No KING but the Old King's Son. Or, a Vindication of Limited MONARCHY, as it was Established in this Nation, before the late War between the King and parliament. IT being the general cry of the People, that Monarchy is the mirror of Governments, under which we enjoyed the very perfection of Liberty, and were blessed far beyond any of our neighbour Nations; I shall lay down several serious reasons, whereby it may plainly appear to the weakest capacity, that no Government can be so beneficial to this Nation, as to restore it to its ancient Monarchical Government, and to establish the Son of the Old King in his Royal Dignities and Prerogatives. 1. Because those that surfeited of our Kingly Government, and longed for Novelty, have lost the substance of Liberty and happiness in pursuit of the shadow; and none of our fierce Champions for a free State can maintain, that it is not subject to violation, for if they should undertake to prove it, they must renounce their senses and deny the Faith of Story, which proves, that republics have been sometimes invaded with usurpation, sometimes Debauched and embased with Oligarchy, and always tormented with Faction. Yet of all Government Kingly Government did most excellently comply with the Laws, Genius, and Interest of this then flourishing Nation. 2. Monarchy in these Nations is more ancient than Story or Record, and more venerable than Tradition itself; Our laws were born (as it were) under that Climate, grafted into that stock and habituated in that air and diet; This made our Lawyers importune Oliver Crumwell to assume the stile and power of a King to which our Laws were shaped, rather than Protector a title unknown to the Law. 3. Our old Kingly Government included all the perfections of a Free State, and was the Kernel, as it were, of a commonwealth, in the shell of Monarchy; the essential parts of a Commonwealth are these, viz. The Senate proposing, the People resolving, and the Magistrate executing; for the Senate or Parliament, if ever a Free Parliament were, it was here, where the Deputies of the whole Nation, most freely chosen, did, with like Freedom, meet, propound, debate and vote all matters of common Interest: No danger escaped their representing; no grievence their complaint; no public Right, their Claim, or good, their demand; In all which, the least breach of privilege was branded as a civil sacrilege. And though there lay no appeal to the disp●erced body of the people, (Elections being so popular and Assemblies frequent) yet the same end was attained with much more safety and convenience. the Prince had likewise, in effect, but an executive power, which he exercised by Ministers and Officers, not only sworn, but severely accountable: For though both he and the Lords had their Negatives in making Laws, yet (no Tax being imposable, but by consent of the Commons) there was a wise and sweet neceffity, for the King and likewise for the Lords, who were but as a grain in the Royal Scale, to confirm all such Bills, as were convenient for the people, and not greatly hurtful to the Prince; And so this bugbear Negative, was resolved into a mere Target, to shelter and preserve the Government from being altered, at the will of the Commons, if at any time they should prove Factious which hath been confirmed by great experience: Our Kings having rarely, obstructed any Bill, which they might sufely grant; but on the other side, passed many high Acts of mere Grace, circumscribing their Prerogatives, and clipping its Wings; Nay, I could wish they had not pierced its bowels. 4. This was our Gold seven times refined, for every Bill, being thrice read, debated and agreed on in either house, was at last brought to the King, for his Royal assent, the Mint of our Laws: a trial so exact, that surely, no dross could escape it; since all Interests must thereto concur, as truly it was but fit they should, in the establishment of that which must bind them all. This was that temperament which poised our humours, and at once endued us with health, vigour and beauty; No Vote was precipitated, no Act was huddled up: as by sad events we have since seen, that power being engrossed by one of the Estates, purged and modelled to the Interests of a Faction. 5. The King indeed had the power of making War, but he had not the means; and therefore it signified no more than giving him leave to fly if he could get w●ngs, or to go boyond Sea so he went witbout shipping: He had a Sword, but he alone could never draw it, for the Trained-bands were a weapon, which he decently wore, but the Nation only could use it: He chose Ministers, But alas he was accountable for them to the Tryennial Parliament, which none but the soundest integrity could abide. 6. Seeing his person was most sacred, it was but needful to avoid circulation of account, reasonable, since it carries with it the consent of Nations; just that he should not be the But of Faction and Malice, in worse condition than the basest of Vassals; honourable, that the nakedness of Government might not daily be uncovered; Wise, in the constitution, not at once, to trust and provoke by forcing him to shift for his own indemnity, no danger to the public seeming so extreme, as the Out-lawry of a Prince; no task by daily experience, so difficult, as the arraigning of any power, whether Regal or Popular, And since we make golden bridges for flying enemies, much more may we afford them to relenting sovereigns. 7. When the Prerogative of Kings was most Rampant, than the greatest of them could never prudently aspire to make themselves sole Legislators, nor presumed to maintain Red-coats in the times of Peace. If any should here object that Kingly power can no longer here subsist for want of a Revenue, I answer, That a King of England might and still may (the sale of Crown Lands, which exceeded not the value of 100000 li. per annum, being, methinks, no matter of ruin, but rather of easy compensation,) For the public Revenue was proportioned according to the maintenance of Courts, not Camps or Fleets; a Gentleman of reasonable Estate might live well upon his Rents, without disbursements out of the public Revenue. 8. A Monarchical Government did provide greater freedom for their Citizens then any other, as Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right; hereby our Lives, Liberties, and Estates were secured established, I think, as well as any thing, on this side Heaven: it were no solecism to say, the Subject had his Prerogative, as well, as the King; And sure I am, he was as good (if not better) condition to maintain it, the dependence being less on his side: Liberty was no less sacred than Majesty; Nole me tangere, was likewise its Motto; And in case of any, the least infringement (as escapes in Government may happen even in the most perfect;) It was resented, as if the Nation had received a box on the ear; If it be, as they say, the glory of a Free-Stat, to exalt, the scandal of tyranny, to Embase our Spirits; doubtless, this was our only commonwealth: For, ever since, methinks, we have learned quietly to take the Bastonade. 9 We can never hope under our commonwealth, what ever promises may be made us, so perfectly to distinguish the Legslative from the Ministeral Authority, as once we did; when the House of Commons had not the power of a Court Leet to give an Oath, nor of a Justice of the Peace, to make a Mittimum: Which disinction, doubtless is the most vital part of freedom, and far more considerable to poor Subjects, than the pretended Rotation; As on the contrary, the confusion of them is an accomplishment of servitude; For which the best republic, I fear, have more to answer, than any limited Prince can have: Certain, it is, that our King in his personal capacity as he made no Laws, so neither did he by himself interpret Laws. His Privy Seal ever buckled to the great Seal, as being the Nations more than his. Lastly, Charles Stuart, the Son of the late King, is the sirmest adherer in the world to the true Protestant Religion, and continues immovable to the principles in which he was educated from his infancy: therefore no way of Government can be settled so prevalent to the preservation of the true, ancient Catholic, and Apostolic Faith, and to restore the unity of these languishing Nat●ons, as to establish him in the Royal Throne and Dignity of his Father. LONDON, Printed for Theophilus Microcosmus. Anno Dom. 1660.