Interest will not Lie. Or, a View of ENGLAND'S True Interest:  
In reference to the 

PAPIST,  
ROYALIST,  
PRESBYTERIAN,  
BAPTISED,  
NEUTER,  
ARMY,  
PARLIAMENT,  
City of LONDON.    
In refutation of a treasonable Pamphlet, entitled, The Interest of England stated.  
Wherein the Author of it pretends to discover a way, how to satisfy all Parties , and provide for the Public Good, by calling in the Son of the late King, etc.  
Against whom it is here proved, That it is really the Interest of every Party (except only the Papist) to keep him out: And whatever hath been objected by Mr. William Pryn, or other Malcontents, in order to the restoring of that Family, or against the legality of this Parliament's sitting, is here answered by Arguments drawn from Mr Baxter's late Book called A Holy Commonwealth, for the satisfaction of them of the Presbyterian way; and from Writings of the most learned Royalists, to convince those of the Royal Party.  
By MAR. NEDHAM.  
London, Printed by Tho. Newcomb, dwelling over-against Bainards-Castle in Thames-street. 1659.   

Interest will not lie: Or, A View of ENGLAND'S True Interest, etc.  

The Preamble.  
IT is a Maxim among Politicians, That Interest will not lie: Which prudential saying hath a twofold sense, the improving whereof is very useful to a man, either in the conduct of his own Affairs, or in discerning the conduct and end of the Affairs and enterprises of other men. One sense of it may be this; That if you can apprehend wherein a man's Interest to any particular Game on foot doth consist, you may surely know, if the man be prudent, whereabout to have him, that is, how to judge of his design: For, which way soever you foresee his Interest doth in prudence dispose him, that way (provided he be so wise as to understand his own Concernment) he will be sure to go, and so his Interest (provided also, that in your calculation thereof you be not mistaken) will not lie to you, it will not deceive you in your judgement concerning the man's Intents and Proceed.  
The other sense of that Maxim is, That if a man state his own Interest aright, and keep close to it, it will not lie to him or deceive him, in the prosecution of his Aims and ends of Good unto himself, nor suffer him to be miss or drawn aside by specious pretences; to serve the ends and purposes of other men.  
This being so, and Designs being now generally laid to engage the People a new in blood and confusion, and this fawning Pamphlet having for the same cause been dispersed throughout the Three Nations, it was necessary for the right information of our Countrymen of all Parties, to give them a view of their true Interests, for fear lest by this and the other treasonable Papers which fly up and down, or through the sly insinuations and persuasions of cunning men, any one Party should happen to be seduced from a right understanding of their Interest at such a time as this, and embark themselves for the Interest of a Public Enemy, upon supposition of attaining thereby their own and the Public welfare: Therefore give me leave to trace and overtake the Deceiver (I mean this Author) in his own Method; in the prosecution whereof I shall endeavour to manifest, That as it is a main Point of Interest among the Grandee-Cavaliers both here and beyond-sea, by spreading Libels, false Rumours, fair Promises▪ subtle Arguments of Persuasion, and all other ways imaginable, to rub men's discontents, and bewitch their senses, that they may not be able to discern their own Concernments; So, on the other side, We who are the People, of all Parties, considering that those Cavalier-Grandees are concerned to draw us in (if they can) to do their drudgery in War at the hazard of our Necks, aught to conceive it a principal part of our Interest to understand theirs and not to suffer ourselves to be trepanned by fine pretences and devices, to venture our own bloods, and shed the blood of others, for the erecting of their greatness upon our own particular and the general Ruin.— And because this Author saith one thing well, That the real go●d of the Nation consists not in the private benefit of single men, but the advantage of the Public and that it is made up, not by the welfare of any one Party, but of all; Therefore when I have made it appear, by scanning the Interests and Concernments of all Parties among us, that no one party, no, not the Royalists themselves (except only the Papist) can hope for any good by the restitution of Charles Stuart, but must necessarily partake in the common calamity as well as others, than I suppose the Conclusion will naturally follow: That it is the Interest of all to keep him out.   

SECTION I.  
Of the Papist, whom our Author calls by the more splendid name of Roman Catholic.  
HIs words are these. ['tis the Interest of the Roman Catholics to bring in the King; for by that means the heavy payments now on their estates, with other burdens, will be taken off: And as to the pressures of Penal Laws, they cannot but remember how far from grievous they were in the late King's time, the Catholics living, here notwithstanding them, in more flourishing condition than those of France, Italy, or Spain did, under their respective Princes; and would do infinitely more under their natural King, than if any Foreiner should acquire the Power by Conquest: Besides, they generally having adhered to the late King in his Wars, have no reason to distrust a  treatment from his Son.  
'Tis well done of our Author to speak out; and what he saith, we will easily grant: for the Papists cannot deny their own Interest so far as not to endeavour by all means imaginable to restore the Son, who hath made as fair professions to the Pope as ever the Father did, and no doubt he would (were he restored) as really perform them. We cannot forget what Transactions passed betwixt his Father and the Court of Rome, at the time of his being in Spain, and what a Letter of assurance he then wrote to his Holiness; nor how both the Father and Grandfather betrayed the Protestan: Cause in Germany▪ France, and all over the world; and how that to make way for Popery, Superstition was countenanced, Papists preferred to greatest places of Trust, and were in greatest credit at Court, while the best sort of Professors were forced to quite the Nation, and retire into wildernesses in another world: But to encourage Papists, they (as our Author saith) had all burdens taken away from them, and lived here in a more flourishing condition than those of France, Italy, or Spain, did in their own countries. He doth well also to remember us, how close they stuck to the late King in his wars; and we cannot forget that they had reason, considering how close he stuck to them. They know how it came about, that some Hundred thousands of Protestants were by unheard of and most inhuman butcheries offered up in sacrifice to the grand Idol of the Popish Interest in Ireland; and all the world knows, the Papists had and openly declared and shown they had, a Commission for what they did there, and that it was transmitted thither under the great Seal of Scotland, yea and every one knows or hath heard, who was in person there at the time of its issuing forth, and had custody of the Seal of that Kingdom in his own hands. And after those barbarous Rebels of Ireland had in cruelty out-acted all the Monsters of former Ages, my Lord of Ormond can tell you, who it was that did as openly own them for what they had done, and solicited them to send six thousand of those Vilans into England against the Parliament, and Supplies into Scotland, and impowered him the said Ormond to give them all manner of Assurances, save only that he would not yield they should have liberty of making Appeals to Rome, because it would have entrenched upon his Regal interest and prerogative: but as for the interest and honour of God and Religion, that he let go, and sent particular Thanks to Brown Muskerry and Plunket, defperate Rebels) for their good services who had been the chief Actors in that horrid Massacre. And if Ormond will not acknowledge these things, 'tis well we have the Letters to produce which were written to him by that Royal hand, and found in his Cabinet taken at the Battle of Naisby.  
The Papists therefore having had so fair a Creature of the Father, we shall yield likewise (for many reasons) that they have no cause to fear foul dealing from the Son; a Gentleman of as good a nature towards them as the Sire was! For, they ought not to forget, and they of the Scotish Nation cannot choose but with sorrow remember, what a woeful Convert they had of him, when being after his Father's death in the Isle of Jersey they invited him out of the very arms (as I may say) of the Irish Rebels, among whom he was then ready to go, having struck up a Bargain with them, and sent his goods beforehand by sea to Kinsale, with intent immediately to have followed them As for his Religion (if any) it is at best, you know, but a devotion to Prelacy (which was bequeathed to him in Legacy) for, he forfeited all his Coronation Oaths and Protestations to the Scots Nation, with all his other pretences of Religion there, before ever he left that Country. What profession he hath since owned abroad, hath (for Reason of tate) been kept very close, and yet not so close, but he discovered it, when visiting one of the English Jesuits Colleges in Flanders, the showing him in their Chapel the Essigies of several good Fathers of that house which had been Sainted at Tyburn, he pulled his Hat over his eyes, and turned aside to the Wall. But if this be not evident, let us have recourse to reason, and then consider how long he was under the wing of his Mother's Instructions in France, and what a Nursery Flande●s hath been for him since, which is the most Jesuited place in the World; consider also the urgency of his necessities disposing him to embrace any thing, or take any course to get a Crown, being under the same influence of that wand'ring Star called Ragione di Stato, as was his Grandfather Henry the Fourth of France, who shifted his Religion to secure a Crown, and chose rather to hazard his portion in Paradise, than his Palace in Paris (which some say were his own very words;) but to these considerations take along with you the young Man's intercourse with, obligation to▪ dependence upon foreign Priests and Papists; his frequent known applications and promises to the Pope by special Agents employed to Rome for that purpose, and to the Emperor, as well as the Spaniard: his Alliance to, and combination with him and other Popish Princes (especially those of the Austrian party) being put altogether into the balance, are ground enough to believe him sufficiently affected, if not sworn to Popery.— These things (we say) being considered, we are easily of the same opinion with our Author: That it is absolutely the interest of the Roman Catholic party to restore him, and see him settled in that absolute domination over England, which was the grand project of the Court, and for the attaining whereof, his Father first laid the foundation of our Civil Wars. Which being evidently the true interest of the Papists in respect to him, we cannot be-lie them, when we say, It is that which they and their foreign Friends do make their great business to bring about, and so we know where to have them; on the other side▪ seeing that in reverence to the principles and practices, both of his Father and Mother, and in respect to the Obligations he hath to the whole Popish party for his Bread, he is concerned to retain them as the best and surest Friends (and the old Friends) of his Family, we do not be-lie him, if we conclude, that no party in England can expect any other thing by his restitution, but that they all must be always truckling under the Papist, to the extreme hazard of the Reformed Religion professed now with all freedom here among us; so that we should absolutely be-lie our own Interest, and deceive ourselves, if we would (which God forbidden) give ear to the Royal Charmer, charm he never so wisely.   

SECT. II.  
Of the Royalist.  
OUr Author's words are these: [The Royalist and English Protestant, besides that his Principles oblige him cheerfully to pay his obedience where it is due, and look no further, is likewise by his Interest concerned to be content with such a restitution of the King, as alloweth no private reparations for past sufferings, they thereby acquiring full possession of what remains; and as the settlement of the Nation would make the smallest estate more advantageous than the greatest would be, acquired by violence, which unavoidably would defeat all terms of Union, and involve the Nation in new Wars; so likewise, if the necessary parts of their way of worship be secured, other circumstantial things will be easily settled by a fair and amicable Treaty.]  
Before we proceed, let us animadvert a little upon particular expressions in this Paragraph. By his joining the word Royalist and English Protestants, he intimateth, as if none were good Protestants-but Royalists: and truly this is generally the fantasy of that party, who look upon all others with an evil eye, as Heretics and Schismatics.  
And whereas he saith, The Royalists principles oblige him cheerfully to pay obedience where it is due, this toucheth upon a new question, intimating that he oweth not obedience to the present power, which doctrine, having been hotly banded heretofore, this is no place to dispute about, and therefore I refer the Reader to another piece, which will shortly come forth, one part whereof will be to confirm the point of Subjection, though the dueness thereof to the present Powers hath been formerly proved, both by reason▪ and by testimonies drawn from the most eminent Penmen of all parties, whereby all Objections (as to our present case) have been abundantly answered.  
Another expression is, That an estate acquired by violence, will unavoidably defeat all terms of Union, and involve the Nation in new Wars. If so, then by telling the people so, he spoils the design of his Pamphlet which is to raise the Country; for, what man will be so mad as to run into arms, by violence to instate Charles Stuart? seeing by consequence it would (as our Author foretells) sow everlasting seeds of disunion and civil War among us? It is plain enough to be foreseen, and it concerns us to believe the Gentleman, rather than make the experiment.  
Another word is, Necessary parts of Worship; these he would have secured, and what the Royalist esteems necessary in matter of worship, we all know, even nothing less than the old Prelatic Hierarchy with all its dependants; and the question than is, Whether in conclusion, the Episcopal Lands and Revenues would not after a short space be required▪ as the principal medium for the maintenance of that worship. In the mean while, he a little after doth as good as tell us, that the old Church Government must be resettled.  
The last expression which we take notice of, doth concern the Royalist himself, who is told that in the restitution of the Stuarts. He is not to look for any reparations for past sufferings; and truly herein he may believe our Author upon his word, without an Oath, or lo●g discourse to convince him: However, because the poor Royalist hopes to reap a great harvest by the Regal Restitution, it will not be amiss to give him a little eyesalve, that he may be able more clearly to discern his own condition.  
The Royalists are of two sorts, first▪ such as adhere to Charles out of necessity; secondly, such as adhere to him out of humour. The former are those, who being hopeless of a return, or of the recovery of their Fortunes by way of reconcilement, are constrained to run any hazard abroad with the head of their party; and therefore would turn every stone to over-turn the present power of the Commonwealth▪ that they may set up themselves. The latter sort of Royalists are such, who though they served heretofore under the Royal Standard, yet through favour of the Parliament have regained possession of their Estates, and equal immunities with the rest of the people save only that they are not yet thought capable of public Trusts in great Offices, or to sit in Parliament, but otherwise they enjoy the full benefit of that Oblivion which the Parliament gave; in hope thereby to oblige them. These may (not improperly) be called humorous Royalists, because they have only an obstinate and vainglorious humour for the ground of their behaviour, without any possibility of advantage thereby unto themselves, but are ridden by the other sort, to carry on the Highboy design of particular persons. These, to restore the single Family of a Prince, cast out by a wonderful hand of providence, seem willing to hazard the ruin of all their own Families, and to serve the ends of certain persons about him (men whose fortunes are desperate) they are ready to fool themselves into a loss of their own, as certainly they will, if Charles miscarry in his enterprise, whereas on the other side▪ if he should carry it with success, they will be then but where they were, they can be but masters of what they have already; for, this Trumpet to Rebellion hath already proclaimed it in his Pamphlet, That they must not look for reparations for past sufferings▪ and so though they should help to restore him, yet they must not expect to mend their Fortunes. The High-Rantors and Fugitives are they that shall be looked on at Court, those Bell-wether of Royalty will bear away the Bell of preferment, whilst the poor Country Royalists (both Gentry and Yeomen) shall be glad to drudge and plough, to pay the yet unknown Taxations which must needs be established to satisfy the Forlorn Brethren of the Sword, and the Grandees of the party, and finally be entailed upon the whole English posterity, to maintain the pomp and pride of a luxurious Court, and an absolute Tyranny. Which being considered, it is a wonder to see how they feed themselves with phantsies, who pretend to his restauration, supposing that the golden Age must needs return again with him, whereas (alas!) they will be but made use of as the Cat's paw was, to pick the chestnuts out of the fire for the service of the Monkey. This being so, and seeing they have beforehand been told so in print by this Royal Advocate, certainly we may conclude, it is the true Interest of the great Body of those, who please themselves with the repute of Royalists in this Nation, by all means to leave the High-boys and Fugitives to themselves, and avoid those Insinuations which are contrived by them, and preached by their Clergy, to draw them into Rebellion, and from thence into the net of new Compositions, or rather total Confiscations. They cannot but remember, how signally God hath blasted that Family, and all their Insurrections, from time to time I Put case they should be so mad as to stir again, yet what can be done by unwieldy Bodies of raw men, taken from the streets, the Alehouse, the Plough and the Harrow, rude and unacquainted with Military discipline, against a well-disciplined Army of old Soldiers? Remember what became of those vast numbers Anno 1648. in Kent and Essex, etc. how quickly they flocked together like sheep, yet when upon the advance of our Soldiery, they saw there was danger of being had to the slaughter, with the same quickness they dispersed themselves, and after a weeks airing▪ found it was their Interest, and the wisest way to return to their Beef and Bacon. And if the Gentlemen Royalists should venture to make another experiment with them, what can they in reason expect in the end, but an execution of the Law upon their persons, and the destruction of their families? Such broken reeds as popular Commotions, if ye lean upon them, 'tis a thousand to one but they fail you; consult Histories, and you shall always find it so; whereas if ye mind your true Interest, that will neither fail you, nor deceive you. The Royalists (we know) are persons generally so ingenuous as to understand that every man hath a little Commonwealth within himself, and that the Affairs thereof he is naturally obliged to look unto, by virtue of that duty which he oweth to himself and his near Relations; and they cannot but know likewise, that if the great Commonwealth or Body politic happen by Providence to be established in a new form otherwise then they think it should be, as it is in such a case but folly to imbroil their Country, and engage all that is dear to them for the old form, which is in itself a mere shadow, and like a shadow gone away; so 'tis but vain for them to scruple a submission, or adherence to the new, upon pretence of obligations to the old by Oath, because all Casuists who writ touching Cases of Conscience, yea, their own Doctor Sanderson (a most learned man) in his Book de Juramento, will tell them, that if they find a Government altered, and another power in possession of it, they, being private men, are bound to submit to the present Powers, because ordained of God (for such the Apostle hath declared all Powers in being whatsoever to be) and that the former Government ceasing, which was the object of obedience, the Obligation thereunto must of necessity cease likewise, whatever Mr. Pryn prattles to the contrary: For, no man can be concerned in any respect or relation to that which is not; and so when a thing cannot be done, the Obligation to it must needs be void (as their Doctor saith) Ex Impossibilitate Facti. 'tis high time then for them to lay aside discontents and frivolous pretences; and to observe their true Interest, as persons conscientiously concerned to do it, in respect to all manner of Relations both private and public; This is the way to secure themselves in their possessions, and after they have manifested repentance of pasts Follies, to introduce them into an equal participation of Priviledge● with others in this state of Freedom; which will however render their posterity happy, though the Parents in a pettish humour, should always look on it with an eye of disdain and prejudice: But if at length they would lay aside animosities, and seek peace and ensue it, than the State not being constrained to keep up Forces at so vast a Charge to watch over them in their designs, the public necessities would soon wear off and with them the greatest part of our Burdens, and themselves might perhaps live to see that happiness which they would not believe, but might have sooner enjoyed, if they had not been so obstinate against Reason, and the Peace of their native Country.  
But if for all this, they shall stand up and say, They cannot be satisfied without Episcopal government: They may talk what they will, yet there being no visible footstep in Scripture of its institution, more than there is of the other ways of Government practised by others, why should wise men contend for that as divine, which is merely prudential? seeing the late King pleaded conscience for his insisting to maintain it only upon this account, that he was sworn to do so, and we saw he did his utmost for it; which when he had done▪ then, seeing the necessity of Affairs required the abolition of it, he in the Isle of Wight-Treaty became content it should be abolished; to let his Friends see, that having done what he could to preserve it, the thing itself was of no such sacred Authority, but that it might be cashiered by Authority when prudence did require it to be done. And therefore our Author likewise, having a point of prudence to dispatch, which is, to hedge in the Presbyterian to his Royal party, he also makes the divine darling of Episcopacy a mere prudential matter, to be dismissed as his Master's occasion shall require, that so the Royal Cause being to be swallowed, it may go gently down with the Presbyter, and not offend his tender stomach Upon this account, pag. 3. he tells his brother-Royalists, it will be difficult to set up the primitive Government of the Church so he calls Episcopacy,) at least in its full height, because against so great a multitude of eager dissenters, according to probability it will not stand. Therefore pag. 11. he inviteth the Presbyterians to an Accommodation, telling them, the differences are speculative, and that their Contests with the Episcopal Divines are in the opinion of moderate men of either judgement, easily attoned. Now if the Divines of both parties shall by consent accommodate and comply with each other, (which appears to be one part of the present design for bringing in Charles Stuart) what else do they both thereby but plainly confess, that the Frames they have so long contended for are but political▪ and liable to alteration as prudence shall direct? Seeing then, that the Royalists obligation to the old State, whether Ecclesiastical or Civil, is wholly defunct, and that the generality of them may much sooner mar their own condition, by endevoring to bring Charles in, than mend it, and that other things of Church and State are above their sphere (as private men) to meddle with, what remains, but that they look through the Grandees Interest, which is merely to draw them in, and pursue their own Interest only in subserviency to the Public; which is not to be done but by preserving the Peace, and that cannot be otherwise than by a cordial uniting with us, to shut all the doors of hope against him that would come in to disturb the Nation, and make all things worse; as I shall sufficiently show in the ensuing parts of this Discourse.   

SECT. III.  
Of the Presbyterian.  
OUr Author's words are these: [It is the Presbyterians Interest to bring in C. Stuart, as the only way to preserve himself from ruin at the hands of those lesser. Parties that have grown up under him, who utterly oppose all Government in the Church.]  
These are good words; and if we consider the present carriage of the Presbyterian Ministers in Lancashire, who are blowing the Trumpet to Rebellion in those Northern parts, we may say they are so mad as to believe our Author, that their joining with and for the Interest of C. Stuart, is the way to preserve themselves from ruin. But because there are many sober and pious men of that party in these Nations, who as yet stand clear from the imputation of this foul design, therefore lest any should be tainted by the infection of that ill example of their Lancashire brethren, to embark with the Royalists, give me leave to lay before them several Considerations, to manifest, that by such an imbarquement, a certain ruin must ensue to their way and party, in ease that ejected Family should by their means be enabled to return.  
First, As to your way of Church-government, it is a thing the Royalists will hiss at after you have served their turns. For our Author himself cannot hold, but in the midst of all his printed Courtships and Compliments, he lets slip these words, which (if you please) you may read Page 5.  
[The Presbyterians aim of setting up his Discipline hath several inconveniences; for, besides that its rise must be the overthrow of all other parties, which are more considerable in the Nation than themselves, that rigid Government no way complies with the genius of the Nation, nor the frame of our Municipal Laws; which the late King was well ware of, when he conceded to the setting of it up for three years, being fully satisfied, how effectual an argument the experience of that short time would be, to persuade the Nation to endure so galling and heavy a yoke no longer.]  
If this be the Royalists opinion (as you see it is) how can ye cotton together? What can you of the Presbyterian judgement expect but certain ruin to your way, and your persons, by such a clenching and closure with inconsistent principles? Whereas, those that he calls the lesser parties which have grown up under you, have hitherto allowed the men of your way as great a freedom as they do enjoy themselves, and have admitted you to an equal participation with others, of that grand privilege, Liberty of Conscience, which (however some of you may flatter yourselves) ye can never enjoy under a sort of people, that will never be at rest without a Ranting Episcopacy.  
Secondly Consider the animosity naturally inherent in the Royal party, and their Head, against you. They will never leave buzzing in his ears to quicken his memory, that the Interest of your party was in its infancy founded in Scotland upon the ruin of his great Grandmother, continued and improved by the perpetual vexation of his Grandfather, and at length prosecuted to the decapitating of his Father. Be not so weak as to soothe yourselves, that you shall far better than others, because you never opposed this young Gentleman's person: It is ground sufficient for his hatred, that you bandied against his Father, and the Prerogative, to which he conceives himself Heir; and to hate you the more, because the making good of promises to you would be the clipping of that Prerogative. It is the common sense of the Cavaliers, that you prepared his Father for the Block, and are incensed at others because they took from you the honour of the Execution: And in a Fast-Sermon preached upon the news of his death before his Son, then at the Hague, Dr Creigheon told him, That the Presbyterians pulled his Father down, and held him by the hair, while the Independents out off his head: And after him, it was more elegantly expressed by Salmasius in his Defens●o Regia; Presbyteriani sacrificium ligârunt, Independentes jugulârunt. Nor will he count your party any whit the less guilty for your hypocritical protesting against the death of his Father, seeing in Sermons printed several years before, you declared him over and over to be a Man of Blood; The Scotish Ministers printed it, that he had shed more in these three Nations, than was shed in the Ten Christian Persecutions; and upon the same account, Mr. Love proclaimed in the pulpit at Vxbridge-Treaty, That no Peace ought to be had with him. It was your party that reduced him (diminutione capitis) into the condition of a Captive; and the Cavaliers say, You unking'd him, you deprived him of his earthly Crown and kept him languishing, whereas (they say) others were more courteous in sending him to an heavenly. In short, you brought him (as it were) to the foot of the Scaffold, whoever led him up. Now try the Cavaliers courtesy, if ye please, you that have fought and preached against them; but remember this (though I trust ye shall never have occasion) that when time serves, the Philosopher's Maxim will prove good Logic at Court, Qui vult media ad finem, vult etiam & ipsum finem; He that willeth the means conducing to the end, willeth also the end itself. Ergo (will the Courtiers say) seeing the Presbyterians did put such Courses in practice, as tended to the King's ruin, they certainly intended it, and are as deep in it as others. I wish you may understand rather than feel, what Conclusions will be drawn by them against you, from that Act of Justice.  
Thirdly, consider, that as he hath a most particular Antipathy against your party, as the old enemies of his Family; so, with what promises soever he may soothe you, yet you, of all other men, have lest reason to trust him: Had not your party in Scotland an experiment, when they entertained him there, how little conscience he made of all his promises, and how (in a trice) he shuffled out your Presbyterian Interest in that Nation, and turned up Trump, the Cavalier. But that you may take a complete view of both his Faith and affection toward you and your party, give me leave to refresh your memories with a little History, to prove him one of whom you can take no hold, by any Oaths, Promises, or Engagements whatsoever.  
Take him before he went to Scotland, and the first place you have cause to observe him in, was in the Isle of Jersey. Being there, the Presbyterians of Scotland, by the consent and concurrence of the principal of their party in England, made application to him, and it was declared a Treaty should be held at Breda betwixt them, which by an Express he signified to the Presbyterians in Scotland; nevertheless at the very same time, he privately sent away another Express to Montrose, requiring him to go on vigorously with his designed Invasion of Scotland against the same Presbyterians, because at the same time likewise he was trucking with the Rebels of Ireland, hoping by their friendship to have made his way into England without the Presbyterian shackle at his heels. Yea, and that you may see, how hereditarily he hated the Presbyterian Interest and party, he went far higher than ever his Father had done in expressions of hatred: For, he continued utterly averse from Treating in good earnest with the Presbyterian Scots and their friends, as long as he had any the least hopes of effecting his business by Ireland, choosing rather to have made an open Contract with those barbarous Rebels (into whose country he had already transported his goods, and intended himself to follow) rather than want executioners of his revenge against the godly of all opinions (whom he equally detested) in England and Scotland: But at length, perceiving a fairer way paved for him by Scotland, he did then (but would never till then) relinquish the Irish, and seemed to close with the English and Scotish Presbyterians in the Treaty concluded at Breda.— Now consider, that as he never closed with them till his Irish hopes were blown over, so being brought into Scotland by pure necessity, he would do nothing there but what the same necessity constrained him to, as appeared by his refusing to sign the Declaration of Kirk and State, till the Lord Loudoun the Chancellor told him plainly in a Letter written to him (which in those days was printed) that they would abandon and give him over except he subscribed. Hereupon, he began to acknowledge and condole the sins of his Family, etc. and to personate all that hypocrytical mockery of Repentance which followed after, and took the Solemn League and Covenant▪ when at the same time his Counsels were privately and wholly set for the destruction of the Covenant and all its Abettors. For, no sooner had he taken up that Visor, but immediately, the Kirk-partie losing the Battle at Dunbar, he laid it aside again, and began openly to play his own game, rejoicing at their defeat, and presently endeavoured to give them the slip, and run away to the Cavalierpartie, then up in the North of Scotland; wherein being prevented of his design by force, his next refuge was, Divide & Impera, dividing the Presbyterian party of Scots both in Kirk and State, the most considerable whereof he overawed, or alured into his party, so that the most conscientious among them were forced to declare against his proceed, and retire in discontent, and divers others were cashiered, both of Kirk, State, and Army, to make room for the most notorious Cavaliers and Malignants; whereupon in a short time, it was counted little other than Sedition and Treason, to preach up those very Principles that their King had sworn to in the Covenant and his Coronation Oath; and so by this means, immediately the Cavaliers had all that he held in Scotland at their own devotion. In these lines view his picture and see how you like him, concerning whom it was necessary to be thus particular, in giving you his Inside outward, that thereby it may be seen, the Complexion of his Soul is not different from that of his Body, and what confidence is to be placed by you, upon any Terms, in such a one, who can break a sunder the strongest Ties of Faith, Oaths, Promises and Engagements, as so many straws and rushes.  
Trust him then, if ye please, and bring him in if ye dare, that by new Experiments, to your own sorrow and Confusion, ye may learn, when it is too late, that it was your true Interest as Presbyterians, by all means to keep him out of the Nation. I speak not this to the grave and pious men of that way (in which there are many such) but to the Heady Hotspurs (of which sort there are too many) ready to embark themselves upon mistaken grounds, and run blindfold to destruction  
'tis reported, that Conscience is now pleaded again by virtue of the Covenant, which they say doth (together with the Oath of Allegiance) oblige them to the late King and his heirs. I shall not (because here I affect brevity) say any thing now concerning the main Question of the Obligation of both, but must refer you to what is said before to the Royalist touching this; but because they will needs talk of the Covenant again, and our Cavalier Author presseth it also upon them, let me have leave to add one word more, to stop their mouths for ever anent the Covenant: It is pure matter of Fact that shall convince them. In the days of the late Protector Oliver, but more industriously and remarkably in the time of the late Protector Richard, did the principal men (both Clergy and Laity) of the Presbyterian party, in City and Country make most solemn Addresses, to declare their Subjection, Submission, Allegiance, to the Government of Father and Son, and that they would live and die for it, adding their Prayers for all manner of Benedictions upon them, which is a matter I can affirm of my own knowledge. Now pray you let us reason a little upon this: When ye made those Addresses, either the obligation of the Covenant to old Charles and his heirs did remain in force at the same time, or it did not; If it did remain in force, the question is, with what conscience ye could suspend the obligatory power of it, and make so serious professions (using the name of God and so much Scripture phrase) to bind yourselves in a Bond of Allegiance to a new Prince and Family? If it did not remain in force toward Charles at that time, than we would feign know, how it, and your other Oaths (as to the obligatory power of them) could die or take a nap for five or six years, and at the six years' end revive, and stand in full force and virtue again for the Stuarts against the present Parliament; sure nothing less than a magical Spell can conjure up that Covenant after it hath been so long dead, and make a goblin of it, to fright men out of their wits, and from their duty; there must needs be some enchantment or mystery in the business▪ and there is no way to unriddle it with the saving of your credit; for, wise men now plainly see there must be little of Conscience, but much of the Party and Faction in any future pretence or Plea drawn from the Covenant for quarrelling at this Parliament; because if you could dispense with it for a closing with the Protector, you may by the same Reason as well do it to close with the present Power (for aught that the Covenant, in respect of the Stuarts can oblige to the contrary) seeing the ●nterest of the Protector as absolutely led him to an exclusion of the former Family, as the Interest of this Parliament (and indeed of the whole Nation) doth to an utter abjuration of it for ever. Thus the matter of Fact being clear, and the Inference upon it, I see no excuse, no hole that ye have to shift out at but one, and that is, by saying that when ye so highly addressed yourselves to the last Protector, ye did it in word, but in deed ye reserved your hearts for C. Stuart. How can this stand with the reverend reputation of such men as Mr. Baxter? who, as the other eminent Ministers addressed personally in a Body, so he in print (in the Epistle Dedicatory to the last Protector before his Disputations of Church-Government) concluded himself, after all other Compliments, A faithful Subject of your Highness, etc. And yet the same Mr. Baxter in his late Book entitled, A Holy Commonwealth, hath the confidence to insist upon the Covenant, and though therein he pleads not positively for Charles Stuart, yet in many places of it we see which way he looks, he doth that which is equivalent thereto: He disowned the pretended Covenant-obligation to Charles, by addressing himself to Richard; but when a third Power comes in play, than the Covenant comes up again for Charles. The only evasion then which they and he can have, must be but a miserable one, viz. That when they owned the Protector, they did it not really, but only (as a pious fraud) out of some design they had thereby to make way for his Rival, the other Single person; and truly, that would be most miserable hypocrisy, to let the world see they can play fast and lose with Oaths and Covenants, take them up and let them fall, as may best fit their ends and purposes: God forbidden they should so debauch the reverence of their Function, as to shake hands with the Jesuit before all the people, in the odious principle of Equivocating and mental Reservation! But we have cause to expect better things from the generality of that party (both Ministers and people) who being men of piety and prudence, cannot but condemn the practices of such as have shown themselves extravagant, in the present dawnings of a new day of Rebellion, and must needs see, that if it prosper, whatever the pretences of the Ringleaders be at first, (fair and plausible) yet of necessity the issue at last must be this, that the Game will be played wholly into the hands of him, who is the Head of your sworn Enemies, from whose fury and revenges you have no way to secure your party▪ but by keeping him out of the Dominion; which cannot otherwise be done, than by a cordial close with this Parliament, under whom you possess so large immunities and enjoiments; their Authority being the only visible Fence against the others tyranny: And if you please to strengthen their hands, you will shorten their work, and enable them speedily to settle a Real State of Freedom to yourselves, and others, and transmit the same by a happy succession of Parliaments to posterity.   

SECT. iv  
Of the Baptised.  
THe words of our Author concerning them, are these, [As to the Interest of the Baptised Churches, their pretensions of throwing down all other parties not being feizable, it is their Concern to acquiesce in the most moderate Church-Government, which is certainly the Episcopal, etc.]  
For answer to this, Pray you remember only, how moderate and tame a Government the Episcopal was, and how gently it dealt with tender consciences, and men of different judgements, and then consider, what may be expected for the future by you, against whom (of all other parties) the late King and his Prelacy did manifest (when time was) a most implacable enmity, as I shall prove by instances by and by; in the mean time, pray observe here, that while our Author courts you with the one hand, he throws dirt with the other, basely branding you as a sort of people, whose very pretensions are destructive of all other parties: And if the Royalists dare thus openly tell you already, to your faces, what monstrous opinion they have concerning you, ye may easily imagine what Quarter ye must look for under them and their Episcopacy.  
But that you may more clearly foresee, take notice what our Author saith further concerning you in another place, page 6. [The pretensions of the Baptised Churches have these Inconveniences attending them; As first, importing the ruin of all other Professions of Religion.] This is so odious a scandal, but so common in the mouths of the Cavaliers, that you cannot choose but imagine beforehand how kindly they will use you. But it's strange, that so wise a Politician as our Author would seem to be, should so far forget himself, and his design, as to betray it. You see in the former Section, he made it his business to court the Presbyterian to a compliance with Episcopacy, for a settlement, yet presently after saith, the Rise of their Presbyteria must be the Ruin of all other Parties; which being clearly contradictory to what he pretends, he hath a wondrous method of persuading men to a clo●● with his purpose: In like manner, while he is persuading you to come into a settlement with the Cavaliers and the other Parties, his stomach is so high▪ that it must have vent, to tell you, that no other Party can settle with you, you also will be the Ruin of all other.  
Yea, he goeth higher, in the same place, and saith, [That your 〈◊〉, if attained, cannot possibly subsist, it being a Maxim in Policy, ● Religion is the Cement of Government, without a public Profession of which, and the maintenance of Learning and Ministry, Atheism and disorder must needs break in] So that the Author having scandalised you as incoherent with, and destructive of, all other parties he would also make the world believe you have no foundation to stand upon, intimating, as if by your principles there could be no public Profession of Religion nor Learning, or Ministry, but only Atheism and disorder. Yea more than all this, he will have you, by your principles likewise, to be enemies of Government itself, either in a single person, or a community: men that cannot incorporate into a Civil Society of any kind, but would t●ke away all property of Estates, and found it only in Grace and Saintship; for the exemplification of which, he referreth his Reader, to the practices in Germany by the Anabaptists there.  
Now, admit there should be any sorts of men in these Nations, who agree with you touching the controvertible point of Paedo-baptism: but in other things differ extremely from you by new extravagant opinions, there is no reason that the extravagancies should be fastened upon all of you that are for the first point and opinion; for it is known that many learned men and others, have been, and are of the same judgement▪ who touching other particulars are as Orthodox (if I may use the word) as any; besides, Mr. Cawdrey saith, The Scriptures are not clear, that infant-baptism was an Apostolical practice; and Bishop Morton in his Appeal, lib 2. c. 13. sect. 3. acknowledgeth there was ancient practice for admitting Infants to the Sacrament of the Supper▪ as well as to Baptism, and it held Six hundred years in the Church, yet in later time it was thought fit to be laid aside. Shall any presume then to fasten an odium upon a whole party which abounds with pious men (truly Protestant in the other points) merely because some others who think as they do concerning Paedo-baptism, do fly out into other Notions? By this rule of proceeding, I will easily condemn, not Popery itself, and Prelacy only, but other professions of men, whom (to avoid offence) I will not now name, because there is no one party of them but have their Transcendentals, which render them unpleasant to the Civil power, and to dissenting parties, and would, if they might have their way, prove as dangerous as any: But this shall not therefore be an argument against the whole parties themselves, among whom the most are men of sobriety and gravity and such we must allow to be the constitution of the baptised party, which our Author here would kiss and kill, compliment and cut the throats of both at an instant he pretends to settle with them, yet at the same time declares in effect, That it is impossible there should be any settlement by them, with security to any other party. But enough of this  
It is no wonder then if Charles Stuart the Son who is heir to the revenge, as well as to the party and principles of the Father, shall endeavour to blast you of the Baptised Judgement before all others; but from thence you may collect what a portion of vengeance against you especially, lies at the bottom of his heart, and the hearts of his party: In the beginning of the Civil War, the blame and envy of it was by the King, in his Declarations, cast upon you as the principal causers; and now, could his Son by fine words allure you to a close with him upon terms (which, considering you as men in your right senses, I count utterly impossible) I might suppose you should be the first that would find what his intents are concerning his Father's opposers, did I not fear he would prefer his new Presbyterian friends before you. But hear a little what the old Man said of you in his Papers, which are to be seen in the Book of Collections. In a Declaration of his, published in answer to a Declaration of the Parliament, for raising all force and power, as well Trained Bands as others, etc. He chargeth the Parliament, that by their infinite arts and subtlety, and by that rabble of Brownists, Anabaptists, and other Sectaries, which were ready at a call, they were enabled to carry on their work. And in his other Declaration, dated August 12. he iterateth the same, saying, The Parliament made their power up to oppose him, by a multitude of Brownists, Anabaptists, and other Sectaries about London, who were ready to appear in a body at their command. And before he ends that long Declaration, he hath another fling at the odious licence (so he termeth it) which the rabble of Brownists, Anabaptists, and other Sectaries took to themselves▪ In like manner he brandisheth his fury against those (so called) in another Declaration which he published after the Battle of Keinton. And in his Paper, entitled▪ An offer of Pardon to the Rebels (so he was pleased to call the Parliament) he saith, Religion and his posterity was threatened to be rooted out, and his life sought after by Anabaptists, Brownists, and Atheists, etc. in Rebellion. And in his Message to the Lords of his Privy Council in Scotland, he fasteneth all manner of foul imputations upon the same party of men. The like in his Declaration, upon occasion of the Ordinance and Declaration of the Lords and Commons, for assessing all such as had not contributed sufficiently, etc. As also in his Answer to the Petition of the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London. And lastly, in his Proclamation directed to the Counties of Surrey▪ Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire▪ wherein he once again reckoneth those whom he calls Anabaptists and Brow●ists, in the same predicament with Atheists, and the only persons that threatened to destroy him, and to root up Religion and his posterity: All which (how false soever it was) may be seen in the aforesaid Bo●k of Collections; and the like with much more, in the Book published as his own, entitled, ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΚΗ.  
These things being so declared by the Father, no matter whether they be true; but if Charles be his Son, he is in duty bound to believe him, and then there need not many words to mind you of your Interest and Concernment, which cannot lie to you nor deceive you; but if you keep close to it, and at the remotest distance from that Family, you may promise yourselves both Liberty and Safety; otherwise, I leave to your own judgement, whether (in a Moral or Political sense) it be not utterly impossible to secure it.   

SECT. V  
Of the Neuter.  
A Great part of the Nation may be said to be Neuters; that is to say, persons not addicted to any one Party, but would fain have Peace, and no Taxes, and are possessed with a fantasy, that there is no way to procure ●he one, of be rid of the other, but by letting in Charles Stuart, and then 〈…〉 to promise themselves good days, with the enjoyment of Laws 〈…〉, which they are ready to think they have lost, if they be put to a ch●●ge m●●e than ordinary for the real maintenance of them. For the undeceiving of such▪ let me spread these following Considerations.  
First, That the Parliament have for the maintenance of their Authority, a most considerable Power in their hands. They have their Army consisting still of their old Officers, and the Soldiery trained up in their old most excellent way of military discipline; moreover, they have the Militia form (or actually forming) in all parts of the Nation, besides the hearts of h●ndred thousands engaged by Interest to fight (if the matter should be at pinch) for keeping out the Stuarts; and you cannot but remember what B●d●es of them appeared in Arms, when this Young man heretofore invaded E●g●and, and seated himself at Worcester, by which means a settled war was at that time happily avoided. Now, if by Insurrections way should be made for him to come in again and he by that means fix himself in any place of strength, what can the issue of men's going in to him to augment this power be, but a rending of the Nation again by a war of continuance, seeing the Parliament have the Strong holds of the Nation, and several Armi●s immediately raisable, if occasion require: And if things should come to this pass▪ 'tis lamentable to consider what would then befall the Country; the Harvest (now ready for the sickle) would be devoured by horse; Freequarter must unavoidably come on again, and that would be a welcome guest to call upon you in Winter, after you had lost all the Fruits of the Summer: I suppose you have not yet forgotten the teeth of that devouring Monster, and you would have cause to remember it to some purpose, if Foreiners should be poured in again upon you, which we must thank our own Countrymen for, if they prepare the way for their coming, as they already begin very fairly. And if Foreign force come in▪ (as who knows what may follow when a war is once begun?) then what can the present pretenders for Liberty with swords in their hands expect, but that Charles and his Cavaliers, with the help of Foreiners, will erect their Triumphs upon the ruin of all opposite parties (even those of them who now wheel about for him) and the subversion of the Rights and Liberties of the People, under the insupportable yoke of an absolute Monarchy? (for, what will promises signify when he shall get the power?)  
Secondly consider, That after a dreadful War passed, you are yet in possession of the Blessings of Peace; and though you taste not the sweets of it so fully as we could wish, because of the Payments now lying upon you, yet be patiented and consider, whence do these Payments spring? not from the nature of the Government itself, nor from the Wills of the present Governors, whose Interest it is to have it otherwise, if they knew how, but from pure necessity; and whence comes that necessity? Charles Stuart and his Cavaliers can tell you, for, they make it their business to create it more and more by framing designs against the Peace and Government of the Commonwealth; and how come they to be able to do this? even by the folly and madness of Malcontented persons and parties, who ever and anon suffer themselves to be drawn in by them: It is this that puts the Parliament upon the necessity of keeping Forces on foot, and consequently of continuing Taxes to pay Forces, defray Public Debts, and other necessary incident Expenses, without which the Peace, Safety, and Government of this People cannot be maintained. Therefore if Burdens be continued, blame not your Governors, but such Boutefeus' as are apt to take fire at the Enemy's persuasions, and are now in Arms to set on fire the three Nations. If such as they would be quiet and settled in their minds, that the Parliament might have leave to settle free from the attempts of rebellious spirits, Necessities would begin to wear off from the face of the Commonwealth; by degrees we might be eased of Grievances and Pressures, and be made sensible of the rich benefits of a State of Freedom; but if men will be hankering after the public Enemy, and flying out by Insurrections, neither peace nor ease can be expected  
But if Charles Stuart (say some) were brought in and settled, than all things ●ould settle too. For Answer to this, though the vanity of expecting a convement settlement by him, be made clear enough to the parties treated of in the foregoing Sections, yet having fallen upon a more popular way of arguing, to convince men of a Neutral temper, that are of no party, but all for peace and ease, let me apply myself to them accordingly. Pray you let us reason the Case a little; If ye think ye shall be eased of Excise▪ Taxes, etc. by letting in him▪ ye will be miserably mistaken: For, these vast charges will presently ensue; 1. A large expense for maintaining the splendour of a Royal Court, which must be had either by resuming King, Queen and Prince's Lands▪ though some think that cannot be done, the thing in itself not being feisible, because of the incredible confusion it would introduce generally upon Property; or else, if it cannot be had that way, it must be drained perpetually out of the people's purses. 2. There must be a course taken to find rewards for Foreiners, if any come in (as it is past question they will, if a war go on again) and if they should not come, yet Charles his Followers and Leaders, the younger Brothers, with the Sons of Fortune, and the Brethren of the Blade, must all be provided for, at that day, those who have been of no side shall be found as great sinners as any, and the City of London, who (as the Cavaliers swear) have gained by the Wars, shall be remembered as the Beginner of them; and than it will be too late for the vaporing Companions of the smoking Clubs to say, I, and I, and I was always (as our neighbours know) a Friend of his Majesty. 3. Besides the public Debts of the Nation, which must be paid, the Young Man hath innumerable vast Debts contracted by himself beyond Sea; those must be paid too▪ and which way (I pray you) but out of the general Purse? Think ye then, that this is the way to be eased of Excise and Taxes? The necessities would so increase by Charles▪ that they must upon his coming in be trebled to what they are now upon you.  
Thirdly consider That as by his Restitution we shall be far from ease of Burdens, so we must of necessity be much farther from attaining peace and settlement, because the discontents of all parties, which must be taken in, in order to a settlement, will be raised to a higher pitch of animosity; which is easily concluded from the hints given by our Author, already noted in the former Sections. For, he tells us, Episcopacy shall be the chief Cornerstone in the Building of the settlement; the Presbyterian Interest (he saith) shall be taken in to carry on the work, and you know they were ever wont to be like two Pellets, one driving out the other; so that it would be a lucky hand that can make them agree now: Well, but admit they could walk in couples and comply, what then will become of the poor Sectaries (as they call them?) they also, being a huge body, aught to be taken in likewise with satisfaction, viz Independents, Baptised, Fifth Monarchy men, etc. or else where is your settlement? And how that will be done, God knows, seeing the two first (as they reckon themselves) will be reputed the eldest Sons of our Mother the Church, and though they agree in nothing else, are like to agree in this, that having brachium seculare, the Arm of Secular power to use, they will be too straight lacing the tender Virgin, Liberty of Conscience, or else ravish her, and that will stir up all her Friends to the Rescue. Our Author hath told you, that the Royal and Episcopal man looks upon the Presbyterian (as one whose Discipline cannot be settled without the overthrow of all other parties, besides that it suits not (he saith) with the Laws, nor with the genius of the Nation; the like harsh sentence he passeth upon those of the Baptised way; and the Presbyterian, he thinks as hardly of the Royal Episcoparian, and of the Baptised, as these latter do of both them. There had need be extraordinary skill then in tempering Mortar before you can daub or cement all these together; but that being impossible, the issue will be that his Majesty's darling, Episcopacy, being like to rule the roast, may think it wisdom to hold in a while with Presbytery, to make use of her spleen in persecuting and weakening the other dissenting Parties▪ and afterward wipe the nose of Presbytery herself, and at length attempt to clap them all together under Hatches; now what would this be, but to put them to begin the world again, to redeem themselves once more from that yoke of ancient Tyranny, after it had been but newly cast off? But suppose that the Episcopal Project may not presently mount so high, yet it will always be Trump where there is a Stuart in the Throne (for old Charles in his Book strictly enjoins it); and what can either of these things produce but the same necessity of his keeping Forces on foot to secure the Tyranny in his own and his Bishop's hands, against the rest of the People, as the Parliament is constrained now to do, for securing Liberty of Conscience, and all other Rights and Liberties of the People, against the Return of that Tyranny? If so (as things would certainly, unavoidably so fall out) surely its evident the same Taxes, and Payments as are now, must be continued under Charles, with additions of new ones as yet unheard of, to be entailed upon the generations after us. Things therefore being thus, it is clearly concludible, that the way the Parliament is now in design upon, viz. to secure the Liberty of these Nations in Spirituals and Civils, and establish Affairs upon that Foundation, which doth really take in the Interest of the whole people (except some who have contracted an unmanly false Interest to themselves, in desiring to be slaves) is the only course whereby men may rationally expect to arrive unto a settlement▪ and consequently open a way for diminishing Taxes; whereas the other way of Charles Stuart is so narrow▪ that it admits the Interest only of some few, a sort of men who will always be practising to domineer, to the dissatisfying and disobliging all other parties, the Consequence whereof will be a continuation of such discontents, as must put the Monarch to stand always upon his guard to preserve his Power, which cannot be done without great Forces ever to be kept on foot, and so the same or greater Taxes ever to be paid, and no way in reason left for a remedy while things stand upon a Monarchick Episcopal, or a Mongrel-Episcopo-Presbyterian Bottom (call it which ye please)   

SECT. VI  
Of the Army.  
THe great Block in the way of the Cavaliers design, hath always been the Army, and if that could be removed or debauched, than they would easily complete it: No wonder then our Author useth so many Arts of Insinuation to attempt the seducing of them from a sense of their own and the public Interest, to an espousing of Charles; which were a miracle indeed, could it be effected, but certainly not without wonderful Sorcery, whereas, for aught yet appears in our Author, we cannot take him for a Witch, nor suspect his Pemphlet to be guilty of any strong Enchantment. First, he would inflame the Nation against the Soldiery, saying, Their aim is to govern it by the sword, and keep themselves from being disbanded. The falsehood of this is evident▪ for, they have restored the Parliament to the Law making part, and for the other part of Government, the execution and distribution of Law, it is as full and free as ever, as every man that frequents the Term can tell you. But he brandishes this discourse of the sword, on purpose to dazzle men's eyes, that they may not discern that sword of Charles Stuart which yet lurks in the Scabbard, but must, if he get in, of necessity be drawn (as is shown in the foregoing Section) and held over the people, to give Law to all other Laws which concern men's property, or their Liberty of Conscience. It is the Army's or rather the Parliament and people's sword in the Army's hand, which secureth all men from the power and revenge of his sword, which were it once in action, would soon cut the throat of all our Liberties.  
Next, he strikes upon another string, to try whether that will make any jarring, telling the Army it is the Parliaments interest to pull them down, and that the raising County Troops and new Militia's, is designed only to check and curb them. So here in two lines the Cavalier hath discovered his two notable designs: He knows there is no way for him to pull down both Parliament and Army, but in dividing them by discontents, and making them pull at one another; and he knows also, that the ready way to facilicate the effecting of his main purpose is, to beget a misunderstanding and an animosi tie betwixt the Army and the Country Militia's, that they may jar with each other, and not be cordially united to cheek and curb that Cavalier design which is now on foot (though in a disguise) and laid for the common ruin both of Parliament and Army, City, and Country.  
The Author having projected his plot thus, he proceeds to improve it, and ventureth to tell the Army, it is their interest to bring in the King; but why? 1. Because every Soldier is sensible we are concerned to be under a single person. It is quickly said without proof; and the Soldiers expect reason before they believe: for (as you say well) they are not like the French or Spanish Infantry, those venal souls that understand nothing besides pay and plunder, but, as becomes an English Army fight for their Rights and Freedoms, have always argued matters before they acted, and still owned a public spirit; and the meanest of them can tell you, there are several ways of being governed without a single person; and that it concerns them howsoever, as high as their heads to keep out that single person whom God made them Instruments to cast out, and never be ensnared either by promises from him▪ or by discontents among themselves. 2. Because thereby they cut off the necessity of perpetual war. Before this in Page 4. the Gentleman said, It is the Army's interest to be always engaged in War, that they may keep themselves from does … ding; and here he tells them 'tis their Interest to bring the KING▪ because that would put▪ an end to War. Riddle my Riddle, and reconcile these two Points if you can, but the Author must say any thing to create division and discontent, among us; and rather than said he will scribble Contradictories, and cares not though he set one part of his Pamphlet a quarrelling with the other, to reach us the wit to avoid his design, and live in unity and amity.  
3. Because without calling in him, they will hazard their Acquisitions. Cujus contrarium verum est; there is no reader way to hazard them▪ Crown-Lands being by many of them acquired for their Pay; and if it be possible, a way will be found out by Charles for a Resumption.  
4. Because it is the way to secure their Pay and Arrears, he being the only person that can (with a free Parliament) raise Contributions and Taxes in a Legal manner. Believe it if you list, but consider, that first his own Party must be paid and provided for, and then he may be at leisure to pay you with a vengeance. Besides, admit he should mean really to provide you your Arrears too, what an incredible vast Charge would both be to the Nation: what an opportunity would he have to devise new impositions and payments, and when you are paid off ye shall (ye may be sure) be turned off, than none remaining in Arms but his own pure party, 'twill be easy to find pretences to continue those Payments, and make Parliaments (which no doubt will then be led in a string in a brave state of Freedom) to establish them by a Law unto posterity: It shall all be done in a Legal manner, and the Army, and we, and all shall be paid (I warrant ye) according to Law, (Club-law, Cavalier-Law, Warren-Law.)  
They have often been attempting to bring Matters to this pass; and therefore give me leave to spread a few more particulars for the consideration of our Friends the Army. First consider, that having often failed by force, they now assail you by Force and Fraud both together; you cannot forget their malice, though now they sawn, and would fain seem to hug you, that they may be able to get within you, and trip up your heels, or grasp you to death. Remember how often by your matchless courage and fidelity, ye have rescued the Commonwealth out of their hands. They have drawn the poor people no less than three several times into open insurrection and rebellion. Besides this, they brought on the Scots, to a miserable oppression and devastation of the Land by two several invasions, in all which God enabled you to defeat their expectations and forces; so that besides the quelling of their power and interest in Scotland, the hand of the Lord hath gone out so visibly against them in three distinct Wars, that they have been no less than thrice miraculoussy and completely conquered here at home, and the blood which they sought hath been drawn out of their own sides, to fill up the Cup of the Lord's indignation and fury against themselves and all their Partakers. Though it were possible you could forget their implacable temper, yet for these things they will never forget you.  
Secondly▪ Take heed of Promises, all ye that have ever been engaged against that Family and Party: Is it not strange to hear that some who have been so active against him openly, should now engage for him under a disgaise? What security can they have therein for themselves or the Nation? Oh, but our Author tells us, young Charles is a good man, in all respects; and as to his honesty, no malice hath the impudence to blast it. Though we could say somewhat to one Part of his honesty, yet we wave it, but in the other part of honesty which concerneth oaths and promises, we might say he hath blasted himself, but that he ought not to seem over-serious about them, lest while he pretends to a Crown, he should lose his credit with the Politicians, that would think him unfit to be a KING. But they need not doubt him, he hath made proof enough of himself in that particular, having most Royally given evidence, that to trust him is the right way to true Repentance: If ye look into my Third Section, ye may there see how like a KING he carried himself in the Trust given him by the Presbyterians, when they made him a White Boy in Scotland, by clothing him with the Covenant, and a Coronation-oath, and Royal Robes all together.  
Thirdly consider, that as you have had the Honour hitherto, to stand firm to the Nations true interest in opposition to that Family; so while they pretend here in print to court you, their great business is at the same time to make you jealous of the Parliament, the Parliament of you, and at once to exasperate all parties of men against you, that being diffident of each other, and discontented; ye may not be in a condition vigorously to unite your Counsels and Forces against the design which they have now in hand for the ruin of all. Make much then of this Parliament; they are the founders of the Nations Interest upon a better Basis of Freedom than our Ancestors could ever hope for, and questionless they must needs be most concerned and fittest to finish the Building, seeing it is their own Interest as well as the Public, and they have most experience in the work. Charles Stuart is for the giving of our wise men, and our interested men, a Rotation as quick as may be. Therefore certainly it is your interest to stand by the Parliament with your ancient courage and affection; beat down the enemies before you, and so, when you have gained▪ Victory, ye will be in the ready way of getting your Arrears out of the Purses of your Adversaries, which will be the greatest comfort to yourselves, and an ease to the People: more words might be used; but you see where your Interest doth lie, and if you follow it strenuously, it cannot lie, it will not deceive you, whereas if you swerve but from a tittle of it, your enemies will soon slip into one Advantage or other, to bring trouble and desolation upon the Land, ruin upon yourselves and all your Friends.   

SECT. VII.  
Of the Parliament.  
THe Parliament being the Butt, at which the Adversaries shoot all their bitter Arrows of reproach and envy, it will be necessary to be particular in curing the Wounds which have of late been given to their Reputation, because their Being is the grand Bulwark of our security.  
But in the first place, to sandalize them our Author saith, It is the design of the Parliament, to continue themselves in absolute Power by the specious name of a Popular Government, and finally to set up an Oligarchy.  
By this you see. 1. That which the enemy principally fears, is, lest this Parliament should continue overlong; could they but be rid of this Parliament, they presume they should do well enough afterwards, either with or without another, and therefore their Work is (if they knew how) to precipitate the ending of it: But to confute the folly of this Scandal, 'tis known they have by a special Vote already fixed a time (short enough indeed, considering the greatness of their work, and the opposition like to be against them) beyond which they intent not to sit.  
2. As to the other Point of erecting an Oligarchy or Government by some few Persons, this is as great a scandal as the other, and it were to be wished, that the overbusy talk and Prints of some of our own had not given too much occasion for opening the mouth of the Enemy touching that particular. But how should there be any ground for suspicion about an Oligarchy? seeing no such thing can be (as by many reasons might be proved) where a supreme Legislative Power is intended to be fixed in an orderly succession of Parliaments, managed by elections rightly qualified and bounded: for which with all convenient speed, a course will be taken by this Parliament.  
Secondly, our Author endeavours to make this no free Parliament, by reason that a great part of its Members remain Secluded. This Argument hath been handled likewise with great fury by Mr. Pryn, and now the present Malcontents in Arms make use of it to countenance their Rebellion, and require that either the Secluded Members may be admitted to sit again in this Parliament, or that a New one may be called. So that you see, they and our Cavalier Author do meet in one Point. For Answer to this, I wish Mr Pryn, and the other dissatisfied Gentlemen, would take heed of this way of arguing; for, by it he may chance to condemn himself, and all others of his own judgement for their acting along with the Parliament, first, ●fter the King went away f●om Westminster, and then, after part of the Members of both Honses withdrew, and sat as a Parliament at Oxford, seeing thereby he will justify the King in what he declared at that time against the Parliament, viz. That it was no free Parliament, and so that nothing they should do, in the absence of himself and those Members, could be counted valid of Parliamentary, because they had, in countenancing tumults, driven him, and their Fellow members away by force, and so gained the Major Vote of the remaining part of the Parliament: Nevertherless, when the remaining part sat and continued to Act, the Parliamentary party made no scruple to Act with them, and Mr Prynne among the rest as highly as any, as also did all those of the Presbyterian Judgement, who, though the Parliament wanted the legal for malitie of the King's presence, and so great a part of its Members (who Printed in several Declarations, That a force was upon them;) yet rather than the public Cause should fall to the ground, they by Sermons, Purses, and all other ways, seconded that remaining part of the Parliament in their actings, acknowledging them a free Parliament, to all intents and purposes, as if every Member had been present. But you will object and say, The Case of this House now sitting, is different from that House who then sat; for, they were deserted by those Members that went to Oxford, but these suffered the Army by force to seclude those now commonly called the secluded Members. I answer; that before these Members were secluded, they first secluded and separated themselves from the public Interest, as those did, who some years before withdrew themselves, and went to Oxford; besides, the secluding of them is justifiable against▪ them by Lex talionis, the Law of Retaliation; for even they had sometime before secluded that honest party of the House (of which the Members now sitting are the principal) by raising tumults in the City, and encouraging the Apprentices, who came to the House door, and drove away the said faithful party, so that the Speaker and they were for safety forced to go out of Town, and shelter themselves under the protection of the Army: In the mean while, those who now complain of seclusion, reckoning themselves Lords of all, continued sitting, chose a new Speaker, (Mr. Pelham) acted all things as a full and free Parliament, and reckoned their Votes and Proceed as Legal and Authentic, as if all the Members had been present; and would so have proceeded to compass and establish the corrup: Interest contended for against the faithful party: And Mr. Prynne, and all his party, approved this proceeding, and sufficiently showed, that they meant to own all as Legal, that should be do e while the faithful ones were under a force, had not the design been prevented by the General's bringing back the Speaker, and the Members with him, to their Seats again in the House. What shall we say then? Let me use the words of the Apostle to him, and the rest of his secluded party, and their Abetters, [Therefore thou art inexcusable, O men, whosoever thou art that judgest, wherein thou judgest another, thou condemnest thyself; for thou that judgest, dost the same things.] If you, after a violent seclusion of some, upon a corrupt account, could approve and close with the proceed of a remaining part as a Parliament, and intend the Nation should do so to; why are not we, after a like seclusion made of your party upon a just accotins, and a restoring of the faithful party to be justified for acting along with them, and submitting to their Authority as a Parliament? And the Nation hath as much reason to pay their obedience and acknowledgements thereto, as ye intended they should have done to you. Therefore whatever other men may fa) Mr. Prynne and his secluded party must hence forth be silent, and for shame lay their mouths in the dust for ever, a to th●s particular.— But that we may give a more full answer to this so considerable a Point, and that the world may see how far the House which now 〈◊〉, is to be justified before their secluded opposites, who make so great a clamour to imbroil the Nation: I shall a little retrieve the proceed of former days touching that Seclusion, which is become the great Subject of Controversy now among us.  
First, I shall show, there was a just cause, and a real necessity, for the doing of it. Secondly, How the faithful Members (now the Parliament) behaved themselves after it was done. Thirdly, How it came to pass, that the secluded party did never sit more since that time, and are still excluded.  
1. That there was just cause, and a real necessity for the doing of it, is evident in these particulars: For, after that upon weighty consideration, the House had resolved to make no more Addresses to the King, this secluded party (who then were in play) joining Councils with the King and his party, cast about which way to revoke and reverse those Votes of Non-Address, and to bring in the King upon such Terms, the effect whereof, in a short time, would (of necessity) have been a giving up into his hands the whole Cause that had been contended for. To this end, they by subtle degrees drew all things on fair toward a compliance with the King's Interest, wherein there were some honest men (even of the Presbyterian party) who seeing it was the way to cast dirt in the face of their former Engagements, did desert them. Nevertheless, they were engaged now upon new grounds, in opposition and hatred of those, both in Parliament and Army, who desired to remain faithful to the Cause and Interest of the Nation; therefore the next step they made in the House, was, to contrive how to strengthen their party there, and by indirect courses to gain the Major Vote: For this end, it was the great endeavour of them, and of that Remnant of the Royal, and the Neutral party, which yet remained in the House, because of the vacancy of Burgesses, to fill up the House with Malignants or Neuters; and for that purpose, Writs were specially procured and sped out for new Elections to fill the vacant places, and they were directed to such places and poor Boroughs in Cornneal, Wales, etc. where the Procurers beforehand knew, that persons would be enosen sit to serve their turns. Thus a Flood of new Burgesses were brought into the House, some of them men that had been engaged against the Parliament, and incapable of Trust, yet were through the procurement also of the aforesaid party, admitted and kept in the House; for, when divers of these were questioned as unduly elected, matters were by others so ordered, that the same new elected persons under question, sitting in the House while their business was in agitation, they easily wrought, that the sense of the Committee concerning the undueness of their Elections was never reported, but held off from the House.  
Having thus fitted the House for their turn, they then begin to play Rex for the King. They first debate the business of Ireland; from thence they recalled the Lord Lisle, and put the command into the hands of Inchiquin, a Native Irishman, one that had first served the King, afterwards revolted from the Parliament, united with the Irish Rebels, and is now a Fugitive with Charles beyond Sea. They endeavoured to bring in the King upon his Message of the seventh of May▪ 1647. (that is to say, upon his own Terms) and to this end to disband the Army before any peace made of assured. They would have raised a new War, by lifting and engaging many Reformadoes, and other Officers and Soldiers in and about London, in June and July, 1647. To this end they by Tumults drove away the Speaker and faithful Members, chose a new Speaker, passing by their single Authority divers Ordinances, and giving large powers to raise a new War, by arming also the Prentices and other persons which had acted that violence upon the House, and this they did professedly before the world, in maintenance and prosecution of that treasonable engagement. Being thus gotten into possession, they recalled the Votes of Non-Address, and went downright the way to bring back the King, without such satisfaction as might secure the Kingdom. Voting that they would treat with him upon such Propositions as himself should make, so that had they had their purpose, the whole Cause. Parliamentary, and its faithful friends must have been clearly betrayed into his hands.  
But it must not be forgotten, how craftily they went to work for the completing of their design; and it is the more needful to revive the proceed, because the same spirit appears at work again, in the like method, by those who have now taken Arms, & those who favour the present treasonable undertaking; Their method (I say) and pretences appear one and the same; for those did what they could to irritate and engage the City of London: In all Counties they had their Emissaries and Agents concurring with those employed by the King, to form new Insurrections (which you know afterwards broke forth all over the Nation;) and to usher in these, the people were stirred up to frame Petitions, all clothed in fine language, with fair pretences; viz. That they might have a full and free Parliament; they pretended for the Liberty of the Subject also, to free them from the oppression of an Army, and to be for the Law of the Land against the arbitra y power of a Faction in Parliament setting up and supporting themselves above Law by the power of an Army. They pretended likewise to be much for the ease of the people, to free them from Taxes and Contributions to an Army, and to be for settlement, that there might be no need of an Army. They pretended for Religion too against Sectaries; yea, and that no pretence might be wanting, they pretended for the army itself also (as to the body of it) That all, but a Faction of some Officers, might be satisfied their Arrears: Pray you now compare these pretences with those published by the present Rebels in Cheshire, and the language of those that savour them in other places, and judge whether the spirit of the same corrupt party be not now at work again by new Instruments, who would likewise (if they might have their ways) give up, not only the present Parliament, but with it the whole Parliamentary interest of the Nation, and all men of all parties, yea, and themselves to be disposed of at the will of the Son (for what can hinder that Sea of boundless tyranny from overflowing, when the breach is once made, and he let in?) just as the other would by bringing on a Personal Treaty to conclude with the Father, have yielded all up to his pleasure. Actors (you see) are now on foot again, disguised and clothed with the very same pretences; and therefore what can be more clear than that these men are studying to bring the Young Man upon the stage, to perfect the Tragedy which was plotted so many years ago, in that endeavour for a restitution of his Father? which would assuredly have been completed in an absolute Tyranny, had not the Army then taken up a noble resolution to prevent it, by secluding that desperate party which ruled at that time in Parliament. So much (though much more might be said) for the justice and necessity of the Seclusion.  
2. Let us see how the remaining Members behaved themselves upon this Occasion. They did not, as Mr. Pryn, and our Author, and others, have scandalised them, drive away their Fellow-Members, nor encourage the Army to do it (as Mr. Pryn, and his fellows had before encouraged the Apprentices to drive away the Speaker, and the best part of the Members) but when the Seclusion was made, the House presently sent out the Sergeant with the Mace to the place called the Queen's Court (where those Members were then detained) to command their Attendance in the House, but the Guards of Soldiers would not permit them to come. So the Sergeant was sent out a second time▪ and then the Officers would not permit him to pass, which was entered as a Contempt in the Journal-Book, they being startled at the sudden force upon the House; and therefore they concluded also, not to proceed in business until their Members should be restored, and in the mean time ordered, That the General be sent to, that the House might know the reason of the Armies so proceeding: Which being done, the General and Council of Officers sending to the House their Reasons which necessitated them to the Action, and manifesting therein, That there was no other way to preserve the Rights and Interests of the Nation, which those Members had laboured to destroy: thereupon the House (who of their own knowledge could tell the particulars charged were true) being earnestly importuned by the Army, That they would proceed to save the Nation, and secure the good Cause they had fought for against the King and his Party, chose to sit, (notwithstanding all the difficulties and clouds of envy that were gathering over their heads) and to proceed towards the Nation's settlement in such a way as God in his Providence according to his Will, should direct them, rather than desert their Trusts; not consulting therein with Flesh and Blood (which because of the hazard of their own personal concernments, might have taken them off), but with a Good Cause, and the common Good, which then lay at stake, and had been utterly lost if those Secluded one's might have had their wills, who now again make it their business, by clamours, to set the world on fire about their ears, & care not though themselves perish at last in the combustion.  
3. Let us see the Reason why it is, that being once Secluded, they have never since been admitted, and are still kept out. The Reasons are evident; for they were no sooner Excluded but they went on Plotting and contriving as a distinct Assembly, without the House, to carry on their design as they did before within. To this purpose they joynely put forth a Declaration, Entitled, A Solemn Protestation against the House and the Army, declaring all void and null that should be done their absence; and inflamed Mr. Pryn (a necessary Tool of the Party, because be can say and Print any thing for them, and yet not be in danger of his head) who put forth in his own name, a violent, virulent Protestation against the House, the Army, their Cause, and all Proceed, and divers other fierce Papers he hath let fly from time to time; so did his Parry also the like, under the Title of Declarations, etc. And to this day they have never omitted any occasion they could lay hold on, to justify themselves, and revive that destructive design, for which they were at first Secluded; this is enough to show, There was and is reason to keep them out of the House still: Unless any will imagine it reasonable they should be readmitted to take an opportunity, which they can never otherwise have, for the finishing of that mischief which they (like a sort of Madmen) by restoring the Ejected Family, would bring not only upon the Parliament and the well-affected, but on all Parties of men; yea, and themselves in conclusion; as they may sufficiently perceive, if God gives them hearts to weigh what hath been from reason deduced in the former Sactions.— But now let us return to our Author again.  
He saith, This Parliament is no Parliament, because by Law it is Dissolved through the King's Death that Called it. So saith Mr. Pryn also, and others. Thus when men are overheated with Prejudice and Passion, they know not, or remember not, what they say: They affirm, The Parliament died together with the King, and so can no longer have a Being, yet they keep a clamour to get into the House, and then they will be content it shall be a Living Parliament again, although the King be Dead, and shall serve the turn, and he … ed a Full, a Free, and a Good Parliament; but (you may suppose) to no other purpose but their own. Why else did William Pryn, and his fellows, make such a stir to get in? And why doth the 〈◊〉 Pa●er (subscribed G. Booth) intimate. That if the House will let in the Old Members again, all shall be as well as if it were a new Virgin Parliament? By th●s the world may plainly see, it is not the Public Interest of the Nation (though they pretend it) but their own which they seek. If the seclusion of them be taken off, that they may sit, than it will be as good a Parliament as it was at first, or as any new one can be: Speak out then, and say, O House of Parliament, ye shall reign, and we will be content, provided we may reign with you: And who knows forsooth (if such a bargain could be made) whether they would not upon those terms leave Charles Stuart to commence his Reign Ad Graecas Calendas, or Latter-Lammas? But they have more wit than to believe such a bargain possible; therefore not being able to get into the House, their best way is to say it is no Parliament, and upon that account keep up a faction to bring in Charles, and try whether they can reign with him, by persuading the Nation they are undone; and neither have, nor can have, any Government without him.  
Thus far I have argued this business Argumento ad hominem, that is to say, in a way of Argumentation good against Mr. William Prynne, and the men of his party, quatenus Prynne and that party; so that they, above all other men, aught to hold their tongues: But because it is necessary that both they and the Cavalier Objectors should be confuted, and that others should be satisfied, and likewise that the minds of friends should be confirmed, and all men's scruples be removed touching the legality and equity of this Parliaments sitting, I shall now descend to handle the question Argumento ad Rem, that is to say, by an Argument to the purpose, making good the thing itself (as it now stands) against the world of Malcontents (of what party soever they be) and this I will do, not by such principles as may be said to be only our own, but from such as are owned by some of those of the Presbyterian party who appear opposite to the Parliament, and by others also, Royalists of high reputation and judgement in the world.  
This leads me to make Reply unto what our Author further saith, viz. That not only many of the Members of this Parliament are secluded, but they were first dissolved by reason of the death of the King that called them, so that legally they could sit no longer, and at last by the late Protector: Which dissolution was acknowledged by as many Members against themselves as sat in intermediate Parliaments. Here you see the utmost that the Cavaliers, and which Mr. Prynne and the other Malcontents do, or can say against this Parliaments sitting. For Answer whereunto, give me leave to lay down these Prolegomena or Previous Positions, which are not points of my own invention, but as well founded upon the judgement of the learned, as agreeable to my own, which perhaps is but weak.  
1. The first Position is drawn from Mr. baxter's own words in his late Book, entitled, A holy Commonwealth, and I suppose whatever he saith, his Brethren will approve. He, to justify himself for his finding with the Parliaments Arms against those of the King, declareth, That the King by the constitution of the Kingdom, had the Title of Sovereign, but not so as that the Sovereign Power was wholly in him; for, that according to the constitution was divided betwixt him and the Parliament; and so p. 46. he showeth, how that in this Kingdom the Title of Sovereign given to the King was Honorary, and ought not to be interpreted contrary to the constitution of the Kingdom, which allowed him but a part only of the Sovereignty. So that though the persons representing the people in Parliament, were, being taken in their personal condition each of them but Subjects, yet in respect to the public constitution of the Kingdom, they revera had one part of that Sovereign Power of Parliament, as the King had another part, and could really claim no more but his part in the Acts of Supremacy For proof of this, Mr. Baxter in Page 463, 464, 465, 466. citeth the Kings own Answer to the Nineteen Propositions, and from thence infer that large his Royal acknowledgement of the truth of this assertion; therefore I suppose neither the Cavaliers will contradict this, seeing the King acknowledged it, nor the Presbyterians, because not only Mr. Baxter writes this, but because also they all engaged in the War upon this principle, for the Parliament against the King; and questionless, a righteous principle of engagement it was.  
2. This leads me to a second Position, viz. That in a Kingdom where the Sovereignty is so divided, if the King shall grow insolent, and by Arms seek to invade that part of the Sovereignty which belongs to the people in Parliament, he may by arms be lawfully opposed. For proof of this, Mr. Baxter because he would now be courteous with the Cavaliers and win them, citeth the judgements of two the most learned Royalists that this later Age hath produced, viz. Barclay and Grotius; which citations being large, I for brevity's sake omit them; only one out of Grotius give me leave to repeat in English, because it hath the full sense of the rest: It is this, [If the Authority be divided betwixt a King and the People in Parliament, so that the King hath one part of is, the people another, the King offering to encroach upon that part which is none of his, may lawfully be opposed by Arms, because be exceeds the bounds of his Authority. And not only so, but he may lose his own part likemise by the Law of Arms.]  
3. The third Position is That a King carrying on a War upon such terms against the people, to the death and destruction of his people while they are contending for their right, remain no longer a King, having dissolved the constitution of the Kingdom, but hath lost his Kingdom, and becomes an enemy, and a private person. For proof of this against the Cavaliers, Barclay, the great Champion of Monarchy, in his Book Contra Monarchomacoes, doth grant it, only he saith, Vix videtur id accidere posse in Rege meni is compote, It seems almost impossible a King should be so mad as to proceed on that manner; and yet we all know who was so mad as to do it: And for further proof of it, both against Cavaliers and Malcontented Presbyterians together, the same Mr. B. in Page 483. tells us, That Grotius and other learned Politicians conclude, That if a King shall thus make himself an enemy of the people, engaging in War against them, he deposeth himself, and may be used by them as 〈◊〉 enemy.  
4. The Fourth Position is, That the constitution of the Kingdom being by this means dissolved, and the Nation put into a state of War, being divided into two parties, these two parties, though really they make but one Nation, yet during the War, they are no longer to be reckoned as one Nation, but as two Nations contending for distinct Rights. So saith Mr. Baxters Royal friend Grotius in his Tract De Legatis.  
5. The Fifth Position is, That if while the War lasteth, the two parties are to be reputed two Nations, than the Rights and Laws of War do belong unto either party against the other, as absolutely as they can belong unto one Nation against another, when they are at War. Besides that this is confessed, the Reason is evident, because no War can be managed or regulated, unless Jura belli▪ the Laws of War be admitted for the direction and decision of matters relating to the Warlike occasion and Controversy The state of War hath its known Laws among the Nations, as well as the Civil state of a Kingdom or Commonwealth hath known Laws in its particular Nation, whereby matters of difference are to be ended. This is a confessed point; Why else are so many Books extant touching the Laws of War?  
The main point of the Sovereignty's being divided heretofore betwixt the King and the Parliament, and acknowledged to be so by the King himself, and the other Positions premised being proved by the Testimonies of such as are reverenced by both Royalists and Presbyterians, I trust then, that by building upon Foundations of their own, I shall give both of them satisfaction in the Building, and be able to convince them that there is both Law and Reason for the sitting of this Parliament.  
As to the grand Argument which both our Author, Mr. Pryn, and others do use, that according to Law the Parliament was dissolved by the King's death; 'tis true, that it was so provided by Law, that the death of a King dissolved a Parliament; but you are to observe, that this was a Law relating to the Constitution of Parliament in the ordinary Course of its regulation, and respecting only the formality of the Writ, summoning the Parliament to advise with the particular person of the King in whose name the writ was issued forth; and truly when the old Constitution remained without disturbance, it was reason it should be retained in its ordinary Course; but in an extraordinary case, as that of this Parliament hath been in all the great revolutions from first to last; when the very Constitution Parliamentary itself, as to the nature of the Powers and Rights of the several party's King and people therein concerned, fell under Question, and when the sword was drawn betwixt the parties to decide it, and the King persisted to claim the whole Right of Sovereignty contrary to that ancient Constitution, and referred his Claim to the determination of the sword, and thereby according to the equity of our sundamental Laws, sorfeited his Kingship, and became a private person, dissolved the Constitution of the Kingdom, introduced another Law, viz. the Law of Arms, to try his Cause by, and pleaded it with sword in hand to the very last, is it reason in such an extraordinary Case of this, that the surviving party of that King should ground an Argument upon the formalities and ordinary usages of a Constitution, whenas that Constitution itself hath by the King himself been dissolved long ago? what legal or rational Plea can now be made upon the account of his Regal capacity, who, by proceeding contrary to the very Law and nature of the Constitution upon which he stood, justly lost all the Benefit of it, and became a private person, and having made himself an enemy to the people, deposed himself (as Mr. Baxter tells you out of Grotius) and therefore might be used as an enemy? with what face (I say) can any man after all this talk of Law in relation to him, who had not only violated all Law in the Branches, but plucked up the very root of it in destroying the Parliamentary establishment of the Kingdom, as much as in him lay, and would refer himself to no Law but (as I said before) the Law of war? Let the impartial part of the world then, yea, and our Adversaries themselves, from their own very doctrines here cited, be Judges.  
The consideration of these particulars may serve sufficiently to clear  
1. The justice of secluding those Members, who in endeavouring to bring the King (after all) to the Throne again, made themselves Criminals, because they would by treachery have betrayed the whole Sovereignty, contrary to the Fundamental Law of the Constitution, into his hands; which Seclusion is to be justified, not only by the Law of Necessity (as they pleaded that acted it) but by the Law of the Land, which might have called them to account for their lives, and also by the Law of Nations, which in such case as this alloweth the victorious part of the People to create a new Law for another Constitution of Government.  
2. This shows the sufficiency of that Authority which brought the late King to Justice. According to the Royal and Presbyterian doctrines, he made himself a private person, as well as a public Enemy; therefore having shed so much blood and done so many mischiefs deserving death, he might legally, being a private man, be put to his Trial according to Law, for lesser Crimes, as well as for that transcendent Crime of dissolving the Fundamental Constitution of the Kingdom, by warring for the whole Sovereignty in himself.  
3. This showeth (as is hinted before) the Legality of the remaining Parliaments sitting to form a new Government; for, though they were but a part of the Parliament heretofore, yet being the only ones that remained faithful to the People's Quarrel against their Enemy the King, and the former Government having been (as the forecited Authors confess) dissolved by the King himself, certainly the Law of God, the Law of Nature, and the Law of the Land intending there should be some Government, and the Law of War (which the King himself brought in) having transmitted the Sovereign Power into their hands for the People, they by all manner of Laws are avowed to be the Supreme Authority and Parliament of England, and therefore legally qualified to sit, to secure and settle a new Fundamental Law of Government (such as may be most convenient) for the Nation. Which being once done, it becomes as valid de Jure, (that is to say, as Legal) as the former form of Government ever was.  
But because you shall not depend upon my single Inference, you shall have one or two more Testimonies from Mr. Baxter's friend Grotius. He saith, if the Prevailing party had no other Law but the Law of Necessity, it might serve well enough to justify such a Proceeding; Necessit as summa reducit res ad merum Jus Naturae, Grot. de Jure Belli, l. 2. cap. 6. And in his Prolegomena he saith, In beslo Civili, scripta quidem Jura, etc. In a Civil war, written Laws, that is, the established Laws of a Nation, are of no force, but those only which are not written, that is, which are agreeable to the Dictates of Nature, or the Law and Custom of Nations, and then that only is to be admitted Law which shall be settled by the Prevailing party: Jus dicitur esse id quod validiori placuit, ut intelligamus fine suo carere Jus, nisi vires ministras habeat; the English whereof is, That only which it pleaseth the stronger party to ordain, is said to be Law, since it cannot accomplish the end of a Law, except it be attended by Force to constrain obedience. And as to the particular Case of the secluded Members, he hath one saying which hits our purpose right: Si qui jure suo uti non possunt, eorum jus accrescit praesentibus, l. 2. c. 5. His business in that part of the Chapter is, to discourse about the Major Vote in Senates or grand Assemblies, and concludes, That in case the greater number be absent, or if there be any cause that they may not use their Right there, than the whole Right accrueth to them that are present or remain sitting. What cause there was for the secluding of these Members, I think you have sufficiently seen in the beginning of this Section; They had joined issue in Interest and design with the Royal party and the King, who (according to what hath been already conceded) was a public Enemy: So also did the House of Lords, who likewise lost all Right that they could pretend to, by compliance with the same Interest and design. For, seeing by the Equity of all Laws, Accessaries are as punishable as the Principal in a Crime, therefore by the Law of War (it being a Law of their own introducing, and no other Law remaining to be Judge in the Case) both They and the secluded Members, for adhering to the Conquered party, even after the Victory, might have been proceeded against in capital manner, but were favourably as well as justly dealt with, in being deprived only of their Interest in the House, whenas their heads might have been required; and so the whole Supreme Authority descended lawfully to those Members that now remain.  
But here some may interpose, and say, We imagined and expected that the Laws of the Land should be maintained, and Free Parliaments, but this doctrine talks of the longest sword and a Prevailing party, maintaining that the strongest must carry it; which is the way to lay a ground for, and to encourage disorders and confusions, so that they which can get uppermost by force, are still to be justified by the same Rule. This language, I know, is frequently in the mouths of the undiscerning sort, yea and of some too who think themselves very wise.  
That I may make some Return to this sort of people, and instruct them well, they must learn first to distinguish between Force used without good cause, and an use of Force upon a just cause or occasion; Also betwixt the exercise of force by such as have a Right of war, and by those who have it not; Also, betwixt the Nation in a State of War, and the Nation in a State of Peace; Lastly, betwixt the Laws which are fundamental to the Form or Constitution itself of a Government, and the Laws Municipal, which concern the Rights, Liberties and Privileges of a People under the same Government.  
I. Seeing that to all Sword-engagements a good Cause is requisite, than none can hereafter take example or occasion from this rational discourse, to have recourse to the sword, and afterward to improve it as this Parliament did, unless they shall be able to ground the undertaking, as they did, upon righteous principles, which have been acknowledged such (as you read before) even by Royalists and Presbyterians themselves, nor unless they shall have the same just reasons to make use of the Law of Warr (which in such Case becomes the Law of all Nations) to proceed to a final Arbitration of the Quarrel, after that the Adversaries themselves have admitted it, and rendered the ending of the Contest, both impractcable and impossible by any Law of the Nation.  
II. Those who intent to use the Sword, or the Law of War, cannot lawfully do it, unless they can rightly claim Jus Belli, and have a Right to that Law, as the Parliament had, when the King grasping at the whole Sovereignty, they were necessitated to descend that part of it which by the National Constitution belonged unto themselves; as hath already been confessed by both sorts of Adversaries.  
III. Consider, this can afford no matter of Argument for Rebellions and Insurrections; for if in such a contest of War as this was in England, the Parliament had a right to War, the King having occasioned the Nation to be in a state of War, it doth not therefore follow, that in the state of peace, private persons, or any number of persons less qualified than a Parliament, should presume to do what a Parliament might do, either in, or out of a state of War; or that a part of a Parliament should hereafter take upon them to make War, and exclude their Fellow Members and then exercise the whole Supremacy, without and against the consent of those Members, unless the great Platonic year shall revolve and revive the like Causes, Occasions, and Circumstances of Acting, and the same Treachery also in Fellow Members for betraying the Supreme power into the hands of some third party, or single person. In the like extraordinary Case, the like proceeding may lawfully be again, but not otherwise; for, when after a Civil War, a Government is once again established in peace, all men and powers are to steer their course of acting by the ordinary Laws and Rules of the Constitution.  
iv As touching the great Objection about our Laws, consider, that though the old Fundamental which respecteth the former Form or Constitution of Government, be altered, yet the other ancient Laws Municipal, which concern our Rights, Liberties, Privileges, and Properties, do remain entire unto the generality of the Nation (and they might be more sensible of the truth of this, did not the designs of disturbers hinder the complete enjoyment) or else will shortly be settled entire in that state of Freedom which the Parliament is once again struggling for against the common enemy. It is brutish therefore, to clamour and cry out, that the Laws of the Land are not maintained, when as only the Law of that form of Government is abolished, together with the Prerogative of the King, Privilege of Peers, and the like, which were but the excrescencies of Arbitrary power, which had (in a great measure) overgrown, not only the Laws Municipal, concerning our Rights, Liberties and Properties, but exceeded also by usurpation, the bounds of that very Law of the Kingdom's Constitution, upon which King and Peers themselves had a standing, and were to stand. To sum up all in a word, the people have, or (if they would be pleased to settle) may and will more sensibly have their old Laws to be governed by, only all the harm done is, That for the former Constitution or Form of Government, they have in their reach (and partly in possession) a better, viz. A Fundamental Constitutional Law of Freedom, lawfully purchased by this Parliament, and by them ready to be settled unto us, and our Children after us.  
There remain two Objections more used by our Author, and Mr. Prynne, and other Malcontents, First, That this Parliament was actually dissolved by the Protector. No such matter, Vltra Pesse non est Esse, he had no power to do it, therefore it could not be done by him. But you will say, We saw he had power that actually enabled him to effect the dissolution.  
To this I Answer, A Dissolution it could not be, but (as now it is called) it is rightly termed only An Interruption of its sitting; for, in matter of power by Law, the Lawyers know well enough, it is a sure Maxim, Id solum p●ssum quod jure possum, i. e. That a man can do nothing that is valid, but only what he doth according to Law. Now then, if the Protectors Act of turning out the Parliament were a valid Dissolution, it must have been so by some Law; and that Law must be either some Law of the Nation that enabled him to do it, or else it must be the Law of War. As to the former, it is evident he had no Law of the Nation to justify the Action; and so, if any Law, it is that of War which must make it good. Now that he could not do it by the Law of War, is evident likewise, because his Military capacity was derived from the Parliament, they (who had the whole Right of War in themselves) having given him his Commission to Militate for them (that is to say, for the people represented by them) and so he could not properly or lawfully Militate or use a Right of War against them, who had no lawful power but what he derived from them; whereby it being evident he could make no Legal Dissolution of them, Ergo, By Law (notwithstanding him) the Parliament remains in being, and the Soldiery having withdrawn the force that was over it, it followeth without straining, That having never been lawfully dissolved, they remain legally the same Parliament they were before.  
Secondly, But there is a further Objection yet to be dispatched, which is, That many of the Members of this House having sat intermediate Parliaments called by the Protector, have thereby acknowledged this House was dissolved by him.  
1. The Answer to this is naturally consecutive to the former, viz. that seeing the Parliament was still in Being, being only suspended for a time from the exercise of the supreme power, than all that was done in pursuance thereupon in reference to the exercise of supremacy, must in Law be void and null, and the intervening space of time be reputed as a great Chasma, a preternatural vacuity or dead Interval, wherein all the Acts of snpremacie, and matters relatiug thereto, that were used, became legally defunct as soon as they were done, coming into the world stillborn; and so those Intervening Assemblies of the people, not having had the legal Force and virtue of Parliaments, they are now properly called Conventions for distinction sake. Besides as they were nothing in Law of themselves (being creatures of another extraction) so he who created them by his own Power, presently uncreated them to their first nothing, because as he was a man of high courage and great spirit, he could not endure to see the work of his own hands rise up and dispute (as he conceived) against him  
2. As to the sitting of some Members of the present Parliament in those intermediate Conventions, They did it, not as owning them for legal Parliaments, but sat only in respect to the Interest of the people, who Originally and Fundamentally always had and have a Right to meet to consult for common Good; and if being under a Force, they be hindered that they cannot do it as they ought and as they would, yet it always concerns them to do it as they can, and as they find Opportunity; upon this Account some of the Members did sit in those Conventions, with intent to have made use of those Opportunities God did put into their hands for the Public, yet without any further respect to the Power assumed to call them, than a mere appearance: For, in the first Convention, they presently fell to claiming their Right in the behalf of the people, and so they did in all the following Conventions; for which cause seclusions were used against them. But some will say, if they did not own the Power, and those to be Parliaments, why did they complain so much of their being then secluded, as an Infringement of the People's Right in Parliament? The Answer of this is rear of kind to the former; their Complaint concerning breach of privilege, was not grounded upon supposition of any Right or privilege of sitting derived unto them from the Protectors writ of summons (for, they were always so far from acknowledging him, that they kept on foot a Continual Claim, and thereupon opposed him to the utmost of their Power) but their Complaint of violation was grounded only upon that general Right inherent in the people, which is, if they cannot meet in a regular way, than (as I said before) to do it as they can, and as they find opportunity for asserting their own Rights; and so upon this Account it is, that being forced away from the meeting they might well complain; that complaining must be construed to be an effect of the sense they had of the injury done to that general Right of the People's meeting, rather than a sign of any acknowledgement of the Protectors power, or of those Meetings to be Parliaments.  
Lastly, What if some Members of the present Parliament had acknowledged, or did acknowledge the power, summoning them to meet, and those meetings to be Parliaments? yet that could be no prejudice to the whole Body of this Parliament now sitting, because a Body of Men remaining all in equal power and right, cannot be concluded by particular Acts done by some of their own number without consent of the rest; yea, if all of them at once had sat in any one of those Meetings, yet sitting there but as an integral part of a Meeting, and not as a distinct Assembly, nor as the same entire House of Parliament that they were before their Interruption; therefore nothing of this nature which they or any of them have done in other Conventions, since their Interruption, can be said to be an Act done in their Free-State Parliamentary capacity▪ because that belongs only to their whole House and so the sitting and acting of some part of them, cannot be interpreted Tantamount to a voluntary Dissolution of this their Supreme Assembly.  
This being done, I might now fall upon the Adversaries other Objections from the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and the Covenant and by Inferences drawn from their own principles here▪ cited in this Section, confute all their pretences grounded upon those Oaths, etc. But because I have been already very much larger than at first I intended, let this one general Inference serve the turn, viz. That the Constitution of the Kingdom being extinct through the Kings own default, in relation to which only (as Mr. Baxter saith at the latter end of the same Book) we were by our several Obligations concerned to have respect to him while he kept within his Bounds; and a new Constitution of Government being now lawfully introduced (as hath been proved,) then (as may be collected out of the Royal Doctor Sanderson's Book De Juramento) the Alteration being carried to such a height, that neither the same person nor things are in being, which I swore to maintain, the former Oaths are at an end, and the Obligation ceaseth. And that this may be confirmed by one Witness more, take in Grotius also, who lib. 2 de Jur. bell. cap. 13. saith, An oath binds no longer, if the quality or condition of him to whom I swore, be altered: As for example, if he that was a Magistrate cease to be a Magistrate; as he must needs do (say I) who layeth claim to an old form of Government, after it and his own pretention is lawfully extinguished, and another lawfully introduced in its place: which is the thing already sufficiently proved by the preceding parts of this Section; and so all former Obligations to the late King and his Heirs become, upon that account, utterly void.   

SECT. VIII.  
Of the City of London.  
LOndon, the Metropolis and Imperial Chamber of England! she hath always been zealous and famous for the maintenance of Religion and Liberty; and if we look but twenty years backward, and consider what vast sums of money she hath disbursed upon that account▪ how liberal she hath been of her own Blood in marching forth, and what bodies of men she hath sent abroad; how diligent and active, how resolute and constant she hath stood, in asserting the Cause Parliamentary, through various revolutions, to this present season, against the late King and his party; and how victorious (by Gods own arm of Salvation) she hath been on the behalf of the Commonwealth, I may without flattery say▪ the Records of no City this day in Europe can in so short a time show more Triumphs of Honour, or greater Trophies of Renown than she; and all these won from that Malignant and implacable party, who, whatever they may pretend, (both head and tail of them) do for these things most perfectly remember you, and look not on this or that party of men among you, but eye and hate your City quatenus London; London, that first beat them out of their Estates, and then took them into their own hands either upon Morgage-money lent, or upon Purchase-money paid to enable them to pay their Compositions to the State; London, that began the War, as the King said, and threatened them for it in his Declarations; but though in this I am able to acquit them, yet the Cavaliers, in reverence to their old Master will believe no body but him. They could not be so often tippling from time to time in your City, but you must needs have heard (when the Wine was in) all these things (with Curses to boot) belched out concerning you. Which being so, take heed lest fits of the Spleen transport any part of you beyond yourselves, to give an ear to them that with fair words (working upon discontent) do seek to ensnare you. Can London City think to thrive, while his Son shall fit upon the Throne, whose Father over and over declared it to be the beginner of the War?  
Look into his Papers and Declarations in the Book of Collections, how he chargeth your City all along to be the place from whence the tumults sprung▪ which (he saith) forced him to go away from Whitehal, because while he was there, he was in Danger of his Life (if we way believe him) and that out of the City the Five Members were guarded with Multitudes of armed men, and Ammunition, in a hostile and warlike manner to Westminster; And how that near a hundred Lighters and long Boats were set out by water▪ laden with Sacres, Murdering-pieces, and other Ammunition dressed up with M●stclothes, and Streamers, as ready for Fight, and (saith the Declaration) they by water passed by our Windows as Whitehal, and scornfully asked, what was become of Us (to wit the King) and whether we were gone? Also, in another Declaration, he sets forth, how the City and their Lord Mayor sent forth their Myrmidons to assault and terrify the Members of both Houses whose Opinions they liked not. In another Declaraion he proclaimeth, that such of his Subjects as were dutiful and faithful to him, and laboured for Peace, were reviled, injured and murdered even by the Magistrates of THAT CITY, or by their directions; In other Declarations he said to this effect, that if they repent not then, they ought to look for no Favour; therein intimating, that a Revenge was due from him unto the City, if they proceeded any further. Page. 72. of that Book he signifieth, that the pride and power of the city was the means made use of to undo the Kingdom. And in his Letter to the City of London, dated from York, he tells them that if they did not then comply with him he was resolved to proceed (when he should be able) against the several Companies of the City (as opposers of his Authority) in the must exemplary way, AND QUESTION THE CHARTER OF THE CITY. If these things were threatened when the Cursed Cow had short Horns, what then may ye expect from his Son, and that party, if they (through the folly of any of you) should gain power into their hands?  
Secondly, If not for your own sakes, yet for Religion's sake, take heed what ye do. Ye have been (I know) a Religious zealous people, and upon that account ye were hated in the days of the Court; take heed that none of you be blinded by mistaken Zeal, as well as passion, to run upon your own ruin; read over the First, Second and Third Sections once again, and look before you leap seeing your Religion stands upon a precipice as well as yourselves, if the young man get in, who is heir to the principles as well as the pretensions of his family: And what a friend that Family hath been to Religion, and its Professors is worthy of your most serious consideration If▪ we view them in their English Extraction, the Book of Martyrs will tell you how the Sluices of Blood were opened by King Henry and his Daughter Mary▪ If we look on the Scotish side, it is sad to consider, how much blood was spilt by her of the House of Lorraine, who was our King James his Grandmother She being gone, her Daughter (King James his Mother Mary▪ a fierce Papist) succeeded, who after she had massacred her own Husband (the Father of James) by poison, Gunpowder, and halter, for the love she bore to Davie and Earl Bothwel (her Adulterers) persecuted all of the Reformed Religion, endeavoured to poison James her own Son, shed blood likewise by raising Civil War at home against her Protestant Subjects, and conspired with foreign Papists to destroy Queen Elizabeth: For all which God found her out, and gave her a due reward by the loss of her head in Fotheringay Castle. The next was King JAMES, who wrote his Beati Pacifici in blood too: For, to say nothing of the death of Overbury, which blood he took upon himself by pardoning the Murderers, nor of that of Raleigh (merely to serve a turn of State) it is well known his son Henry came to an untimely death; and though it be not directly known by what hand he was taken away, yet (as a late Historian observes) there was a strange connivance, and little mourning at Court after it was done. To these may be added (not unjustly) the Blood of the poor Protestants in Germany, which must be laid upon the score of that Family; for, had K. James performed the duty of a good Protestant, or a loving Father, he might (if he had pleased) have presently stopped the Issue that ran there 30 years together. I might insist likewise upon his son the late Kings betraying the Protestant Cause also in Germany, and throughout France, especially at Rochel, where, under a feigned pretence of assisting the Protestants with ships, etc. he gave order to his shipping to serve on the contrary side, to the utter ruin of that Cause and Party in France, and the loss of many gallant English-men's lives by him exposed to destruction; for, when Buckingham was questioned for it in Parliament, the King himself, to signify to all the world, that what his Favourite had done was by his own approbation, stepped between the Duke and the Parliament, and so took the guilt of all upon himself: All which most treacherous Actions towards them of our Religion abroad, were in those days, and have been ever since, resented by all the Protestants throughout Europe, and the present exclusion of that Family is looked on now by the most pious of the Nations round about, as a just recompense (which they have long expected) to fall from the hand of God upon the Family, for the Treachery of their Fathers toward his Church and people. But that which exceeds all comparison, is their guilt in reference to the barbarous Massacre in Ireland. No more of this, but that it cannot be imagined, any Religious man who hath heard of these things, should embark himself with such a Family, the guilt whereof hath hitherto sunk all the partakers I might likewise add the Negotiations of the Young man (that now is) with the Pope by his Agents at Rome, (Copies whereof I have by me in Italian, Latin, and French, and shall in due time publish them.)  
Thirdly, if Religion cannot move ye, what think ye of your Liberties, and the Nations Liberties? Promises are but Baits that may draw you to the Net. The Chronicles will tell you, that when K. John had granted Magna Charta and Charta Forestae, because he could not help it, and 25 persons were chosen as trusties for the people in the Government, yet the King after a short time, wormed them out of all power, and undid all that he had done before, and was revenged at last upon them all. The like misery fell out by trusting Henry the Third, who having warred with his people, they got the better one while, and the another, and these vicissitudes were frequent betwixt them; and all that the people gained by trusting him was the better learning of this Lesson, Put no confidence in Princes; for at every turn, no sooner did he by subtlety get the Power, but he fell heavy upon those that had opposed him, especially the Londoners, whose Charter he called in, and all his days after made them examples of his vengeance; the like he did to the other Corporations. So Richard the second, because the Londoners had opposed him, as soon as he got opportunity▪ he cusrtailed their privileges, and placed continual marks of his displeasure upon them. I need not instance, how near Edward the First was to have burned the City upon the same account, after he had plagued it over and over, because I would not be tedious in particularising these, or in citing other Instances out of our own stories; which every one may read at leisure.  
Fourthly, admit that Charles himself would be (of his own inclination) better than his Predecessors, yet his party are hungry, and will not be satisfied: And he having occasion to use them, must not deny them their pleasure, but must (above all things) keep his own party in heart, else they will not be firm to him, and so he may be exposed to danger from all other parties, whom it will be his Interest to hold under, that they may never be in condition again to lift him out of the saddle. No doubt but he and they will remember his Father's words in a particular manner, [The pride and power of the City of London.]  
Fifthly, as to the pretended Title of this young man, pray you what is it? It will be found upon search, like all the rest of the Titles founded upon usurpation, one after another, since the Conquest. If we look up to Henry the Seventh, its original, there will be little cause to admire it; for, he only descended from a Bastard of John of Gaunt, who, though ligitimated for Common Inheritances, yet was expressly excluded by Law from Succession to the Crown: And as for his Wife's Title, you know he never thought that worth the using; and yet from this spurious slip of the Lancastrian Root it was, that King James derived his Claim, and that but collaterally or at Second Hand, being (in effect) a mere Stranger in blood to the English; whereupon we may justly wonder, what Policy guided this Nation in those days, when it so strangely bowed down its Neck to the Yoke of a Stranger. But, admit this Title had been without Flaws in its derivation, yet this Man's Father's Treasons and his own (as is proved in the former Section) have most deservedly caused the cutting off the Entail. Besides, it is evident, what a Governor for you this Pretender would prove, who sucked in his Father's Principles with his Mother's milk, hath been bred up under the Wings of Prelacy and Popery, and as he sucked both breasts heretofore, so he hangs upon them both at this very day; One who from the beginning was engaged against the Cause of the Commonwealth, and your City, and who hath the same Counsellors his Father had (besides a more intimate acquaintance acquired beyond Sea with the Jesuits) to remember him both of the old Design, and the ways to effect it; one who hath been bedabled in the Blood of England, Scotland and Ireland, and hath both his Father's and his own Scores to clear out of your Purses, and hath long made it his Business to cajole and cheat all parties, in hope thereby to get in upon us, with a desperate Rabble at his heels▪ to execute his Revenges. What shall we say then of such men, that now make shipwreck of their own Principles, to seek to let him in, and would be opening sluices of blood out of their Countrymen and nearest Relations, for the Interest of their own and the public Enemy?  
Lastly, as to what concerns your Trade, its easy to guests what will become of that, when it shall be counted Reason of State to keep you poor and low. For the inference is ready at hand for him; viz. That if the Father complained of Pride and Power in you, and hath recorded that from thence proceeded the first Causes of his ruin, than the son is concerned to pull down your pride, (if I may use the Royal phrase) and hold a strong hand over you. And how do you think Trade can thrive upon his restitution? when (as you may read in the third, fourth and fifth Sections) there will be a necessity of trebling Taxes, and perpetuating of them past remedy, to maintain another kind of Army than we have now, to tame dissenting Parties, and to keep the Nation in an asinine posture of submission to bear all burdens that shall be laid either upon the Estate or the Conscience, by the Lords of the Court, and the Lordanes of Episcopacy. As Trade therefore is the particular Interest of your City, so be wary, that the want of it at present do not irritate you to fall out with the public Interest of your Country; but remember, that it being once settled, Trade and all other Concernments will soon flourish again; and that the way to settlement must be (as our Author well said) by giving satisfaction to all parties, which (as I have before manifested from his own words) cannot be expected from C Stuart and his party, but may and will be easily had from the way of a free Commonwealth; so that all we have to do is, to stick close to the Parliament, that they may be enabled to establish it, and employ our utmost to keep him out, because otherwise war will follow, and that will inevitably bring on a destruction of Trade, with the ruin of Religion, Liberty, and your Renowned City; All which may prosper, if ye please: 'Tis you that have given all this Pail of good Milk; and what a thing would it be, that any of you should aim to kick it down in the dirt!  — En quò discordia Cives Perducet miseros!— 
Westminster, Aug. 12. 1669.   
FINIS.