THE CHIEF EVENTS OF The Monarchy of SPAIN, In the year 1639.  
Written By the marquis Virgilio Maluezzi, one of his Majesty's Council of War.  
Translated out of th' Italian Copy by ROBERT GENTILIS Gent.  
LONDON, Printed by T. W. for Humphrey Moseley, at the sign of the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1647.   

To the right Honourable EDWARD, Earl of Dorset, Lord Buckhurst, Knight of the most Honourable Order of the Garter, Lord Chamberberlaine of his Majesty's Household, and one of his Honourable Privy Council.  
SIR,  
I Have presumed to present this Translation to your Lordship's view, and send it into the world under your Patronage. And though myself be not worthy so great a Patron, yet the Author Count Virgilio Maluezzi his Works generally are of such esteem, that a Noble and honourable Pen in this Kingdom hath vouchsafed to English some part of them. And this particular History is so inter-woven with several grave politic Discourses, learned and pithy Speeches upon sundry occasions, that I question not but your Lordship may find somewhat in it worthy your reading at vacant hours. This, and your ever known love to learning, showed by your daily favours continually flowing upon Scholars, hath encouraged me to prefix your honoured Name to these my endeavours: in which though I come fare short of Maluezzi's incomparable stile, or the honourable Translators facundity, I shall most humbly beseech your honour to cast a gracious aspect upon it, which may encourage me to attempt higher things, if so great a one shall deign to accept of this so small present. So praying God ever to bless you, & all your honourable family, I humbly rest,  
Your Honours most devoted and humble servant, Robert Gentilis.   

To the Reader,  
REader, I confess, I use my uttermost skill to not write a History with a plain narration and that I employ the uttermost of mine understanding to set it out, it seeming to me to be the duty of him who is to leave unfolded to posterity the noble remembrance of the renowned deeds and admirable actions of the greatest King in the world. The Tuscan airs the Ruggierie and Romancies, & other touches, Songs and Dances, are played in the streets, and Market places, and also in the Royal Palace. The Merchant, the Citizen▪ the Gentleman, and the King, also go clothed in Silk; but those which are played in the Royal Palace, are played leisurely with learned counterpoints touched with Foreign daintinesses, stopps, quavers, accents, and spirits. This place on most noted days clotheth the King's person, in a habit woven with gold and gems, embroidered and garnished; and so great is the art and workmanship, that the least thing that is heard in the one is the Basso, and that is seen in the other is Silk. If Royal things are so different from City ones, who shall blame my History only for the manner of it? Surely if the subject is good, I have given it state, and embroidered it; if bad, I have put it out of tune, and bundled it up. If Histories be written to give instruction instructing or teaching is not to take off the course and bring to an end, a thing needful to be done both for those which read them curiously, and for them who study them attentively, either to change vain desires, or give satisfaction to those as are well regulated. So that he is questionless praiseworthy, who taketh a man out of the ordinary way, which is long and broad, and conducteth him through one that is not dark but short, full of strangeness, sentences, expressions, which sometimes teach, and sometimes delight▪ and which at sometimes mingled together do both teach and delight.  
If I have done so I have fulfilled my desire, and peradventure my duty; But because it would be pride in me to affirm I had done it, it shall be a sufficient excuse for me, I have a desire to do it, that if I be not praised, I may at least be suffered.   

The Italian Printer to the Reader.  
THe Author is resolved to print this Book in his own natural tongue, in Regard of some considerable errors, with change of the sense, which passed in the Spanish Impression at Madrid through the Printers carelessness, which happened whilst he was absent from that Court.   

The chief Events in the Spanish Monarchy.  
AFflicted Europe weeps (for many ages) from time to time at her ruins, either because God doth most chastise the carelessness of those whom he loveth best, and so it is good will; or because he most punisheth the faults of them who are most bound unto him, and so it seems revenge: he either trieth as merciful or scourgeth as wrathful. Sometimes she seethe her Inhabitants bloody themselves in civil wars, and oftentimes she seethe her land overflown with barbarous Nations. Our bitterness calls simplicity Barbarism and him barbarous, who is not tedious of other men's affairs; who is content with his own, as long as it is able to maintain him; who to offer violence, will first have it offered to himself; who goeth against a man through a desire of preserving himself, and not through greediness of growing great; who slayeth another to preserve his own life, who invadeth Countries to get a dwelling place; valorous without cunning; hardy without deceit▪ as if Nature were worse than Art, and he best who much knoweth, when much knowledge serveth him to do the greater hurt.  
War was once more terrible to Nations when it was moved against them to dwell in the Country, then when the aim was domination; The one; was against all, the other against one in losing, the one obliged to change a master, the other to leave being one. Now adays also the worst would be our leader, if our lamentable times with a most evil comparison did not justify it. The Countries were more fortunate, the men less evil. The necessity of living pricked men forward and not the greediness of commanding, nor the hatred of him that commanded. The land changed its Inhabitants, it did not lose them, men did not destroy the houses where they meant to dwell▪ they did not make the land barren which was to nourish them, they peopled it, and did not lay it waste, and it did renew it, more than ruin it; Then was Europe a prey, but to men, now it is a prey to the Sword, Fire, Famine, and Pestilence; war taking the dominion away from one, and not gaining it to the other, if so be command is meant over men, and not over buried carcases which are turned to dust; over fruitful and abounding plains, and not a desert, burned, unmanured, and barren Country.  
In these turbulent motions▪ and deplorable, times came in the year one thousand six hundred thirty nine, the fire of dissensions burning more than ever, and like Mount Aetna, showing no sign of going out, as if it also had its Sulla's and Charibdies, which devouring the wealths of Kings and Nations, did feed upon blood and treasure.  
Germany was destroyed, full of civil wars. The French overcome, but not weakened, nor mortified, thought upon revenge. Great Britain as last in the world, was rather then forgotten, reserved for the last beams which made an influence of war over Europe, and now feeling the damages of it, sought for a remedy. The state of the Austriacall Monarchy was various; Flanders victorious, but not secure; Spain triumphant and threatened; The affairs in Burgundy dangerous, in Brasill doubtful, in Germany adverse; Weymar possessed of Brisack, the Swede of Bohemia, the Turkish armies ready to move, the Hans towns wavering, the Swissers irresolute; The Fleet set upon by the Hollanders, and though not overcome, yet hindered and stayed. In vain did the Catholic King desire peace, withstood by the Rebel's obstinacy, the enemy's greediness, & agreement of their Officers. These not being able to be governed but by the violence of motion, and the other not satisfying, some their rage, some their envy, but with conquests of new Cities and Kingdoms▪ did already make easy things seem difficult with strange pretences, and difficult things easy with new tributes, levies, and Engines.  
In the mean time the body of Christendom, infirm, languishing, and hurt in its most solid parts consumed like an Ectick, either finding no Physician, or wanting a remedy. It seemed because of the sharpness of the season to rest, and accumulate matters to kindle a new paroxysm. The motion did not cease, passing from the body to the head, from the heart to the mind, which partly disquieted, partly necessitated, studied a●l means to trouble the bodies, and stir up arms.  
In France the Officers discoursed of making new conquests in Flanders of making sure the affairs of Germany, of troubling Spain by Sea and by Land▪ little reflecting upon the business of Italy, where they weighed not the loss of small places, and thought time long in conquering great ones. That in the mean time the Spanish Army would decrease, and theirs increase. That they wou●d go to relieve places, and force their enemies either to give over what they had undertaken with shame, or fight with danger. That they should gain in Flanders, and in Burgundy, and what sinister accident soever should happen they esteemed not the loss of a place in Italy considerable (beyond which they imagined those powers could not reach) they having so many there, so that they thought it impossible to be counterpoised, much more to be overcome.  
In Spain were very different thoughts, they looked upon the affairs of Italy, as their chief scope. That it was good to go with great strength where the reward was great, the opposition small. The dates which they set in Piedmont would be sufficient to bring forth olive trees. That to be the most sensible part of Europe. Thither to be called by men, and invited by fortune, and if the one did show themselves favourable, and the other should prove prosperous, the King of France his conquests would be counterpoised and he would be called into that Province where he most feared, and be diverted from that where he had most hopes.  
They were not careless of the defence of their other States: the provisions for Flanders were great both of men and money: Four Millions and a half of silver; Seven thousand Foot at the Groin ready for to go; an Army of Germans under the command of Count Picolomini, all old Soldiers, and new Levies in the Country. Holsatia and Burgundia were to be relieved with an Army under the Command of Don Francisco di Melo. In Spain, Cantabria was made sure with fourteen thousand Horse and Foot who assisted it. And for a supply of the Forces in the County of R●nciglione there were great Levies appointed to be made in that Province. A Tertia of Walloons which was coming out of Flanders, the Italian infantry which the galleys of Spain, Sicily, Naples and Genoa were to bring over in the Spring. Now for to keep the Mediterranean Sea, and the Ocean, there should be, the Navies which should come from Carthagena and Cadiz, that which was at the Groin, and the Ships of the Fleet which was expected out of the Indies. And to secure themselves totally from the threaten of mighty Fleets which were preparing in Brittany, the Coast of Spain was all furnished, with Men▪ Ammunition, and Provision. Providing for Land affairs as if they wanted defence by Sea; And thinking upon the Fleet at Sea as if they could not defend themselves by Land▪  
A victory obtained against the Hollander at Sea gave a beginning to this years conquests, an enemy of a long time, and yet domestical; almost at home, and therefore continual.  
Some Dunkirk Ships were to go to the Groin to take in some Spanish Infantry, they went to Mardick to join with the rest having fought with the emie, who strong with a Fleet of seventeen sail all of strength, came to besiege them at the mouth of the haven. The General Michael d'Orno, though unequal in strength, yet superior in courage, being not able to endure the rebels insolence, with a prosperous wind came forth of Mardick and set upon them three times. The first time though for a little space they fought generously, yet the Hollander made some show of giving back▪ the second he gave back the third he fled and getting into their own harbours left a most glorious victory to his Majesty's forces which joyfully, being but eight ships strong furrowed the waves to gather the fruits, many promising them the dominion of the Ocean yielded by the Hollander shut up and weakened.  
But who is the Master of the Ocean? It is not overcome, though in it one overcommeth, yea he often is conquered by the Sea, who hath conquered man. He that was overcome fled and the Sea is overcome by flying it. He that overcommeth fighteth, and who fighteth with the Sea looseth by it▪  
There arose the most horridest tempest that was in the memory of th'eldest men, it scattered the ships & tore them, so that with much toil, and almost by miracle they came into harbour, some at Ostend, and some at Dunkirk, without rudders, sails, or masts, more like relics of a shipwreck than ships fled from the injury of the waves.  
I could note to make you bend the eyebrows the strangeness of it; there being but very few hours betwixt the rejoicing with triumph and the bewailing of losses▪ if I would therein follow the tracks of a wise man who for an admirable particularity of the Sea cried out, that in the self same place ships were one day playing and sporting and cast away the next. As if the Land did not produce such effects, which are not thought of nor observed, because they are more frequent. Who seethe not that in the selfsame bed, where man taketh his best rest, and where he enjoyeth sometime amorous, sometime Matrimonial delights, be a so lets forth his last and vital spirits and breathe with pain and horror amidst tormenting sorrows?  
The marquis of Fuentes care did get the ships mended, and shipping two thousand Walloons in them for the [Groigne, caused them to set sail.  
The Enemy was returned powerful within sight of the Harbour, out of which his Majesty's ships came, but not with happy success, for some run aground, and other for want of wind could not get out; there were but five that fought. Michael d'Orno set upon the Holland Admiral with such fierceness, that he had almost sunk her, she shunned the boarding, and presently fled with the rest of the ships, and in the flight met with two of the King's ships. The Sea grew calm, the Captain and the Admiral run on ground, so that the enemy was left with the two ships, playing upon them with their Ordnance, but would not adventure to board them. So here were two great victories, which the King's Forces, obtained against the Rebels, the one was counterpoised by too much wind and the other almost changed for want of wind.  
The Captain got off, and all the rest of the ships but the Admiral; the enemies battered retired to their own Ports for relief, and the King's ships to Mardick and Dunkirk, and from thence after they were mended they went away with their Walloons, and arrived safely into Spain, where the Cardinal Infanta writ in what distress Burgundy was, Weymer being come into it▪ and having taken Pontaglier▪ and Joigri, by means whereof he cut off that Province from all relief of Arms and provisions from the Swissers.  
His Majesty sent money, and order to the marquis of Leganes, that he should assist them with men.  
In the mean time Prince Thomas was extraordinarily importunate at Court, to get leave to go and assist the business of Italy. That his Country did burn, that the Government was swayed by a passionate woman, an unable Prince, and Officers won, bought, hindered, and forced by the French. That the laws gave him and the Cardinal the tuition. That he could not justify to the world his stay in Flanders to look upon the flames. He promised his Majesty fruitful actions, and that he likewise promised to himself from his Majesty, justice and love, if he should have recourse to his Clemency, and great assistance, if there were need of power. That he had many intelligences, and that he was called thither, by his friends, malcontents, convenience, obligation, and hope.  
Every one did not applaud this going into Italy, many believing it could do no good, did prognosticate great damage might ensue thereupon. The malcontents within, shown every thing to be easy for them as went out, because they should trouble the State; and these made every thing seem easy to the King▪ wherein they might assist him, promising themselves more than they could perform, and promising more than they knew they could perform. Force of Arms, nor intelligence of Princes could not gain so many places to his Majesty, as the Duchess despair might give unto the King of France. True it is, that her reason of State is not that she should deliver them into the hand of the French, and that now in case the affection of Sister should persuade her to it, the love of a Mother would dissuade her from it: But if she should imagine that they must be lost, she would sooner fall into the arms of a Brother, then under the feet of her Kinsmen. Convenience is the reason of State, and they are all counterpoised while a state remains, but it being lost, revenge takes the place of conveniency, and rage's the place of reason; The future is not discoursed upon, only the present is hated, neither do they consider which is the best, when all are bad. The sick man, whilst he hopes to obtain health patiently endures thirst, hunger, iron, and fire, but if he once falls into despair, he abhors the Physician, and hates the remedies worse than the disease. The powers of the Spaniard until that time to have seemed to the Duchess to be against the French▪ her state to serve for a field to wrath, and not for a reward to victories. If she see the Princes of Savoy with those forces she will think them to be against her. And whereas before in case of loss, the King of Spain's more moderate mind, did promise her restitution; the title of Kinsman might deceive her, and the just title of the King of France; and of both these things did assure her the emulation which was between them, and the agreement between the Princes of Europe. And she might now doubt that in this third, the contraries might agree, the emulation might be appeased, the Subjects satisfied, and the world contented; there being not wanting lawful, specious, apparent, and hidden titles and pretences. Intelligences do work better a fare off by their power, then near by their person; thoughts which men have cannot be seen; but the eyes do show where a man means to hit. That Prince Thomas in Flanders did thrive and gain as present, in Italic as absent, changing of country he might breed turmoil on the one part and do hurt in the other, if not in both. Ostentation to be the greatest enemy that this enterprise could have, enough will be done, if they can persuade that little can be done. The Duchess will not desperately cast herself into the hands of the French, and they will not go with great powers, where they imagine not to gain great rewards, or hinder great conquests. Scarce shall Prince Thomas appear, but the one, and the other grown jealous and suspicious, will stir up every stone, and use the uttermost endeavour, they will change all governor's both in holds and armies, and fill every thing with French; whereby the one side assured of the treachery, and the other not forbearing to attempt it, cunning being in vain employed, the time will be lost of helping one's self with force. Nature hath thought craft to be hurtful to valour, and only helpful to cowardliness, granting it to the weakest kind of beasts, and denying it to the most valorous. They are both hindered when they are together, diminishing when they are mixed, and being good for nothing when they are diminished. That it was not known of what degree Prince Thomas his person should be in the army; it was not convenient he should be superior to the Marquis of Leganes, and to have him inferior would be dissonant. Howsoever he would breed disturbance, in War, in Peace, in overcoming, and (peradventure more) when he had overcome.  
But wise men, and those who understood his Majesty's mind aright, discoursed the contrary. That it had always been helpful to the conquering of countries, to have in the army's persons of their blood who ruled. This means which had served many to cover injustice and to deceive people, would now serve to show the truth, and to undeceive those which went astray. That nothing could hinder his Majesty's good intention more, than the not being known, and that nothing could make it more known than the presence of those who were interested. Should he fear the Duchess should despair? let her do what she will, when she hath done what she could do she will peradventure not be more desperate (and that questionless) when she is assaulted. Her mind cannot be gained, it must be forced, she will give unto the French, whatsoever the Spaniards do not take. That the King ought to procure that she might be won to herself, taking away her estate, that she may not lose it, with an intent (as a guardian) to restore it to her again when her Frenzy is overpast, and that she hath recovered her health. In the mean time that it is necessary to hinder her from casting it into the hands of the French, and bind these to leave that by force, which they had through covetousness usurped, or to restore it through envy. The presence of those Princes to be necessary, they had not yet gathered so many intelligences, as they would gather. Let Potentates and strange Commonwealth's Armies once hear them, and they will know that the King of Spain goeth to protect, and not to gain. Let the Subjects see their faces, and they will believe they come to govern them, and not to fight with them. All will follow them, partly confessing themselves obliged for received favours, and partly knowing themselves freed from the oath which was given them, honour and conveniency not hindering them, and fear and interest pricking them on. That those people hate the French, and distrust the Spaniards, and so being unresolved between distrust and hatred, they shall scarce see the Princes, but without exact examination of the business, they will without any further consideration cast themselves into their arms. He who is in a straight between two contraries, fears hurt from each, and as soon as he seethe a third, without further advice, he runs precipitously to him. The hatred will be increased towards a woman's government, and contempt of a child's. Distasters will be imputed, some to the ignorance, and some to the evil will of them that rule. They will desire to change their Lord, and at last they will change him.  
They confessed that intelligences which are had in States, promise more than they can do, counting of that which others shall do, and that others are deceived in the doing, making account of that which hath been promised them. He that means to undertake an enterprise and sets intelligences foremost in an account, shall find himself deceived. These aught to follow hopes, not to frame them, doing service enough, when other things are disposed, as if they served for nothing. Great forces confirm those who are well affected, and gain those who stand doubtful; Small forces lose every one, even those whose understandings were before persuaded; That his Majesty did confide in the greatness of Armies, as in a substance, in that of intelligences as in an accident. Who comes into a State with these two, runs like a torrent, and the further he goeth, the more he increaseth. That Prince Thomas his valour, and experience in his own Country (if no other circumstances did concur) promised victories. That the marquis of Leganes gentleness of mind, (who without losing the Supreme power, could yield the supreme honour) would secure all disturbances in the progress; And the good intention of the King and Princes, after they had gone forward. The King not weighing whether it were profitable or hurtful that Prince Thomas should go into Italy, only willing to satisfy the desire he seemed to have of it, granted him leave: and he came thither just at that time that the Marquis of Leganes incited by many Letters of Count Duke, resolved to take the field.  
He knew that to overcome the Frenches valour, it would be very advantageous to conquer their nature. He already for two year's time had happily found by experience, what a great help celerity was in Matiall affairs: and that greater swiftness was able to counterpoise greater force. The nature of the heavens showeth it, wherein the weakest are made the swiftest, because the inferior shall not be hindered by the mightier. The Moon whose influence hath not virtue to equal Saturn's, showeth her effects more cleete, and if she doth not produce them greater, she reiterateth them more often, supplying the weakness of her beam, with the swiftness of her motion. The French is brought into straits by being prevented: either he believes not himself to be come time enough to opperate, and so gives himself over, or he moves out of time, and so loseth himself. The Spaniard is not so: his nature is slow, and when that slowness imprints a quality which seems to be hurtful, not failing in what is necessary, he brings into consequence the others which follow it, in such manner equalled with the first, that they make it profitable, or at least they do correct it. Who so is overcome in his peculiar quality, ruins with the consequent; Not by reason of the first which he hath lost, but of the rest which he hath not changed.  
The marquis of Leganes sent D. Martino d' Arragon, with a part of the Army to the passes; And he with the rest came to Novara; Thither came Prince Thomas, they discoursed of the surprisal of Civasco, and it was resolved in Vercelli to attempt it. The Prince with two thou and Horse did attempt it; and having had good success, he being strengthened with two thousand foot which the marquis sent him, set upon Jurea, assaulted it, got within the Walls and won it, Veglias yielded to him, and becoming Lord of both their Territories, he became Master of the vale of Osta.  
Don Martino of Arragon thinking that to gain Cencio, it was first necessary for him to take Saliceto a small Castle, sent D. Lewes of Lincastro, thither, he raised a Battery against it with two Demi-Cannon. D. Martino went to view the place, and a Musket-shot hitting him in the forehead, slew him. A Soldier of extraordinary valour, who had with his hand justified what he was; He was loving to his inferiors, affable to his equals, and reverend to his betters. Great in place, experience, hope and merit. Worthy to live to perform greater matters, or to die upon a greater service. But there was nothing to be found fault with in him, if so unhappy a death had not given cause to accuse fortune.  
The loss of D. Martino, might have occasioned some competition amongst the chief Officers, which useth to end in tumults, But D. Lewis Ponze of Leon giving no time to discourses, came to remedy it with his persuasions, and chief by his example; For calling them altogether, he shown them, that he was one of his Majesty's Council of war, the eldest field Martial, and of the tertia of Lombardie; he said that by reason of these qualities, and of some circumstances, by right the government belonged to him, which he did voluntarily lay down, sacrificing his own interest to the good of the King his Master, who when he receives damage by a competition, every he who is in the right doth deserve punishment: there being no private respect that can parallel a public damage. That advices came of the enemies approaching; That the command might be better deserved by fight then by competition. If they did not agree, there would be no fight no commanding, and all would be lost. That the Governor of Milan shown, which way he inclined when he sent D. Antonio Sotello to seize on the works; The not yielding to this would be a thwarting of the marquis his desires, and to hinder rather than to accept of the command, which if it were laid down, ought rather to be refused with wisdom, then be afterwards forcibly left with shame.  
They all approved of this discourse, content to be commanded by D. Antonio Sotello. The King in his Letter acknowledged himself to be well served by D. Lewis his discreet proceeding, not only for the present act (which occasioned a Victory, and the like being not observed in times past had occasioned great losses) but chief in respect of the document which so rare an example would leave unto posterity: and admitted of no exception, because that besides the having right on his fide, he wanted not great valour, and the like experience, besides the Nobility of his famous house.  
This action so new, and so unusual in the King's Armies deceived the Cardinal of Vallette, and the marquis of Villa, who went with all their forces to relieve Saliceto, thinking to find the Soldiers without a Commander, or with many confused ones. They found them commanded by D. Antonio Sotello, with so much union, order, and valour, that coming to battle, they were routed and put to flight, with the death and imprisonment of the boldest. A great part of the Victory, aught to be acknowledged from D. Lewes Ponze di Leon and his Regiment, who after he had modestly yielded to his friends, fought valiantly against his enemies showing himself more fit to govern then ambitious of governing.  
So was that strong place won, which would have troubled any other Army that had not been Spanish, for the space of a whole year, and was a place of great importance, one part of it standing upon the entrance of Piedmont, and the other to secure Final.  
This piece of Army was returning to join with the marquis under the conduct of Don John di Garrai, and coming near to Verrua in an evening, he took the outworks; At the dawning of the day he assaulted it five ways; won it, Set upon the Castle, and it yielded to him.  
He was revenged of the wounds which he had received in that place when he served the Duke of Feria, and if he did in some way disgrace his Master's act taking that in four hours, which his Master could not take in three months; yet did he do much credit to his advice, the Duke's Counsel being them to assault it, not to besiege it: Then he joined with the marquis of Leganes, who laid Siege to Crescentino, and though it had a dike full of water, deep, and well fortified, and kept by a Garrison of thirteen hundred French, yet in eight days he won it.  
It will not peradventure be distasteful if I here set down what reason moved the King of Spain at first to invade the Duke of Savoy his Dominions, for the sting of revenge, reason of State, nor rigour of justice are not sufficient motives for his mild piety, to bring him on to endamage other men, if he were not otherwise violently moved thereunto.  
marquis Forni Amadeo, Duke of Savoy his Ambassador was in Madrid, who in the name of the Duke his Master, promised all friendship, and forbearance of hostility, when the Duke at the selfsame instant joining with France, entered into the State of Milan; when (for fear of breeding jealousy) it lay in a manner disarmed: with an Ecclesiastical person over the Politic government, and an old man over the Military; So that from one skirmish to another, it came to that pass, that if they would not yield without any more stirring, they must be forced to adventure it upon a battle at Tornevento, with so much disadvantage, that nothing (necessity excepted) could have freed it from the judgement of a most rash act.  
Being as it were by miracle escaped out of these straits, Duke Amadeo died. And what rational man than would have said▪ that it was not then just for the King of Spain to overthrow his Dominions, who had deceived him with public faith? and joining with his enemies, had assaulted the State of Milan, and brought it in jeopardy of losing. What Politician would not have judged it necessary, not to leave an example so pernicious to all Monarchies, viz. that they might be set upon by inferior Princes, and those Princes receive no other damage thereby, but the not obtaining of the issue-of their desires? And what humane heart of flesh would have blamed the King for running upon a revenge necessary in Policy, and lawful in Justice; Yet his Majesty courteous, not vindicative: magnanimous, not Politic, pious with Justice, and not just with rigour, propounded Peace to the Duchess if she would forbear to assist the French, taking upon him to make an agreement between her and the Princes her Allies; what could he do more to have this Vine produce Grapes? yet it brought forth nothing but wild ones. What could he do less, then come in with fire and Sword, to show what gentleness provoked with ingratitude, and mercy slighted by obstinacy can, and is able to do? Yet he hath not done it; he burned only to fatten the soil, and destroy the weeds; He cut down to engraft Plants, to cause them bring forth fruits in stead of thorns; He overcame the Mother, that she might not ruin her Son; He moved war to establish peace and seized on dominions to restore them.  
The French were already come into low Germany, with two mighty Armies, the one under the command of Migliari, to go upon the Country of Artois, the other led by Fucchieres to enter upon the land of Luxenburg. The designs were to renew the name & recover the Kingdom of the ancient Austrasia. Surely a great thought, and befitting a high mind that were not most Christian. The provocatives were the remembrance of Charles the great, and the greatness of the house of Austria, the end to renew the first, and ruin the last.  
The first things wherein Princes are in their younger years instructed, are 〈◊〉 great acts of their Predecessors; They hear them rehearsed with delight, whilst they are not able to act them (infirmity of humane nature, which not to remain without glory, having none of their own, appropriate other men's to themselves, and takes from the fortune of Birth, that which springs only from the worth of the person.) But if their spirit grows up with their age, those relations which once seemed to please, do now torment, to praise, reprove, and tormenting and reproving inflameth them, first to be imitators of their Ancestors, and to follow their steps; then to emulate and outgo them, which ever toeth them either to live idle in despair, or troublesome to disquiet the world: And if by chance to the memory of those who are past, be added an emulation of some that are present, finding greater in their own and other families by reading and practise experience. And if equalling the first consists in overcoming the last, What provocations will these be to fight with them? Surely very sharp ones. And what shall be the ends of fight with them, certainly peace and quietness, not of the world, but their own, for not being able to attain unto those ends, but by overcoming the world, they set that at variance, and conquer it not, but disquiet, and ruin it.  
Happy is the King of Spain (and by his means the Christian world) who hath no emulators, who being greater than he, do disquiet him, and hath no memories of any Ancestors, but such as tie him rather to keep what he hath, then to gain more. His quiet is not moved, but he appeaseth motions, he shuns war, and loves peace: never takes up Arms, but to cause them to be laid down.  
The Cardinal Infanta gave order to Piccolomini to go set upon Fucchieres, and bid him battle. The marquis of Fuenes to oppose Migliare his proceed, who after the burning of certain Castles and Towns, had laid siege to Edino. And the Count of Fera was to watch the Hollander, who was drawing near to the Island of bommel. Things seemed here to be well ordered, but a sudden accident had like to have disturbed them. Banier had routed, six thousand of th'imperial Foot, the Emperor desired so many men of Piccolomini to supply that want. It was judged in Flandars, that to send those men, would but little help the Empire, and occasion the total ruin of that Province.  
That the French was to be more looked after then the Swede. That Banier would not effect that which the King of Sweden could not do, the King of France might do it. Nothing is more easy then to know his intent, and there is no Prince or Commonwealth in Germany, but if he knew it, would take up arms to hinder it. All of them might hinder it, if they would determine so, and they would all know it, if they would reflect upon it.  
The first thing the King of France desires, is to make himself Emperor, and it will be the last he will attain to; His Ancestors began with the taking of Metz, Tul, and Verdun he hath followed these with the taking in of Alsacia and Lorraine. Being Lord of Teonville, he will now take Luxemburge, Burgundy will totally fall, the Palatinate will not be able to defend itself, he will become Master of the Land of Trever, and all the old Austrasia, he will subdue th'ecclesiaftical Electors, the Kings of Spain will lose Flanders, Caesar the Empire, and the Commonwealths of Germany their Liberties, and the Princes their States.  
The Father of this Emperor found himself in th'extremest straits having nothing left him but Vienna (and that besieged) whilst he was not as yet Emperor. The King of Spain relieved him with reputation, Armies and Treasures, which he could not have done, had he not been Lord of Flanders; He became victorious, subdued his enemies, recovered his Dominions, made himself Emperor, & his Son King of the Romans.  
It is a great Error for a little evil not to shut the door against greater ones, which will suddenly happen, and then be remediless; and a great loss of reputation, for a small loss to forsake the interests of Germany, Italy, Westphalia and Flanders.  
The emperor and the King of Spain their Dominions are separate, to enjoy every one his own, in time of peace, but they are not divided upon occasion of defence in time of War; Where dangers are common, it is not good to make the interests particular. A man ought not to take more care of his own state then of another's, if his greatest interest lieth in the others.  
If the case require it th'Infanta would go in person to defend him; And would leave (as hath been done at other times) the King his Master's Dominions to assist him, but th'occasion doth not now require it.  
If Piccolomini his Forces should go away (which in a manner bridle the bounds of Westphalia and the Rhine) the Princes who are friends, and if they falter not, do at least fear) losing courage, would accept the enemy's proffers, which they would not do, let the pretences be never so specious, if they were not put to despair.  
It would be forty days before these Forces could come to the place where there was need of them; in the mean time there might either be no need of them, or greater would be required, which might then be sent him, seven thousand Foot being daily looked for out of Spain, there being new levies in the Country, and daily hopes of routing the enemy.  
The Forces might be defeated by the way, and the French might set upon Piccolominie being weakened; and overcome him, or with a few Horse set upon this relief, and rout it, so that it would arrive too late and defeated or being overthrown, would not come thither at all.  
These reasons shown by the Cardinal to Piccolomini, persuaded him to stay till further order, and being likewise represented to the Emperor, he was contented to desist and press it no further.  
The King of France his Fleet consisting of forty great men of war, and more terrible by reason of thirty fire ships, which sailed along with it, set sail being commanded by th'Archbishop of Bourdeaux, who thus encompassed with fire and Sword (as Tasso describes Lucifer withstanding heaven) carried Vulcan in Neptune's lap, to fire rather than fight.  
He came within sight of the Groin. There commanded on the shore, the marquis of Valpraiso, who endowed with Spanish valour had also some French fantasticalness in him; The shipping was under the command of Don Loze di Ozes, a valiant Soldier, and most expert Mariner, most happy in all his enterprises whensoever he struggled with the Sea, or fought with his enemy, if so be the fire was not his enemy, or the Sea became not a Hell. Th'Archbishop endeavoured to draw near the Haven, he was put back with loss. He tried to burn the shipping, & he was opposed by floating timber which shut off the entrance of the Haven.  
These things passed by Sea, and by Land were greater dangers threatened by the preparation of Arms, and provision which was made at Narbona: the report went the Prince of Conde was to invade the County of Raciglione with a powerful Army.  
This Monarchy was ordained to have wars, either for him, or by him; And he always to retire, either into Spain, being persecuted by the French, or into France, being pursued by the Spaniard, by a retreat receiving courtesies, and with another repaying them.  
Wise men imagined the Enemy's intent to be rather to amaze with reports, then to set upon with Arms, to threaten rather than assault, to divert rather than conquer. The diversion possible to be obtained by setting up three or four Colours at home, without displaying them in the field, Listing men, without stirring them. Conquests to be almost impossible, disgraces easy, and the damages certain. No account to be made of Salsas, and though it should chance to be lost. Perpignane not to be feared though it should be assaulted, being strong of itself, backed by a Province abundant in provision, rich in coin, and numerous in hardy and valiant men. That the King of Spain would be the hardlier turned. by reason he was tied to defend himself being assaulted by great Forces, and had strength enough to do it, and because of th'effect which the love of their King, and the hatred they have to the French, might work in the hearts of the Catalonians. That his Majesty had with the Havens, the Dominion of the Sea, his Galleys might hinder any one else from becoming master of it. This gate being closed, it would be impossible for the French to maintain a potent Army, seeing he was to bring Ammunition and provision on his back, so fare for it. The fire to be kindled in Italy. Piedmont in eminent danger to be lost, and the King's Sister with it. That it was good to draw the Spaniards thither, where the reward was great, and whither they could not come but by Sea, where the Climate is different, and where once routed it was hard for them to be recruited. That Nature had parted these two Nations with th'Appenines, the Spaniards Foot to be more valiant, and the French more numerous in cavalry; The one to be forced to come into the Mountains to move war, where they can make no use of that wherein they most abound, and the others to descend into the plain, where that was needful, which they most wanted. To so many motives of reason, and natural cares, was added the ancient experience, and especially the modern of Fonterable, where the last year they lost so many men, and so much reputation.  
But now in these day's experience is followed, only wherein it is favourable; if adverse, it must be overcome, and though its authority be not denied, yet it must be interpreted; The cause is attributed to chances, which always accompany every great enterprise, and the cross of chances imputed to the Commanders, changing of which in stead of taking away th'inconveniences, they altar the Generals, in stead of amending the evil, they multiplied and increase it.  
One runneth not twice into an error, when in the same there is both shame and loss, for the danger of loss will not suffer them to adventure the shame. Enterprises obtain not their effects, either because they are projected, or badly executed, the error is sometimes in the one, sometimes in the other: but the fault is always laid on him who can least help it.  
It is common to all men to err, but proper only to brave men to confess their error; He that hath often dealt infallibly, if he receive blame for being once deceived, receives no shame by confessing that he was deceived, It is no abasement of spirit, nor loss of reputation; It is a confidence in ones own credit, which is not feared to be lost in one only action. He that confesseth an error, bindeth himself to the cancelling of it by some great attempt, whereas he that denieth it, seems to be subject to commit a greater. And it is strange that an ignorant man will never confess one, when the wise man affirms, that the just man commits seven in a day.  
The French Army (numerous being of twenty thousand Foot, commanded in chief by the Prince of Conde, a Lord of a great blood, and secondarily by the Duke of Luin, a Soldier of great valour) was by the most Christian Kings Officers sent into the County of Ronciglione, as though they would overcome the bounds of nature, the valour of the Spaniards, and alter the General's fortune; Fortune smiled, but did not favour; Valour overcome by multitude, appealed to time: Nature was betrayed, and not overcome.  
The Governor of the Castle of Oppoli, a small place, a passage of those Mountains of a craggy situation, inaccessible by Ordinance, and almost impenetrable to man, suffered himself to be surprised by a Fanatic terror. The cries of the French threats entered into his ears, the number of the men presented itself before his eyes, and in stead of viewing them with emissive rays, which he might have done a fare off from the foot of the hill, he received th'impression of them in th'eyes of his imagination, he figured them to himself, as if they were before him, and was disturbed, and before he could come to himself again, he lost his courage, his discourse and himself: for yielding up the Castle to the French, he and his Lieutenant were put to death at Perpignane, punishing him, and by his punishment giving others example.  
The Count of Santa Colomba governed the Province of Catalonia in those days to the King and people's great satisfaction, a Gentleman of great hopes, though but of small experience. The defect of this quality suffered him not then to be an eminent Soldier, the plenty of other promised he would be one. He was noble, apt, prudent, calm, and valiant. In a peaceable government, you could have desired no more: And in war he so behaved himself, that it seemed that did him no hurt, which he was defective in; For providing discoursing, and doing every thing exceeding well, none could judge he needed that which he only wanted.  
He did not find himself to have strength enough to resist the enemy in the field; The men he looked for to recruit that Army were not yet come; greater conveniency, therefore was to be exppected, it being reasonable to doubt in things not to be questioned at that time.  
The marquis of Leganes business would not permit to have six thousand Foot taken from the Army which were allotted for that place, seeing he had lost many men in the Conquest, and employed many to secure the conquered places. The Galleys of Naples and Sicily, thinking their orders for coming into Spain had a connexion with those six thousand Foots coming, stayed for new orders, whereby they retarded the arrival of the Tertia of Modona of the Levies made within the Territories of Lucca, and of the old Galley soldiers. The Catalaines, either because they did not imagine the enemy would at that time set upon those parts, or because they were too much tied to the Letter (construing their privileges too straight and rigorously) had not made any fitting preparation. To all these accidents there concurred at last (to the great wrong of wisdom, which opposed is the ruin of wise men) some French Officers had intercepted certain Letters sent by the marquis of Leganes, importing that the Prince of Conde with his Forces in Linguadoc was to march towards Italy. It was easily believed, for if it was not, it ought to have been so; and though it did not persuade to desist from being careful, yet it dissuaded from using compulsion.  
Spain was encompassed with enemies, a mighty Fleet at the Groin, a great Army in the County of Ronciglione, threatened in the Mediterranean by the Ships and Galleys of Marseilles, in Cantabria by the Forces which were gathering together in Bayona, and yet the people (a thing worthy of note) which last year were affrighted with one Siege, in a place of no great danger, were no more moved at the rumour of so many forces, then if there were none. Whether it were because the French, who have no power to overcome, but at the first shock could affright them but at the first; Or that the people being assaulted, where they thought they could not be endamaged, believed their own judgement to be deceived, and not the enemies. And not finding what reason moved him, because they could not find it, they judged it to be great, and finding it once vain and weak, giving over unreasonable fear, they fell into a foolish secureness.  
Novelty deceives the judgement, either because it goeth before the discourse, or because it disturbeth it. In a moment it strikes to the understanding, and forceth it presently to frame a confused and indistinct conception: and with deceit increaseth those passions, which ignorance would abate. Every thing in the world is vain, when it is once known. There is no delight can please the mind nor fear can terrify it; Habit diminisheth our passions, not through any power it hath from custom, but through the want we have of the true objects; Novelty increaseth them, not because it is unusual, but because it is unknown.  
But whether the Spaniards or the Frenchman's nature caused these various motions; Sometimes ignorance, sometimes undeceiving, sometimes the novelty, sometimes the habit, Certain it is that above all other things, that wrought in it (which the eyes of all Spain saw the year before) the King's great wisdom, wise fantasy, and sure direction; The certain judgement, eminent understanding, quick execution, and uncessant labour of the Count Duke, whence arose the confidence which increaseth the courage, and persuades obedience; which if it be not deceived in the object, assists the Victories, and being deceived, it hopeth for them. And if it be not sufficient to make one overcome, it sufficeth at least to make him fearless.  
The marquis of Villa Franca, went to command the Spanish Galleys which were in Barcelona, Gianattino d'Oria arrived thither with them of Genoa, Frigets were sent to hasten away them of Sicily and Naples. It was ordered that the remnant of the Count Duke's regiment should march, and with it six thousand of the choicest foot in. Cantabria. That Perpignane should be fully ammunitioned, and that the forces should lie under shelter of it; That the marquis of Torracusa and Arena should go thither; That only five hundred horse should stay for the defence of Cantabria, and the rest should march to Perpignane; That money, munition and victuals should be provided. That the Levies in Arragon, and Valencia should be hastened; that these should be persuaded to defend their Country, and all should remember the bond wherein they were tied to their Liege Lord.  
The King of France his Fleet lay at the Groin, and vexed the coast of Spain. The Hollanders lay in the Channel, and hindered the sending of men appointed for Flanders; And because it was necessary to defend the one, and relieve the other, the Count Duke called the Junta of the Counsels of State and War, without which he hath done nothing, and in which he hath done every thing. If he spoke first, the voting ended in him; He left way for nothing but for applause; If last from him it took beginning, mending errors, or by him it got perfection, bettering what was defective.  
To desire to be the only adviser of a King, makes not an Officer great, it makes him odious, and exposeth him to danger, and oftentimes is a sign of a rash mind, which arrogates too much to itself; sometimes of a suspicious and mistrustful bear't, and many times also of a weak breast, which shuneth the test, fearing to divide the King's favour, and lose it, if he prove inferior.  
There was scarce ever any great Officer, but that desired to do every thing himself, and doing it, hath not been ruined. But if the wisest men could not keep themselves from this itching desire surely there must be some great conveniency in it; And if so many have been wracked thereby, there must lie hidden in it some great danger. Two great qualities which the Count Duke hath, make these so intricate points even, namely his moderation and valour, doing every thing by the advice of counsel, and in counsel prevailing above all; whereby he enjoyeth the conveniency, of avoiding hatred, and converting it into admiration.  
I desire not to be alone believed in what I say of this great Officer. Let the Original consultations of both the great Counsels of state and war together be looked upon, and you shall find (which is a thing worthy of wonder) that the vote coming last to the Count Duke, upon some particular considerations of his, many Consultations have been altered, all confessing that they had erred.  
The means was canvassed in the Junta how to remedy the present inconveniences; It was voted by all that the Coast should be defended by land, and that the relief should be conveyed into Flanders, (if the French Army did not hinder it) by sailing about Scotland, with a long compass, exposed to many misfortunes, and by a parcel of Sea, naturally threatening shipwrecks.  
But the Count Duke, in whose understanding lieth joined the whole frame of the Monarchy, whose breast is capable of two worlds, considering what vessels were in Cantabria in four towns, namely, in the Groin, Lisbon, Cadiz, Alicant, and Cartagena, some Merchant's Vessels which were come out of the Indies, together with those as were every day expected with the Fleet, made it appear that his Majesty had a Fleet sufficient to fight with the French, carry relief into Flanders, and also to pass into the Mediterranean Seas, and for a need, fight with the Turk, and relieve the Venetians.  
His Majesty and the whole junta agreed with the Count Duke his opinion, who sent Orders, and provided for necessaries, that these Fleets might as soon as possibly they could, be ready to set sail.  
From hence let it be gathered, how great the forces of the Spanish Monarchy are, and which most to be regarded. When these did not so much as come in sight nor thought worthy consideration, though they were greater than some, as other great Potentates would make their last refuge and ground their highest thoughts, and liveliest hopes upon.  
Piccolomini was marching towards Luxemburg, to fight with Fucchieres, but could not reach him so soon, but that he was first entrenched and besieging of Teonvill. He set upon him, disordered two of his quarters, made him break up, relieved the place, passed over the Mose: fought with him squadron after squadron, where for a time th'enemy fought valiantly, than gave way, and at the last fled.  
The French have swift and subtle spirits, easy to be moved, and being moved, easy to be dissolved, and because swift and movable, they run presently where they find occasion, and united in the selfsame time and place, they make the subject at the first greater than man and because they are tender and subtle, and apt to consume in the end being weakened, destroyed, and dissolved, they forsake him, and leave him a dead carcase. Such like effects are seen every day in a candle before it goeth out, and in a sick man before he dieth. The candle because it shall not ruin at the first; by framing a great light, is hindered by the tenacity on grossness of the matter, which at the latter end being softened & rarified, movable, and light, runs without delay to foment the flame, and increase it; it doth it; but for a little time, because there is but little matter left. In a sick man the spirits being subtilised by diet, not overburthened, nor hindered by the body already brought low, consumed & wasted; finding themselves at liberty and loose, fiercely set upon the disease; & being more active than ever they were, at first they overcome, but being tender, they consume in overcoming, & being consumed, not finding where to refresh themselves, having none to second them, if they overcome not in an instant, they die. The slaughter was great, because the foot were all slain or taken. The victory was the more famous by the chief Commanders being taken. This Noble man a Politician, and a soldier of greater experience in State-business then in wars, was advised more by politic, then Military art, did rather follow the time, then manage his forces; and lost, seeking to prevent loss. He knew by th'example of former Captains, that there was no mean; that he must either conquer, or lose himself, amongst his friends with shame, or amongst his enemies with glory. For in France, where the unwillingness of losing, was not admitted for a sufficient reason of not having overcome, there remained no proof of a mans not being able to overcome, but only by losing.  
Piccolomini stayed not to enjoy the victory, he thought to increase it by trying Mouzzone, and if he had attempted it presently, he had surely taken it, but want of provisions hindered him.  
Man proposeth an end unto himself, and for that end he prepareth his means; if upon a new occasion he change his end, if he provide not new means, he loseth himself, and while he doth provide them, he loseth his opportunity. He that goeth about one enterprise, ordinarily cannot perform two, and he that will undertake two, seldom performeth any. Some have not followed victories, because they could not, and so have lost their credit; and some, when they ought not, having gone on to follow them have quite lost them. When one party is in possibility of being overcome, the other is not always fitting to set upon him.  
The staying of his Majesty's Officers, gave the Marshal of Castillon time to come and relieve it, causing the forces which Piccolomini had sent thither to retreat, whilst he marched on speedily with the Cavalry (sent for by the Cardinal Infanta) to relieve Edino, brought to the last gasp.  
The Cardinal of Richelien, the most Christian Kings great Officer, had brought his Lord to the Frontiers of Artois, very near to Edino, were it a purpose to give the King the honour of it as Joah did, or upon necessity to encourage the Army, that it might not disband. Confidence of overcoming, or provision to overcome, had so much the more engaged him, because that having counterpoised the loss with the gain, the following of the enterprise, with the deserting of it; he found it was more reproachful to retreat half flying, then glorious to enter into a small place when it was won. Joabs' success than had some conveniency in it, now adays it is become a mere curiosity. David was a great Commander, it might be thought of him, that by his brain he had taken the place, though he was fare off, whereas it would not be thought so of other men, though they were near. But if this were imprudency, (which I will not affirm) over carelessness transformed it into wise doom. For the Garrison wanting powder, being well assaulted, better defended, wanting Ammunition, it was lost, not being not able to subsist eight days, which had been enough to have made this year, the gloriousest year that the Monarchy of Spain had ever seen. The Cardinal Infanta could not relieve it for want of Horse, the Governor for want of Powder, and Piccolomini for want of time.  
He came to the Army, and was there received with applause; He was born of Ancestors famous both in Peace and War; renowned sometimes by the Keys, and sometimes by the Sword; he served his natural Lord at Court, in his childhood; Being yet but young, be went to the Germane wars, and in his first beginnings shown himself worthy of the chief degrees; He arrived thereunto by the lesser; for whereas they use to stay for a time, that years may increase valour, they were feign to stay a time, that his age might increase, because that which was proportionable to his merit, might not be disproportionable to his years; so that leaving it to be questioned whether fortune or valour were greater in him, I will only affirm that he hath been longer valorous than fortunate; Generous, magnanimous, fearless, liberal, and ordained for victories, he made them spring in the midst of losses, and conquered where he did not overcome. So fortunate, that valour seemed to superabound in him, and that he had no need of it. So valorous, that it seemed fortune was superfluous to him, and that he even forced her. This enemy to merit, when she cannot beat it down by abandoning it, will follow it, to make it seem less: and weakens glories, by dividing that which is not to be divided and requiring share in that wherein she hath not wrought. In his first age he was valiant without any defect of wisdom, in his second wise without any diminution of valour. Happy in all occasion, victorious at all times, so that nothing hinders him from being compared with the greatest Commanders of our time, but this only, that he was never overcome. His Majesty's forces overrun Piedmont without any resistance. Prince Thomas propounded to the marquis of Leganes, to go before Turin with the Army, not to try the strength of it by force, but only to show himself, and encourage those friends which he had within it. But all were not of that mind.  
Some said that there was no reason to go thither, but only upon hope of intelligences, which hope was easily perceived, when there was no other, and once perceived, was easily crossed. That the Citizen was nothing worth, where the Soldier was armed and forewarned. That darkness and suddenness did favour turbulent designs, light and time would dissipate them. That what might be would for that time be made impossible, by showing one's self; And the surprisal for ever, by making one's self known. That the course of Fortune ought not to be stayed, nor reputation endangered, time lost, and given to the enemy.  
Notwithstanding all these reasons the marquis knowing that it was good to try any thing which could not be hurtful, and dealing with careless men; that might prove easy which seemed most difficult; and to avoid the censure of Critics, which always think well of that which hath not been tried, he did not oppose Prince Thomas his desires, and disposed the businesses in that kind, that he would be sure to lose no reputation by beginning any trench; nor any time by staying there but few days, and not to give over his conquests by sending Trotti to Pontestura.  
Being come within sight of Turin, the Enemy opposed him with Horse and Foot, our men routed them, slew many, and took some prisoners, and some few that fled they pursued to the very Purcullisses of the City. The Duchess sent the Pope's Nuntio, to negotiate an agreement between her and her Kinsmen; Her Propositions now when she lost all were as high, as if she were a Conqueror; She seemed to give, rather than take laws. Her demands were great and once granted could not be recalled; And all she promised, was as nothing and that revocable when she pleased.  
The Treaty broke off, th'intelligences failed, and the marquis went away, and because Trotti having taken the town of Pontestura, found much refistance in the Castle, he resolved to divide his Army into two parts. Prince Thomas with the one part went to Villanova, and took it by storm; with the other, the marquis marched towards Pontestura; He overthrew the enemy's relief, took the Castle, went to Moncaluo, and having taken that place, he lay down before Asti with his whole Army. The Piemontesses, terrified by the King's forces, brought the Keys of the City to the Princes, and the Spaniards valour overcame the obstinacy of them that kept the Fort.  
The marquis his desires aimed at the taking in of Trino, a place of itself being of importance, and besides it cut off relief from Casal, and safeguarded the State of Milan. He had sent his Cavalry thither, (whilst he lay before Asti) to hinder th'enemy from sending in any forces. They took much Ammunition which would have gone in, and cut off almost a whole relief of five hundred chosen French, whom the marquis of Villanova sought to bring in there. Trino is held to be almost impregnable, fortied without and within, a bog near it not to be meddled with, deep water in the Motes, a strong Garrison, and well victualled. Notwithstanding the marquis besieged it, made a Trench, and withal his approaches as near as he thought fitting for raising of Batteries, and resolved to give a general assault, hoping thereby to gain some of the outworks. He gave the assault, took all the outworks, the City, and the Castle, which having no time to receive the Sonldiers that fled thither being unprovided, and amazed, yielded within few hours; It was impossible to hinder the Army (victorious and heated) from pillaging, slaying and burning.  
Who shall deny valour to break forth? it groweth with the heat of victory, and snatching the reins out of judgements hands, it guides a man, and more than that it carries him? Whereby being heated, he goeth where he thought not, and being in cold blood, he findeth himself where now he could not go, because he went not, but was carried thither.  
It would be needful here to set forth the marquis o● Leganes his glories, who hath filled Flanders, Germany, and Italy with his acts and victories; mortified France, and made Spain glorious. But what greater testimony can I give him of it, but to make it known that a Letter of the Kings spoke his deserts; A Monarch's Pen was requisite therein, that authority might cause it to be believed; The whole world unanimously with one hand setting down those glories, which conformity causeth it to spread abroad with one tongue.  
The affairs in the County of Ronciglione went on with various fortune, the enemy had taken the Castle of Oppoli, and having put a Garrison into it, had laid siege to Salsas.  
This place lieth almost in a Semicircle at the foot of the Pirenean Mountains; high hills, small hillocks, and standing waters are the theatre of it. On the South it looks towards Catalonia, on the North are the Apennineses, the Sea is on the East, and on the West a Pool which falls from the Pireneans, almost to the Walls; The Country may be called barren, the air subtle, by reason of the Mountains which overtop it, and soggy, because of the water which is so near it, which mixture rather hurts it then mends it. The Place if you consider the situation is not very sufficient to defend the Country; if the Fortifications, not to defend itself; The Motes are full of water, the Walls massy, high, and countermined, by the form it is altogether exposed to the enemy's injury, by the matter partly defensible. The hardness of the stone will not suffer any breach to be made in it, the smallness of the Flankers will not hinder the approaches. It was strong enough in those days, when the art used in assaulting tied men to no greater defence. The last who put it in a posture of defence, found it so situate, that it was necessary, either to fortify or slight it; He fortified it, because it was, not because it should be there.  
The Governor valorous, but not of experience equal to it, resolved to lose himself before he would yield the place, more faithful than wary, thinking only upon the not yielding of it, failed in the means of keeping it; He defended not the counterscarff, he came not out of the walls, he fortified not himself in the Moors, he did not sufficiently meet the Mines, nor he did not disturb them in their Works. Every time the enemy came with force upon him, he beat him back, but he did not hinder him when he used art, whereby after forty day's resistance Salsas was lost by carelessness, & after so many more of siege it was won by surprise. For the enemy having in vain attempted with four Batteries to beat down the wall, coming to it with the mattock had very good success by reason of a Mine, which springing, made a hole in stead of a breach, by which (though little) there went in a great many French before the besieged espied it, or at least had time to hinder them. Wherefore running too it too late, and to no purpose, some of the valiantest died there. The Governor being lame of the Gout, was not present at the action, and yielded upon Composition, with those soldiers which he had left. Many think they have performed their duties, if they do not yield up a Hold, as if yielding them, or having them taken were not the same thing. It is better for a Captain to want valour, than experience, the Soldier sometimes helpeth the one, and addeth confusion to the other. There is nothing worse than ignorance accompanied with valour, the heart goes against th'understanding, the one will do, and the other knoweth not what to do, so that one doth, and knows not what he doth.  
War requires art and valour, and all enterprises, do not require these two qualities in an equal proportion, sometimes there is most need of the one, sometimes of the other; but because this distinction is seldom made, and less known, though many times one overcome with one alone, it is judged he hath done it with both. So men deceived sometimes by th'understanding, and most-times by the heart, do give the command of all enterprises to such as are not good for all.  
To few men hath nature given both great valour, and great understanding, whether because they require a contrary temperature, which is impossible to be given them, or an even counterpoise which cannot be joined to them. Sometimes the great heat of the heart, over-heateth the brain, and sometimes the coldness of the brain, does cool the heart too much. And though in Armies there be seen more valorous than understanding men Commanders, it is not because these be less necessary, but because they are not so easily found; It is hard in wars to become famous without valour, and men attaining to command if they be not famed; Understanding attains not to it for want of heart, and the heart because it hath no understanding loseth it, after it hath attained unto it.  
Th'Archbishop of Bordeaux, seeing his attempts vain at the Groin, despairing of force, and his art being bound up by our men with chains of timber, set ashore two thousand men at Ferol. His Majesty's forces (though not great) caused them to retreat rather confusedly then in order. He returned to the Groin, then putting to Sea, he sailed out of sight, leaving every one suspicious and doubtful.  
In the Junta of State and war th'opinions were different. Some believed the enemy's thoughts were deep and impenetrable. Some said their ends were to take the Groin, some that it was to hinder the relief of Flanders, some to ransack the Fleet, some to pass into Italy, some to join with the Holland Fleet in the Channel, some to burn our ships in their harbours, and some that it was to set upon Cantabria. Amongst so many, and so various opinions, there was one who began to speak thus;  
SIR, Though man may well be deceived in seeking, to divine or imagine what the ends and intents of mighty ones are, and the imagining to have found them may be hurtful, yet it is necessary to discourse thereof, not to affirm what they will do, but to hinder them from doing it. And as it is true that great Princes ends cannot be understood, so it is likewise certain that the ends of great affairs may be found out, for the greatness itself discovers them.  
It is the opinion of some, that this great Fleet was raised for inscrutable ends. I forsake the opinion, or fear not the ends, especially in Spain, where we need not doubt of any traitors that will yield up Holds, or raise tumults in Kingdoms, and much less in this Junta, full of so excellent men, that it cannot be doubted that they should in discoursing, omit any thing which may be possible. And if the enemies end be any of those that is discoursed of, it is not impenetrable, if it be known, it will be avoided, if not known, it will not be feared.  
But because it is more easy to deny then to affirm; in affirmations, for the most part, arguments of likelihood being used, and in negations, certain demonstrations, it will be the easiest way to show the intent of raising this Fleet, by making known for what intent it was not raised; for oftentimes where the truth of an opinion cannot make itself known by itself, one may attain to the doing of it by the falsehood of other opinions. And that which cannot come to effect by proving, may be gained by disproving.  
It was not raised to th'end to ransack the Indian Fleet which they ought suppose to have been already come into Spain, nor to hinder the relief for the Low Countries, which they might imagine already arrived into Flanders, nor to fire the Navy which they believed was gone. All these things being ordered to be done, some months before it came out of the harbours of France, and all (save only the Fleet) stayed upon such accidents, as the French could neither see nor imagine. The Forces, which the enemy hath sent to Luxemburg, and into the County of Artois, have caused some to think, that the intent was to land them in Flanders, an open and rich Country, abounding in fodder and victuals. And this opinion might be confirmed by the instances the Hollanders made to the King of England, when he came to Cadis, that he should forsake the hopes of the barren sands of Spain, and land his men in those fruitful Provinces. But the King of France hath too many Forces in the Low Countries, and is too near, and too mighty to have the Hollanders suffer him to set footing there, much less to invite him to it.  
This opinion is controlled (as likewise another, viz. that they should imagine to find some part of Spain unprovided, to land their Forces there, and to take it) by an advertisement or animadversion, which is this; Fleets do manifest which way their enterprises tend by their forces. If their greatest strength consists in shipping, their intents are for the Sea, if in the strength of men, train of Attillerie provision of horses, they intent land service. But this Fleet being powerful in vessels of great burden, without any horses, or carriages for Ordnance; weak in men, which are new raised, of a base condition, and violently shipped, gives no cause to fear any conquests by Land; And much less can we be persuaded that it is intended for Italy, by reason of the place where they were built, namely the Ocean Sea; the greatness of the ships dangerous for the Mediterranean, and the prosperous wind they have had to go thither, and went not.  
The enemy's thought may (in mine opinion) be to draw us, with the fear and report of the Army, to furnish all the sea coasts of Spain with men; and they to assault with the Navy of Marseilles the Countiss of Ronciglione, encouraging the Army which is there, and hath already taken Salsas to besiege Perpignane, and with the Fleet in the Ocean and the forces which are raising about Bayona, by Sea and Land to invade Cantabria, lay siege to St. Sebastian, first disperse our forces into divers parts, and then force them to come strongly into several places, thinking it impossible for us to defend a vast Country, and with two mighty Armies to relieve two invaded Provinces.  
There is an erroneous opinion spread amongst the chief Officers of France, that the Spaniard hath no men, and amongst the common sort of Spaniards another, that the French have no money. A Monarch that hath great store of money, may find men enough. And a King that hath great store of men, if obedience be not wanting, never wanteth money. I am confirmed in this opinion by seeing that this Fleet hath already lain a month sailing to and fro before the Groin without attempting any thing; It works towards its end, without doing any thing.  
I believe it would willingly set upon the Fleet, burn our shipping and gladly hinder the relief of Flanders, and much rather discomfit it and that if it found a Port of importance neglected, it would set upon it, as things casually and occasionally laid before them, which fall in their way, and sometimes come to be easilier effected, than those which were at first conceived; Like unto the difference there is between a child at first conceived, and one that is bringing forth, the one coming forth into the light alive, and the other sometimes vanishing away, wasting in its beginning, or when it is reduced to an embryo.  
I promise not myself, that I have penetrated into th'intent of the French, neither do I care. When the enemy will perform an enterprise, and set upon that can perform no other, it conduceth much to a defence, if one can penetrate into it; but when he thinketh to do one thing and may do many, the best defence is ignorance. Notice causeth man to secure that part which is threatened and suffer the rest to be neglected. And that being safeguarded, causeth the enemy to alter his mind, and the other neglected, helps him to attain to that upon which his altered mind is fixed.  
He that hath not power to defend himself in all parts, doth necessarily lose himself for want of strength. He thath hath sufficient, loseth himself sometimes through carelessness, and sometimes through too much providence. The knowiedge of the assailing enemies intention is an ease when it is good to know it, and a difficulty when the notice of it is hurtful. For where he can do but only one thing, it is likely secured, and where he may do divers, the understanding knoweth not how to resolve upon one, and it would make the other easy if it were resolved upon.  
The Count Duke hath with admirable wisdom secured the difficulties of provisional things. The chief Ports are sufficiently furnished. Cantabria is set in posture of defence to hinder the enemy if he should affaile it. Catalonia ready to thrust him out when he is come in. Don Anthonio Ochendo, ready in the straits to secure the Fleet. The Marquis of Villa Franca with the Galleys to oppose the ships of Marseilles. Every thing provided for and armed.  
But our discourses and the enemy's designs were carried away with the wind, which rising tempestuous, & lasting three days (a thing unusual at that time of the year) brought the Fleet in danger of over setting or sinking. The lesser Ships perished in the Ocean, in the fury of the tempest. The biggest of them in a calm Sea, when they were going into harbour. As if it did presege danger of shipwreck to great ones in tranquillity of peace, entering into harbour, or in the harbour itself, by some revolution of State, after the little ones were perished in the turbulencies of War.  
The enemy being become Master of the field by taking of Salsas took all places which lay open and ordinarily follow the fortune of the most powerful, He never skirmished nor fought, with our cavalry, but we carried away the best of it, showing that the Spanish horse are no way inferior to the French, if we had them. The long peace this Province hath enjoyed the wars at Sea where there is no use of horses, foreign wars, sometimes in the Indies where we could not convey them, sometimes in Flanders where foot did the greatest execution sometimes in Italy, or Germany where we found auxiliary one's, made us first to neglect the use of them, then grow careless in bringing them up.  
But it is either the convenience or fate of the greatest Monarchies, to have their chief strength and prop to consist in the foot; the Romans in their Legions, the Macedonians in their Phalanges, making up their cavalry, always with strangers, friends, or Auxiliaries.  
Many yield to opinion, when they have neglected art, and after they have yielded for a time, going to try whether the conceit be true or no, they are overcome, and yield again, confessing themselves inferior in valour, when they are only inferior in practice. Through this deceit the Spaniards would have tried and yielded a thousand times, if wars had not happened in Spain itself, where necessity hath forced, and time undeceived them.  
His Majesty's Army had not as yet any convenient number it did enough doing nothing, seeing it hindered the enemy from much doing. But the Soldier partly valorous, and partly inexperienced, some for shame, & some through interest, de●●red to come in sight of the French, and fight with them and he desired it most who had never seen the enemy, nor knew not what fight was.  
The Commanders for a while did stay their heat, rather than allay it. Being persuaded, that as in a sick man, so in a Soldier, one ought to hope, where he hopeth, and fear, where he feareth (a rule which is false, in that hope, which often deceiving, causeth good to be looked for where there is evil, and only true in the fear which though deceived may bring forth evil, even where it doth not find it) they went with a small Army. partly of new and partly of not disciplined men, to see the enemy, and saw his advantage so great, that they retreated without doing any thing. The King and his Council had presently a lively feeling of this disorder: what encouragement the enemies might gain, and our men lose. And because the Army consisted of people of that country, commanded by the Count of Santa Colomba and of hired men, haste was made to send them a valorous and expert Chieftain, who with general applause was Don Philip Spinola Marquis of Balbases.  
This man was son to Marquis Ambrose Spinola, the renownedst General of our age, and one of the greatest that histories mention. He followeth his Father's steps in martial affairs to revive the glories of them and he filleth them up so, what with valour, what with wisdom, that it shall serve to say for the praise of them both; of the one that he was borne of such a father, and of the other that he begot such a son.  
The Count Duke gave him his first imbossement in the best way as such a Subject could do, who being one of the greatest Generals is defective in no quality. Which this one thing would make envy itself confess. Namely that his engagement of being present in all Armies by direction, hindered not his genius from being personally present in one. His not fight in any, may hinder him from being styled a great Soldier, but his commanding there will admit to the title of a great General.  
He that knoweth (as the Count Duke doth) both his Kings, and the enemy's forces; The art of fight, the place where they fight, and hath (like him) had experience or so many wars, framed so many Armies, withstood so many disasters, given advice in so many enterprises, and with his counsel disposed and obtained so many Victories, may wed govern Armies, and stay at home; command them, and be absent. The swiftness of Posts makes that which is fare off to be near, the strength of the understanding soreseeth what is to come and though he cannot affirm what an enemy will do before he doth it, it is sufficient if he knoweth what he should do. The good is only one, but the evil manifold: The first is to be known by great wisdom, and the other is no great matter whether it be known or no. To instruct a General of an Army, it is enough to teach him ways to defend himself from the enemy and how to offend, when he doth well for if otherwise his own error will instruct him by erring.  
The Cardinal of Valletta was already strong in Italy, and did hourly look for the Duke of Longeville to come with those Troops which were destined to the harms of But gundie. The Dutch effe openly professed she would receive them in Monmiglian, Susa, and Carmagnuola.  
The Marquis of Leganes lay under Santia, which being taken, Casal was quite blocked up; and though it was a very strong Castle, it had victuals but for eight days: Prince Thomas was of opinion to go into Piedmont with the Army, to win those places before the coming in of the French. Urging that the Countries were willing to receive them, and invited them thither. That they once lost their opportunity of besieging Trino, through the desire of straightening Casal. That the Frenches stay, before they came into Piedmont, and the Spaniards quickness in winning of that place, had caused the opportunity to be rather deferred then lost.  
That if now they would retard upon the same pretence, and stay till Santia was taken, the occasion would be lost. That remedies should not be sought for the feet, where the disease proceeded from the head. That Santia might be held in play with small forces.  
That being in sight of the enemy in Piedmont, he could not relieve Monferras; the Duke of Longevill might be hindered from joining with the other forces: those Holds would be taken, and so they would remain masters of the field, and of the passes of Savoy to Burgundy, and Flanders: that the French would be confined in Pinarole, without victual to maintain themselves, or Country to resist, whereby they would be forced to come into these parts with great strength to defend themselves, and so forsake the hopes of flanders and Burgundy give over molesting of Spain, and laying down their vast imaginations be brought to a good peace.  
That giving them time to get into those Holds, was the dividing of Piedmont, and bringing perpetual war into it, more dangerous for him that is nearest with his state, and furthest off with his forces. That the enemy might there with small forces defend himself, and put Flanders in danger; or come with much strength and endanger the state of Milan.  
If the Duchess did not admit them into Turin, it would be impossible for them to relieve Casal; and if she did admit them, it would be difficult; they would be opposed by evil passes, deep rivers, and dangerous places of abode.  
That for a small relief it would be sufficient if any neighbour Garrison were increased with fifteen hundred Foot; and as for a great one it could no way be compassed: fight would become necessary, and then one might consider whether it were better to give battle in the entrance of Piedmont, with so many retiring places at their backs, to go into upon occasion of loss, and so many before them to conquer, in case they overcome; or to give it upon the very Frontier of the State of Milan fare from any place to conquer and near to lose all.  
That his Majesty's Commanders had stumbled at Casal (as at a fatal stone) with much danger to the Monarchy; Once thinking to surprise it by intelligence; and another to take it by force, and this would be the third in going about to block it up from relief.  
The marquis of Leganes being scanted of men by diseases which had killed many, by overthrows which he had given, still with some blood any by places which he had taken, and was bound to put garrisons into, thought he could not without danger go fare from what he had gotten, and expose himself with small tired forces to fight with a multitude of fresh soldiers: which either occasion, or necessity might easily have enforced him to. That the Kings chief interest consisted in defending the State of Milan that Santia being taken Casal remained quite cut of● from all relief. That staying in those parts, he could make all he had gotten sure unless it were Civasco the endangering of which could not counterpoise so many conveniences. That no hopes invited them into Piedmont, but only intelligences: which he had so often found vain, that to confide in them would be a folly, and much more to put themselves into irrecoverable hazard if they should fail. That it was no great matter whether the French did get into those holds or no; they could do no more in them, than out of them. They would engage a number of men in them, would vex the Inhabitants, and make them their enemies who before were their friends.  
The taking of Santia was made difficult to the Marquis. The hold of itself being strong, the ground without unfit for batteries, wanting wood to make sconces, and being without water. He resolved to besiege it at large. But the enemies forces recruited came marching towards Asti to relieve them. The Marquis encamped himself in such sort that he could hinder their designs and yet not go from the place, insomuch that the enemy lying on the other side of Dora, within seven miles of the place, victuals failing the besieged, they yielded themselves. The Cardinal of Valetta, and Marquis Villa, despairing of doing any good in those parts, went to besiege Civasco. Prince Thomas and the Marquis drew near it with their Army▪ but finding the enemy already fortified, and without comparison surpassing in number, they did not endeavour to relieve it, and so the place was lost.  
In the mean time Conio a strong hold, and of great consequence for the gaining of Nizza▪ and Villa, Franca, declared itself to hold with the Princes, The French set upon it, and were forced with great loss to retreat. The Cardinal of Valletta came thither with all his Army to besiege it. The Cardinal of Savoy (respecting it as his own creature) with more resolution than care, threw himself into it to defend it. Prince Thomas nor the Marquis of Leganes had not consented to his engagement. But seeing the danger, they sought for a remedy.  
They marched towards Turin with their Army, not with any certainty, but only with a kind of hope to divert the enemy from his former enterprise, and call him thither. And to make it sure, the Prince with the Marquis his advice resolved to attempt it. Which he did, and advancing forward one night with two thousand horse, and a thousand foot, he hung a pettarre upon the gate, set scaling ladders to the walls, and (though with resistance and blood) he won the City, where (a thing which seldom cometh to pass) the prisoners were more in number, than they who took them. The duchess recovered the Citadel, but so closely pursued, that for want of time she was forced to leave even her very jewels behind her.  
In this action were most taken notice of, the Marquis of Carcena Don Martino of Mexica, and D. Francisco Tuttavilla, who bravely relieving one another, revived the almost extinguished hopes, and perfected the design which was almost desperate.  
And this is the effect which the Cardinal of Savoy his phantasticallnesse brought forth, who bringing his brother and his friend into a straight, occasioned the taking of Turin.  
As births come not forth of a woman with child without great pain, so the understanding cannot bring forth without great labour. The expulsive virtue worketh not unless it be provoked and best, when most; valour increaseth, and falls, according to wrath and interest; and the understanding through affliction. There is none naturally careful or valiant man, but may be careless and fearful▪ in respect of him who is made careful by danger, and valorous through despair.  
The King of France his Fleet rather patched up then repaired covering its nakedness, with the spoils of English, Germane, and Holland ships which lay in the harbours of Brittany, set sail again, and coming in sight of the Province of four Cities, after some tacking about, came into Laredo, an open place, without any forts to relieve it, or soldiers to defend it, he took the town, sacked it, wasted the country about, and robbing, ruining, and burning went aboard again. With the news of Laredo there arrived into France the the news of the surprise of Turin by Prince Thomas.  
Paris and the whole Kingdom murmured▪ that so many millions should be laid out upon such a powerful Fleet, to no other end or profit but to sack a poor place, which had been a small matter for a poor sea rover to have done. Upon a mighty Army to take a Castle which brought more loss than gain with it, causing a great Army to be kept there, wasting many men, and much money. That with these costly vanities, the interest of Italy was abandoned, friends, and the Royal blood exposed to dangers, frauds, accidents and fortune. They accused the Officers of vanity, that they made difficult the surest enterprises where something might be gotten, wasting time, and the blood and substance of subjects, in those things which made but a fair show, and a great deal of noise. Persuaded sometimes by passion, sometimes by emulation, rather to kindle coals, then conquer states.  
To those who defended them by saying, that the powerfullest way to destroy the Monarchy was to set upon it in Spain; for keeping the War there, and diverting it from other places, the rest of the dominions were cut off from relief, where there was continual need of men and money; They answered that to defend Italy by invading Spain, Flanders and Burgundy, was to make one plant grow by sowing of another; that it was wasting of Gold in Alchemy; and like thinking to make Gold of Mercury, and brass, and give over digging it out of the mines.  
That it was not to be thought a small matter to divert the Marquis of Leganes fortune in its fierce beginning, and that it was impossible to do it with a Fleet in the Ocean that fired three or four straw ricks, or with a powerful Armies taking a small Castle in the County of Rouciglione, and that they could much less make Piedmont secure with only diverting the enemy's forces, and not defending it.  
That diversion required, an opportune time, great forces, and prosperous fortune. That the Romans did not make use of it with Aniball in the torrent of his victories, but after his first violence was past, and when (though his course were not stayed) his fury was assuaged. That they opposed him strongly in one place to call him to another; that they forsook not the defence of Italy, when they invaded afric. and did not only divert him with Armies, but tied him to it with victories.  
But whosoever shall at this time attentively consider the state of France, the houses full of blood, the neighbouring Islands full of exiled men, the Kingdom of tributes, the public privileges canceled private men's goods taken away, Subjects discontented, Heretics multiplied under the name of overcome, the Province destroyed under pretence of reforming, every thing by nature turned upside down, and by violence kept quiet, may know that the endeavours which are used to maintain the Swede in Germany with store of money, to assault Spain, Flanders, and Germany with powerful Armies, are prudent and necessary, that the evil may not penetrate into the inward parts of a body full of very evil humours. And that the glory of being an invader, losses dissembled, conquests multiplied, and increased, may so fill the ears of the Parents that they may not hear the grievous groans of their sacrificed children resounding in their air.  
Order was given the Count of Santa Columba, that he should not undertake any new enterprise before th'arrival of the marquis of Balbases, who stayed so long, that before him came the marquis of Torracusa, the rest of the Count Duke's Regiment, the old tertiaes of Cantabria the horse and foot disembarqued out of the Neapolitan and Sicilian Galleys, so that at his coming he found the Army numerous and valiant, desirous of enterprises, and able to perform great ones; But because the enemy prevailed in number of Cavalry, and many recruits were by him daily expected, it was considered of in the Junta of State and war, whether it were good to go find him out and fight with him. And there was but one who was of opinion that we should not give battle.  
That we ought not to fight with the enemy, when we were too weak, and that if we were too strong we could not. He would retreat into France, where the pursuit of him would be impossible through want of victuals, fotherage, and train of Artillery. And that we were then to fight with them in their own Country where their rear was secured, their provisions certain, and their Cavalry advantageous.  
When the enemy is not afraid, if it be a shame to fear, yet it is wisdom to doubt, and this Monarchy ought not to be exposed to a doubtful fortune, which adverse may make us unhappy, and prosperous can add no felicity to us.  
Princes take Citizen-like advice, when they adventure their estates upon a point of reputation, which consists not in the loss of a Castle in the midst of wars, but in the ending of them with great Conquests, or an honourable Peace.  
Finally it would do small good to overthrow the French Army in Autumn, and to regain Salsas much less, but to lose a battle, might be a great prejudice.  
And if we should win it, the enemy by virtue of their numerous cavalry might retire with little loss with the remainder of their Army by th'assistance of the Sea, it being now October, and having so populous a Country might by the Spring be recruited. Ours would diminish in the fight, and more afterwards. Those of the Province thinking the enterprise to be at an end, and that they had done enough to maintain their reputations, being raw in the profession, weary of the field, and troubled by the waters which were naturally near upon coming would hinder the besieging of Salsas, or the gaining of it, if it were besieged.  
To know what his Majesty's victorious Army would do in Catalonia, let it be considered what they did in Cantabria. If any thing had remained to do after the Battle, there was nothing left to do it withal'. Armies raised in Spain, (as if they were raised but for one end) last but for one enterprise.  
The profit attained by the winning of Salsas, would not counterpoise the damage that might follow a disaster, which God forbidden. This Army being overthrown, which for want of Horse (if conquered) would be quite destroyed; How could it be recruited in a Country scarce both of horse and men, at such a time as the proud conquering enemy, emboldened, would prepare to assault Cantabria by land, and having a mighty Fleet at Sea, would engage us, either to secure this vast circumference of Spain, or oppose them with a greater Fleet beside, that which is needful to convoy the Plate Fleet, defend Brasil, and guard the straits.  
Where should men be levied, if there were fight in so many places, especially if we imagined we were to fight where there is now no fight, being bound to defend all this Province, besides Italy, Germany, Burgundy, Flanders, and the Indies?  
That the enemy had an advantage above us, viz. that he could bear many losses. He was this year overthrown at Theonville, and routed with great slaughter, and at the same time he took another Hold, and within few days came into the field again with a new Army. The last year at the Siege of Fountainarabie he lost a Battle, and he is now returned more powerful both by Sea and Land, giving us cause of fear one way, and another way besieging Holds, and winning them.  
If the French do not take Perpignane▪ they have done nothing▪ nor we, if we take not Narbona. They will not take Perpignane with keeping Salsas, nor we Narbona by routing of them.  
The best revenge one can take▪ is to take none. The greatest conquest is to be content with loss. If a man cannot always conquer▪ when he loseth, a small loss, it seemeth to be a great victory, and many times it is a preparation to it.  
It is easier to go on in prosperous fortune, then to stop in a disaster. The one doth not please the mind with so powerful a charm, as the other with a sharp goad wounds it. He that stops in good success, oftentimes loses it, he that doth it in a disaster, oftentimes changeth it.  
Two small things ruin a fool a little: victory, and a small loss; in the one he groweth careless, in the other he is provoked. Being careless, he loseth that which he had not gotten, and provoked, he adventures that which he had not lost.  
That Battles ought to be given in France by any other way but this, getting into the heart of it, and driving it to defend itself. There is a difference between fight with one who defendeth himself, and with one that offends. The first being overcome, hath lost the means of defending himself, and the other may defend himself with that which he hath not lost.  
The Romans at the same time as they avoided fight with the Carthaginians in Italy, sent Scipio to fight with them in afric.  
He that overcommeth in France, Italy and Germany, shall be the umpire of the world.  
That it was not fitting to leave it to a General's will, to fight; or not: if they be not much inferior, they will fight. They see those who last year dissuaded it, have lost their credit. They find this counsel inclining to it, and they will adventure to put that reputation in question by fight, which they would be sure to lose by retiring.  
The Count of Lauta Columba would have fought before it was time; marquis Spinola doth judge it to be time now. One is moved by one reason, the other by another, and both (if they be left to their own mind) will fight.  
This Army, which is the most flourishing that hath been seen in this Monarchy since the memory of man; either may be lost in battle, or wasted in a siege, and either lost or wasted, there will not such another be gotten together in a hundred years, for it is a hundred years since any such was seen.  
They should keep it till such time as they might better secure themselves from losses, and profit themselves more by victories. They should imagine Perpignane was the Frontier. They should lodge their Army, maintain it, increase it. The Spring would show where it might best be employed: and the Galleys would convey it where need should require.  
Contrary to this another began to say; SIR, There is amongst Counsellors a maxim more wily than honest, profitable for themselves, but most pernicious to Princes, viz. not to give any dangerous counsels, but to let Princes take them of themselves. The intent is to avoid danger, and hatred, which is done by exposing their Lord to hatred, and abandoning him to danger.  
It is a mistake of a shallow brain, rather than deep wisdom to dissuade battles when there is no greater reason than the danger of trying it. That which is lost cannot be recovered nor that defended which is assaulted, but by endangering what remains.  
The preservative power in man▪ which sweetly governs the body, when it is in health, if once set upon by sickness goeth not about to soothe it up, it useth violence, assaults it, and adventures to overcome it, putting it to the fortune of a Duel, either to live or die.  
If your Ancestors had not adventured themselves in battles, they had not conquered, if your Majesty doth not adventure, he will lose. No Monarchy did ever subsist long, if it did not sometimes adventure.  
Saying, that the enemy ought to be gotten out of Spain by diverting not by battle is a vanity. Either he would not be turned away, and we shall then remain weaker, or if he be diverted, we should but only change our danger. Consider nature, which employing its forces to divert humours raw, before she hath overcome them, if being violented they yield unto her, it lames, and kills, not heals; if they contumaciously resist, having weakened her strength by seeking to divert them, it remains unable to overcome them: she than obtains her end, when she first concocts, and then diverts them. That is a wise diversion which is made not with an intent to begin Victories, but to perfect them when they are begun.  
The fortune of the French is sudden like their temperature: it rises and sets in the same field, and as it is hard to overcome it when it grows, so it is secure when it declines. When occasion is come, he that through weakness loseth it, or through ignorance doth not know it, never seethe it again. He that passeth by ripe fruit, and doth not gather it, when he comes again, either it is gone, or grown rotten; whether it be that nature is an enemy to simplicity and ignorance, or that th'imperfection of worldly perfection comes late, stays but a while, and falls suddenly. Fortune comes to every one at some time; most are put off because they knew her not, not because they had her not, and all may become happy, if they knew how to go about it. When the Romans determined to give battle no more in their own Country, they had given it there four times already; It was not wisdom but faintness, not because they had gotten more brain, but because they had lost their hearts in so many battles with such unfortunate success. That which disheartened them, aught to encourage us, who have once given bastell and won it, and have overcome, as often as we have sought.  
If the Romans had gotten the better in the first battle, Hannibal must have died there, or gone back discomfited. And it would now have run in Politician's pens that we ought to fight with the enemy presently, and not give him time to take footing in the country▪ nor assault it, to dishearten the men, & destroy the land: If fortune should prove adverse we might with the remainders keep the country, and with these entire parts at the back of them renew the Army, and try our fortunes again, if it should prove prosperous we might undo the enemy. One victory would suffice to become conquerors, and by one overthrow we should not be overcome. But because the Romans were overcome, the Council is blamed, whereas the execution of it should, having lost rather through want of valour and discipline, then of wisdom.  
It is much that Scipio a young man his advice, who was more rash for his own glory then for the profit of the common wealth, great in estimation not for what he was but for what he came to be, applauded only by the people, not by the Senate, suffered rather then allowed of when they could neither dissuade nor hinder him, should now bind men in all ages to follow him, being favoured by fortune▪ which only did approve of him, condemned by Fabius Maximus his reasons, by the authority of a whole Senate, and much more by the experience of his Father and Uncle who in the self same enterprise with little glory lost part of their Army and their lives.  
Many opinions are defended (by the respect is borne to grey hairs, and many are borne up to the reverence due to the Majestic memory of antiquity. It is more harsh to bring one's mind to think they are false, then to find they are so: and yet it is a manner of deifying antiquity to believe their say, without examining them.  
When Scipio went into Africa it had peradventure been better to have changed Captain then Country. With that power, that Army, and that his valour, he might more securely have conquered in Italy. And if he lost in one place he might also have lost in another. Neither could he have recovered himself, being so fare from the Romans assistance, nor peradventure they, having sent him away so fare from them. He overcame, it is true, but who will deny that he might have been overcome? if he had fought in Italy he had made sure the victory; because he overcame in afric he increased the commonwealth, if he had lost, he had ruined it. The conquest had been vain in one part, to have remedied the loss in the other. In Italy the commonwealth had gone to ruin, in Africa Scipio had become King.  
Then if all that the Romans had, consisted in the end, success, and fortune, of the forces of Italy, why did they weaken, and abandon it?  
In our times the Duke of Bavaria joined with the Spanish forces, might have taken the Palatinat, and yet he went to seek the Palsgrave, where he had his Army, not his dwelling, Knowing that if he lost in Bohemia it was in vain to Conquer in the Palatinat.  
Let what hath been in times past, be as it will, either well discoursed according to reason or favoured by fortune. This Monarchy, now the biggest that ever was, must not make use of others examples, she of itself, aught to be an example to itself.  
One ought not leave the doing of a good thing, to do a better; when both may be done, especially when they do not hinder, much more when they further one another. In our case conquering the enemy in Ronciglione doth assist, and not disturb the going to Paris.  
Let us then Sir try to overthrow the French here, to profit ourselves by the victory, to call him to defence, to offend him elf where, and over come him every where. It was not Scipio his Army in afric that overcame the Carthaginians, but those forces which they had consumed in Italy. So it may befall the French to lose themselves at home, by going to much abroad.  
Let us fight with this enemy in France in Italy, in Flanders, by Sea, by Land, wheresoever we find him, seeing we Conquer him wheresoever we fight with him. The dangers which seem to threaten are not such as at first they seem to be. There was seldom a battle lost but that some part of the Army hath been saved: The remainders, though never so small, will serve to hinder the enemy from further proceed, the gold and men of Spain, to repair it on all sides: the Officers valour sufficient to do it, and the season, will afford time for it.  
They are deceived that hold Spain to be a desert place. There be disinhabited and barren places, but there are likewise many populous, and fruitful. And it is so large, that not counting the first, measuring only the last, it would be found bigger than the fruitfullest Country of Europe.  
Deductions and consequences from times passed to the present are dangerous, their examples are not available. The knowledge of events, if ne'er at hand are decitfull, if fare off false. Fight now is divers from what it was, there are other men, another age, and (I will say it) another world.  
The junta agreed that battle should be given, Marquis Spinola who advanced to seek out the French Army. Overtaken by night when he drew near it. he never laid hand to spade made no trench, defence or fortification▪ but set his Army open in battle array. The enemy retired towards his own Country, drew ne'er to Salsas, under the safeguard of that place, at the recovering of which the minds of the greatest part of the Spanish Commanders seemed to aim.  
Marquis Spinola was perplexed. He had many important difficulties before his eyes. The time of year fare spent, the Country cold, the Climate unhealthful; the long drought which had been, threatened, great store of rain, small provision of food, none of Father, the ground bare to make hutts for his Army, stony to entrench it, no stuff to make any shelter, no pioneers, nor Gunners, nor Founders, few instruments to work with, miners fewer, the former unfit, the latter inexpert. The place fortified without and lined within, Ordnance, Ammunition and Men, more than abundant. The enemy encamped about it, to hinder it from being besieged and it ready to receive him if he were assaulted. Forced to fight before he could besiege, and expose himself to a dangerous battle, for to begin an incertain enterprise: a loss would put him in great danger, and one Victory not sufficient to make a conquest.  
The water, the sword, and want would undo the Army. The Soldiers would forsake their Colours, being wounded sick, and wearied. They must be relieved with men out of Cantabria, the Ships and the Galleys with old and new Levies; To forsake their enterprises, would make the relief of Italy impossible, weaken the defence of other Provinces, and growing obstinate about a small Castle, would make all provisions for the future field difficult.  
And if the enemy should refuse to fight, and go back with his Army entire, rest it, increase it, and having an eye upon ours, when he saw it diminished and wearied, should set upon it powerful and fresh; it would be a shame to retreat dangerous to meet him, and more to stay for him. The ordinary manner of entrenching would be hard, the extraordioary impossible. The quarters of necessity must be so distant, that they should not in an instant relieve one another every very thing would be weak and disunited; so that the enemy might in a dark night give alarm in divers places, set upon one quarter strongly, and take it, so we might lose them all without fight, but only with the hands of a few, and peradventure the weakest. If we should go to meet him, we must either forsake and slight our trenches, and the labour of many days would be lost, which (the time of year considered) would not be made good again in many weeks. Or we must leave men to guard them, and that would weaken the Army, tying it to fight with notable disadvantage.  
The Marquis desired nothing more than to give battle, and nothing assured him of victory more, then to give it quickly.  
In this perplexity was Spinola, when by the advice of the Count of Saenta Columba, and other head Officers, it was resolved to send all the Horse, and four thousand Foot to view the place, and the enemy.  
These forces were commanded by the Maquis of Torrecusa, Field-marshal General, and with him the Marquis of Arena. Being arrived, they found the French quartered behind the Fort Torrecusa determined to try them with horse and foot; he caused John de Arza the field Martial to advance with a flying squadron, he gave the charge of the foot skirmish to the Marquis of Mortara. It began with such valour of our Horse and Foot, that gaining ground, they presently forced the enemy terrified and lost, to forsake their stand, and retire under command of Musket shot of Salsas, with great-losse of men, and greater of reputation, leaving their quarters and tents in the hands of the conquering Spaniards. The relief of the Ordnance and Musket shot from the Castle would not have saved them, if night, and a confused retreat, and orderly flight with much silence had not conveyed them further off.  
This fight had engaged the King's Generals to advance with the whole Army, and though they arrived before day thinking to fight with the enemy at the dawning yet they found him already retreated. They determined to seize upon a Fort royal, and Redout which was upon the hill; wherein they had prosperous success.  
Death stayed the course of many, yet abated no man's courage, where it hit not it terrified not, stirring up wrath in the rest, in stead of compassion as it ordinarily doth where valour is above fear.  
They put the enemy to flight, they entered the Fort and Redout and having got these, with the same valour they gained the rest of the outworks.  
Then the whole Army charged the place with more courage than discipline, For the officers endeavoured to have them stay, and shelter themselves there. But the soldiers in that rage refusing it could not be stayed by fear nor wounds. For though their Flanks were discovered, and lay open to bullets, fire, and stones; many drunk with valour, run to the very Gate to hang on a Petard, and others into the Dike to assault the Wall, not discerning possibility from impossibility, esteeming every thing easy for the courageous, and nothing shut up from a valiant man. In this fight, all the Field Marshals and particular men behaved themselves valiantly, especially the Count Duke his Regiment, which being all of old soldiers, and reformadoes, Commanded by the Marquis of Mortara, and Don John di Arza, made itself to be known for the chief squadron of the Army.  
In the enemy's flight, or retreat, the French his Letters happened in the Spaniards hands; There were some of the Cardinal of Richlieves which spoke somewhat modestly. Some from a Secretary of State, which were more arrogant viz. that they expected in Paris to hear that the King of France his Army was penetrated into the very bowels of Spain, made the Provinces desolate, and taken the Royal Palace of Madrid. The Duke of Luin his conceits gave more scandal than any thing else. For he being esteemed a valiant and wise Captain, it was strange to hear, that when our men had set upon his cavalry, (which was divers times) and had always made it retire or run away he should write That our men having presumed, to set upon a few of their Horse, with many men, some eight or ten of their Gentlemen coming in, had caused ours to run away, as if he would make Ariosto be believed, and turn him from a Poet to a Chronicler, making that a history, which was once but a fable.  
Nothing manifested the deceit more plainly than his last Letter, when he lay with all his men under the shelter of the Fortifications of Salsas he certainly promised that the King of Spain his Army would not dare to look them in the face, nor come within Canon short of them, And yet within few hours he saw a parcel of it set upon him in his quarters, drive him out, rout him, and put him to flight.  
Whilst they writ with so much contempt of the Spaniards valour, the Letters of his Majesty's Officers in the Army spoke very honourably of the French, made their forces great, and (though truth had showed them to be faint-hearted) gave an honourable report of them.  
This which seems in one part to be folly, in the other weakness, if it be not art which foresees the want, is nature that provides for it. Where courage is wanting, it is good to take away the understanding, and where one cannot encourage to deceive. It is needless to show a valiant man, to have him fight, the secureness of the business▪ if he but knows what he should do. He takes his virtue from him, that conceals the danger to him. He deserves the name of valiant, who knowing the danger by discourse, meets it with reason.  
The French manner produceth this effect, that he being deceived, sets fiercely upon his enemy, thinking he will run away. But if he finds him stiff, he oftentimes loses his courage, and recovers his brain; and whereas his first motion was of an inconsiderate violence, his last comes to be an abject mind, The Spaniards valiant in their onset, pursue their enemies rashly, for having imagined a resistance; overcoming it, they think to find none greater. Therefore the French scarce being set upon, fled, and the Spaniards being Conquerors, run against the Wall, thinking the very stones would yield to that steel, which trenches and men had yielded to.  
Amidst these prosperous, pleasing, and happy successes, the Army put to flight, the Fortifications won and the enemy retired into the Hold dejected: the difficulties of the siege seemed to the marquis to be increased by the death of so many valiant Commanders and Soldiers rather than decreased, yet he resolved to besiege it. Whether it was because the victory did likewise inflame him, which suffered him not to consider of every thing or whether fortune called him, which must many times be followed blindfold, or whether the Army's valour persuaded him to it? or whether most of all likelihood bound him thereto, not knowing how to justify himself, if he did not besiege it, to avoid the blame of great, and small; ignorant and wise, when every Commander and Soldier gave it up for taken.  
Counsel is hard against likelihood: It requires a great understanding, penetrating into the truth: a strong resolution against murmuring, a heart not void of interest, and not caring for his own credit, things rare and necessary in a subject, and either are not to be found, or are not available. Likelihood doth almost always deceive, whether it be a punishment for Princes against flattery, or the reward of wise men, for the welfare of liberty. If their advices were believed, it would prevent the seeing of effects, the only way to undeceive a man.  
So happy and prosperous a beginning encouraged, and persuaded the Officers and Soldiers; it is half the work if we believe wise men the whole, if Astrological foolishness, which judging the event by the constellation in which the action began, will believe this to be favourable and him happy if it began well. Weymar was still in Burgundy, who besides being a great Soldier, was also a great Politician. I cannot affirm whether his great understanding made him such, or whether rhyme, occasion, and fortune made him only seem so. He began at first to assist the French; he knew he could not grow great that way; then he caused the French to assist him, and this, he knew could not last; if he got for himself he should want help, if for others hopes. He thought to make use of the most Christian Kings forces to begin great enterprises, and by beginning them grow full of reputation, with reputation to gain forces of his own, and with them, and that, to accomplish his intents.  
He saw the King of France desirous to gain Burgundy, and that he knew not how to obtain it, or being diverted could not. He endeavoured to take part of it himself, thinking to exchange it for Colmar, Leistar, and Benfelt. With which he designed to overthrow Strasburg, and so maintain himself with his own forces, to alter the Scene, and personate another man; set up a party of himself, and gain reputation by War or to conclude peaces with advantage. These thoughts seem great, and are so. Yet they were no way disproportionable with the fortune and valour of that renowned Commander. The King of France who favoureth no man, so fare as to assist him, but only to be assisted. On the one side fearing the Swissers anger, threatened by the injuries received from Weymar in Veiglia, a Country usurped from the Canton of Berna; On the other side grown jealous of his conquests in Burgundy; urged by the Swedes earnestness, and called upon by the Marquis of Leganes victories, would have had Weymar give over troubling of Veiglia, agree with the Swissers, entrust him with the conquests in Burgundy, and divert the Austrians in Germany.  
All these things were instantly moved to him by the French Ambassador resident in Switzerland who met with him. The discourses were long. He promised to give the Swissers satisfaction, and fit himself to the times for the tolls of the Rhine. For that which he had conquered in Burgundy, and for greater conquests which he promised to achieve he desired supply of men and money. And because the Ambassador persuaded him to go and assist the Swede in Germany, and did peradventure encroach upon him more than Weymars' spirit would bear, though tractable yet stern, they say (being moved) he answered;  
That the King of France did always request of him, sometimes Sieges, sometimes diversions, but he never sent him neither men nor money. That he had many Holds to defend; That he was threatened by the Duke of Bavaria his Army affrighted by the King of Spain, and th'archduchess Claudias forces, which were to join with him, if the Swede should be overcome by the Austrians, all Germany would fall upon him, round begirt with enemies, having no confederate Prince near him, only France which was fare off, and did not assist him. That he wanted men, his being almost all dead by war and diseases; That the Country was able to maintain him no longer, and his money was spent in providing for Novavilla, Brisack, Friburg, Than, Rinfelt, Launfenburg, and other places upon the Rhine. That he should fall into the hands of the first that came against him, and in a day lose what he had gotten in so long time, and with so much labour. That he had no hope left but in his Sword, and the valour of those Officers who followed him. That he knew his fortune was no better than other Princes who had assisted the French, he was to be thankful to her, because she had remained longest with him, he being the last to fall.  
The Ambassador sought to quiet him; He promised him money, and did indeed share some amongst the Soldiers: and whilst they were negociating the taking of Salins, thereby to gain the good will of the Swissers: or that of Dala or Besancon, to go forward in their proceeddings, there came news of the overthrow of Teonville, and the conquests of the Spanish forces which daily increased in Italy, whereupon laying aside, or deferring these hopes, that meeting was ended. In the mean time the Swissers were met at Baden.  
The late Conquest of Brisacke whereby the Navigation of the Rhine was shut up the former and present proceed in Burgundy, by the King of France, and his confederates forces, and the greater which were feared, caused the most attentive Politicians to cast their eyes, to see what the Swissers would do therein, who were bound by confederacy, interested by traffic, and by all that as was or might befall. Some said that old grudges not yet forgotten▪ suspicions (though vain) often renewed, Military art abandoned valour qualified weapons rustied, and profit proffered, all put together would smother up conveniency and reason of State; But the wisest sort held suspicions to be so vain, and the conveniency so apparent, that they were confident to see the Swissers armed in defence of Justice.  
If they would know what the King of Spain's thoughts were, they should consider this Province, which subject to him, hath most happily enjoyed all the blessings of liberty, and profits of Monarchy, the King acting there the part, rather of a Protector then a King; Leaving to them the pleasure of living free, and taking upon himself the burden of maintaining their freedom; That in Burgundy there is liberty, because they enjoy it, and a Lord because they have none. That in cannot be imagined he will go about to make of Common-wealths-subjects, who of subjects makes Commonwealths.  
If the King of Spain hath Burgundy they border upon a great power, but small because he himself doth not border upon Burgundy. If the King of France hath it they border upon the lesser power, but all. And if it were their convenience, and not their ruin rather, to let that Province be lost, why should they be enticed to it by proffers of the Salt pits?  
It is not to be believed that he desireth a companion in his conquests, that taketh away from companions, friends, kinsmen, nephews, and from them most that he can get most.  
That Commonwealths may be bought as well as conquered. When it may avail the King of France to give away that which is other men's, to gain States; theirs were not secure, nor they Lords of them. He would give them another to subject them, and he should prevail most in the world who possessed least, having the more to give away. That a vain mistrust of the Spaniards, and a most vain confidence in the French deceived them. That which may do most hurt, aught to be feared, though it were profitable; and that which can do none, is to be upheld though it may be thought hurtful. Let them not fear the Austrians, but the French. A great power disjoined from its Lord by having cut the bonds in sunder with the Sword and abolished the memory thereof with time, (there be many examplss of it) hath returned to its ancient yoke. And many are likewise read of, that have fallen under another, only to keep themselves from the first, whom they ought not to be afraid of, his anger being assuaged, the shame forgotten, and the strength overcome: and yet there is nothing that doth more ruin them then this mistrust, to free themselves from which, they fall where they thought not. Even so a starting horse being on the secure side affrighted by some vain object, casting himself inconsiderately on the other side, breaks his neck down a precipice. One might truly doubt that things would return to be as they were, by the figure of the heavens from whence they have their influences. But what then? Though it be circular, they move with such divers motions, and that heaven which giveth most influences, moveth so slow a pace, that though every instant they vary their aspect, there would an infinite number of years pass away, before they (if it were possible at all) returned to the same being.  
A Nation so vigilant, that hath formerly been moved through a little zeal, and once moved, hath gained such glorious victories, a terrible name, and warlike renown, how can it now choose but be stirred up with mistrust, wrath, and shame, seeing a King of Prance endeavour himself to be Lord of Burgundy, after he had stolen away Lorraine, partly usurped, and partly bought Alsatia, made himself master of divers places in Savoy, Piedmont, and Montferrat, under pretence of preserving them? That trieth to enter into Flanders, and Spain, to ruin Germany, to overthrow the Empire, and make himself Emperor. And if he should come to be so (as he undoubtedly would if the house of Austria did not hinder him) who would then defend them from so great a violence? Peradventure that Justice which would have no Tribunal Seat to appeal unto? Titles are not wanting, where there is power. The greedy desire of commanding though it be a most unjust plague, seems to be the mother of Justice, time the Father, and both being joined, seem to bring it forth.  
That the King of France already blocked up their passages from relief and trading, and would shut them up likewise for corn, impoverish, starve, and subdue them; they being not able to live free, who have not means of subsistence coming to them freely.  
If they should so basely forsake their confederates, they would lose the reputation which their Ancestors had gained with the loss of so much blood, and so many conquests, and seeing the default could not be ascribed, either to conveniency, or reason of State, it would be attributed to fear, and they would fall in contempt if not slavery; That to preserve their liberty, it was necessary for them, to fight; And for those, against whom they fought, to obtain it; It was determined at the Diet, (as it was divulged) that to not engage themselves they would mediate with the King of France rather to obtain a neutrality in Burgundy, then to oppose him with violence.  
Any one may be a mediator in those things which are already counterpoised in matter of interest, for they want nothing but one to interpose himself, but when they are unequal there is no other way, but to make one's self a party; For in seeking to equal two unequals, he loseth his credit, time and friends, the one thinking himself offended, because he desired to hinder his fortunes, the other because he would not help him in his diasaster.  
In wars which are already ancient, there ought to be great cause to make one intermeddle with them. They see those Countries which were fruitful, and plentiful, made barren, and poor, men impoverished, houses ruined, all things full of blood, death, and misery. They compare those losses, to their happinesses. Neither do they think that any bond, shame, or conveniency, can be sufficient means to counterpoise the disasters of war, with the emoluments of peace.  
When there are bloody and lasting wars between mighty Kings, they that are not engaged in them, look on astonished, and dejected, and though they may wrong them, and sometimes do, yet they can take no true counsel nor resolution. This which is true in all forms of State, is almost infallible in a popular: it lives more conformable to nature then to art, it teacheth only to defend its own when occasion serves, and never before. Monarchy and Aristocracy often lose themselves by seeking to get what is another's: and Democracie sometimes by suffering it to be taken away.  
The Swissers to the persuasions of neutrality, had added a protestation, That if the most Christian King followed the wars in Burgundy, they should be driven to recall their forces which served him. And because they were but small, of no profit, and great charge to the King of France, it was a threatening hurtful to them only that made it, which caused every one to judge it vain, and of no moment.  
Yet I will adventure to say, that the hurtfuller the Protestation was to the Swissers, the more it was to be feared by the French King. He that doth hurt in showing himself to be distasted, seems to be by that already satisfied. He that receives hurt shows a token that he will have satisfaction.  
I cannot believe that so warlike and honourable a Nation will so shamefully forsake the Burgundians in such an urgent case without any occasion, or infamously by taking a reward to do it.  
Weymar left Pontaglier and Joux, contrary to his conveniency, it being a most important pass. And burned them contrary to his promise, for which he had received money sufficient. He went to wards Alsatia, and without attempting any great matter, either there or in Burgundy, he died.  
This Nobleman was a man of his own interest. He was no friend to the King of France, whom he being a German abhorred as a stranger; He was an enemy to the house of Austria, which he (descending from Duke Maurice of Saxony) hated; he was of a turbulent mind, various in fortune, he lost oftener than he got, yet got more than he had lost. His spirits were generous, his blood royal; expert, and very valiant in wars; better known through our men's defaults then his own victories. Seeing the greatest that he obtained were the overthrowing of John Vert, when he was careless, and the taking of Brisack when it was unprovided. The hopes which through his reputation he had framed, for the raising of his Family, ended with his life.  
There happened this year no loss of any value in Burgund●e. The faithfulness, prudence, trust, attention, and vigilancy of Don Antonio Sarmiento, who by the King's command was there; Marquis de Leganes his victories, which drew from thence the Duke of Longueville his forces; The battle Piccolomini won, which broke Weymars' designs, and his death which gave no time for the reundertaking of them, defended it.  
The King's Fleets which were in the Harbour of Cadiz, set sail, one very powerful towards Italy, commanded by the Duke of Naccara; and Maccheda, to be employed for the Commonwealth of Venice, if need required; the other commanded by Don Antonio di O●hendo, directed its course towards the Ocean to fight with the French ships, and having spent much time in putting out into the Main to come up with a scarce wind to the Capes St. Vincent and Finisterre, fell just upon the Groin. It came not into the Harbour, but stayed only till the ships under the command of Don Lope de Ozes came out of it which though he performed with all possible celerity, yet they could not come so soon, but that the French ships were retired into their own harbours.  
Almost at the same time came his Majesty's Army out of Perpignane, and the Fleet from the Groin; the rumour of the one made the Duke of Luin return into France, and the report of the other caused the Archbishop of Bordeaux to forsake his place.  
The coast of Spain being freed from the enemy, they undertook their voyage to carry the relief into Flanders. Being come into the Channel, they discovered seventeen Holland ships. Don Antonio appointed his to go on, and he followed with the Admiral, but they staying, and he thrusting forwards, found himself alone in the front of the enemies, who had placed themselves in form of a half moon for to deceive them. He desired to, board their Admiral, which to attain unto he was, for almost an hour, forced to be the aim of all their shot, without answering with his, intending to make use of it at the boarding. So soon as he came near, he began to shoot, and when he thought to board, the enemy hoist up his Sails, and went further off. The next day being made stronger by sixteen ships, he shown himself again; There began the horriblest fight that ever was seen at Sea. The noise of so many pieces of Ordnance hindered their hearing, and the smoke their sight, that little as could be seen or heard, was the battering of ships, tearing of sails, shivering of masts, the voices of Commanders, and the groans of dying men.  
One of the King's Ships and a Hulk inconsiderately, or ignorantly straying from the rest, fell into the hands of the Hollanders rearward, Don Antonio went to rescue them, he rescued the ship, but not the Hulk, finding it already taken by the enemy. The time being fare spent, the Fleets tacked about to get the wind, and were parted, that of General Ochendo having sailed within sight of the coast of France, found itself near the English shore, where the secureness of the Habours, the friendship and peace between the two Kings, and finding his Admiral's ship evil entreated (having alone fought with sixteen ships of the enemies) made him resolve to Anchor at the Downs, from whence he sent over almost all the relief to Mardick in small vessels, though the Hollander were in the same Harbour increased in shipping to the number of one hundred and fourteen.  
The Spanish Fleet seemed to lie there secure, and was to be so by the capitulation between the King of England, and the Catholic King. But the Hollander was not long before he undeceived the world, (if there were any one in it so simple as to be deceived) by setting upon his Majesty's Fleet though the two Generals of Spain and Holland had both passed their words to the Vice-admiral of the King of England, that they would not offend one another, the Vice-admiral being there, and threatening to fall upon them who should break their Covenants.  
A great boldness and presumption in those Ports and harbours which are their Asylums and places of refuge, and a dishonour done by them to that King whose Ancestors first set up their reputation.  
But what dare not those people do? They are pernicious to all men and less to those to whom they most seem to be so more powerful in stratagems then valorous in strength, without God, without Law, without Faith; friends or enemies, they measure all in one manner. They hate all that is not commonwealth, and lay snares for any thing that is a Principality. In one part they fight against a Monarch, and in another against Monarchy. They seek to augment the one, and diminish the other. In some places they assault states, in some the forms of them; And having been assisted while they were rebels, they likewise assist rebellion. They are every where framing commonwealths, which they have ready framed in their minds, and go about actually to set them up. Part is, and part will be seen.  
I hold France to be no Monarchy, it is half a Commonwealth; if not all, it will be: it is no matter though Heretics possess no Cities there. Walls make not the form of a state, but laws; which on the one part grant them liberty of conscience▪ and persuade it their bodies on the other. If it be said they are dispersed, it is so much the worse▪ they work the more, and lie closer hidden; a fault not common to great and small things, but peculiar to spacious Kingdoms in which great evils are nourished: they lie hidden, and are not known until they be passed remedy. So bodies of strong complexions bear great defects, and when they can no longer bear them, they cannot cure them, having employed all their strength not in correcting but entertaining them: being entertained they grow, grown they overflow, and not corrected, they kill. Evils that they may not grow, must be hindered, and good things that they may not decrease, need help. Mixed together if the one be not assisted and the other hindered, they unite in a body so corrupt, that it admits no cure neither of steel nor fire.  
I would be deceived. But I fear it, because I have not been deceived in foreseeing the like cases; whosoever hath seen my writings some few years since knoweth it. This is not boasting, but zeal, not to gain glory, but credit with them to whom it may do good if I gain it.  
I take on my course, having digressed for others sakes that they may get out of labyrinths. Don Antonio Ochendo finding himself forced to fight, came out of the harbour. One and twenty of his ships followed him, the rest (I know not the cause) peradventure they were out of order, but staying behind, at last ran on ground most of them.  
There began a cruel fight, and though the enemy had a great advantage (having one hundred and fourteen ships to one and twenty) yet the Hollander continually shunned the aboard; The Admiral's ship wherein were the General Ochendo, and Michael d'Orno Admiral, was encompassed with a multitude of ships, and so was the Teresia commanded by General Don Lope de Ozes: But they all fought generously. The enemy plied them with Ordnance to sink them, and with fire ships to burn them, they had their purpose in the Teresia, which irrecoverably perished in flames, with so much Ordnance, so many men, and (which is most of all) with so great a Noble man. Ochendo though he much endeavoured to come at it, could not rescue it. They fought fiercely for many hours. Night parted them, leaving six ships in the enemy's hands, and they having lost above twenty. Don Antonio was coming for the coast of Spain, but the wind turning, he was forced to put into the Haven of Mardick, only with the Admiral of Dunkirk, and seven other ships, the fight and tempest having severed him from the rest.  
This was th'event the King's Fleet had. Which having set sail to drive away the French from the coast of Spain, and to carry relief into Flanders, performed both. And fight with such disadvantage, won more than it lost. Victories being not measured by the losses in a mighty Monarch who wants no money; But only by the glory, which consists, in obtaining his end, and the means of obtaining it.  
In Italy the most Christian Kings Officers (under the name of the Duchess of Savoy) propounded a Truce, making the world believe they did it to please the Princess' womanish humours, that she might not go live in France, nor give over commanding in Italy.  
Their ends were because they would not seem to grow weak, nor breed any suspicion, thinking under colour of her to cover their designs, and salve their reputations. But all was perceived and known, and the French themselves could not conceal it, no man's breast being vast enough to hid such a great desire.  
They sought to better the business, by propounding a Peace in Italy, and make it the easier, by propounding a general one. They asked whither the King's Officers had any authority to treat of it, and being answered yea, they asked time until they might send for the like: and did all things, with indirect, various, doubtful and confused means, so that they caused every one to imagine they meant to deceive.  
The Marquis of Leganes called a Council of the chief Commanders, to discuss the business, and found them almost all for a Truce.  
They alleged that Truces were always profitable to them who were in possession, and especially for such as were in danger of losing. That his Majesty's Army diminished, and would daily grow lesser▪ even to such a proportion, that it would scarce bear the name of an Army. That those Soldiers which had escaped the Sword and sickness, were so tired with continual lying in the field, and weakened with continual sufferings, that they were not able to labour any longer. That fodder began to grow very scarce, and it might be imagined within a while it would quite fail: And if they should be forced to a retreat, how should they do it (between two Rivers) without losing themselves?  
That hope of Supplies diminished every day, there being wars in all places: so that they were only to reckon upon those they had there, which were few and unserviceable. That the enemy superior in strength, with daily supplies coming out of France, found himself numerous in fresh Soldiers, who were able to endure hardness, having yet endured none; Provision they had more then enough, having so much land behind them. The attempting any thing against him was impossible, to defend every thing from him difficult hindering him from relieving the Citadel of Turin, past hope, to set against him openly a madness. The enterprise would be made everlasting and impossible, and not without danger of losing the City, in steed of taking the Citadel, if so be the enemy more numerous, and better fortified should go about to assault it. That he wanted not recruits, there coming every day fresh to him out of France, and expecting greater daily.  
The Truce would give time to fortify ourselves within Turin against the Citadel, which being a great Work, could not be done in few days, and with a few folk, that our men being once secured, we might think upon the besieging of it. In the mean time our Soldiers might recover their health, and refresh themselves. The French would waste, and his heat of sighting being abated by the Truce, he would leave his Colours and return into France as he used to do. And in case he should go into Burgundy, he might be followed.  
There was no need to fear making a Truce, much to refuse it. Our Army not to be in state of gaining any thing in so small a time, and yet that little, was sufficient to secure that which was gotten.  
That ceasing from hostility, did usually give way to discourses, and discourses to Treaties of peace. A truce would appease and cool men's hearts, and being so calmed, many times such things were concluded, as they would not so much as hear spoken of when they were heated. That we might when the Truce was ended, if the Treaties proved vain, and we found it not good to confirm it, again begin war with more advantage.  
Some who held the contrary said, that all the reasons the Spaniards urged to make a Truce, were grounded only upon likelihoods and conveniency. But the French proposing it with loss of reputation, seemed to yield. That their nature was known to be such, that they never would desire such ends, but when they were so streightened, that they could do no otherwise, wherefore they might be thought to do it through necessity. And therefore there would be as much inequality in it, as there is between conveniency and necessity.  
The profit and advantage of the one side, in war was not to be measured simply in itself, but with relation to the other side whence groweth the littleness or the greatness of it. A man is victorious that kills his enemy in single duel, though he receives many wounds.  
The enemy who proposeth a thing, be it what enemy it will, always gives occasion of suspecting it to be evil: if he be a French man, it is assuredly so.  
That the reasons alleged for our side, were in the reality, not in the understanding only, so clear and manifest, that either they were false, or if true, known to the enemy. And that those of the contrary part, (if they might be known to us) were so weak and shallow, that they would not counterpoise ours, if true. And therefore we must imagine the one to be made greater by a vain fear, and the other strengthened by some secret design, which ought always to be reputed great, it being known that there is one, but not what it is.  
That Princes and Commonwealths may know what is good or evil for them, by measuring it with their interests, and the states which they possess. A Governor of Milan his interest lieth a great way off from the State and he ought to be governed by that which he doth not govern. To undertake great affairs, be it to move discord or war, or to conclude Peace or Truce, he ought to have the consent of Spain. And he that should do otherwise, might be thought worthy of punishment by reason of the great danger in which he might at any time put the Monarchy by not certifying concerning it.  
That the enemy may plot to assault Burgundy, set upon Flanders, not be diverted out of Spain, and secure Alsatia. Burgundy known to be unprovided. Flanders with small power to defend itself. Spain with the loss of one place easily rescued. Alsatia by the death of Weymar recoverable. To make a Truce at this time, might be called letting lose the enemy, who was called thither, and there chained, conquered & dejected, to th'end he may run where fortune is more favourable to him, and the war easier to increase his victories.  
If the truce be because we want strength, how shall we keep him back if he be going into Burgundy? it will be harder to follow him out of Italy, then to conquer him in Piedmont.  
The Citadel of Turin, if we should make a truce for seventy days, could not be besieged till the spring, that it was sufficiently beset for what could be done to it for the present, and we had time enough to provide against the future.  
If we abounded not in provisions, the enemy was likewise very scarce of them; if our Army grew weak, the French grew to nothing, being subject to the same diseases, and wanting that patience to endure; apt to run away, and having more opportunity to do it.  
It is not to be denied but that Truces are good for them who are in possession, if they be made for a long time, and those who are in possession pretend to keep that which they have conquered; and wanting for that purpose sufficient strength and just titles, seek to have their strength increased, and make their title just by prolonging of time.  
The Marçuis of Leganes not content with the opinions or those Commanders who were present and almost all inclining to a truce; did likewise by letters give his Majesty's chief Counsellors notice of it, in whom finding no contradiction, he also finding it necessary, concluded it for seaventy days. They framed articles (which are inserted at the end of the book, because we would not interrupt the course of the history) and they who signed them on the one part were Prince Thomas, and the Marquis of Leganes; On the other part the Cardinal of Vulette and the Duke of Longueville, in the name of the Duchess also, promising that within the limited time she should ratify them.  
The French kept not the truce, and the Duchess did not accept of it. The one because they took many places, which before they had not; and she because she did not ratify it, according to their promise.  
The Marquis of Leganes found himself obliged to hinder th'exchange of six hundred soldiers in Casal. The Cardinal of Richiliew heard of it and writ him a letter, which in few lines, with great art, contained many, but weak, reasons. He praised the Marquis, to gain his good will. Made show as if he believed not that the exchange was hindered by order from him. He vindicated the Duchess in that particular of not presently ratifying, saying it was sufficient that it was done, and that it was no breach of truce being sent so soon as it was certified that it was not received. Concerning the exchange of the garrisons of Susa and Avigliana, he interpreted the articles as though they did not any way hinder it. He confirmed his reason by an argument taken a simili from the like case, viz. by what was done by the Spaniard in Nizza, and confirmed it with another argument taken a majori, viz. That the decree made at Turin against the Duchess was of a nature quite different, making by it one order against the other. Finally when he had interlaced the letter with many fair ways of persuasion, at the last he inserted odious ways of threaten, mitigated with a pleasing kind of insinuating them, showing rather then threatening what damages might befall them who did not observe the covenants.  
On the other side the Marquis had many reasons to lay down wherefore though he were as courteous in the manner of doing it he could not be so brief in his expressions. He thanked his Eminency for the commendations he gave him and more for the good opinion he had of his Majesty's Officers; That if his gentleness deceived him in the one, in the other he shown his understanding.  
That he was glad to have to do with so eminent an Offiter, and of so great worth, in the discussing of this case, who would easily be capable of understanding the truth; That the Duchess ratification was promised within a limited time, and the Contract was voided by the not having received it within the time limited, though it were made, and not required, and much more, it not being made, She staying (as it was said) for order from the most Christian King, and they having (as it was known) demanded it. That this clause, not accomplished, excluded her highness out of the Treaty; and the King of France being included therein, it severed him from his Sister's interests; Showing that his Majesty's Officers also had therein committed a default, by not withdrawing their Forces out of such places where they were employed in her Highness' service; because the Truce concluded in Italy with the King of Spain, did not admit of the securing any of his enemy's places: whence might be perceived how much they had gone beyond that which was agreed upon, by entering into Susa, Avigliano, and Canor: as if it were the same thing to exchange a Garrison, and to take possession of a new one; to leave the state of things as it was, and to better it by the gaining of three places. An act so fare from what was agreed upon, that though the Duchess had ratified the contract, and made of two parties one, it could not choose but be a manifest breach. He marvelled not, that his Eminency had spoken nothing of Canor, for having neither reason; likelihood, nor show to defend the seizing upon it, he would take no notice of the doing it; seeing the Governor thereof had immediately before the Truce by a Letter subscribed with his Captain's hands, made an acknowledgement of it, to be the Prince's Cardinal and Thomas. That which his Eminency insisted upon of the like done by us, by bringing in Garrisons, where those of Piedmont were, was not as yet done. And if it had, it would have been a thing very different. The King his Master with the Princes, being but one party, whereas the King of France, and the Duchess were two. That it was true, Nizza had changed Lord, but many days before the Truce; But the French had bettered themselves in their Works under the Castle of Villa Franca, against and since the capitulation. That the Decree published in Turin, was no act of hostility, of policy it was granted, and that if it were of hostility, it might be done against the Duchess, already excluded from the suspension of Arms. That his Eminency might know that the Spanish officers had observed the Truce, as if it had been ratified; And that the most Christian Kings Officers had broken it, though it had been ratified. And howsoever that the want of the ratification did debar the most sophistical understandings, from questioning the defects of the one part, and the subtleties of the other.  
His Eminency must excuse him if he did not satisfy his request, and that he could not remedy the inconveniencies, or understand them otherwise, but that he must hinder the exchange of the six hundred Soldiers from Casal. Nor would he do it, if the Duchess would ratify, and the King of France desert those places, which his Officers had taken; not binding them with so much rigour, but that they might yet have so many days after the truce, to amend what was passed.  
The Marquis concluded his Letter which was full of the Cardinal's praises, with proffers, and thanks. I have herein, trusting to the Readers capacity, not so fare enlarged the reasons, nor unfolded them with so much spirit, as the Marquis did write them; Yet I have not added any thing of mine own, nor taken away any thing of the substance.  
In the mean time the Fort of Salsa● in Spain, was set upon in four places; In the most dangerous place wrought the Count Duke's Regiment commanded by the Marquis of Mortara, and john d'Arza. there th'enemy made out trenches, sallied, sprung Mines, leaving nothing unattempted to hinder the design; but all in vain. When he sallied, he was driven in sometimes by the one Commander, sometimes by the one Commander, sometimes by another, still with excellent valour, and by both of them first beaten into the out Dikes, and afterwards from thence dislodged, giving our men thereby leave to advance, which they valiantly did. The Governor with great care and watchfulness giving every one way to obtain reputation.  
The enemy was closely besieged, without any more hopes of sallying out; the Count Duke's Regiment being gotten within the Dike, close to the wall to undermine it. The great fall of rain hindered the work for a time: then the report of the enemies coming on to relieve it, caused it to be intermitted, and at last was quite given over through a deceitful report, or relation of deceived men; For some being run out of the Fort or at least dissembling as though they had forsaken it, said there was not provision within to maintain it for a week, and that the Soldiers died for hunger. They shown some of the Biscuit mouldy and stinking, and added so many circumstances, that the Captains took the news for certain, And to avoid the shedding of blood about a place of no great importance, and because of the incommodities of rainy and cold weather, the intemperateness of the air which cause diseases in men, and the necessity of fortifying ourselves against the approaching relief; they determined to lie still, till famine caused it to yield, seeing by force it was not to be won in less time. The term of many days being spent, and no yielding spoken of it was attributed to the Governors' obstinacy, never perceiving the deceit. And one week passing away after another, the enemy within, and without, still maintaining the report of the famine, it was always judged ill done that they had not set upon it by force; and it was now thought it could never be taken. Every day some precedent error was blamed, and some new one committed; losing time through th'opinion of having lost it.  
I do not affirm there was any error committed, but if there were, it may be called a most fortunate one: it stayed not the Conquest so long, as it increased the glory of it taking away from the enemy all manner of excuse, for covering his defects, even of time.  
Leaving men enough to besiege the place close, they began to cast up our works, and though they were large, they brought them to that perfection that there might be some hope of defending them.  
All this work, which caused the effect of the enterprise, must be attributed to the Count Duke, who whilst the Generals writ sometimes of impossibilities, sometimes of difficulties, with effectual Letters, showing them it was not impossible, relieving them with men, engaged them to go on with the work, and made it so easy, that in the end of the Siege it was almost impregnable.  
In Flanders the King of France his Army being divided in two parts, one under the command of the Marshal of Chatiglion. the other of Migliare, the Cardinal Infanta opposed the first with Piccolomini, and the other with the Marquis of Fuentes. Few passages happened on either side, the King of France being drawn into Italy by the Marquis of Leganes his proceed, and Piccolomini into Germany by Baniers.  
The greatest matter the French attempted, was, after they had razed the Fort of Rhuminghem, and in vain assaulted Bovignes to seek to pass the river. Don Andrea set forward with three hundred Musquettiers, to view them. The Enemy endeavoured to cut him off: The skirmish began very hot, & growing on by degrees, the Marquis was enforced to engage his whole body. They fought Pike to Pike, and Sword to Sword with so much valour, that the enemy lost a thousand men, the Spaniard lost two hundred and fifty men, counting the killed, wounded, and prisoners. The Marquis of Fuentes obtained the renown of a brave Commander, having with two Terci●es only, opposed the French Army, and hindered their great designs, and also of a valiant soldier, having with his own hand taken prisoners, wounded and slain many of th'enemies'. What the Prince of Orange did this year, I will speak in few words, and all at once, for it was almost nothing, if it be not thought much to have diverted and kept idle so many forces of his Majesties, and to observe their move. He desired to take the pass of Gaunt, but the Count of Fera his vigilancy did frustrate his intentions. He fortified himself about the Philippines, and besieged Gelder's. The Cardinal Jufante who drew near with the Army, caused him to retire in the night, not without confusion and loss of men. He faced Rhinebergh, and sought to lie before Hurst, but because Van Namen was beaten back when he went to set his men a shore, and Count Fontana happened to be thereabouts with the King's Army, and the Cardinal Infante drawing apace that way, he resolved to give over the enterprise.  
These were the Hollanders (I know not whether I should say) motions, or desires, when the King of France pricked them forward to undertake some notable enterprise.  
I cannot enter into these men's policy: it may be beyond mine understanding, or it may err. Composers of a fable, movers of engines, spectators of a tragedy, the end whereof (if it be doleful) may be the beginning of theirs. If he overcomes who was their Lord they will be as they were; if he that is their companion, they make themselves as they desire. He that hath not thought it a shame to forsake them in time of peace to settle his Crown upon his head, will not be scrupulous, being a conqueror to subject them to enlarge it. To say that these two sovereigns powers are counterpoised, that they waste, and not end, that they will both lose, and neither overcome: that being afflicted and weary, they will be brought to a good peace; in which looking narrowly to their own reputation, the good of their confederates will be well provided for, would be a good thought if the supposition were not incertain and the consequence false, if War were always ended with peace, & not sometimes with conquest, if arms were laid down, and Wars maintained with the same passions; if experience had not shown the contrary, and reason demonstrated it. Rage and hatred being ceased or abated, the scene is altered before the eyes of the principal parties. Being at peace with his enemy, he considereth his companion, who hath incited him to War, helped, that he might be consumed, hindered, that he might not overcome, false▪ lying and deceitful, and seemeth the more to have been an enemy, because he should have been a friend, and was not. The turmoil by reason of which the heat of emulation could not be avoided, Or the hope of great conquests: The former being now quenched, and the latter lost, are now examined, and proves a vexation. And being borens withal whilst the War lasted, is now revenged when peace is concluded; the desire whereof comes not, without hatred of that which caused the other. He that layeth down arms and hath gotten nothing, thinketh he hath consumed his money and men, in the service of his confederates, and coming to make peace seeketh to repair his loss with their damage, counterpoising it with the profit which he pretends he hath received. The cause which bindeth two enemies to come to agreement, who have been so obstinate in War, and grown old in emulation, is always so powerful, that it suffers them not again to renew such an appearance, more like than convenience, to not give an example to posterity; and especially when at other times it hath been given, and hath done hurt. Either they must accommodate themselves to others wills, or War with their own powers.  
But if through the victories of either of the two Monarchies, dangers hang over their heads, by peace they receive damage, by War profit, why do they not, before this ease, or that begin, stay the wheel of fortune, and accommodate themselves with their Lord, who to overcome his competitor with a glorious victory, or bind him to an honourable peace, would peradventure yield to that, which at any other time he would deny? Who is a better neighbour, he that is a borderer upon them with all his power, or he that, doth it, but with a small part? He whom they have known to govern in time of peace without tyrannising, in time of trouble fight without subjecting them, in time of truce help by inviting them; Or he who in time of peace was always an enemy, in Wars, sometimes hath comforted, sometimes forsaken them, and at no time ever sufficiently assisted them, looking upon nothing but his own proper interest, and conveniency, that never joins with them, but when it doth them hurt.  
Surely I writ as I conceive it to be; I have no recourse to Metaphysics, nor use any art but think to write the truth, plainly and sincerely, and either love deceives me, or hatred blinds them.  
Under Salsas Spinola found greater resistance in the enemy, than many imagined, and in our men less constancy. The country people began to retire home, to avoid the falling waters and the unwholesomnesse of the air; whereunto adding the necessary retreat of many sick and wounded men, the dearth of fodder, and the doubtful provision of food, the Army was so decreased, that he was forced to represent unto his Majesty, the danger of forsaking the siege, or the necessity of being relieved with Soldiers, munition, labourers, and provision.  
The letters were read in the Tunta of State and War, and news being brought that the Duke of Maccheda, and Don Charles d' Suarra were arrived in Catalonia with the other Fleet; the landing of those forces, was thought the only remedy for to gain Salsas.  
Nor could the promise which was made of it to the Venetians, be any obstacle, seeing the Turk was not known to stir any way And when a mans own house is on fire, a wise man will not carry his water to quench another's. The Venetians would not blame it, the world would find no fault with it, and his own subjects would commend it. To this consultation the King made answer, that they should not think upon the Fleet, he had engaged his word to the Ambassador Contarini, to send it into Italy to be at the disposal of that commonwealth, and he would not fail therein by any means. His Majesty's intent was either to assist it in its, breaches by employing his forces, or further its accommodations by showing he would have employed them. He slighted the damages he himself received, touching his reputation with a competitor, in respect of those a confederate commonwealth might receive in its dominions by the hands of God's enemies, and preferred her service to his own; With the laws of friendship he overcame the sharpness and provocations of emulation which is most powerful in operation, inmisleading men's hearts. He laid aside th' affection of a competitor, which is always greatest in greatest men, and shown he was not void of that of friendship, which usually taketh root in none but the meaner sort. The one was occasioned by the greatness of mind, and State, which admits of no competitor, the other by the sincerity of the heart, which never deceives, nor forsakes a friend. This King hath (a thing which peradventure is not in other men) all the qualities which are required for the completing of a Gentleman, without hurting thereby them which make a King great. He hath recalled from banishment the moral virtues, and hath placed them amidst thrones, and sceptres, which virtues had bind expelled, not by the reasons, but the vices of Politicians. Showing that they which belong to a Prince, and to a private man are the same; and if there be any difference, it is not in the kind or species of them, but in the superiority of quality, converting them out of private into Royal ones, and practising them as King.  
Who would have been so sincere in this corrupt age? in which (peradventure through mere emulation) we hate our mothers, fight with our brethren, forsake our Sisters, persecute our Kindred, and abandon our friends. Or who hath done the like in better ages?  
It is much that this King, though he were bred up in good customs, hath not suffered himself to be carred away by an evil ones, by time nor example, and that he is so pious, when it might be piety enough, in him, to not be impious. But he can pretend no excuse, from any such imitation, or time, from which his virtues have always kept him. And he ought always to show himself as different from men's actions, as he hath been from their vices.  
The strict and continual instances of Marquis Spinola, and the seeming impossibility of remedying all wants, seemed to incline and almost force the minds of many to raise the siege.  
The Count Duke who amidst other men's hopes, had not voted that Salsas should be besieged, in their despair would not suffer it to be given over. He thought it a small conquest to take it, and a great loss to not take it after it was besieged. He durst not with his vote endager his Lord's reputation, but it being endangered by others, he was with his valour bound to secure it. The difficulties were many each one in itself great, and all laid together, seemed impossible to be overcome.  
But what cannot a subject of eminent understanding do, having great power, and that insused into him by a great Monarch? He can do what he will, and it is no marvel if another knoweth not what he can do, since he himself doth not know it, before he hath tried it.  
Who feareth damage from such kind of men, errs so much the more, the more he engageth them in great affairs; They perform always the greatest, because they are greater than any thing they undertake. The wise man hath no certain bound, he groweth with th'occasions, increaseth with operating, and like Powder, gains force by receiving it.  
What one only man may avail the greatness of a Monarchy, hath not as yet been tried, as now adays. Or hath not been known, either because he hath not been eminent, or because he hath not been so alone. So many subjects, famous, and worthy of respect, both in peace and war, dying within few years, might have prognosticated some unhappy events, to these most happy states, the Lord being wont, when he will ruin a Country, to take away such persons as may sustain it; if it were not that he doth it also when he will make some one subjects worth apparent and profitable by taking away such, as with their credit might usurp his glories, or hinder them by their competition.  
The Venetians who knew by experience, that to stay the course of a barbarous horse, a golden bit was better than an iron one: after they had with great preparations valorously shown, they feared not war; wisely bought their peace, and obtained it, good and honourable. Whereby the King being freed from his promise, gave the Fleet order, to send men, instruments, gunner's, and what else they could to the relief of the Army under Salsas.  
The greatest and most difficult business was the want of provisions, and especially of fodder. From the neighbour Countries, it could not be expected, seeing they were spoiled, burned, and wasted. And to have them brought out of other Kingdoms, the distance of place, the season of the year, it being Autumn, the foulness of the weather, and the suddenness which the urgent necessity required, made it almost impossible to be done by any humane diligence. But the Count Duke, with the greatness of his understanding found a remedy for it, and effected it with so much celerity, that within few days the Army was abounding in provisions and fodder. He was not content to provide for them one way, he appointed them to come out of Sardinia, Arragon, and Majora, and they came from all these places; He knew there was no way to secure hard enterprises, but to provide therein abundantly, and that errors may happen without ruining. And so those things at last proved easy, which seemed impossible.  
To provide in a Country totally ruined, for a numerous Army, not competency, but abundance of provisions, and especially of fodder, from far Kingdoms, in the end of a rainy Autumn, not by a former determination, but by a suddenly changed resolution, taken in an instant, in the straightness of time, when a delay of few days might have lost both the design and the Army, when it seemed impossible that letters should return soon enough by Posts, and much more provisions, is such a case, as is certainly unexampled in former ages, and must pass unimitated to ensuing times, requiring for the performance of it, many things whereof each one of itself is singular, and altogether necessary. Great power, an eminent understanding, a worthy breast, and extraordinary activity. Which qualities cannot come together, if there be not a Monarch resolute in commanding, a supreme Officer full of spirit, watchful Officers to put in execution, and most obedient subjects to not disturb them.  
When an enemy brings one into straits, it makes him know what may be done; Many times because it increaseth the understanding, and for the most part, because it leaves a man to his free will, taking away the power of Law, with that of necessity. In engaging he disingageth, in raising difficulties he makes them easy, changing just things into unjust, and making that necessary which was but convenient.  
Nature, be it slow, wise, or sparing, delayeth her uttermost endeavours, for the last violent assaults; True it is, that reserving itself to be able to do it, it often dies without doing it, and ofttimes because it hath not done it. One ought not to run upon conquests every time as one may.  
In the execution of these orders which were the soul of the enterprise of Salsas, it is fitting to speak with honour of the vigilancy and care of Don Hierome of Villanova, Protenotarie of Arragon, a most qualified Officer, acute of understanding, quick in executing, great in intelligences, and most faithful in his services. To have great designs come to a good end, it is enough if he undertakes them, losing one hope he despairs not, and never forsaking the business, either he attains to it by valour, or tireth it with diligence, and always overcommeth it.  
This Hold which Marquis Spinola besieged against his will, being led unto it by chances, engaged in it by fortune, kept there through obedience, he won not only by great valour, gallantness and vigilancy (qualities by which men use to win such holds) but also by diffidency, which ordinarily loseth them. He did as much as a General could do to bring an enterprise to pass; and writ as much as an officer could, to desert it, sometimes showing a desire to raise the siege, and almost still giving occasion to be commanded to continue it.  
This way, which gone about by a dejected mind, would have ruined the enterprise, being undertaken by a high spirit, secured it. The Count Duke was not daunted, like one that had no heart, nor grew not obstinate, like those that have no brain. Constancy engaged him to find a remedy for diffidency, and he stood not to dispute the matter with reasons, but went on to overcome difficuties with providing money, ammunition, provision, and men; and the seemingness of want to be greater then, it was; became the cause of having the conquest by a means thought impossible.  
The eminency of understanding causeth a man to be fearful, and a great heart to be rash, where they are equal they oppose one another to get the conquest the brain would intimidate the breast, and the breast would make the brain valiant. From that conflict comes forth a mixed, which is not fear, but consideration; and there they two being qualifyed leave off the contention between themselves, and with one accord set upon the difficulties, the breast will not yield to them, the brain will overcome them; and whereas several they might have lost, the one being abject and fearful, the other obstinate and rash, being united they overcome with constancy and providence.  
I know not whether next to God and the King the glory of the enterprise be due to the Count Duke; but I know he gave it knowledge, power, will and accomplishment, giving them order they should not give off the siege, teaching them how to secure it, providing for the maintenance of it, and with so much abundance that it might be overcome.  
The cavalry lay idle under Salsas. There came Intelligence that the enemy had laid up in a Castle in France fodder and victual, and had not left a sufficient guard to defend it from a sudden assault. The Generals with the advice of other commanders resolved to send Duke St. George with eight hundred horse and five hundred musquettiers to fire it. The enterprise seemed to be bold, and painful, as grounded only upon doubtful and unlikely advices.  
The Duke set forward, and by the way met with a body of Cavalry more numerous than his own standing in a readiness, whether it were there before, or by chance, or upon notice given. This unexpected accident, forced him to alter his mind, but not his valour nor wisdom, and made him resolve to alter his fire into stee●e, and conquer where he could not burn. He sent th'Infantry to take the passes to make his retreat good in case he should discover more forces, and be with his Cavalry went to charge those horse which were in sight, he routed and put them to flight, slew them, and took but few prisoners because he would not trouble himself, and so returned victorious to the Camp.  
This Cavalier is son to the Marquis of Torrecusa; his actions which speak for him, show his father to be not only valiant in fight but also happy in begetting of children; Leaving it doubtful in what fortune hath most subjected him to envy, either in what he hath performed, or in that he hath begotten.  
The King of France his Army consisting of twenty thousand horse and foot, shown itself entrenched upon a little hill, with some few squadrons descending into the plain, viewed the outward works, to relieve the Place. Marquis Spinola had disposed all things with watchful prudency, fearelessely expecting th' assault. A troop of horse about midnight endeavoured to come near the trenches, but the ground slippery, and yielding by reason of the great quantity of rain water engaged some to forsake their horses, which were fallen and mired there, and the rest to retreat. A thunder bolt fell in the midst of them the noise gave alarm to the trenches. The night was dark, tempestuous and rainy. His Majesty's army stood impatient, and desirous to fight. Having laid aside their muskets as unprofitable, they expected their enemy with spike and sword, when a light descended upon them, which shown the points of their arms bright in proportion of a star. Whether it was natural, as well it might be, & signified the clearing up of the air; or supernatural; which may be believed in a cause so just, and showed heaven to be favourable to us. But whether it indeed proceeded from a heavenly, or ethereal, known, or unknown beginning, it was a light, and every one saw it.  
The Walloons whose fortifications the enemy threatened, after much silence, gave a great shout.  
In doubtful cases every thing is great. There is no mean between silence, and shouting. The spirits which in danger run to the heart, cannot move the tongue, and there is silence. If need require to advantage ourselves by uttering our voice, being all heaped up in a vital part, they run with such violence to the organs of speaking, that they must needs frame a great sound. The enemy had a great number of forced, and new men, who being already fearful of their own nature, and dejected by reason of the waters which incessantly poured down, terrified and amazed▪ with the light, arms, and shouting, as if the thunder and lightning had followed them fled away; the valiantest sought to stay them, and when they found that to be in vain, they likewise retired and fled confusedly. Their tents, arms, wagons of ammunition and victual were left behind for a prey. It seems that these new forced and base men are good for nothing but to increase the number, and with the number, difficulty to maintain an army; an engagement to fight, with shame if they be overcome, a hindrance to conquest, and confusion in retreating. They prevent danger with their flight, and never stay for it; whereby others are affrighted and follow them, or endeavour to stay them, and are disordered. If they did but stay for th'encounter, and a little oppose the enemy, they would be good for something. And it is hard if the one part be not routed through the others disorder, For they will follow them that fly, and they that fly being disordered, they who follow must needs imitate them: so that by the flight of the base sort, one may rout the most valorous, and being wearied and disordered slay them.  
But experience having so often shown the hurt they do, when the business hath come to a trial, it seemeth strange to me, that at the instant when one goeth to fight, they will fill up Armies with such kind of folk. I know not whether man's vanity ought to be blamed for this error, which habituated more in show then substance, and accustomed to gain thereby, cannot (though it do him hurt) recede from that habitude, or ignorance, which erring in the manner of framing an argument, concludes that cowards mixed amongst valiant men will gain valour, whereas it should rather be inferred, that valiant men mixed amongst cowards, will lose their valour. Peradventure also it is neither vanity nor ignorance, but a secret providence of human nature. The great number, if they do not come to trial, availeth much, and especially to avoid the trial: a thing which nature above all things desireth, when it makes the least show of desiring it. It loves not to come to trial of the arm, and to that end it useth all kind of means, sometimes multitudes which shall be either fantastical or fruitless. Sometimes the quality of their outsides, long hair, guilded arms, humorous apparel, scarves, and feathers. Sometimes the noise of horrid outcries, threatening death, or a deep silence representing it. Sometimes a motion, which being violent may make one run away, or forget to offend.  
There came news into the Leaguer, that the enemy had an intent to attempt the relieving of the place by water, and by land, both at one time, and to that end had armed at Leucata certain Brigandines, and great store of Boats, with men and munition, defended by a great Trench guarded with Musquettiers. It was judged fitting to fire them. The first attempt took no effect, for it being to be done by night, our men lost their way. The second time taking expert Pilots, the charge thereof was given to Lieutenant Don Diego Sanchez; he to work more like a soldier than an incendiary▪ though he might with ease have fired them, would by force bring them away. Being come to the place, he landed some Musquetiers, who holding them in the great Trench in play, did so fare divert them, that he having seized their Boats; embarked his men, and returned victorious to the camp.  
The praise for th'execution of this notable act must be attribured to the Lieutenant, the advice to the Count Duke; who many times voted in the junta; that some Boats should be fitted and armed in the pool, and though they did it not (pretending it to be needless or impossible, only because they made it so) he still insisted upon it, till at last Don Francisco d'Iuarra coming thither, finding the truth of it, did put it in execution, and after the enemy had been divers times damnified thereby, at last it hindered them from this notable relief.  
Only by overcoming great difficulties, are obtained great Conquests. He whom they are against useth all his endeavours to overcome them he that hath them on his side, trusting in them groweth careless; and whereas he should oppose his enemy's wit, with his whole understanding; he opposeth it with rocks, woods, hills, and seas, as though man's understanding had not known how to go over rocks and hills, and pass through Seas. He is deceived that trusts the resistance to a pregnant understanding to any thing but to a more pregnant.  
The Prince of Conde blamed the rain in the last attempt, and thinking with valour to relieve the place, having rallied his Army, he came again within sight of it, and fortified himself upon the same hill. And having chosen the best spirits amongst his whole body, he sent them down into the plain, backed by all the cavalry, with the Duke of Luin, to set upon the Fortifications in two places. The onset was terrible and dreadful, made by men who were of noble blood, undaunted hearts, valiant, worthy to live for the defence of Religion, or die in defending it. Five hundred Gentlemen died in the field, and most part in the Trenches, finding death and burial in the fame place, and leaving their memories written in the blood of honourable wounds. May they rest in peace, and let a foreign Pen applaud them, to make their actions live, who died gloriously valiant.  
Amongst our men were most noted, the two Field-Marshals, Molinguen a Knight, and Don Giusto di Torres, whose quarters were ●et upon. The Field-marshal john di Arze▪ who went with part of the Count Duke's Regiment to relieve them. This man raifed his fortunes in Flanders by his valour, and passing through all the degrees of honour, attained to that of Field-marshal. He is brother to Don Peter de Arze Secretary of State. The one employs his Pen, the other his Sword; the one fights, the other writes and gives advice. They strive who shall do the best service. Which of them deserves best I know not▪ seeing there is no difference, in their ability, or will, but only in their profession. It will then appear when the competition between the Pen and the Sword is decided.  
But above all shined the valour of the Marquis of Torrecusa, who sometimes Leading the head on● sometimes heartening the men, omitted not any thing pertaining to a Commander or Soldier, but he did command, and performed it. He encouraged with words, and when need required with deeds. The enemy being gotten upon a Trench, taking a pike in his hand, he hindered, disordered, and overthrew him.  
Let Poets have leave to describe their Orlandoes, and Rinaldoes', if under those fabulous narrations they intended to set down this truth, That one man's valour is sufficient to gain a victory.  
An Army when it hath no Commander, is a mere dead carcase, when it hath one, it is sometimes valiant, sometimes cowardly, according to the soul which assists it. Even as the Members run to the danger where the head is, so the soldier where it goeth. That hand that arm, that fearfully avoides and shuns the blow which intends to wound it rashly runs on to meet it, in defence of the head. When one brutish, and unadvised man goeth, all the rest will follow, (though cowards) to precipitate themselves. So do not the wise. He suffers himself most to be led▪ who hath least wit, the danger diminisheth wit in many, and takes it quite away from the most part, making them like brutes follow him who goeth before them. Having lost their own discourse, they now discourse with another's. They hold it more secure to sight in his company, then to fly without him. They would all run blindfold into a precipice, some through valour, and the most part through ignorance, were it not that many who should lead on, sometimes stay behind to meet the danger, till it is too late, and the Army runs away: and whereas before ignorance would have been favourable to cause him to be followed, it now becomes dangerous to cause him to be obeyed. All trust remaining now in good advisement which is hard for to find place in him that feareth, and most necessary to alter the course which he is in. I say not that all the Commanders ought to be such, but such a one there must be, and that Army which wanteth such a one as the Marquis of Torrecusa is, shall not be without a head▪ but without a heart. The Prince of Conde retired into France with the body of his Army, or to say better, he dragged it along, like a sad and lifeless corpse.  
He is a man ordained to do harm where he hath received benefits, that fortune which being adverse, caused him to receive them, seeing him in his prosperity unthankful, returns to be adverse to cause him to repay them, showing itself contrary to his designs, yet favourable to his engagements, where without being either treacherous or unngratefull, he serves his King faithfully, and because of his ill fortune serves his benefactor happily. And if he alone be happy, that (according to the opinion of the wise) cannot be unhappy, who can be so, more than this Prince, who is always sure to obtain noble renown, whether he lose or conquer, by either deserving much, or paying a great debt?  
The enemy having already twice in vain attempted the relief of Salsas, driven back sometimes by valour, sometimes by fortune, being now past hope drew his Army into quarters.  
The Truce being expired in Italy, the enemy entered into Chieri, a place which may he termed to have no walls, and had no men in it. The Marquis drew near unto them, and hindered their design of besieging Turine; He cut them off a Convoy of▪ a thousand Soldiers; He proffered battle divers times, and they refusing it, drove them to retire to the hills, he followed and overtook them, and forced them five times to change their stations, still gaining them from them, and had he not wanted time he had strength and courage enough to have destroyed that Army in two hours.  
The enemy left in the field, many dead men store of baggage and munition, and found himself so rend, that he durst not hinder the Marquis from taking of Bubio, and Wesme, two great Castles which they had ●eft in those passes.  
The proceed of his Majesty's Armies this year in Italy were those we have rehearsed which are peradventure greater, than either ancient or modern histories mention to have been performed in the short space of so few months, with so many painful circumstances.  
The war was between Nations, warlike both renowned and experienced; In a fruitful Land▪ full of strong holds, provided of victual and Ammunition, assisted with old forces and Garrisoned with valiant Soldiers.  
The glories gained, were Armies routed, and overthrown, reliefs sometimes hindered, sometimes given; Forts assaulted, won & defended; walls scaled, great store of places taken, sometimes by sudden assaults, sometimes by short sieges, none through intelligence, one only through cunning, & that valorously; Very few voluntarily, & they first terrified, some yielding to strength, some to fear, & all to justice.  
The Conquests have been th'enlarging of his Majesty's Dominions from Milan to the Alps by Yurea and Turin, & to the Sea by Monferrat and those places. Thus were the consultations and advices of the French Ministers of State deceived, who by not coming into Italy with great forces, bounded within a small compass the possibility of conquests to the Spanish armies.  
The Spaniard who works least, and fights best of other Nations, changing his fight into labouring▪ lost his advantage, and amidst the banks of earth rather hid his valour, than defended his person. But at last (were it chance, necessity or choice) throwing away the spade, and taking the sword in hand, he shown the soldiers were not different from their ancestors, but rather the commanders; not the valour, but the way of fight. This sudden metamorphosis, which in the conquering of places, changed days into hours, was misinterpreted by them who should have believed it, and because they would not respect true valour where it was, they accused falsehood where it was not, and endeavouring rather to secure themselves from that, then defend themselves against the other, deceiving their own understanding they found themselves to be faithfully served and valiantly overcome.  
To hid the enemy's valour from the vulgar sort, because they may not be disheartened, is a conveniency of State. To punish innocent persons, and conceal the guilty, to deceive the people, to gain repute with the Prince savours of damnable policy. But for a man to deceive himself, and not believe what he sees, as if the not believing of it, could unmake the truth, and th'imagination make the case, is neither humane not diabolical conveniency. It is true that the one destroys the truth, and the other frames the case; but it being not in the thing its self, but only in the understanding by such an error they lose both th'understanding and the thing.  
It was daily expected at Court to hear of the yielding of the place, and that shortly, risoners, and those which run over to us did assure us of it; affirming they drunk cistern water, eat rottenbisket, wanted wood and salt; that soldiers fell sick, and died, and those who were living did mutiny. That the Governor talked, though he did not parley: and though his words were rather of sending to the Prince of Conde then of yielding the place it was a sign of faintness, and he would yield it. Likelihood persuaded these things to be true and especially the desire of those who were unwilling to premeditate, and knew not how to provide for the damages which delay might breed, made it serve for a comfort, & a remedy to persuade themselves and others that it would quickly yield.  
It is necessary for an officer to provide for all as he can imagine, and not for that chief which is most likely, but for that which is most dangerous. To expect a good event quickly, it is necessary first to secure one's self fro● evil. One that is to be deceived is never quite and utterly deceived; there always remains somewhat, in which being not totally deceived, though it doth not undeceive it troubleth.  
Hope which is framed to sustain one, in great misfortunes being ill used, precipitates us into miserable calamities, Not content through it to keep ourselves from despair, we would thereby attain to happiness. The future becomes present, hope is turned into security; And being deceived by our own desires, and not hopes promises, we call it deceitful and false; which would not be deceitful if we did not make it so nor false if we did not falsify it. It deceives none, but leaves them perplexed without any determination; and he that determineth, changeth it by his opinion.  
The Count Duke who made use of hope▪ with a proviso that it should not prejudice wisdom, comforted himself through it as if it were certain, and did use prevention against it, as if it were false. At this time the art and deceit of the French was to be more looked too, them their valour, who have changed their custom, though not their nature, their head, though not their heart.  
That the Prince of Conde was their general, who had openly said in Dola, that his understanding was much to be feared, his force not so much, and his fortune but little. That it was unlikely he having had so much time and so convenient a season had not sufficiently victualled the place.  
That it was to be imagined the Governor fearing force, more than want, to prevent that, feigned he feared that most which he feared least. To eat rotten biscuit was in wise men, not so much a demonstration of want as an argument of providence, as they who reserved what was good, against a greater faintness, and for a smaller number; little regarding the health and life of soldiers, when they can do no better service, then to die.  
When show is made in any besieged place either of abundance or want, the contrary is always to be doubted.  
His advice was that two thousand of the best old soldiers should be left in the trenches; the rest should be lodged some where ne'er thereabouts to refresh themselves, and be ready upon any occasions. That the void place, which they left, should be filled up with men our of Catalonia, Arragon, and Valencia, with a promise of exchanging them if the siege should last long, and if ended, soon, to discharge them. That the Galleys should return to Naples and Sicily, having first landed relief into the State of Milan, and the rest remain in Spain. And that the ships should make ready for the Indian voyage.  
This opinion was applauded by all men, but not wholly effected, by reason of a rumour which began to be raised of a great relief preparing in France. And likewise because that some few weeks after, the Governor upon honourable conditions (which are set down in the end of the book) covenanted to yield up the place, if he were not relieved by the day of th'Epiphany.  
In the mean time the Marquis of Balbases writ to the Duke of Ferrandina, how he heard the enemy was advancing with a numerous and strong Army, having a double intent; Namely, either to force their outworks, or to keep away our provisions. He shown that the former was not impossible to be done, and the latter vere easy. He spoke concerning both, with much valour and yet with some diffidence an ordinary thing in wife men, and being done with moderation is profitable to secure one against future times. If it falls cut well it credits the valour which hath overcome the difficulties: if ill, the advice which hath given notice of them.  
The Marquis of Villa Franca sent the Letter to the Count Duke.  
I have affirmed this to be a great General, who from his Closet can command Armies. I would be silent in many things concerning the Count Duke, if I framed a Poem, but I relate them, because I writ a History. The former makes use of what is likely, though false, the later leaves not out that which is unlikely so it be true.  
Be it then granted me to prove the truth of the most unlikely thing. I can speak in the commendation of this great man, to honour my History by the Letter he writ to Marquis Spinolis. I will set set down a true copy of it word by word, without adding or diminishing. I shall secure myself from the blemish of infamy, if not amongst ignorant and malicious men (the praise and dispraise of whom I equally contemn) yet amongst understanding and well minded folk▪ who alone can commend and discommend.  
SIR, There arrived here this morning a letter from the Marquis of Villa Franca dated the 29 of the last month, and one enclosed from your Excellency of the 27. I confess that if the advices your Excellency writes of, are those which you expected for certain, I find myself disburdened of three quarters of the cares I took. An Army which hath two designs, doth much weaken the action with the diversity of two intentions, whereas having but one it may do much, there remaining no appeal to the second. I will now discourse with your Excellency upon your letter to the Marquis after I have cursorily touched something concerning the time given for the yielding of the place, it being judged to be somewhat long; and though here others consider other points of the capitulation I only insist upon that of having water in the dike, which being so extravagant and new to me, maketh me suspect (finding no other reason for it) they desired it, to th'end they might have water to drink; and if they wanted water (seeing thirst cannot be endured two days,) I would by no means have made any agreement with them, but for a very short time. And if this be a customary clause, and there be other reasons to enforce it, I refer myself to experience, which though it cannot hinder the prefixed time from being thought long, may satisfy the strictest difficulty, and chiefest ground. Now coming to your Excellencies' Letter, wherein you relate the enemies twofold designs, I will speak what I think of it.  
As for the first to force the outworks, I assuredly believe that after so many month's time they are settled in very good form, and that by that means, and with the help of the cavalry, it will be more than difficult for the enemy to force those works in such sort as to enter them with their Horse and Ordnance, which not coming to pass, it will be impossible for him to obtain his desire, which I fear the less, because I know those two thousand men are making ready for your Excellency, which I suppose you only wanted to secure the Works; As for the hindering you from victual, if I may speak the truth, I hold it impossible, your Excellency hath within your Trenches provision sufficient for twelve days at the least, according to the reiterated orders, and peradventure for longer. They who must hinder them, must return back to take the way of Estagel, and consequently must pass under your Excellency's Canon, whereby besides the discouragement an Army receives by going back, you may have them pursued in the rear; and if that should not hinder their good order, yet might you keep bacl their reliefs and provisions, in those rough, and narrow ways, and provide as is fitting for Perpignane. Out of which in my opinion it would be good to leave some Commanders of Horse and Foot, who uniting themselves with the men of the Province might upon any occasion either obstruct the enemy's provisions, or bring him in between those Troops and your excellency. For as it may be believed and as upon the last Orders advice is given, that the Catalanes were raising forces, whereof the faintest part, increasing the bulk, and the best, strengthening Perpignane, would make the enemy's intentions exceeding difficult, if not impossible. Besides, I hold it very painful, there being no provisions ready upon the Frontiers the 24th day, to bring all necessary provisions from Sicas, to Rivas altas for an Army (which stands in want of it) by reason of the great compass which by reason of the ill way they must fetch, and the short time of ten days, which they have to work in, your Excellency being abundantly stored with every thing for above twelve. If the enemy should make his attempt by the way of Rivas altas your Excellency would not have so much time as I think of between the one, and the other action. But before any such, passage could be made, you would have had it, by that which I have spoken of Perpignane, and always cut off the enemy's Convoys, they being at such a distance, or burn their provisions in their Magazines. For it is impossible and not to be imagined that he can keep such a guard upon his provisions and other places, and secure himself.  
Whence shall he provide such a strong Army both in quality and quantity as might stand for seven whole leagues in every place stronger than the body of your Excellencies, to secure him from receiving a blow, which may disorder him, and utterly overthrow his design?  
I beseech your Excellency to pardon me, as Don Pietro de Toledo was wont to say, if I soldier it with so great a fouldiour, who am altogether inexpert in that art. I conclude Sir, that we are and aught to be Gods; hoping he will not forsake his cause. I send your Excellency money.  
I will also rehearse the circumstances; they will seem weak but they are necessary to lay open the great ones; they will abase my stile, but what is that to the purpose, so they do exalt another's glories. He did not elaborate this letter with his pen, he did dictate it without any intermission, not when he was quiet and fare from any noise, sitting at his desk, but in his coach running, not imparting it to any, only dictating it to Don Antonio Carnero one of his secretaries, a man of great understanding and knowledge, of most unspotted fidelity, and clean hands, in service attentive and infatigable.  
I bear with them who set me out for a flatterer. They see me rewarded, they examine my talon, and because they find no great worth, they blemish it with a great vice. They find me a writer of great actions, they examine what they can do, and because they find it come short, they call my relations fables. The conciousnesse of what themselves would do, causeth them to think ill of him that writes, & that which they cannot do to misunderstand him that doth it. An Historian of understanding flatters himself if he imagines he can avoid slanders. He hath somewhat within him which he concealeth, a great virtue and a great vice, which being hid from the eyes of the vulgar, when it comes to be manifested, it seeming he addeth it of his own (because that though it were so, it was not known) they call him, if he writes of excellent good ones, a flatterer, if of exceeding bad ones, a malicious person.  
I would be pleasing to hear vice reproved, but with modesty, and virtue extolled, but with moderation; and its displeasing to have the secrets of virtues and vices discovered. They would be willing to embrace the one, and not have it known, and to not labour for the other, and yet have it imagined that they have it. They hear the writers expressions blame vice wholly, but in virtue praise only the greatest, and men having commonly of the one and the other, and few of the latter excessively, participating of the reproof, which extends itself even to mediocrity, and not of the praise, which goeth only upon the extremes, on the one part they remain ill satisfied, on the other offended. Upon the report of the relief coming out of France, his Majesty's Army was increased by a considerable number of Catallanes (who in this occasion carried themselves cunningly) and by many soldiers who having recovered their healths went to employ it in their master's service.  
Above all others remarkable was the arrival of the Duke of Naccara and Maccheda not so much because he brought three hundred of the choicest musquettiers of the Fleet with him, as for the person of so complete a Gentleman, who not through any other persuasion but of his own well-guided courage, voluntarily came to increase it in that Army; and whereas before he without fear stood expecting the enemy, now fearless came to challenge him. He put himself in the regiment of the Count Duke, under the Command of the Field Martial Don john de Arze, to make himself famous with his pike in his hand.  
Let it be a sufficient attestation for the nobility of his blood, that I have named him; Of the great endowments of his person, the relation of this action. In the former are rehearsed the memories of his many illustrious forefathers, and a person is set forth in whom is made the union of all those greatnesses; in the latter shines, modesty, wisdom, valour, and devotion to the King, and gallantness in serving him.  
Th'intelligences which many ways came out of France were, That the most Christian King was resolved to have the Fort relieved. That to that purpose came cut of Paris, Monsieur de Poncourle Marquis▪ of Coastin▪ Nephew to the Cardinal of Richelieu. That the old and new Forces of Languedock were appointed for that purpose, sour companies of foreign Nations, the Regiment of Lionnois, the Regiment of guards, eight which came out of Lorraine down the Rone, all the cavalry that was in pay, the bound Nobility which was bound to come, and that which came voluntary; and because they should be enough for such a great enterprise, there being a scarcity of them in France, they resolved to remedy it by the same way as it came, taking the Baron of Bassompier out of prison (for so they writ him) that he might with the Duke of Luin, and Martial La Force, go to the relief.  
All this rumour ended with the approach of the Vanguard within four miles of the place, the day before that which was agreed upon for the yielding of it; And to th'end the default might be imputed to want of time, or peradventure to the Governor, because it was not then relieved, and for the former time to the General, because he could not relieve it. They did nothing at all, and left it to be doubted what they would have done if they had fought. But what they would have done, may be known by what they did, when they did fight before. The time was long enough being four months; the Governor deserved commendations, having (before he yielded) suffered long famine. deadly diseases, and great mutinies. The General was justified by the two reliefs which he attempted, and by this third which was not attempted.  
The Governor came out of the Hold according to the agreement the day of the Epiphanie.  
The Lord would not have our King want this place to offer up that day wherein other Kings present their gifts unto him. And because it should be manifest what his Majesty's directions do operate in all enterprises, what the Prince's hopefulness gins to operate, and what the Count Duke's advice had operated, this could not happen upon a fittinger day then this, which is his Majesty's day by his preeminency amongst Kings, The Princes by his name of Balthasar, and the Count Dukes by reason it was his birth day. The Sun shines not upon the birthday of him who was borne for the greatness of this Monarchy, nor returns not to the place where he was on that day, or celebrates the festival of it, with a less favourable aspect, than the conquest of a place regained with so much valour and glory.  
There the world being spectator, beheld as on a Theatre too great and terrible Provinces, Spain and France fight a Duel, not for their states, but for their reputations, expecting, as the reward of victory, the renown of being the most valiant.  
There with four thousand foot, and two thousand five hundred horse was the enemies whole forces set upon in their own quarters, and routing them, they were feign to be beholding to the darkness of the night, to not have it known whether they retreated or fled.  
There in little more than an hour, were assaulted gained and thrown down their Forts, half Moons, Trenches, and what ever else in so many days was set up about that place by French art, and understanding to safeguard him from the the Spanish valour.  
There a few forces tired with want, and sickly by reason of the unseasonableness of the air, defended a large and weak circuit of trench, against a most powerful Army of the King of France increased in great number by the Soldiers, & Gentry of the adjoining Provinces, and by old regiments from far parts much reinforced.  
There along the Pool with weak Barks was overthrown a Convoy, and a great aid overcome, which the enemy had embarked to relieve the place with victuals and Ammunition.  
There after they had gathered, together all the power of France, they durst not appear in the field, being disheartened by the horror of seeing their dead companions, and discouraged with the remembrance of the overthrows they had there received.  
Finally the Spaniards have there been always conquerors, a foot● a horseback, by land, by water, in open field or entrenched, in assalting, or in defending trenches; Let it be known that nature on the one fide raines down plenty, on the other it instilleth valour, to some it gives number, to others solidness and hath imprinted the character of superiority in the breast of them who exceed in valour, not in number.  

Articles of suspension of Arms between the two Crowns. The Lady Duchess, and the Lords Princes of Savoy, from the 14th of August, to the 29th of October, 1639.  
IT being judged necessary for furthering the Propositions made between the Duchess and the Princes of Savoy, and to prevent the ruin of Piedmont, to have a Suspension of Arms between the two Crowns the Duchess and the said Princes, as well in Italy, as in all other her highness of Savoys Dominions; The said Suspension was agreed upon, for the public good and quietness and in regard of the good offices done by th'Archbishop of St. Severina, Apostolical Nuntio▪ until the 24th of October next of this present year 1639. to give their Majesty's notice thereof in the mean time, and to receive an answer concerning their pleasures therein. During which time, all manner of hostilities shall cease on all sides, and that upon the conditions following.  
That the Citadel of Turin shall remain in the Duchess and the Frenches possession, and the City of Turin in the Princes of Savoy and the Spaniards possession, as they are at this present with such numbers of men as shall be judged fit for the guarding of the said places.  
That they both may work within the said places during the time of the said suspension, or as it may be agreed between them, as shall be appointed for the said purpose, and as it shall be set down in the Covenants made and confirmed this present day.  
The two Armies shall retire each to the Provinces and Towns of their own side, and into their several Holds, (as more particularly it hath been covenanted and agreed in another writing beating date with these present) without making any incursions, or doing any other acts of hostility. And if any thing should happen contrary to this Article, the damage shall be made good again; and satisfaction given upon the complaint without any breach of this suspension thereby.  
That in such places as are possessed by the two Crowns, the Duchess, and the said Princes of Savoy, none of their officers, nor any other person of their party, shall without a Passport go to places belonging to the other party, nor into their Armies, or much less into any such places, as is covenanted they should retire into.  
As concerning Casal, things shall remain in the state they are at this present, and no act of hostility to be done on either side.  
It shall be lawful for the Field Marshals and Officers of Justice, and treasure and other Officers of the most Christian Kings Armies, to go and return to and from the said Casal, and other places of Monferrat, where the said most Christian King hath any Garrison, as likewise those as shall be sent by his Majesty's Generals and Officers, or such as shall be within the said places, with Passes from the most Christian Kings Generals, or the Governors, or any other person as shall have the command of the place from whence they shall come, which Passes being shown both at going and coming to the Governors of such places as shall be held by his Catholic Majesty, and the said Princes of Savoy, they shall be tied to suffer them to go and come freely without any  on either side.  
All Officers which do not belong to the said Garrison of Casal, and are not at this present in it, and shall go into it during the time of the said suspension, shall be tied to come forth again before it be ended, according to the order which shall be given them so to do by the most Christian Kings Generals upon pain that all Officers as shall herein offend, shall be dealt with as breakers of this suspension and Treaty. That the sick and wounded of the Spanish Army may freely be carried and conveyed from Turin into the State of Milan along the River Po, with Passes from the Governor of the City of Turin, together with such as shall conduct the said sick and wounded men, their goods and baggage, showing the said Passes to the Governors of Casal and Civasco. And the Boat-men may likewise: return to Turin with their empty Boats, wherein they shall have carried the said infirm men, without needing any other Passes then such as they shown at their going, which they shall again show to the said Governors of Civasco and Casal at their coming back, without any molestation on either side.  
As for the Garrison of the said Casal, it may be renewed to the quantity of six hundred men, during the said suspension, taking out as many of them that are in it, in the presence of a Commissary of each part.  
The most Christian Kings Officers may cause any goods as they desire to be brought out of the said place, and carried to what place they please.  
The prisoners of both Crowns shall for this time be exchanged; Captain for Captain, and other Officers, for Officers of the like quality, and soldier for soldier. And in case there be a greater number of prisoners one the one side then on the other, they shall be freed, paying for their ransoms one months pay, and their charge, excepting Colonels, whose ransoms shall be agreed upon by the Generals; And as for the prisoners of war, who are in the Duchess' hands, and the Princes of Savoy's, of either Armies belonging to the two Crowns, they shall be included in the precedent Article. And as for other prisoners which are in the Duchess' or Prince's hands, they shall be exchanged one for another, and being more of one side then the other, they shall be particularly treated of between the Duchess and the Princes.  
And upon the said Articles the said Suspension hath been agreed upon, beginning from this present day the 24. of October this year 1639. Which shall begin in Turin the day of the date, and in Piedmont and Monferrat, four days after, and in Nizza and Savoy six days. Meaning that it beginning from this day, the Armies which are in Turin shall not do any acts of hostility on neither side to any place whatsoever, and if they do, satisfaction shall be given.  
For the fulfilling and performing whereof the under written Lords, do faithfully and sincerely bind themselves, and it witness thereof have been subscribed two copies, the one in Spanish by the most Illustrious Prince Thomas and the most Excellent Lord Marquis of Leganes; And the other in French, by the Cardinal of Valletta, and the Duke of Longueville the 14. of August 1639.   

Articles agreed upon in the treaty of suspension of arms between the two Crowns, the Duchess, and Princes of Savoy, concerning the places of Piedmont which are to remain at the disposal of each party.  
FIrst all the lands of the territory of Asti, between Po and Tanaro, to the lands of Monferrat, shall remain at the disposal of the said Prince's beginning from Santena, Casanova Ternavas, Pralormo, la Monta St. Damian and Govon unto the Tanaro, together with St. Steven where neither shall lie; and the Inn which is on this side of the Po shall remain neutral. And all the land from the side of Cherasco and Carmagnuola shall remain in the Duchess' disposal. All the lands of the territory of Asti on the other side the Tanaro toward Nizza della Paglia and of the marish side shall likewise be at the Prince's disposal beginning from the way to Asti, to Ceva▪ Costigliole, Collozo, St. Steven of Belbe Cossano, Casto, Mombarche, M●llazano, Ceva; And Castagnola shall remain neutral, and all the other towns on the side of Alba. And from the aforesaid Towns to the Tanaro, they remain under the Duchess' command. And likewise it is agreed that the said Cossano, and the fort of it shall remain neuter, because of the passage from Alba to Bobbio, & Vesme. The towns going from Ceva to Conio on the mountain side shall be likewise at the disposing of the said Princes; beginning from St. Michael Villanova Morrozo, Margarita, Montaner, Castelletto and Conto. And to go from Conio to Revello, Busca shall likewise belong to the Princes; and Card shall remain neuter for the passage. And likewise to go from Conio to Dromero, and Valle di Maira; Bernez and Carallio shall in the foresaid manner remain at the Prince's disposal.  
And all the towns, except the aforesaid of St. Michael, Margarita and the other which are mentioned being on the side of Bene, Fossano, Savigliano and Saluzzo, together with the valley of St. Pair, shall be at the Duchess' disposing, with the rest of the Towns of Piedmont.  
And all the towns to go from Jurea to Mass, and from Mass to Flet by the way of the mountain, which remain between the Dora Baltea, and the river Orco shall be at the said Princes disposing. And to go from the said Mass to Turin; Follizo and Leini shall remain neuter; as also Borgaro, and Settimo to go from the Citadel of Turin to Civasco. And all the other towns from Mass to Civasco, and from thence to Flet, with those of the river Orco to Susa shall be at the Duchess' disposing, as also Cimena and its territory, St. Raphael, and Castanetto.  
And along by the vale of Lanzo, beginning from the said place, the country shall be free without any quartering, only it shall contribute to the Duchess' horse which shall lie in Viu, because the said Vale may provide, and carry provision to the City, and Citadel of Turin, whither the Inhabitants of the said Valley shall be suffered to go and sell the said provisions at their pleasures. And it is further agreed, that in the places belonging to the Abbey of St. Benigno, none shall quarter unless they be passengers.  
And in the Lands of Beinasco, Grogliasco, Cogliegno, and Altesano, none shall quarter, nor much less shall any quarter near to any of the said places where there is a Garrison of the one or the other side, by two miles.   

Articles agreed upon between the most Excellent Lords, the Marquis of Balbases, and the Count of Santa Colomba Geneneralls of the Armies of Cantabria, and Catalonia. And Monsieur d'Espinan, Field-marshal of the most Christian Kings Armies, and Governor of the Castle and Fort of Salsas, this Friday 23th December 1639. in the Leaguer under Salsas.  
FIrst, it is agreed that the said Monsieur d'Espinan shall come forth of the Castle and fort of Salsas with all the Garrison, Chieftains, Officers, Soldiers, and Persons of what condition soever, the sixth day of January next at nine a clock in the morning punctually, in case the place be not relieved the same day; at the same hour. By relieving is meant, if the most Christian Kings Army doth force the outward Trenches, and the Army which besiegeth the place to retreat; or doth relieve the place with provisions as much as it wants: so that there being any of those things wanting▪ the Place shall not be understood to be relieved; and the besieged shall be bound to yield it up at the appointed hour, though they might be relieved within a moment after it.  
The besieged shall come out secure in their lives and persons, without any distaste or grievance, with all their Arms and baggage, Drums beating, Colours flying Matches lighted at both ends, and Bullets in their mouths.  
They shall likewise have one of the French pieces of Ordnance which are in the Castle with its Carriages and other instruments, and Ammunition sufficient to make twenty shot.  
The besieged shall be conducted to Narbona; the shortest and directest way, and shall go away the same day, and hour as is agreed upon, and shall march that night to Sixa●, to which place they are to be convoyed, that they may arrive thither safely. And the next day being the seventh of January, though the Convoy return, they shall departed to Narbona, unto which place they shall carry the Hostages. And word is given, that they shall pass to the said City with the same security.  
The besiegers shall furnish them with Wagons as many as shall be needful to carry away their unable men, their baggage and Arms if they be laid on, and Monsieur d'Espinan, and the Captains shall have horses.  
The besieging Army doth covenant, that the water shall run into the More on both sides, the same day as Hostages shall be given. It lying at their discretion to turn it away again, four days before notice of the relief be given: the besieged being not to hinder them from doing it, by no way nor means.  
In case the relief should appear in sight on the eve of the day, the Truce shall be broken on either side, and all manner of hostility shall be allowed, which till then shall have ceased, as likewise all manner of offensive works shall cease till that time on both sides, and the besiegers shall not work but only within their Trenches; nor the besieged shall, much less, make any Works, either within, or without, whereby the besiegers may be endamaged. And in case the relief be beaten back, though it stand in sight without doing any thing at the appointed hour, the capitulation shall be kept, and the place yielded up, all the Articles here rehearsed, being observed:  
It shall be lawful for Monsieur d'Espinan to send one of his men to his General, to give him an account of this present Treaty, Conditionally that the person who goeth from the said Monsieur d'Espinan shall not return again into the place, but may return as far as the Leaguer, and spoke with Monsieur d'Espinan in the presence of such persons as shall be appointed for that purpose by the General's Excellencies, or shall write his mind to him, the Letter coming open into their Excellency's hands. Giving the person which shall come forth a pass & a trumpeter, as fare as the Cavagne of Palma:  
And for the more assurance of this treaty; Hostages shall be given on both sides. Namely a Captain of the army of that guard which is commanded by the Marquis of Mortara, and another of a Tercia of Spaniards, another of th'Italians, and another of Walloons. And on Monsieur d'Espinan his side shall be delivered, two Captains of the regiment of the Duke of Enguien and two more of the other two regiments that are in the hold. Which hostages shall be kept on both sides until this treaty be accomplished, and the horses and carts which shall have conducted the besieged being come to Narbona, shall be sent back again, and the hostages likewise, all which things being arrived to the army, their hostages shall be sent away safe, with a trumpeter.  
For the performance of which treaty it shall be subscribed by the most Excellent Lords General of the besiedging army, and by Monsieur d'Espinan, and the heads of the regiments which are within Salsas. Given at the leaguer before Salsas the 23. December 1639.   
FINIS.