NO DROLL, BUT A RATIONAL ACCOUNT, Making out the probable Fall of the present, with the Rise and Succession of what the ENGLISH WORLD understand by the Term of A FREE PARLIAMENT:  
In a Letter to a Friend.  1 Cor. 9 1. 
Am I not a Free man?  
LONDON, Printed for YE.   

NO DROL, but a Rational ACCOUNT Making out the probable Fall of the present, with the Rise and Succession of what the ENGLISH WORLD understand by the term of a FREE PARLIAMENT.  
Sir,  
DIspensing with those Epistolary Caresses, (with which friends entertain each other) I shall immediately without Prologue, give you an account of the grounds of my Confident persuasion, that our English affairs are not far from settling upon their old Bottom.  
The Topics from which I shall deduce my arguments, shall be from Considerations of the present Power called a Parliament, the Army, the Sectaries, Foreiners, General Monk. More heads I might pitch on, and more arguments might be raised from either of those that have been mentioned: but I shall confine myself, and present you at one view, such which are plain and conspicuous, to every one that hath but three hours' leisure to sit still and consider, that being the space of time which I have allotted myself, for the summing up of these following Reasons.  

First this Parliament.  
They are in great Contempt with the people universally, and are stigmatised with such a name of Contempt, that every child's mouth is, as well, as every history hereafter will be full of: generally hated, very little either loved or feared. Such a power certainly cannot stand. But if it were granted, that they were either loved or feared (with one or both of which all the world by experience knows that a power that is likely to continue must be supported) yet the surest mark or indicium of a fall (which verity itself hath proclaimed as an indisputable Maxim) appertains to them, and that is, An house divided against itself cannot stand. For the Army, the Anabaptists, the Presbyterians, the Independents, the Protector, nay the King himself have each their friends amongst them, which according to their several interests, do either disorder, or discover Counsels, and put them upon such extravagancies, that there appears to be little sound wisdom in their Resolves.  
Nay, though we should conceive them to be all as one man, the affairs and concerns of the Nation are at this time so jumbled, and discomposed (the public distempers bearing some analogy and proportion to actue diseases in the body, for which a sudden remedy must be found) that it is not probable that many Physicians (especially having little skill) can find out the Remedy, or by a timely concurrence pitch upon what may be  recovery, before the Patient hath breathed his last.  
But leaving Similes, and to speak plain English, they have made it their business, and do daily disoblige such which have been called the Parliaments friends; witness their resolve to put to sale the Estates of the Boothians, which are very numerous in every County and City, and such which have not yet felt so much, as the smart of Sequestration, who no douby, rather than admit such a Sentence to be executed, will rally that affair into better order, being now better armed than they were, and have better laid their counsels, and intelligence, having the plausible and lovely pretence (or rather the just end and design) of a Free Parliament.  
Now consider, who are to manage the affair against their just and well ordered designs, even such whose Grandees and leading men (as some could be named) are rash, heady, inconstant and extremely ill beloved, declining in their Reputations even with those that are thought to be their Seconds, and Abettors.  
But provided that none of these things were known concerning them, (viz.) universal contempt, intestine Divisions, distempers, for which a sudden remedy is to be pitched on, the ingrate character of disobligation of friends, or were it that they had sober Leaders, is it possible think you to eradicate out of the people's minds a sense (and that accompanied with a malcontentedness) that they are not the fourth part of that Power they would have the people believe them to be, that is, the Representatives of the Commonalty, acting (in the exclusion of their fellow Members) what they have condemned in the Armies late Force as Treasonable?  
And yet to see the strange blindness and delusion of men, as it were, resolved to ruin themselves! How have they lately endeavoured to stir up those high degrees of dislike and hatred of the people to an unappeasable rage, and fury, by a resolution once again to enslave their Consciences with a Contradictory Oath of the Blackest Qualification (being negative) in such a juncture of affairs, when all things are full of mutation and inconstancy; and when every one that hath any thing of Conscience left alive, as to oaths, are ready penitently to beg God forgiveness for former perjuries, and are very loath to be entangled with more?  
But true it is, and a sad truth it is, there are too many that are ready (so they may secure their temporal) to hazard their eternal concernments; but our wise Senators, as if they were throughly studied in the art of Self-Ruine, have contrived a way to lose that may have throats wide enough to swallow down any oath they'll present them with, and that is by the thundering vote of 100000 l. per mensem, which Tax they were about to impose before their last dissolution, even upon the neck of fifteen months' Tax in a Quarter of a year, and lately have reassumed the Debate. And though they have let it rest a little while, yet there is no probability, that they can conclude of a way to keep off such burdens, their debts with their Militia being increased. Now there is no one that keeps horses, but knows, that a great burden, coming upon a galled back, will make any beast fling off its Rider. If great Taxes and impositions upon a wasted people do not make them do the like, I lose my conjecture.  
A wasted people, I say, all Trade being dead and decayed, and no likelihood of Supplies for the alleviation of their intolerable pressures from our Superiors mannagement of affairs: and this undoubtedlie is to be thought reason, that when a Nation grows universally necessitous, Fine words, plausible Declarations, and fair promises, have but little efficacy, either to stop or allay a popular rage, which is every minute ready furiously to break forth.  
But it may be said, that such a suggestion is but a flourish; when that we see a straight rain carried on the neck of the people, by persons eminent, and in Arms, will not suffer them to know their own strength, and consequently will hinder that fury breaking forth. Some little plausibleness seems to be in the objection, but that which weakens it, is: That this Parliament have not now a Cromwell, an Essex, a Fairfax, a Fleetwood, or a Lambert, for that work. And a sense of their own weakness fills them full of jealousies, even of such, they would have the world believe they most love, and that seem to pursue and strengthen their interest. Never had jealous husband more suspicion of his wife, than they have of General Monk, and the jest of it is, that even Mr. Harrington himself is thought by some of the soberest of them, to propose to the world his Oceana and Rota, as a pretty piece of problematical intrige, to pussle and amuse them in their intentions, that look towards that way of settlement.  
This, and other things Considered; I am of persuasion, that their friends are without name. The Anabaptists, they have discarded, put out of Commission, disbanded, and the readmission of this or that particular selfseeking person into favour since, will not reconcile that interest, or party. The Independents, they have lost by their conclusions in their chiefest cabal: that a National Church is necessary. The Presbyterians, they fright from both their affection, and obedience, with the severe menace of Sale and Sequestration: And they must certainly despair of any Compliance from the King's party, whether Papist or Protetestant, they having been so ground and oppressed by them: And I suppose all, or most of the young (and as yet uningaged) both Gentry and Clergy, that are new come into the world, have little affection, either for them or their ways, but breath after a settlement upon old foundations both in Church and State.  
The Symptoms and signs of which Epidemical disaffection (if no other be named) manifestly appears in the variety of bold Declarations, viz. of the City, Cornwall, Devonsbire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Glocestershire, Cheshire, Yorkshire, Berkshire, Northamptonshire, Kent and Lincolnshire, and other Counties following those Precedents, if well weighed might be enough to make their hearts ache.  
But how can they expect any friends, that neither are nor know how to be friends to themselves? for though they may abound in little pieces of cunning and spiteful artifices, whatever other spirit they have, they have not amongst them the true spirit of Government, which knows nobly and generously the truly wise and not crafty way of self-preservation, and protection (not destruction and confusion) of Subjects.  
Not to multiply instances, one of the chiefest properties of a well managed Government, is so to order affairs, as to be well provided with intelligence, that is truly such, and not tales, and trifling informations of Mercenary pickthanks.  
I have heard that since the late disturbance, one of them hath laid out 500 l. in intelligence: it is possible he might have had for his money many canting Letters by the Post, acquainting him it may be that Queen Elizabeth is dead, I mean of such things that cannot be prevented,— or perchance another Item in order to the balance of that vast sum, may be the information of some few pimping, treacherous tell-tales, that frequent clubs and Coffeehouses, whose chief business is to jilt others into discourse, that speaks their dislike of the present Power and their proceed; and what's the issue of all such intelligence, but their own trouble and amazement? they being like him that's affected with the Yellows, that is, very cunning to find a man in bed with his wife, and then runs Hornmad; but for that noble kind of intelligence that searches the very veins and entrails of interests, either foreign or domestic, they must needs be strangers to; for to that, there is a stock of depth requisite, and an honourable esteem, so as to be received into Counsels without suspicion; and though such agents be suspected, they must have parts sufficient to weather such a point.  
But the chiefest thing that puts Governors into a capacity of preserving themselves, and protecting their subjects, is, a Tegal Title to that Supremacy they have over people. If that be wanting, The best Laws and Constitutions they can make, or promote, will not be satisfactory. And especially the Penal part of the Law, will be so far from satisfying, as that it will enrage; though both the Law, and the Execution of it, be in itself Just. For this is written upon mine, and every man's spirit, by the indelibel Law of Nature, not to take unkindly the blows of a Father, though he mistake, and I deserve not Correction. When as, I shall as naturally despise that person that hath nothing to do with me, and hath no superiority (of right) over me, if he gives me but Reprehensory words; Yea, though I may de facto deserve them.  
Now, if we Consider what Legality they have to the Supremacy, according to the general apprehension of the people; how can they hope for other, but that their Indulgencies, will not win upon affections, and their severities will at last, rather enrage, than strike a reverential awe upon the spirits of people; Every one being now, almost of this opinion, (viz) That besides the known right of the King, and that major part of the Parliament, consisting of Lords and Commons excluded by them, (though entitled to the Legislative power by the old Fundamental laws of the Nation) that they are out of doors, by the death of the last King; his grant for their perpetuation (were they a full House) expiring with him: For, he can no more oblige his Heir to such a performance (it being through a tumultuary force, and entrenchment upon a reasonable prerogative) than a present possessor of an estate in tail, can grant away either the whole, or part of the inheritance, from his heir at Law, and that obligatory to his Successor.  
Besides, Sir H. Vane his spiteful remembering them of their Act (the day before the last rout, and that now standing upon record) for their dissolving, (and not adjourning) hath not a little weakened the present powers pretensions to legality.  
More might be said on this head; but I'll wave that superfluity, having said I think enough, to presage the instability of this present Power, from Considerations relating to the Power itself.   

The Army  
They are any man's money; though possibly there may be some divisions among them as to opinions, which is not much to be minded, since the purging, and expulsion of their fanatic and sectarian Officers.— And too; as the common Soldiers, if examined well, their may amongst them be found a great number, that heretofore have actually been in the King's service; and a greater number, whose judgements incline them to take to that party, if they could be satisfied, that another easy employment would occur to their indigent, and necessitous condition. And I do apprehend that there is no more skill wanting, to persuade them, to serve a divers interest to what they seem to serve, than he hath, that knows how to Court, and Win a Mistress, that is only Coy in pretence.  
Again, Consider that the new Officers put in place of the Walling fordians, are most of them of Presbyerian interest, and principles; and, which way that looks, all the world now knows so well, that it is folly for any that mention it, to draw over it any tiffany or veil.  
Moreover, the Soldier, whatever his persuasion, or in●erest (besides pay) may be, must necessarily understand, that this Parliaments chiefest concern (even beyond the countermine, and opposition to the common enemy) must be, the keeping them in subjection, and in such, that they may discard, purge, order, model ad libi●um, so as to prevent the several forces, which through former precedents, they are both acquainted with, and inclined to.   

The Sectaries.  
They are such, either upon the score of delusion, or self-end; the latter of which, I conceive to be the weakest interest in the Nation. For we begin well enough to espy the cheat of either self-advancement, or enriching, by the specious pretence of Religion. And there is none that have been sufferers, (which kind of men are very numerous) but their finger's itch, to be plucking off the painted feathers, that are imped into the wings of such dissembling daws. And for such which are deluded, and so follow the dictates of an erroneous conscience, it will not be wide of the matter, if it be asserted with confidence; That conscience if it be not urged to speedy action, it ●●●urally follows the dictates of reason; Which, if there be leisure enough given for what is naturally redicated in the soul of man, to exsert itself, it may in time be brought to right conclusion; or in a little time, be brought to a biviom uncertainty. If the first, they will soon concur with what is asserted; if the last, the hands of the fanatic will so sufficiently be palsied; that motion, and activity will by consequence without any great difficulty, be either delayed or diverted.  
But suppose we do grant, that they are past hope of recovery from the spiritual disease they have contracted, by drinking in of poisoned waters (which is the worst that can be supposed) I conceive the present Powers favouring their Interest, will rather weaken, than strengthen their own; for 'tis plainly seen by any one (that will not be wilfully blind) that the English Sectaries are of such Spirits and Principles, that they will be pleased with no Power that shall be set over them; but howsoever they be favoured or indulged, the Liberty that is given will make them the more presume upon factious Contrivances: that being one tough humour of theirs, not to be moved by all the politic medicines, even to count is Religion, to oppose and contradict the present Superiority whatever it be, as it was lately in a very public place discoursed by two eminent Sectaries of very different persuasions; and concluded by them both, that a Single Person were the best Medium to promote their various interests, and I (though different from them both) do concur with them in this, That that Centre wherein such distant lines meet, will prove the best Basis for a future Settlement.  
But supposing they do not generally stumble upon such an expedient, but that things proceed according to the present appearing establishment, It will be found a difficult thing for any particular interest (whose divers applications are very frequent) to acquiesie in the determinations of, or to gain satisfaction in, any thing that is desired from a company (they know) divided in interest, every man being apt to promote his peculiar Party, though with an unbecoming neglect of the public: hoping to waft himself safely over the troublesome surg●●●● our distracted times, in a private Bottom of his own.  
To conclude this, their humours being so various and different, and being much a stranger either to their Principles or practices, and believing they will daily, if not hourly suggest to themselves (from what is hinted) more reasons than I can furnish them with, I am inclined to believe that the non ultra of those that have any thing of brain or conscience left them, will be to subscribe to the capital assertion.   

Foreiners.  
The universally received rule of 〈◊〉 and providence trumpets forth this certainty, That no person or nation can subsist without the mutual assistance of a private or public neighbourhood. — But now, whilst this Power that is in being continues, as we have not at present, so can we not upon any rational grounds expect for the future any Cordial or advantageous foreign Correspondency; for they are not so much contemned at home, but as much abroad, and the name of an English man for their sakes.  
Applications from Foreiners do de facto cease, As either apprehending the present Power, not to be worth the minding, or because there hath been so much variation and inconstancy in our Supreme authority, that they doubt, that by that time their Envoys and Agents have their instructions, and come to set their foot upon English Shores, those to whom their Messages have been directed, may in all probability not be found.  
But suppose they do continue so long: Ambassadors when they come, find not that splendour which strikes an awe and seriousness upon the spirits of State-Ministers; (for let me speak my apprehensions) however it may be thought by wise men, that the pomp and ceremony of Religion may eat out the substance and reality, when it exceeds measure: yet undoubtedly that splendour (which the mortified Hermit may call pageantry) is a thing very requisite to make power and Supremacy awful and regarded. But as to us, when foreign Serenissimos shall come to apply themselves to our great Masters (especially after a selfdenying Ordinance) they may ch●●ce to find some of them in the Fleet, or Upper Bench, or if they should ask after the palaces of such that have better fortunes, it will in likelihood be told them, that his or their Lodging is at the Cat and Fiddle in such an ally, and what repute this gains with foreiners, let all that have traveled imagine.  
But to speak (as I apprehend) more to the purpose, What foreiner is there that may be in such a condition, as either to be afraid of us, or may be ready to court us for either benefit or assistance from us; for these are the motives to our grounds of foreign Leagues; 'tis true, were our hearts united, we are a Nation as expert in Martial affairs at this time, that there is no one Nation, but may be afraid of us: But alas! how to conquer or keep down the Common Enemy, is object sufficient for our studies and courageous endeavours; and who is that Common Enemy now? but ninety nine parts of our own Nation, if they were to be cast into an hundred portions.— But if we consider particular Nations, where is one in the European world, that we have not either provoked, or that are not very weak & ruined, or that wait not to make their Markets on us, as occasion shall serve? Spain we have provoked by assisting France against them, and by the protracted war that hath been between us these three years past. France cannot forget what injuries we did them when we upheld Spain against them. And we cannot expect other, but that they uniting should remember our mischiefs to both, Portugal we wasted, and though we should enter into a strict union, 'tis now to no purpose, they are so low. Holland cannot forget our Naval injuries, and would rejoice to see our ruin. What impediments have we been to the affairs of Denmark, and if we should endeavour to hold up the head of sinking Swedeland, what account would it turn to? or may we expect any great matters from the distressed Protestants of Lucerne, Angrona, and the Polish Borderers? Those if any we have obliged by our large and charitable benevolencies towards them when distressed, had we not played the trick of a skittish Cow, which having given a good pail of milk, kicks it down with her foot; Had we not converted those vast sums which were so truly bestowed for their relief to other uses, and those poor creatures scarce any thing the better.  
In a word, as to espousing or balancing foreign interests, we have (almost for these twenty years passed) rather played the fool, than the States men: this being principally considered, we having trifled away the Support of our Nation, and that which all the world have voted to be the English stanchest interest, and that is Trading.   

General Monk.  
Justine mentions a cunning worshipper of the Rising Sun, who while all the Nobles and people were looking towards the East, (an bitious of the first salute) quite contrary turned his face to the West, and by the reflection of of its early beams upon the tops of the houses directly opposite, made the first discovery.  
So we notwithstanding the old Adage says, Ab Aquilos ne omne malum, have been some few months staring towards that point (while our eyes are almost weary) to see whether we could discover the approach of the refreshing beams of a Free Parliamentary interest (which most are now of opinion must rise from the South) and not dissuasions of the timorous, or confidences of the conttarie minded could shake our belief, but that General Monk was the Postilion to Phoebus his Chariot  
And when the riddies of his mysterious Declarations & Messages have been opposed as an Argument to baffle our hopes, we have looked on those rather as motives to strengthen them, pleasing ourselves with a Fancy, that a duekish Grace, rather than a bright, clear and radiant Morn, is the more cortain Prognostic of a fair day ensuing; but Mr. Seat by his Secretaryship (in the answer to some late applications) making him to speak plain English, without the least tang of that Country from whence the great Colonel is marched, hath done the Nation this courtesy, even to free them from delusion, and that hopeful Person this kindness (I wish it prove such) even to draw upon him a double portion of odium, in place of that universal love which began to be in the hearts of the generality of the people towards him, whilst; they were persuaded that he would prove (not a promoter of a new Instrument of government) but an Instrument to promote the revival of our Fundamental and ancient established government.  
The concurrent circumstances that wrought a general belief, that he would be an assertor of a Free Parliament, or, (as the people universally phrased it) that he would be honest, were these. Some true, some possibly otherwise, yet such which were generally received as true.—  
As that when Sir George Booths business was on foot, he was not very zealous in making provision to oppose that action.  
That he should soon after manifestly appear to be a mortal enemy to Lambert, who was destructive to that undertaking, nipping it in the bud.  
That he spoke his desatisfaction, with proceed, in the readmission of this Parliament, when Richard was unhorsed. That when this Parliament sent for him up (as they now have done) (and I suppose will do his business for him if he take not beed) he refused; pretending for an excuse, that by his remove the Scotish affairs might possibly be discomposed.  
That he never made any actual application to this Parliament for a Commission, though possibly he might receive that ticket which made him a Commissioner and a Colonel (a more honourable place no doubt, under them, than General under Cromwell) yet we never heard of any returns on his part (as the manner was then) of an engagement to fidelity.  
And then, while the Committee of Safety was Trump, we were full of it, that the Scots Convention had voluntarily given him a years tax in hand.  
Besides which, there was none but were bold to say he had received no small sums of Foreign Coin, and some supply of Arms.  
And it is presumed, that the City were encouraged by the hopes they had of him, when they plucked up their spirits and declared for a Free Parliament; Even then, when they were threatened, and feared daily to have their houses fired about their ears with Granades.  
Besides all this, there were other things whispered concerning him, that gave some persons greater assurance than all this. If they were Secrets they are not fit to be published, if Lies, less fit.  
But if there be any hopes left concerning him, they are upon these grounds, (viz) The first Oaths he seasoned his conscience with, (and Que semel est imbuta recons servabit ●dorem Testu diu) were those of Allegiance, and Supremacy. He being an understanding person, must understand this, or nothing; even, that an Oath is a Sacred thing, by which tie he was obliged not only to the late King himself, but his Heirs, Now, whether through distaste, (as some) or like a Soldier (as others say) he declined that causes when he could do no more Personal service ● and obliged himself to the Protector, he took no contrary Oath, or if he made a promise, it was not to him, and his Heirs, or other Successors, and so may be looked upon as free from any obligations, except he hath privately of late tied himself up, by any Engagements, which the world hath not yet heard, or taken notice of.  
Again, if he be not extremely deluded, and talked out of his prudentials by Mr. Scot, and Mr. Luke Robinson, he must needs understand himself to hold an-gel by the tail, while he espouses this present slippery, and ticklifh interest (which appears to be so by the foregoing, and subsequent reasons) But suppose it would be as durable, as story tells us the Venetian State hath been, the most he can hope for, is but to be a teste de Bois— But if he looks back, and takes the beginning of our troubles for his horizon, and considers how Essex was laid a side with ignominy; Fairfax uncommissioned, after all his great and Expeditious services; Cromwell, after his death branded with the name of Tyrant and Traitor; Lambert before he had scarce wiped the sweat from his victorious brows, after his achievements against the new branch of the Common enemy, shamefully laid aside with a trifling benevolence of an Act of Indemnity; Fleetwood sent home by weeping-Cross: It were enough methinks, to smother any ambition's hopes of greatness, or any hardy confidence of so much as security, in the birth, especially being a servant (as he possibly in Compliment professes himself to be) to such Masters, so suspicious, so derided, so hated, and striving against the stream of the whole Nations inclihations, we having spent our whole stock of wanton blood, and are by poverty, forced unanimously to cry out, if not ready to sight for Peace, and a livelihood, and not for tricks and Fancies.  
I will not trouble you further, than by the addition of one argument more, for the: backing of the Capital assertion, And that is, That he that Writes this freely, and imgenuously, acknowledgeth himself to have been one of those thousand well meaning Persons, that in the beginning of our unhappy times was deluded with those fair and Religions pretences that were then on foot, but now, penilently and hearty begs God, his King, and his Country forgiveness; being willing to hazard yea sacrifice all his private Interest, for the advancement of the public welfare, for which he prays; and conceives the only remedy and Expedient to be A FREE PARLIAMENT.   
Black Monday, Jan. 30. 1660.   

London, Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in Ivy-Iane.