calv.  & contemnere liceret, nihilo magis id tentandum quàm si poenam statim imminere cerneremus. Although the Magistrate had neither Arms, nor Armies, so that men might provoke and contemn his power in respect of punishment, must we not presume to neglect him any more, then if we did see Arms and Armies, Racks and Gibbets, and all engines for execution prepared before us: Quia nisi omnino subjiciamini Principi polluta esset conscientia vestra obvians divinae ordin●tioni, Bruno. Because unless we be absolutely subject to our Prince (pretend what purity we will) our conscience is defiled, and every step we march against him, we set ourselves in battle array against the Ordinance of God: And indeed I cannot but wonder what hard hearts and cauterised consciences those men have, who do not presently smite themselves, and their hearts die within them like Nabals when they find themselves guilty of subtracting subjection from their Prince, 
1 Sam. 25.37.  (a greater ingratitude than which cannot be excogitated, and ingratitude is one of the greatest sins;) for Subjects are obliged.  
1. By the rule of right Reason, to obey him, without whom we cannot be safe; but without the King the Commonweal cannot be safe, no more than a ship without a Pilot in a stormy my Ocean; And therefore by the rule of right reason we must obey him.  
2. By natural equity, which binds to do good to them which do good to us, but Kings and Princes do good to us, for by their means we obtain great quietness, and by their providence many worthy things are done to our Nation: 
Act. 24.2.  By them we receive honour, enjoy riches, peace, plenty, and freely profess and practise piety: and therefore even for natural equity, We must needs be subject, which is the least good we can do to them.  
3. By moral civility we are bound to be subject to him who protects us: But Kings and Princes protect us from evil doers, who would violently take away our lives, insolently usurp our lands, prodigally misspend our goods, laciviously deflower and ravish our wives, & mercilessly slave our children, yea, they are the Protectors and defenders of our faith, and therefore we are bound at least not to rebel since all these mischiefs have been, are, & will be the effects of such disobedience, from which Good Lord deliver us.  
4. By Christian Religion and conscience, which enjoins, that we must not resist the Ordinance of God: but Kings and Princes are the Ordinance of God, and therefore we must not resist them. vers. 1, 2.  
And do 1. Right reason, 2. Natural equity, 3. Moral civility, 4. Christian Religion and conscience oblige us to subjection? Oh then take heed, and never trust any (though never so fair Professors) who pretend conscience to countenance disobedience, at least to cast off subjection, as it is hard to disobey and not to rebel. Yet such always have been the fair pretence of the foulest practices. Thus the colour of the common good to free the people from Subsidies, Taxes, and Oppressions (which then seemed by their Governors to lie upon them) led the people of the jews, yea and some Romans too, to follow Theudas, judas of Galilee, 
josep. Antiq. judai. l. 18. c. 1. & l. 20. c 6. Sallust. conjurat. Catiline. Speed.  Catiline, and their companions. Thus the Rebels of elder times in this Island, christened their Insurrections, the Army of God & the holy Church, making Religion the Patroness of their impiety. jack Straw, jack Cade, Wat Tyler, Friar Ball, alias Wall, and such others, made 1. The oppression of the Commons, 2. The insolency of the Nobility, 3. The covetousness of the Priests, and the inequality of men of equal merit, the vail of all their violence and villainy. 
Hollinshed Rich. 2. p. 429. Graston p. 330, 331.  Thus the Rebellion in the North, Lincolnshire, and Norfolk, were raised under pretence of 1. Reforming Religion, 2. Freedom of Conscience, and 3. Bettering the Commonweal, yea, and they are always masked under the vizard of, 1. Pro Lege, 2. Pro Grege, 3. Pro Rege; whereas indeed they are against the King, 
L. 2. de Bello judaic. c. 16.  break the Laws, and make spoil of the people, as josephus relates the story of the Rebellious jews, pretending only against Florus harsh, unjust, and cruel usage, and not against the Romans: 
Naucler.  But as King Agrippa clears it by his Remonstrance, They did but only say so; for their actions were such as worse could not have been done by the greatest Enemies of the Roman Empire, for they sacked the Towns, rob the Treasuries, burned the Houses, wasted the Fields; neither were they the Towns, the Treasuries, the Houses, the Fields of Florus, but of the Roman Empire. I will not make Application, but sit hence these things have ever been so, 
Prov. 24.21, 22.  I will only conclude with Solomon's Admonition: My son, fear God and the King, and meddle not with them that are seditious; for suddenly shall their destruction come, and who knoweth the ruin of them? Yet certain it is that ruined they shall be, and perhaps when themselves least suspect it, suddenly as with the Arrow of Lightning shot from the Bow of God, which may serve as a Corollary to our Apostles premises to enforce this conclusion, [Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but even for conscience sake.] Which God grant us all grace to be, for Jesus Christ's sake, the Pattern and Patron of perfect obedience; to whom with the Father and the holy Ghost, be all honour, glory, power, might, majesty, and dominion, from this time forth for evermore. Amen.  
FJNJS.   

CHRISTUS DEI, The LORDS Anointed. OR, A Theological Discourse, wherein is proved, that the Regal or Monarchical power of Our Sovereign Lord KING CHARLES Is not of Humane, but of divine Right, and that GOD is the sole Efficient cause thereof, and not the people.  
Also that every MONARCH is above the whole Commonwealth, and is not only Major Singulis, but Major Vniversis.  
Written in Answer to a late Printed Pamphlet entitled, Observations upon some of His MAJESTY'S late Answers and Expresses.  1 Pet. 2.13. 
Subjecti estote omni humanae creaturae propter Dominum, sive Regi quasi Praecellenti.  
Submit yourselves to every Ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the King as supreme.  
Printed by HIS MAJESTY'S Command AT OXFORD. 1643.   

CHRISTUS DEI, OR, A Theological Discourse, wherein is proved, that Regal Power is not of Humane, but of Divine Right, and that God only is the Efficient cause thereof, and not the People.  

Preface.  
1 THere is a Book come forth of late, barely entitled, Observations upon some of His Majesty's late Answers and Expresses, without any name of the Author or place where it was printed. Wherein the Observer (so I must call him not knowing him by any other name) aims chief and directly to prove, that the Hereditary, Regal, and Monarchical power of our now present dread Sovereign King Charles, is inferior and subject to the power of the now present Parliament.  
2 Which to evince he undertakes to lay down the original foundation of all Regal power whatsoever, according to the efficient & final causes thereof. And having made the final cause to be the safety of the people, together with their Civil or Political happiness; he also makes the efficient cause to be, not God, but only the people, and the instrumental cause of conveying and deriving this Regal Power to be, not any divine law, nor nothing else (amongst Christians) but the mere humane pactions and Agreements of the Politic body of the people. And then arguing by a rule in nature; that quicquid efficit tale est magis tale, he issueth out this just inference (as he calleth it) that though the King be singulis major, yet he is universis minor, and therefore inferior and subject in power to the Parliament.  
3 Having perused this discourse, and finding it to be most injurious to Regal Power or Monarchy, contrary to the true principles of State and Divinity, or Orthodox Christian Doctrine: I thought I might do my King and Country good service, to confute these desperate and more than dangerous Positions, by declaring and proving the true Original foundation, according to the final and efficient causes of Regal or Monarchical Power: which (with God's good help) I hope to do perspicuosly in the few ensuing Paragraphes.   

SECT. 1. Of the Primary Final cause; as also of the efficient cause of all Civil Societies or Republics.  
Because whatsoever is done, is done for some end or purpose, without which it should not have been done, nor had a being: therefore it is the constant Doctrine of all Philosophers, that the end is the chief and Principal of all causes: and therefore, for methods sake I will begin with it. Now to find out the Primary end of all Civil Societies or Commonwealths, we, that are Christians, must reflect attentively upon those words of the holy Ghost. Pro. 16.4. Universa propter semet ipsum operatus est Dominus. By which we are ascertained, that God Almighty created not only all other Creatures; but all mankind also, as for their Primary end, for himself, and his own Praise and glory.  
And as for man in particular, God created him to his own image and likeness, endowing him with an understanding and a will, that he might know how to honour and love his Creator, and by such love & honour might finally become happy in the fruition of his eternal, unspeakable and inestimable glory in heaven: for means whereto, first God dictated certain Divine precepts and principles unto man, & imprinted them with his very creation upon his natural reason (for which cause they are called divine natural Laws written in every man's heart, saith St. Paul. Rom. 2.15.) that every man might be equally capable to know them, and equally obliged to obey them. Secondly, God infused into him Faith, hope, and Charity, and other supernatural virtues, all tending to this conducement, that man following them as his guides, might, through his obedience to God, attain to his own salvation. Thirdly, to bind man more strongly to his subjection, and to make it appear more illustriously unto him, that therein principally consisted his Welfare, as the very End and Centre, for and to which he was created, He gave him an express divine Law, not to eat of the tree in the midst of Paradise upon pain of death. Fourthly, by Revelation he instructed him in many particular sacred forms and Rites of exterior divine worship, as sacrifice and other; for though we read not any where in holy Writ, that Adam offered Sacrifice, no more than we do of Isaac; yet we read there that Cain and Abel did, and that Abraham and jacob did. But it cnnot be imagined that Cain and Abel were the first Inventors of this most, religious and divine worship, (no more than that Isaac dd neglect it) but by Paternal tradition and example they received it from Adam.  
3. All which duly considered, it will appear evidently, that the primary end for which all men are created, is to serve, honour, love, obey, and worship God. From whence it follows, that this being man's highest and principallest concern, it ought also to be his highest and pincipallest care to attend to it. But most certain it is, that men, living divided and scattered over the face of the world without the instruction and assistance one of another cannot possibly perform this for every particular man's behoof, as is requisite. And therefore from this final cause arose primarily a necessity amongst men to unite and combine themselves into civil Societies and Commonwealths. This end could not be prefixed by men; but men were created for this end by God. And therefore this is the primary, spiritual, supernatural, and divine final cause of all Republikes, to which every other end must be but secondary, subordinate, and subservient.  
4 And from hence it followeth further, that since on the one side no natural agent can by its natural power compass the attaining of a supernatural end; and on the other side Civil Societies ought not to be instituted in vain: we must needs conclude, that the Primary efficient cause of all Commonwealths is only God.   

PARAGR. 2. Of the Secondary final Cause, and also the only Efficient Cause of all Civil Societies and Republics.  
1 Every Creature in the world strives to preserve its own kind. We see what pains and Care Beasts and Birds take to rear their younglings. Trees and Plants bear fruits and seeds to produce the like when they are perished. Yea, the inanimate Creatures (according to their predominant Element and mixture) strive every one to obtain and enjoy their Centre. And all this not only for their own particular, but also for the harmonious Accommodation and preservation of the Universe, the great and most excellent work of nature, wherein she doth nothing in vain. But in vain had man been, if he also had not been provided of necessary means towards the Preservation of his kind. For which cause God said it was not good for man to be alone: and therefore gave him a Woman to be his Helper, that so by means of generation he might propagate his offspring to the world's end.  
2 This Preservation then of mankind, is the main natural and secondary end of man. And to this end God gave him his blessing to increase and multiply, from whence ariseth, that of necessity there must be at least private families. But man and Woman finding (by woeful experience) most true what God said to Adam and Eve; that he should eat his bread in the sweat of his brows, that she should bring forth her children in pain, found also presently, that every private family is not sufficient of itself to maintain this work of Preservation, without the help of one another. For first, to say nothing of women's deliveries in chld-birth, which cannot possibly always and every where be performed requisitely by themselves and their families, without the help of some other, or others: and yet even upon this preservation of mankind holds a most necessary and principal dependence. I will only speak of man's part, who with the sweat of his brows, with extreme toil and labour must provide food and clothing, and all other necessary supports and sustentations for his family. But to do this he must of necessity (I speak not of barbarous inhuman people) have some certain place of abode; and in this he must have some peculiar right, some propriety of possession, by virtue whereof he may reap the fruits of the earth, and maintain his . And how shall every private family be able to do this with security? will not every one strive for the best possession? will not the shepherds of Abraham and Lot, and of Isaac and Gerera fall to contention for water and pastures, & such like other necessary elbow room? And in these uncivil and unsociable quarrels, must not all private families be made like to the fishes of the sea. Hab. 11.13.14. where the stronger must devour the weaker?  
3. Secondly, God endowed man in in his creation with an understanding and a will. This understanding is of that infinite capacity, that it hath for its Adequate Object omne ens as it is verum And man therefore is in perpetual and restless search of knowledge, to perfect his understanding by experience and learning, The will also hath for her Adequate Object omne ens as it is bonum. And man therefore is in perpetual pursuit of Reciprocal love to perfect his will by friendship and justice. Over and above these, God gave to man the faculty of speech, to be the reciprocal conveyance of learning and friendship. So as for this very reason Aristotle said excellently well, that man is by nature a sociable creature, for neither warning nor friendship, nor justice (in which consists essentially man's Civil or Political happiness) nor safety or security (which is the only preservation of every man's being) can possibly be acquired & maintained in the division of men in their priviate families. And therefore for this very end it was naturally necessary for men to unite and associate themselves into Civil Societies and Communities, that so they might preserve their Kind.  
From the learning, experience and Industry of the understanding proceed all Arts, Tillage, Manufactures, Trade, and Traffic, which bring in Gain, and that brings plenty, from the friendship and justice of the will proceed Peace and security: in which secure peace and plenty consisteth perfect salus populi. Now since this cannot be had in divided private families, & without this there can be no preservation of Mankind, it follows; that Civil Societies or Commonwealths are naturally necessary. Whose natural final cause is truly and only (in the manner as I have explicated) Salus populi.  
Now furthermore, seeing that Commonwealth is not the design of Art and Invention of particular men, nor of any positive law of theirs, but proceeds from the Common necessity of all mankind, intimated unto them by the Law of nature, of which God is the sole cause and Author: it followeth that the efficient cause of all Republics is only God.   

SECT 3. Of the Final and Efficient cause of Civil Power in a Commonwealth.  
1. As for the final cause there is little or no difficulty; for seeing that the final cause of every thing must needs be that, which that thing necessarily refers unto, as to its end for which it is done or hath its being: it is manifest, that since civil societies have for their natural and secondary final cause Salus populi; the power also which must not be ad destructionem, but ad aedificationem, to maintain those civil societies, can have no other final cause, but that whereunto they direct and are directed, which is Salus Populi.  
2. The material cause in which this power original, resides and inheres; as the former to make up a complete Body of a Commonwealth, is the people. And so the Observer saith very well in this kind of cause, power is originally inherent in the people: most certain than it is, that even at the very first uniting themselves into a Civil society, there is an inherent power in the people to govern themselves, and by such Government to preserve themselves in safety. For this is the only necessary natural end for which they met (as I have very briefly shewene before) that they might be able and powerful to secure themselves, and preserve their kind. But this meeting would have been in vain, and this preservation wholly made frustrate, if there were not this power inherent in them.  
3. If in the natural body of man there were not an interior Directive Governing Power to guide every particular member in the operative use of its function, and to contrive those operations to the mutual good of one another, and the conservation of the whole man; that body could not possibly but suddenly perish. For if the teeth will not chew, nor the throat swallow, nor the hands reach, nor the feet stir, nor the eyes look out, when nature requires her necessary food, she and they and all must starve. So in a political Body; if all members should do what they list, and should not be compelled by some absolute power to contribute their strengths and endeavours to the preservation of one another, and the whole Community, it would be but Regnum in se divisum, that of necessity must fall to desolation, as the holy Ghost confirms also else where, saying Prov. 11.14 Ubi non est Gubernator dssipabitur Populus.  
4 The main difficulty is: who is the efficient cause of this power, Wherein, not to be tedious to my Reader, but to yield him the satisfaction of his expectation in a brief and resolute answer, I present unto him this Decretory Assertion. This power is not a humane but a divine Right; and God only is the immediate efficient cause thereof. This I prove by five Arguments.  
5. Arg. 1. There is a rule in nature (to use the Observers own words) Quoth dat esse dat consequentia ad esse. But the esse of a Republic cannot have a simpliciter esse without the esse of this power. Therefore he that is the efficient cause of the Republic, is also the efficient cause of this power. But (as I have proved before SECT. 2. n. 5.) God is the sole efficient cause of all Republics, therefore he is also the sole efficient cause of this power.  
6 Arg. 2. The Primary final cause of Civil Societies (as I have proved SECT. 1.) is divine worship, which man could not prefix to himself as his end, but he was created by God for and to that end, and only God prefixed that end to man. Therefore this is a divine end which cannot be achieved without a divine Power (as I have also proved in the same Section, n. 4.) only God then is the immediate Efficient cause of this power.  
7. And from thence it proceeds, that Kings, acknowledging themselves to have received this divine power, principally for this primary end, their Oaths at their Coronation are (as the Observer very grutchingly granteth) more precise in the care of Canonical Privileges, and of Bishops and Clergy men, than of the Commonalty: and not from the reason which he gives. viz. because they were penned by Popish Bishops. For whether the Bishops were Popish or Protestant, surely they are not to be blamed ex hoc capite, but most highly to be reverenced, that according to their profession and duty they put Kings in mind, in the first place, of divine worship, and their own and their people's eternal salvation depending thereupon. And I cannot understand why the Observer should give that reason, but only to seduce the Vulgar into a base and profane misconceiving and vilifying of the royal power of Kings, and their sacred Oaths. For Popish without all doubt in his Dictionary signifieth superstitious at least, if not Idolatrous. But, if it be superstition for a man to be more precise in the care of Divine Worship, and his souls everlasting salvation, than of any other his temporal end or affair (see Section 1. n. 3.) in vain then have all Christians hitherto believed that they were in a true Religion. Let the Observer consider what censure he deserves for thus finding fault with King's Oaths, and whether he gives not just cause of suspicion, that he is rather an Atheist than a Christian. It is well known to all Christians, that Quaerite primùm Regnum Dei & justitiam ejus is no invention of Popish Bishops, but our Blessed Saviour's own Doctrine and Rule, not only to Bishops, but to all Kings and people whatsoever, as the principal, to which as an Accessorium follows, & haec omnia adjicientur vobis. Mat. 6.33.  
8. Arg. 3 When private families first joined themselves into a Common body of society, before any Condictum, Paction, or Agreement amongst themselves, to enact positive Laws for their government, there was an inherent power in them to enact such Laws. For who can make a Law without a power? But this power, not being the effect, but the most necessary cause of all humane pactions, or positive Laws, cannot have its origin from man, but only from God. Ergo God is the sole Efficient cause of this power.  
9 Arg. 4. When men first associated themselves into a Commonwealth, they were all of equal Right and Power, so that none (I speak of several families still as before) could challenge superiority the one over the other. For, this divine natural power, viz. Se defendere, & vim vi repellere, was inherent in every one of them, and obliging them. The power then which accrued to to the aggregation of the whole society, was not made but brought, as being no other than what was in all and every particular Member of that society before. But that is a Divine power, and the immediate effect of God. Ergo. And indeed in the due mnnaging or excercising of this divine natural law of se defendendo, and vim vi repellendo consists totally the security and Salus Populi, and the power of the Commonwealth to maintain it.  
10. Arg. 5. God Almighty is so solely the Legislator and Author of his own Laws, without the concurrence or consent of any other Council, (quis enim consiliariu●●●us fuit, aut quis prior dedit ei? Rom, 11.33.) That they have their establishment only in and by his own will. So that no power whatsoever of his Creatures, can by any contraition against him, invalid or annul those Laws. But non occides is a Divine natural Law and precept expressed in the Decalogue. Therefore no Pactions or agreements of men can give this power of putting a man to death, no more than Cain could kill Abel. But on the other side it is manifest, that Republikes have a lawful power of putting men to death, without which they could not preserve their own safety. Therefore they have it from God. And how soon God gave this power to men I know not, nor cannot find, until after the flood; when Gen. 9.6▪ we read this express positive divine Law and precept given to the Civil Magistrate. Quicunque effuderit humanum sanguinem, fundetur sanguis illius.   

SECT. 4.  
1. The Final Cause of Regal power must of necessity be the same that is of the Commonwealth, because the King is the administrator of the power of the Commonwealth, to the same end no doubt, for which it was first ordained: of which having spoken largely before, I have no need to say any thing here.  
2. The main question is, who is the efficient cause of Regal or Monarchical power? Which the Observer boldly avers to be, not God, but the people. And upon this false ground he vents all those swarms of false inferences throughout his whole discourse.  
3. But before I lay down the true Resolution of this question, I must desire my reader to mark with good heed the great difference that is between the power itself of a Commonwealth, and the authority to administer that power: for the people may be the Efficient Cause of this second, though not of the first. As for example, the Aldermen of London may elect, nominate, and constitute such or such a man to be their Lord Major to administer the power that belongs to the Corporation of that City; and herein they may be the Efficient cause of his Authority to administer the power of the City, but not of his power; because that is the gift of the King by his Charter, of which his Majesty therefore is the only efficient cause, and not the Aldermen, nor all the people of that Corporation whatsoever.  
4. I have proved all along in the precedent Sections, that the Civil power of a Commonwealth, is not a humane, but divine power, of which, not the people, but God only is the Efficient cause. It is true indeed, that it is in the voluntary election of the people to authorise one, or few, or more with the administration of this power. And as long as this Authority is still elective in the people, they may by consent of the major part alter their form of Gubernation into democratical oligarchical, Aristocratical, or Monarchical, as they please. And herein the Observer saith truly, that God is no more the Author of Regal, than of Aristocratical power: for whether this power be in many, or in one, it is still the same divine power of the Commonwealth, though diversely administered, of which God only is the efficient cause. But when the people have once resigned up all their authority into the hands of one, and his heirs for ever, so that now it is not any longer elective in them, but hereditary in him: than not only the power, but the authority also to administer that power is solely inherent in him and his heirs, unalterably and irrevocably for ever.  
5. This then is my first Assertion. The Efficient cause of Regal or Monarchical power, is not the people, but only God. I speak in this Assertion, not of conditional Princes, but only of absolute Kings and Monarches. My first proof than is. When the people create a King, they elect his person, and authorise him with the administration of the absolute power which is inherent in the whole Commonwealth to govern itself: otherwise he is no absolute King, of whom only I speak, and so doth the observer also. But this power (as I have proved) is not an humane, but a divine power, of which God only is the Efficient Cause. Therefore God only, and not the people is the Efficient Cause of Regal power.  
6. My second proof, God saith expressly, Prov. 8.15. Per me Reges regnant, etc. Then their Dominion or power by which they reign is immediately from God. Christ saith to Pilate, Joh. 19.11. Non haberes potestatem, etc. nisi tibi datum esset desuper. Then this power is not from below from men; but from above, from God. St. Paul saith, Rom, 13.1. Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit: non est enim potestas nisi à Deo. And qui resistit Potestati, Dei Ordinationi resistit. And, non sine causa gladium portat. For what cause? Dei enim minister est, v●ndex in iram, etc. Then Regal Power is Divine power and the Ordinance of God, wherein the King is not the peoples, but God's Minister, as being invested and anointed interiorly in his person by him with a Divine power; of which the exterior Unction is a sacred, Ceremonous, Commonefactive and solemn Testimony. And for this cause Gyrus though a Heathen King is called by God himself. Isay 45.1. Christus meus, Gods own anointed. The holy King Josaphat saith to those whom he had constituted Judge. 2. Paralip. 19.6. Non hominis exercetis judiciam, sed Domini. Then it is not a humane power, but a divine power by which the King doth judge and rule his people.  
From hence I infer two Corollaries.  
7. The first: That there is a twofold trust in the King. The one of his power. The other of the administration of his power. The first is God's trust unto him▪ to exercise his divine judgements. The second, is the peoples, to administer it Propter salutem populi. But if he swerve herein; seeing that the power is divine and residing and inhering only in him, and not in the people, he is not liable to the people, but only to God.  
8. The second Corollary. As God is the sole efficient cause of Regal power; so the instrumental cause which conveighes this power, is the divine natural Law obliging men to unite themselves into Civil societies. For God gives a power to men to govern themselves by obliging them to unite themselves. And consequently the election of the people (with all the Observers pactions and agreements) is but Causa sine qua non, by way of approximation, that this divine power may reside in those few, or more, or one rather than in any other. As in my former example n. 3. The efficient cause of the Lord Major's power is only the King. The instrumental cause by which this power is derived unto him, is the Charter of the City, granted to them at pleasure, more strictly or more largely by the King. And the Alderman's election of this or that particular man, is but the approximation, that the King's power may reside in him to govern the City, rather than in any other.  
9, My second Assertion. Every absolute King (invested and anointed with a divine power by God himself to exercise his judgements through the election of the people to be sole administrator thereof) is in power super totam Rempublicam; Superior absolutely over the whole Commonwealth. And therefore is not only Major singulis, but Major Vniversis, and super omnes simul. This Assertion is evident out of the former. For the power that was inherent in the whole Commonwealth to exercise God's judgements, and to govern and preserve itself, was a divine power, not only super singulos, but super omnes simul, and therefore Major Universis. But this power is now totally and absolutely inherent in the King only. Ergo he is super totam Rempublicam: and Major Universis.  
10. In confirmation of this argument, I argue thus. Either the whole power of the Commonwealth is in one, or no. If not, than he is no absolute King or Monarch, contrary to our supposition. But if he be a Monarch, I ask again; if there be a powet in the Commonwealth, which is not in him, is it subordinate to his power, or no? if it be subordinate, than his power is above that power, and so super totam Rempublicam, and Major Universis. If it be not, then there are simul & semel two supreme Civil powers in a Commonwealth, two supreme contrary Masters at once to be obeyed, one and the same individual Kingdom and Gubernation, and yet divided against itself, which are most absurd and impossible.  
11. From hence it is evident, that his Majesty said most truly, and most learnedly; that the administration of the whole power of the Commonwealth being committed in trust absolutely and irrevocably to him and his heirs for ever, it is impossible that a power above that trust should be committed to others.  
12. This the Observer in effect plainly confesseth. But relapsing into his wont Paroxysms of strong malice against Regal Power, he labours (by his most false erroneous Principle Rex est minor Universis) and tires himself in vain to answer it. And because the strength of all his long tedious and farraginous discourse depends wholly upon these two false grounds, viZ. that the people is the efficient cause of Regal power; And that Rex est minor Universis; and I have manifestly confuted them both: I presume I have also sufficiently confuted all the rest; and therefore conclude in those sacred words, Data est a Domino Potestas Regibus, & virtus ab Altissimo. Power is given to Kings of the Lord, and Sovereignty from the highest. Sapient. 6.3.   
FINIS.