NO INTEREST Beyond the PRINCIPAL OR, The Court CAMISADO. By Reduction of Government to its primitive end and Integrity,  Rom. 13. 4. 
The Ruler is the Minister of God to thee for good.  
ALSO, NEWS from SCOTLAND: OR, The REASONS Examined of the War THREATENED.  
May. 1. 1648.  
Imprimatur,  
Gilb. Mabbott.  
LONDON, Printed for H. Becke, and are to be sold in the Old Bayley. 1648.   

No Interest beyond the Principal. OR, The Court Camisado.  
IN the case of divorce, when it was put to Christ by the Pharisees to know his opinions in it, he being neither Scribe nor Pharisee, Mat. 19 of no sect nor faction, one that drive no design but Gods; and that came to fulfil the law, not to destroy it, sends those great doctors to School, to the primitive end and institution of marriage, as it came immediately from God, in innocency, when, and where all things were very good, as he that will taste water purely must do it at the fountain. But they not satisfied with this solution by way of justification, urge an old statute Law of Moses, which by its antiquity, authority, and usage might (as they thought) v. 7) plead right of prescription for that masculine privilege of putting away their wives. But Christ tells them, that Plant never grew in innocency, God grafted no such Sience in the stock of created nature, it was a mushroom that grew out of nature corrupted. Moses (says he) bacause of the hardness of your hearts, suffered you to put away your wives, but from the beginning it was not so, as who say. It was indeed a politic law of concession, but policy must not annul divinity, neither reason of state, not laws municipal must crossewh●t with right reason, or the principles of entire nature. Therefore I, who am come to enlighten your judgements, and reform your manners (Gospell-properties) tell you again that whatever your lusts and exorbitancies might occasion Moses to do, or enact, by way of connivance or permission, that does not justify the practice (though never so old, and generally received) to be lawful, but rather show it to be unlawful, because that permission varies from the first position or standard given by God himself, the prime legislator, whither this case if rightly stated and argued must be reduced for solution, no authority binding above his, nor no law against his, though seemingly never so specious.  
A clear demonstration, which is the best way to answer questions and work reformations in matters of Government. Not to be misled by words of Art, civil superstition, or formal pretences, to the violation of the laws of God, nature, or reason. It is true that Government (as marriage) is of God, but it is as true that governors (as persons marrying) are of men, and that the great Interest (which word is now the only Idol that men sal down and worship) of both Government and Governors is the glory of God, and the good of mankind: The end of the institution is the only interest of the thing instituted, and consequently the Mea●e-wand or Standard by which it is to be regulated and reduced, though as old as Moses, when God gives opportunity, and time brings truth to light. In this age of ours, Kings plead for prerogative, flowers of the Crown, and right of Sovereignty, as they and their flatterers call it. And even Parliament-priviledge is made use of by prerogative members, for promoting the arbitrary interest of the Crown; thus is authority wiredrawn, as if Governors rather than the Governed, were the end of Government, and Government itself is rather made a personal Interest, than a public utility. Yea, Laws, nay Oaths, are thus made use of to captive & ensnare men, by prerogative glosses, as if it were in the power of men, who are the sons of reason to swear themselves into beasts, and to abjure their very nature, and that by virtue of an ordinance of God, which Government is. What confidence can Kings have in people by such ties as being ex natura rei unlawful, do untie themselves, and which are both unlawful to be taken, and when taken unlawful to be kept. Such glosses as Court Parasites, put upon law's allegiance tending to make Kings absolute, and their power as well negative, as positive, and their duty mere matters of pleasure, and acts of will, in the way neither to render Kings safe, nor their people happy.  
The Popery of an implicit faith and blind obedience, will not, cannot last always; which because it is so much countenanced by Episcopacy (that rag of Rome) therefore thence is that maxim. No Bishops, no King, implying that when ever the vail of ignorance and blind obedience was done away by abolishing of Bishops, and the people's eyes were opened by divinity, and reason to see themselves misled by pretence of authority from a right understanding of the nature of government, they will never endure to be slaves instead of freemen, subjects to governor's instead of government, and to serve their interests who are their Ministers and Gods merely for their good, having their being (in office and authority) by, for, nor to no other end or purpose. For as the Pope is afraid of nothing so much as the translating the word into popular languages for fear of betraying his juggling tricks in divinity, so nor Kings and Royalists then that the Laws of the Land should be Englished, I mean not so much in language, as in sense and reason (though there is no good reason why English eyes should look through French spectacles, except it be to see to lose our way to liberty and property as they have done) but for English Laws to speak Prerogative, is worse than to speak French, some Commentators are better Courtiers than Lawyers, who should be men of reason, and not so discredit the Law (the honour of their profession) as to force it against reason to advance the will of a man above the reason of a State, and the original end of government itself. Therefore its time to be no longer fooled with State terms of Interest, Jewels, and Flowers of the Crown, or the old overworn word of Prerogative, for what is this but first to set up a golden image, and then to fall down and worship it. I am not against Kings nor their Crowns, it's the abuse, and only that that I abominate, which hath as much blindfolded the people of Christendom, as the Pope's supremacy hath the Princes thereof, whose eyes yet shall be opened to see their error, and to withdraw their necks out of his Ecclesiastical yoke, and so it's hoped shall the peoples (specially Englishmen) in things Civil; to know, as their obedience to authority, so good authority in reason, justice, and equity, for that their obedience; for so men act like men, else like beasts, which only are subjected to will, which yet is not the least part of that bondage of corruption the creation groans and travels in pain under, Rom. 8. 20, 21, 22. being unwillingly made subject to that vanity, in hope and earnest expectation to be delivered: and shall we be so vain, specially when a price is new put into our hands, as willingly to take up that yoke which the creature, though senseless and irrational, unwillingly bears, in hope of being enfranchised of it at the last, accounting even annihilation better than subordination to the inordinate will of fallen mankind. Old errors are so much cried up under new lights, as that old truths will scarce be believed against custom in error: Kings they will not, but tell you it's against their interest not to be arbitrary, and the people they dare not believe it if the Princes do not, though neither to ' ne nor to ' there, but must needs grant that ab initio non fuit sic, its consonant neither to the nature, nor the end of government; and consequently not of Sovereignty, which only so fare is sovereign as it is preservative. Therefore the Law says (of all men) the King can do no wrong, hath less power to do wrong, because greater obligation to do right then any man else; nay he is so far from having power to do wrong, that he is neither to do it, nor suffer it to be done by any inferior powers, but to see that justice and protection according to Law be administered to all by the Ministers thereof, whereof he's the chief.  
But the nature, of man even in innocency (though not by it) lusteth after an exorbitant superiority, for when God had made him Lord over all but the forbidden fruit, he thought himself no King over the creature whilst the Creator limited his power, though but in one, and therefore he resolves either to win the horse, or lose the saddle, gain that, or lose all. So Kings, be their power never so great to do, yet except they may also have power to undo, negative as well as positive, power to deny, as well as to grant, and undo as well as do, they are unsatisfied, and stick not in effect to affirm, that except you grant them Tyranny, you oppose Monarchy. Wherein yet they do themselves no right, nor those that flatter them into such principles: for when people see they cannot grant safe and lawful premises, but with hazard of sophistical and prevaricate conclusions to be inferred thereupon, it makes them fearful to grant any thing, lest they lose all, an Inch given, makes an Ell taken. As if commissions, etc. for honour-sake go in the King's name, than the Court consequence is, they are the act, not his Laws; then the next result is, they are ad placitum, and not quamdiu bene se gesserint, Prerogative is so procreant that no womb is barren to the third or fourth generation, but every inference is productive of another. So let him have the honour to confirm and assert Laws; then the next remove is, you must allow him the use of his reason, and the next to that, therefore a negative as well as an affirmative voice: grant-freewill, and falling from Grace will follow. Suppose him the fountain of honour; then, he retorts, I may confer it on whom I please, and for what cause, for vice as well as virtue. I may make George Villiers and his virtuous mother, Duke and Countess of Buckingham, and court-minions Privy-councellours, nay aliens of the Scotch Nation, (whose native state interest by vicinity, is against ours) Peers and Parliamentmen in England. Therefore lay the foundation upon the rock, not in the sands: make out that position in plain English, That the King can do no wrong, nor the Crown neither, by declaring that neither legally nor illegally by abused law, or power above law, it neither is, nor aught to be in their power to do so, and provide accordingly, let legal and regal be but one and the same, as in sound, so in a safe and sound sense, univocal terms: and sovereignty made sovereign by preferring the Coronation Oath, with a right understanding; Magna Charta purged of superstition; and the Petition of Right well backed with Propositions, to be principal flowers of the Crown before it be worn again in England, and that by a penal law: for if it be lawful for a private man or particular subject to implead his Prince by law upon a particular wrong, much more for the State, or people in general to implead him by arms, or proceed against him in case of a general wrong, when theirs, neither Law nor Judge, but salus popoli to determine betwixt them. And therefore Trajan both wisely and worthily, when he delivered the sword to the Praetor, bid him use it for him whilst he ruled well, and against him, when ill.  
Let Kings have as much honour, freedom, and safety in the way of righteousness as becomes men of their place, the contrary whereof is dishonour, slavery and danger both to Prince and people: Let the people know that his name is of no more use in commissions and statutes, than his Image and superscription upon coin, the one arguing no more propriety or title in him then the other, the honour of both his is & that for public advantage, not disadvantage, he can no more suspend the one, than the other, or destitute his people either of laws or their lawful execution, then of money and trade. Gospel timeshould make our Kings better Christians, then to desire such Catholic authority, when they see, hear, and read the evil effects that do, and cannot but attend it, both to him that is in authority by way of temptation, and those that are under authority by way of ruin and destruction. Giants of old, those men-monsters begotten of God's displeasure, & inordinate concupiscence, what effects had their exorbitancy of strength but to make them men of exorbitant minds? proud & cruel, rebellious toward God, and tyrannous over men. A reasonable size best befits a reasonable man, too much power of any kind makes a man a monster, and hazards him to do monstrous things. Nimrod was the first we read of, that by invasion and oppression of public right and liberty affected a Babel Kingdom Government beyond rule, and to be absolute on earth as God is in heaven, therefore was he called The mighty hunter before the Lord, Gen. 10. 8, 9, 10. And every one after him that hunted inordinately after power, as he did, was proverbially called as he was, another Nimrod, or (as we now say) Nimrod the second, Nimrod the third, the mighty hunter etc. deriving both his name and stile, as the brand of his presumption, and unlawful ambition or usurpation. The account that Kings are to make for the talents that are lawfully conferred upon them is great enough, and need not be increased by the talents themselves unlawfully usurped. Abused power makes men on earth, the most unlike to God in heaven of any thing, therefore unlimited authority is uncompatible to a creature, and able to make a man a devil. Angels in heaven as well as Adam in paradise, fell by freewill and freewill power, and how then think we can Commonwealths stand by it, specially in one man? That King that makes conscience of his place and people, will rather think his power too much then too little, considering he must answer for no more than he hath, and with Moses be content to departed of his spirit to lessen his charge for his own ease, and their benefit; and if he do not, than a little is too much, for power without conscience is like a horse without a bridle, ready to hurry the rider into ruin, and overrun all that stands in his way. Nor will a conscientious King purchase power over his people against their wills, with the loss of their blood, his greater care will be to use that well he hath, and not to make his successors absolute, that his Subjects may be slaves, nor conquer whom he should protect, he will as well remember that he is the father of his Country, as of his next Heir, who yet is but his successor, and the Kingdom's Heir, the Crown and Kingdom being an incorporate body, for he cannot disinherit him, though the people may, and upon misgovernment depose him, as in case of adultery married people may divorce, the knot that ties them together, being broken asunder: his care should be rather to leave rules to his Son to govern well, than power to govern ill: and himself to die desired, as good Josiah did, rather than when he is dead, to be styled of happy memory, because of his unhappy Reign. Would Kings be more Religious, they would be less ambitious, and see reason for it; yea, believe themselves as well in debt to their people, as their people to them, owing both mutual love and duty, striving rather to deserve obedience then to enforce it, and entituling themselves to their people's Allegiance rather by their administrations then commands, themselves inviolably keeping the Oath of good Government, that so they may not give their people the least colour of liberty, to break the●e of dutiful Allegiance, and knowing how dangerous a thing 〈…〉 a Print is both in the sad consequence of ill example, and the woful effects of divine justice, so frequently inflicted on the people either for or by occasion of the Prince's sins.  
What reason can be given why all other Governors and Magistrates are to rule for the public good, and only Kings for their own greatning? No inferior authority hath a negative power to suspend justice or protection so fare as he is to administer it by his place, the King himself can derive no such power to any, and if he cannot derive it, than he hath it not inherent in himself, for the Sovereign's power is principally to empower others. Magis and Minus make no essential difference; Betwixt the King and a Constable there is difference of power in point of proportion, but not in specie or kind, it is of the same kind, and to the selfsame end, one hath not power for, and the other against. Or what reason can be shown, why the King ought to have a negative arbitrary power? is it because Kings are more infallible, & unerring then other men? we have not found it so. Or what good reason can be shown that de facto he hath it? Hath any known law of the Land conferred it on him, or is it merely by usurpation? hath he taken it because the people durst not deny it, as former Kings have done Forrest-Lands, & then made the people undo them by forrest-Laws: why then, prescription in wrong, entitles no man to right, especially Kings, whose office is neither to do, nor suffer to be done, any wrong to the body whereof they are the head. Or is it as some affirm, because the King is supreme? for say they, seeing arbitrary power must be somewhere, therefore it is fittest to be in the supreme Magistrate. To this I Answer, That arbitrary Legislative power is in the supreme Magistracy or Government, not Governor; the Parliament, not the King; for the people being a numerous dispersed multitude, and so not fit always to be together, to see to the execution of their own Laws, do therefore meet occasionally in an aggregate body, for the consultive, and creative part of Laws, and constitutions, that so they may be such as are most fit, and do best suit with the nature of the place and people; and then leave them for the executive part principally to the care of the King, with other ordained Ministers, as being better executed by a few then a many, and better consulted and made by a many than a few; & therefore hath he the honour of Sword & Sceptre, and for that cause were good Kings in former times wont to go their progresses, as Judges do their circuits, not to make hunting-matches, & horseraces, nor yet to give Laws, but to inquire and countenance the execution of justice, & preservation of peace, according to law, & punish the violators  
And as Kings, so all other Governments and governors, their Interest is neither contrary to, nor divers from the public good, their chief end is their chief interest, neither power, privilege, nor liberty to consult, debate, or conclude, belongs to any (and to them lest that are entrusted most) but what hath proximity with, is reductive to, and acted for, it; therefore those Parliament-men whose principles and transactions vary from that pole, they are the most destructive members to Parliament-interest, that drive a Court design with public employment, for Prerogative and Privilege run the same danger, the apparent abuse of same brings all into question; potius unus quam unitas, better than throw out some rotten Apples, then spoil the whole hoard; be not tenderer of your members then they are true to their trust, if the Common wealth see some made examples, the punishment of a few, will preserve the reputation of the whole, that the body is sound, though some members be rotten: God made not man for himself, the interest of the creature, is the service of his Creator, and therefore our rise was our fall, the raising of our interest, was the ruin of us all. He that being chosen and entrusted with arbitrary power, will therefore use it arbitrarily, is Adam's own child, and after his likeness. If it be objected, that the King pretends the public interest in those things which by absolute power he claims and entitles himself unto, as the Militia, and negative voice; that they are for the better protecting and rule of his people, and the Royal party in Parliament, forsooth, urge Liberty of conscience, for liberty of speech, Cum Privilegio, to betray their trust. To these I Answer, first Jointly: That it is an easy matter to put a bait upon a hook, and no hard thing to catch Gudgeons with it, but for my part I will never trust him, nor them, by the By, that err in the main. Secondly, Severally, And first for the King's claim and pretences (which the effects have proved barely to be such) in reason he can neither desire it, if he know himself to be but man, nor his people grant it, to his, & their apparent ruin. Only blind Cupid is fit to stand a top of the wheel of Fortune, none that have eyes in their heads would desire so slippery a place, when they see they so much over top themselves that their hands cannot manage what is under their feet, but they must needs turn round to their own ruin. But if seeing they see not, and will venture their necks to have their wills, yet there is no reason the people should build Babel to bring confusion upon themselves. Wisdom is, to pursue a right end by right means, consequently, not to expect good government from a corrupt will, endowed with Arbitrary power. What hath been the ruin of Empire, so much as Empire? King's have lived to repent their power, and people much more.  
And Secondly, for his party in the Parliament Privilege in their hands is as bad as prerogative in his, they having no more right of power to abuse that, than he this. Whoever represents a County or Corporation is entrusted by a part of member of the Commonwealth for the good of the whole, and is in the 〈◊〉 of an Ambassador or Commissioner to negotiate in a joint body with the State's General, for the State in general. For by the Laws of Embassy, State agents (though Plenipotentiaties) are not to betray them they treat for, their power is neither intended, nor aught to be interpreted to the prejudice but profit of them that employ them. The Feffee for the Feffor. Liberty and privilege are allowed to Parliaments, to transact the liberty, property, and safety of the people, and he that goes retrograde to those, what place or part of the Commonwealth soever he serve for, by right of community ought to be rejected by the rest that serve for, and are entrusted with the whole.  
In a word, words by tract of time degenerate like men. Tirannus once was taken in the better part, when Kings were better common-wealths-men, and that they and their people were joint purchasers, trading abroad & not at home, for preeminence. So was the word Interest, whilst it was of public cognizance, and all Qu. Elizabeth's days kept itself sober by drinking English Be●re till it was made drunk with F●●…tiniack, and the King and his Courtiers by use upon use and interest upon interest had almost swallowed up all, the people's Principal. And Reason itself run hazard to have her eyes put out, that Prapria que maribus, which was wont to be the common name for all men, it begun to be wholly engrossed at Court, entailed upon the crown & begged for a Monopoly, insomuch as there was almost no Reason left but Reason of State, within the compass of a cabinet council, all else was either brutish or rebel on, nor no state but that of the King & his Royal consort, the one Scatch, the other French. When public Interest is impropriated ex officia, to private & personal purposes, then ceaseth the name & nature of a Governor by deviating from the primitive end & institution of government, ordained by God & Nature; & consequently love, loyalty, obedience, duty: for what obliges these? not greatness without goodness, for then the devil might challenge them at our hands, who by Scripture is styled principalities and powers, yea, the Prince of this world. Authority (whatever the kind or species of it be) whilst it points right to the pole, and retains the virtue of the Lord-stone, where with it was first touched, its safe to sale by it, but if either through corruption, or injury of time, it make standing variations at wrong points, than it must either be new touched, or quite changed else contrary to intention, when first sea-saile, you'll make a wrong voyage, and fall amongst enemies instead of friends; or a destructive, and be cast amongst rock; and sands instead of known Seas.   

NEWS from SCOTLAND OR Their reasons examined of the WAR threatened.  
THe Scots would feign make war upon England, but they are to seek for a why and a wherefore; and are ready to fall together by the ears amongst themselves what shall be the cause of the quarrel (yet keep us in continual alarm to the loss of Ireland) for the world must have a blind. But be the reason never so politic, Religion must be the overture; which the Scotch dangerous Committee not being wise enough to reconcile, Traquire who of late was first in their exception, and now in acceptation) was called to council to help at a dead lift, being for michiavillian policy another Strafford.  
One part of them say the Sectaries (meaning the Army) have broken the Covenant, which they never took.) But if breach of Covenant be a cause of quarrel, the Scots need not go so fare to fight, they have Covenant breakers nearer hand at home; is it possible that such pretenders to piety should see a moat in their brother's eye so far off, and overlook the beam that is in their own, strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel, threaten war to England, for they themselves know not what; one while saying the Covenant is broken, and another while that it is endangered; and the whilst cocker up their own Commissioners with an omne bene, in their palpable Covenant-breaches and Apostasies. But it seems they must fall out with us, to keep them friends amongst themselves; though if they had eyes in their heads, they might see God's hand in creating such feuds at home, to prevent the mischief they would bring abroad.  
But wherein have the Army broken the Covenant? why principally for not being Presbyterians, for that in pretence with some, and reality with others, is made the chief, if not the only hinge that the Covenant winds and turns upon, though the word Presbytery is not so much as once named in the Covenant, a weak foundation then to build a war upon; but to strengthen it, they say the Army have refused orders for their disbanding, and forced orders for their standing (though the Parliament of England never told them so) but they forget what their Army did when it was sent to but to disband their supernumeraries, which they flatly refused, and forcibly kept them a foot spite of the Parliament, and to the despite of the poor Country, that groaned under so heavy a burden of so heavy a body; and by the same force kept Carlisle and Newcastle, whether the Parliament would or no (by what clause in the Covenant or Treaty, is not known to this day) and the King of England too, in England, till they thought good to part with him, and that notwithstanding all authority, reason or right to the contrary But the true reason why the Army (whose greatest fault in their faithfulness) is such an eye sore, it is because by their means principally their strong party in England is much weakened, those fine designs of a joint interest, legislative propriety, and the Kings coming to London in freedom, honour, and safety, and other such like, have been shrewdly disappointed, by demolishing their eleven pillars, and line of communication at once. If the Parliament of England and their Army, were as mischievously disposed as they would render them, and did believe breach of Covenant, cause of quarrel, they would never sit still, and suffer such retrogradation as is daily, and declaratively acted in Scotland, from the Kingdoms, to the King's Cause and Party, covenanted and fought against; nor their Committee of danger to denounce war as they do: having a visible power on foot, to spoil their counsels before they can bring them to maturity, and to fetch back what they carried hence, and those English Malignants and Incendiaries that went hence, which contrary to Covenant they refuse to deliver.  
Brotherly love and charity covers a multitude of faults, and does not cry every failer for a breach of Covenant on neither side (no more than every discontent is a breach of wedlock) especially touching things of non-concernment and a Covenant so large, comprehensive, and subject in many things, to various acceptations by its manner of penning. David in the 44. Psalm shows what God counts breach of Covenant, when he saith, vers. 17, 18. We have not dealt falsely in thy Covenant: our heart is not turned bacl. Now whether in this sense the Lord Louden or the Lord Fairfax, the Scotch Papers and Practices, or the Parliaments declarations and long sufferings have broken Covenant, let God and the World judge. As the Covenant warrants not breaking so nor fight for breaking (much less a supposed one, and that in our own form and interest) God is witness as of the Covenant so of the breach, and it properly belongs to him, not man to punish, save in their several places, vocations and interests, those are the words of the Covenant, whereby the Scotish judicature, may and aught to question their own Scotch Covenant-breakers, but by no means to stretch their line over Tweed, and to make themselves work in another's Harvest, to punish us and not themselves, for things concerning us, not them. But it seems when the Covenant was first made in Scotl. it was then resolved it should be broke in England, and that whatsoever was acted cross to their designs, especially of joint interest, should be the breach of it, else they will never bring in such fare fetched unconcerning things into the account, as they do. When they have done justice in Scotland, upon their apostalized Covenanters, Malignants, and Incendiaries, we in England will thank them for their prayors and friendly animadversions in what they can justly task us or probably suspect us, of what kind, but not till then, nor further than that. For by the Covenant the supreme judicatories of both Kingdoms respectively have only power to punish. Another party are angry and threaten war because we will not receive the King upon their terms, and let them exercise a legislative power (so furiously driven on) here in England, for which they also urge the Covenant (that Scotch Magna Charta) which because they made it, therefore they conceive they cannot break it, assuming a legislative power not only in, but over poor England by virtue of it, for that they that are the makers, must it seems be interpreters, and thus the Covenant which was intended by us unto liberty, was meant and is made use of by them unto our bondage; and the King his very party and cause Covenanted for, that was Covenanted and fought against, Monstrum horrendum. An ounce of Scotish confidence is more worth than a pound of English honesty. Thus Traquier himself is become a Covenanter: Such gamesters will never lose, what game soever they play at, that can play fast and lose, and make any thing of every thing; and from the words, mutual advice and consent mentioned in the vl Article of the Treaty entitle themselves to a joint interest. and us to breach of Covenant and Treaty; whereas those words imply only thus much, that as the war was managed by a joint engagement against a common enemy to both Nations, so that it should not be ended by a peace transacted or treated by one Nation alone, without the privity and consent of the other, that so neither of their interests might be damnified. Not that both of them should be confounded. The rare contradictions that their Papers, and Practices hold forth; sometimes the King must not come to London till he have given security and satisfaction, than again be must come without either; sometimes propositions and no personal treaty, othertimes a personal treaty and no propositions; which now are impositions; sometimes the King must take the Covenant, otherwhile if be come not to the length of our desires, in so doing, we must be content; sometimes they tell the King upon his refusing the Propositions both Kingdoms will be constrained (for their mutual safety) to agree and settle Religion and Peace without him; and then upon turn of the tide they tell us we must wait till God change his heart: For the safety of the Kingdom the Army must be Disbanded, and the King invested in the Militia, or it in him. Sure Janus is Propitious to these ambidexers, else they could never so bewitch wise men as well as fools with their Sorceries as they do, and with the Preshyterian Eele-hooke draw the City and Assembly after them, and that not only in England, but in Scotland also, where (they say) they have deluded the well-meaning Clergy, who are consented to join with those Covenant-breakers in a war against us, provided it be for Covenant-breaking. The little good that we have got, by the great cvills that we have undergon, God justly may, and it may be will punish us for it, but they for their dissembling shall not scape, hypocrisy and falsehood is as hateful to God as to man. I doubt not but the issue will prove it so, according to their own prayer or form of thanksgiving upon their deliverance from the French by the aid of the English, in these words— Suffer us never O Lord to fall to that Ingratitude, and detestable unthankefullnes, that we shall seek the destruction and death of those, whom thou hast made Instruments to deliver us from the tyranny of merciless strangers. Dissipate thou the counsels of such, as deceitfully travel to stir the hearts of the inhabitants of either Realm against the other let their malicious practices be their own confusion.— But that which I admire is, that they should join and unite in Scotland, to get England, (though with hazard of their own) and that we will not do the like to keep it, are we so stout stomached, and our malice so implacable, that we will rather lose a good land than shake hands and be friends amongst ourselves. I mean not the Malignant Cavaliers (those excrements of Englishmen) of whom I dare prophecy they shall never hurt any but themselves, nor do much more harm (though they may often attempt it) then break glass windows, and write libellous pamphlets) but the misunderstanding City and Clergy, who do well to oppose error, so be that they themselves err not fundamentally in doing so, and cause the loss of all, or hazard it, who have small cause to think, they that are for the King will be for Presbytery. I am no Independent (save as to the Scots) but an Englishman, were all of us so, true to English principles, and interest, as the Scots are to theirs, they durst never set foot upon English ground in a warlike way. See we not how it hath been their constant practice and endeavour to set England on fire, that they might come in by the light of it, and shall we by our differences pave them a way, and open them a two leaved door to enter in at, and march into the bowels of our Kingdom by, have we fought for the freedom of ourselves and posterity, and saved it as a brand out of the fire, to be cheated out of it at the last? What made this Kingdom be so often conquered, from the Romans to the Normans, but domestic differences, and shall it now be our fate to become conquerable by those we ourselves have so often conquered, through dis-union.  
Believe not their overtures, be they never so specious, they'll tell you they'll not join with Malignants and Cavaliers (as the King and the Earl of Newcastle gave out they would not join with Papists) whereas they do not only already receive them & join with them, but themselves are such, faced quit about to the King and his cause, whereof they have given these good signs amongst others, they have received Commission from him to make Malignant Knights and Lords, that sit in their Parliament, and to gratify the King again have retorted Traquier and employed him as a confiding man, in Embassy to the King in the Isle of Wight believing the King will give more credit to him that hath been true to his principles, then to them that are false to theirs   
FINIS.