A PROJECT For an Equitable and lasting PEACE.  
Designed in the year 1643. when the affairs stood in balance before the second coming of the Scots into this Kingdom, from a desire to have kept them out then.  
WITH A Disquisition how the said Project may now be reduced to fit the present conjuncture of affairs, In a Letter sent to divers prudent persons of all sorts. For preventing the Scots bringing an Army into Enland a third time, or making themselves Umpires of our affairs.  
By a cordial Agreement of the King, Parliament, City, Army, and of all the people of this kingdom among ourselves.  
Pro me praesente Senatus, hominumque praeteria viginti millia vestem mutaverunt.— Quum omnes boni non recusarent, quin vel pro me, vel mecum perirent, armis decertare pro mea salute nolui, quod & vincere & vinci luctuosum reip. fore putavi.  Cicero in Orat. ad Quirit. post Redit. 
Saluberimum est Reip. si magna Imperia diuturna non sint, ut temporis modus imponatur quibus Juris non potest.  Tit. Liv. 
Printed in the year 1648.   

A LETTER sent to divers prudent Persons of all sorts.  
SIR,  
I Humbly pray you to take the pains to peruse first the Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, of the fourth and his Majesties of the twelfth of August. 1642. After them the considerations dedicated to the Lord Major and Aldermen of the City in the year 1642. Comparing the second sheet thereof with a part of the Declaration of the Army of the 14. of June 1647. from those words, [But because neither the granting of this alone etc.] to these [we desire that the right and freedom of the people to represent etc.] And in the last place the Project I send you with this, (built upon the same foundation: which was first laid in the Considerations, and which the army once thought firm enough to support their hops of Common and equal right, and freedom to themselves, and to all the freeborn people of this Land,) at as much leisure as you may obtain from your many other great occasions, and with as much attention as you may think fit to bestow upon a piece of no more worth, bearing these thoughts in your mind while you are reading it.  
1. Whether it had not been honourable for the King and his Party, safe for the Parliament and theirs, and equitable for both, to have made a Peace upon the terms therein designed at the time of the writing thereof, which was upon the first news of the Scots resolution to come into Enland the second time, and from a desire to have kept them out then by agreeing among ourselves.  
2. Whether (under favour, and with all humbleness be it written) it had not been more conducible to the Reformation and establishment of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline and Government, according to the Word of God, (which ought to be the only rule thereof) and to the extirpation of Popery, Superstition, Heresy, Schism, Profaneness, and whatsoever may be found contrary to found Doctrine and the power of godliness: And to the preservation and defence of the King's Majesty's person, and authority, of the rights and liberties of the Parliament of England, and the liberties and public weal of this Kingdom, for the King and all the subjects thereof at that time to have come to a Peace among themselves upon the said designed terms, than to have continued the War by calling in strangers to their respective assistance upon the terms practised by one side, and in probability designed by the other.  
3. Whether it may not be thought more expedient for the two Houses of the Parliament of England, and the whole people thereof, to come to an Agreement with his Majesty upon the same terms at this time notwithstanding the great alteration of affairs in their favour since the Project was designed, than either to engage in a new War against the Scots, with such a division among Englishmen, as will be an indubitable consequent, if not an antecedent thereof, or to admit them to be umpires in the affairs of England, as they will become, if the differences between his Majesty and his English Subjects should by God's mercy come to an Accommodation upon their third, as those between his Majesty and the Scots did upon their first bringing an Army into this Kingdom.  
4. Whether any, and what exception can be taken to the justice or equitableness of any particular Article of the Project, even at this time, without having respect to the practicablenesse thereof, whereof perhaps there may be less doubt ere long, though I yet see no other sufficient ground for it but this, that methinks the tide is turning. Such are the revolutions of humane affairs.  
And lastly, in case any of the said Articles shall be judged though neither unjust, nor unequal, yet impracticable, as things now stand, whether the said Project may not be reduced to fit the present conjuncture of affairs with some additions, abatements, or alterations; and what alterations, abatements, or additions may be found just and reasonable for the two Houses of Parliament to insist upon, and for his Majesty to yield unto in respect of the change and present state of affairs.  
Secondly, to pass your censure, and let me know your sense upon all the foresaid particulars with the freedom of a freeman of this Kingdom, for whom I conceive it to be lawful with due submission to those in Authority to confer together in a private way about the best means to recover, and maintain a lasting Peace in the Realm, especially at a time when there is cause of fear that it may be yet longer discontinued by the coming in of strangers in Arms, which is once more our condition at the present. And in particular, How you conceive the Militia may be settled so, as may be honourable for the King, and yet safe for his Parliament and Kingdom of England, according as is designed in the Project. Upon the receipt of which favour from you I do hereby engage myself to make you a return of my thoughts upon the fifth and last Article, and by way of Advance do now let you know that to the three first I should make a short Answer in the Affirmative, to the fourth in the Negative.  
In the last place I do here promise you to keep your Answer to myself only if you shall so require me, or if I shall publish it with your leave, yet never to discover your name, if you shall command me to conceal it. In exchange of which promise I must crave one from you, to suffer no Copy to be taken in writing, nor any new Impression to be made either of the Project, or of this Letter, until I may find the season opportune for the Publication of them, which I do not as yet. And for that reason though I send you them in Print, to ease the trouble of transcribing, I have made sure to have all the Copies in my own keeping. And so I remain  
Dated. junii— 1648. the Climacterical year of this Kingdom. Sir, Your most humble servant P. D.  
Postscript.  
SIR,  
UPon second thoughts I find it necessary for me to give you a brief account why I did not publish this Project when it was first designed, nor in all the long time since elapsed, and yet have thoughts of doing it now. You may therefore please to understand that my purpose at first was to have printed two Copies thereof, the one at London, the other at Oxford, to avoid the great prejudice of being reputed partial. But before I could effect this, it came to my knowledge that the writer of the Considerations had found means to have them put into the hands of certain persons of prime quality, and credit in both places, and had found that the cornerstone of his Considerations, and of my Project (borrowed from him) was rejected by some of too great power on both sides, as he foresaw, and foretold it was like to be. This made me give over my purpose at that time. And from that time the Design lay by me as a neglected and useless piece, till the Army having gotten the King into their power, was upon their march from Newmarket with an intention (as was voiced) to have brought his Majesty up to London without more ado. The apprehension I then had that this might prove very dangerous to the Commonwealth, (to the prosperity whereof, and of hit Majesty, if I know my own heart, it beateth with an equal pulse) stirred me so fare that I was once more determined to have published my concept what, and no more was needful to be transacted before his Majesty's returns to his Palace at Westminster, and to that end had sent this simple Project to a Licencer. In this nick of time forth came the Army's Declaration of the 4. of June 1647. Wherein finding the main of what I had ever thought very expedient, if not altogether necessary, to be mainly insisted on by Sir Thomas Fairfax, and his Officers and Soldiers, I was much rejoiced to see the work whereunto I desired to have contributed my weak endeavours to be taken into abler hands, and there I left it. Whether his Excellency, and his chief Officers (for the opinion of his common soldiers and their Agitators is to me of no regard) be since fallen from what they then declared to be their deliberate, and determinate judgement, I leave Him, and them to give an account to God, and the World. I am sure 'tis commonly believed, that they only made show of being of the mind at large expressed in the forementioned Declaration to ingratiate themselves with the Kingdom, till by that means they had quietly gotten all the strength thereof into their own, and their parties hands: And that they are at present the most averse of any other to a Personal Treaty at London. On the other side it is too manifest, that the generality of the City, and Country, are perhaps too violent for his Majesty's coming thither without engaging his Royal word to pass the three Praeparatory Bills, apprehended like to be of hard digestion to his Majesty, and it is further apprehended that the two Houses of Parliament may also happen to be divided upon this point. Perchance a middle way may be found as fair, and safe, as either of the former, and not impassable either with his Majesty or with the two Houses. This induced me now to submit my conceit to the censure of wiser men. And if for the groundwork it shall be so happy as to receive any measure of approbation from any considerable number of such as yourself, it is not impossible that I may be thereby emboldened to expose it to the eye of the people, which I conceive to be sharper than the sight of any one, or of any few of the wisest men of the Land. Sir, I crave your pardon for this addition to your trouble, and remained before, and ever.   

A PROJECT For an Equitable and lasting PEACE.  
Designed in the year 1643. when the affairs stood in the balance.  
Printed in the year 1648.   

TO THE KING'S Most Excellent MAJESTY: And to the LORDS and COMMONS assembled in PARLIAMENT.  
The humble petition of P. D. a plain Countryman, a wellwisher of the City, and lover of truth, righteousness and peace, in his own name, and all theirs that may subscribe hereunto.  
Most humbly showeth,  
THat whereas in a Petition of both houses of Parliament presented to your Majesty in the beginning of your Reign it was declared, That they found it an undoubted right and constant privilege of Parliament, that no member of Parliament, sitting the Parliament, or within the usual times of Privilege of Parliament, is to be imprisoned, or restrained without sentence, or order of the House, unless it be for treason, felony, or for refusing to give surety for the peace.  
And whereas in the Petition of right, made to your Majesty by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament in the third year of your reign, it was declared, That no offender, of what kind soever, is exempted from the proceed to be used, and punishments to be inflicted by the Laws and Statutes of this your Realm.  
And whereas by the express Laws and Statutes thereof, that is to say, by the Statute called the Great Charter of the Liberties of England, and by a Statute made in the 28. year of the reign of your most noble Progenitor King Edward the third, it is declared and enacted, That no Freeman may be taken or imprisoned but by the lawful judgement of his Peers; or by the Law of the Land; nor without being brought to answer by due process of Law:  
And whereas by two other Acts of Parliament, the one made in the 38. year of your said glorious ancestor, it is ordained and assented That all they that make suggestions to the King himself, be sent with the suggestions before the Chancellor, Treasurer, and his great Council, and that they there find sureties to pursue their suggestions, and that then process of the Law be made against the persons in that manner accused; and that if he that maketh the complaint cannot prove his intent against the Defendant by the process limited as aforesaid, he shall be commanded to prison, there to abide till he hath made gree to the parry of his damages, and of the slander that he hath suffered by such occasion, and after shall make fine and ransom to the King.  
According to, and by the means of which good Laws and Statutes so enacted and declared as aforesaid, justice hath heretofore proceeded against all offenders without exception, and all innocent subjects of this kingdom, of what condition soever, have in former times found themselves sufficiently secured against false accusers, until the month of January in the seventeenth year of your Majesty's reign. At which time Articles of high treason and other misdemeanours having by your Majesty's Attorney been preferred against certain persons, among which Articles these two were the principal, That they have traitorously endeavoured to subvert the very Rights and being of Parliaments; and that for the completing of their traitorous designs, they have endeavoured, as fare as in them lay, by force and terror to compel the Parliament to join with them in their other traitorous designs, and to that end have actually raised and countenanced tumults against the King and Parliament: yet this heavy charge against the said persons, being themselves members of Parliament, was not further prosecuted against them, neither was the suggestor thereof made known, through whose default it belongeth not to your Petitioners to inquire or judge, otherwise than in our private consciences, so fare, as the said default is one of the hinges upon which the justice of the late War hath been, and aught to be turned. But as one the one side we humbly conceive, that either justice ought to have been prosecuted against the said accused persons, and the suggestor of the said Articles, according to the Laws already in being; or if upon this occasion there were any defect found in the above-recited Laws and Declarations of Law, than some sufficient provisional Ordinance in amendment of that defect might have been devised, and applied to the present case by the wisdom and authority of your Majesty and your Parliament, that justice might have proceeded: So on the other side we hope we may presume to say, (because in truth we think,) that no inconvenience which might have occurred through any legal proceeding either against the said accused persons, or their secret accuser, can any way countervail the many mischiefs, which have ensued upon the interruption thereof. For in your Petitioners poor observation grounded on divers Declarations of your Majesty and of your two Houses of Parliament, (particularly that of your Majesties of the twelfth of August 1642. and that other of the Lords and Commons of the beginning of the said month,) the obstruction of justice in this case first hath been the scandalous occasion, whether given or taken, of a like stoppage in the case of many other offenders, and more especially of some not long before, and of others soon after by Parliament accused of the same horrid crime of having intended force against the Parliament, which accusation notwithstanding was not further prosecuted against them. And this unlucky disturbance of the due course of justice in the supreme Court and Council of the kingdom, occasioned a fatal division in it and them, and was the true rise of the two actions at War, the one between your Majesty and your Parliament, and the other between the Parliament and your Majesty, which hath since overrun this whole Land with such violence, that no preeminence of the Crown, or liberty of the Subject, how well established soever, have been able to stand before it; But force throughout prevailing above right, a sea of confused disorder broke in upon us, and a face of barbarous anarchy for a time covered this whole Realm.  
In tender consideration whereof, and prevention of that utter desolation, which must needs speedily overwhelm this miserable kingdom, if an other like flood of civil war should rise upon it, your Petitioners humbly prostrate at your Majesty's feet, do there implore your gracious protection: And do most humbly pray your Majesty as they do also your Parliament, that due and speedy justice may pass upon all persons, of what degree or quality soever, that may be found guilty of any intention of over-awing, or overruling your Majesty or your Parliament before or since the beginning of the late War; the cursed issue of that highest misdemeanour and treason can be devised against your Majesty and this your kingdom: and respectively declared to be such by your Majesty, and by your two Houses of Parliament. Or if this, in which there seemeth to have been some difficulty in time of peace, should now be grown less possible after so long a war; That then for the time past your Majesty of your own Princely clemency, and by authority of your Parliament would be pleased to pass an act of oblivion, and to grant your full and free pardon to all the aforesaid respectively accused persons, and to all other that may be guilty of the same misdemeanour and treason; as also to all those that have been involved in the late war through the failer of due and timely justice in those original and critical cases.  
And howsoever that for the time to come the Militia of the kingdom may by act of Parliament be for ever settled in such a way, as may safeguard the Parliament, and all the Members of both Houses thereof, and above all your Majesty's sacred person aswell against all tumultuary assemblies of the people, as from all attempts by way of force, though under pretence of authority from the King. Which we humbly conceive is not impossible to be done without making a divorce between the Sceptre and the Sword, which have been for so many ages joined in marriage by the providence of God, and Law of the Land. And that in and by the same act of Parliament severe defences may be made against all other unlawful practices that may be found to be any way to the prejudice of that entire freedom, which ought to be maintained in all Parliamentary proceed by all that wish well to their King or Country.  
That immediately upon the passing of this Act, the whole soldiery in this kingdom may be disbanded, the Committees for the safety of the respective Counties dissolved, and that your Majesty thereupon returning to Westminster, all other matters, either now in difference between your Majesty and your Parliament, or between the two Houses thereof, or mentioned in your Majesty's most gracious Message of the twentieth of January 1641. or in any other Propositions and desires either of your Majesty or of the Lords and Commons, especially those which concern the purity of Religion, & of the Worship of God, and right government of his Church, may by the united authority of your Majesty and of your Parliament be settled in such a manner, that the Throne of the kingdom of Jesus Christ may be erected in the due height thereof in this Realm, and the Throne of his Vicegerent therein may not be abased, nor any liberty of any the freemen of this kingdom infringed in the least degree without your Majesties and their free and full consent in Parliament; it being (as we humbly conceive) altogether unjust and unlawful, and therefore clearly cannot be either profitable or durable for the Kings or Subjects of England to attempt the making of any change, even to the better, of the Laws and present Government in any other fashion.  
That (as the most probable and powerful means to put an end to all strife, and to prevent all partiality, or suspicion of partiality in these supreme Resolutions,) all the Members of both Houses of Parliament may by an Ordinance be enjoined to take such an Oath as may be devised for the sure binding them to give their Votes according to their consciences in all things put to the question. And that for the further security and comfort of your people, your Majesty would be graciously pleased not only to give free admittance to such Committees of both Houses of Parliament, as may be chosen by them humbly to represent the reasons of their Resolutions to your Majesty, and to give satisfaction to any doubts your Majesty upon advisement with your Privy or Learned Counsel may have about them, before the giving of your conclusive voice, but that of your Princely grace you would condescend so fare as to oblige yourself likewise by a voluntary Oath not to deny any thing that to the best of your understanding so informed, as aforesaid, shall be really for the good of your Subjects, and that may advance the true Protestant Religion, oppose Popery and Superstition, secure the Law of the Land, (upon which is built as well your Majesty's just Prerogative, as the propriety and liberty of the Subject,) confirm all just power and privilege of Parliament, and render your Majesty and your people happy by a good understanding: which are your Majesties own gracious words of engagement in two of your Messages from Nottingham.  
That because the desires and minds of the Commons of this kingdom cannot certainly be understood by the Votes of their Representants in any one Parliament, (upon which, and many other prudent considerations it hath been by our wise Ancestors provided, that the Parliament ought to be held at least once every year; after the making of which provision it was long before any Parliament was continued to a greater length;) That it may be agreed, that immediately after the establishment of all things abovesaid in the manner aforesaid, this present Parliament shall be dissolved by the free consent of both Houses. But that before the dissolution thereof there may be an Act passed for the assurance of an annual Parliament in the same manner that a triennial is now assured, with these necesary sup plementall additions thereunto.  
1. One for the regulating of Elections in such a manner that they may be more free and less chargeable, as well to the Country, as to the persons in competition; and that returns may not be so wholly in the power of the Sheriff, and of that party he favoureth, as hitherto they have been; and that some more ready, easy, and certain way may be devised for the judgement of the lawfulness and truth of returns, then hath been in use of late, to the manifest hazard of the public liberty, if there should be such a conspiracy of Sheriffs as may be imagined.  
2. Another for the safe conducting of the Members of both Houses of Parliament to the place appointed for the holding of the Parliament, and for their like safe return into their Countries, by the Sheriffs of the respective Counties through which they are to pass, being thereunto required. But this only as oft as the Parliament may happen to be assembled without any signification of the personal pleasure, and command of the King for the time being.  
3. And a third, as well for the prevention of the unseasonable dissolution of Parliaments without the consent of both houses, as for the assurance of the dissolution of every Parliament within the space of one year, and for the making of two Sessions thereof at such times, as by the two houses shall be thought most convenient.  
That if it shall be made appear upon sufficient proof that your Majesty's sacred person was in any apparent danger, or hazard by those tumults at Westminster, which have been alleged for the reason of your departure from thence, that in that case it may be publicly declared and recorded, that your Majesty was not to blame in withdrawing yourself from your Parliament there, the rather because your Majesty hath since been pleased to make many gracious offers to give a meeting again to your Parliament, if they would adjourn to any other place, and this as well before, as after the beginning of the late unnatural War. But if upon due examination it should be found that your Majesty's belief of the malice of certain persons against your sacred person, (which you thought you had too great reason to fear they intended to seize,) and of the evident danger not yourself only, but your Royal Consort, and the Princes your children were in by the tumults raised and countenanced by the said persons hath been grounded only upon misinformation, and that the failer of the timely discovery of the falsehood and maliciousness of such information happened also through your Majesties own default, in not having taken the course by Law directed to that end; that in this case your Majesty of your own mere motion may be graciously pleased to acknowledge, and command this to be publicly recorded as an error, for the preventing of the like in future times.  
That if all, or any of the Lords, Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, who before, or after the beginning of the late War withdrew themselves from the Parliament, cannot make it evidently appear that they could not continue there with such safety of their persons, and plenary freedom of voting, as all members of Parliament of right aught to enjoy, that in this case they, or such of them as shall fail in full proof of the point abovesaid, may for ever be disabled to fit again in this, or any future Parliament in this kingdom; and may be further censured in such a manner, as to the wisdom of the respective Houses of Parliament shall seem just and meet. And that howsoever no such Member of either House may be readmitted without making a public acknowledgement of, and submission for their faults, no danger, how great or certain soever, being sufficient to excuse them for having failed in their duty to their King & country, either by concealing their minds, or by deserting their stations, before any one of them lost any one drop of his blood, which hath been the occasion of so much bloodshed of their fellow subjects: It being visible that there could have been no breach between your Majesty and your two Houses of Parliament, if all their respective Members had continued at Westminster, and had there avowed their being of the same judgement, which they have since discovered otherwhere.  
That the public debt contracted by occasion of the charges of the late war may be borne by the partakers therein on that side, which cannot make it appear that they had just cause to take up arms because they could not obtain justice by the Law of the Land, in some thing that was either of absolute necessity to be maintained for the public weal, or at least of such importance as was worthy to be contended about by arms; (there being no other sufficient cause for the beginning of a civil War, even by them that have unquestionable authority to make one:) And if both parties should chance to fail in the proof thereof, (which is not impossible in the general, howsoever it may fall out in this particular case,) that in this event either every private man may bear such part of the damages as hath fallen to his share, or else that such course may be taken for the dividing of this heavy burden among all them that are of ability to bear any part thereof, as may make it most easy to all, and oppressive to none of them.  
That if your Majesty should think, or be persuaded, that the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament at Westminster are incompetent judges of the three last mentioned points, in respect of their being reputed parties in the late War, to whom notwithstanding for the honour of the Parliaments of England, we hope neither your Majesty, nor those Members of either House, which have taken part with your Majesty will be unwilling to refer either the examination, or decision of those points so nearly and highly concerning your Majesty and them; if the foresaid Lords and Commons at Westminster shall be willing to bind themselves by such an Oath as hath been above designed: Yet if we should be mistaken herein, or at least in the third point, (which we do ourselves observe to be of a different nature from the two former, the main question in them being of matter of fact only, whereas the chief controversy in the last point may happen to be about matter of right:) and if all the former articles being by God's grace assented unto on both sides, the happy conclusion of these unhappy broils should stick only there; In that case we crave leave in all humility to propound whether this difference may not be accommodated by some such expedient as this: your Majesty to make choice of a certain number of those Lords and Commons which have continued in the Parliament at Westminster, and they to choose a like number of those that have withdrawn themselves from thence by occasion of the late troubles, and either all, or the third of the three last points aforesaid to be committed to the determination of the major part of the said elected persons in all that a major part of them shall agree in. But in whatsoever they may happen to be equally divided, the arbitrating of such point, or points to be referred to some one, or to the major part of some unequal number of such strangers famous for wisdom and justice, as may be jointly chosen by your Majesty and the aforesaid Lords and Commons at Westminster for the final Umpirage of such matter, or matters, as cannot be resolved without the admission of foreign arbitrement, which is not without precedent in this kingdom. The which expedient, with all the former and ensuing parts of this our humble Petition, with ourselus, we do, and ever shall according to our duty with all lowliness submit to the censure and resolution of your Majesty and of your parliament, when we have first here sincerely professed out abhorring the least thought of prescribing any thing to those whom we ought to obey, or of raising any third party in arms, though never so great a multitude of Officers, and soldiers, and of the poor ruined people of the Kingdom should testify their adhering to us in our humble desires by subscribing hereunto.  
And lastly, that because there is small cause to hope that this Kingdom can be at peace again either within itself, or with your Majesties other kingdoms, until it and they have made their peace with God; and because there is too much cause to fear that his allseeing and all-discerning Majesty hath been highly provoked by more than one of those means, which hath been used to pacify him, and namely at first by the long continued neglect of public humbling our souls before him, for the preventing, or speedy determining of a like bloody War in this kingdom, of which we seemed so sensible in Ireland; and since by appointing divers days to that end by the divided authority of your Majesty and of your Parliament, by fasting on those days to strife and debate: but chiefly by presuming to come into the dreadful presence of God upon those days with much less outward expression of humble reverence and fear, then hath been showed by heathen in the like occasion; and with hearts fraught with bitterness and wrath, and hands full of violence and blood: and by the many disconsonant Confessions, Petitions, and thanksgivings have been put up to his Divine Majesty upon those and other days: That in amendment of all these and other our failings, and overdoing, and for the cleansing of all your Majesty's Realms, from the blood wherewith they are certainly defiled, (if adventure any party, or person may wash his or their hands from the guilt thereof,) some one or more days, soon after that of your Majesty's meeting with your parliament, may upon their petition be set apart by your Majesty for a most solemn humiliation of all the people of all your Dominions. And (as a necessary preparative thereunto) that there may be a convenient number of godly wise persons chosen by your Majesty, your two Houses of the Parliament of this kingdom, and the Commissioners of the parliament of Scotland, and that they may be authorized and commanded to make a prudent and diligent enquiry after all the most crying sins of all the Nations under your Majesty's government, and those in special for which it may most probably be collected that God hath visited them all in circuit these last years; as also after the most proper means to appease the fierce wrath gone forth against your Majesty and them, and to prevent the like in time to come.  
FINIS.   

A part of the DECLARATION of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, now Lord Fairfax, with the Officers and Soldiers of his Army, signed John Rushworth Secretary, and dated June 14. 1647. Printed in the year 1648.  

To the Reader.  
MY purpose herein is as to furnish you with the abovementioned Declaration at a cheaper rate than buying the whole volume so to convince the Army of the expedience, or rather necessity which lieth on his Excellency and his Officers to vindicate themselves from the common imputation mentioned in the Postscript of the foregoing general Letter to that end only, and not from any evil affection towards his Excellency or any of them, excepting Levellers of what rank soever, of whom the Writer of that Letter doth here publicly profess his resolute and utter dislike, wishing them speedily to repent, lest they be overtaken by that heavy sentence pronounced against them.  PROV. 24.21, 22. 
My son fear thou THE LORD, AND THE KING, and meddle not with them that are given to change;  
For their calamity shall rise suddenly, and who knoweth the ruin of THEM BOTH?  
ANd Levellers all must be (though perchance all intent not so) that would have no King in England; In which respect I shall not easily believe that any Nobleman, Knight, or Gentleman should conspire to pull down that Monarchy, upon which all the advantage he hath above other men doth entirely depend: although divers be given out in the whispers of that party to be favourers of that wild design. Whom I hereby pray not to despise this advertisement, but to take some occasion speedily to declare against it, before it to be too late. And as for the Levellers themselves, and their quondam Agitators in Army, City, or Country, since they allow of extemporary Lay-preaching, I hope they will take no offence at my having given them a text not to talk, but to think upon: which I wish them in their most serious thoughts to compare with that other, 1 John 4.20. and then to ask themselves, whether upon the same reason it be not a certain truth, that he who saith he feareth God, and yet feareth not the King, i.e. the Sovereign Power of what kind soever, which God hath set over him, whether in one, or few, or many, is you know what. For he that feareth (that is, honoureth) not the King, whom he hath seen, how should he fear God whom he hath not seen? In despising those whom God hath placed in authority, and in that respect called gods, the authority of God himself is despised. They have not rejected thee, but they have rejected Me, that I should not reign over them, said God to Samuel, when the people of Israel had an itching to be altering the Government. But I will here break off this discourse wherein my Love to the men's persons and souls, though I hate their opinions and practices hath a little impertinently engaged me to fill up this spare Paper.   

A Part of the Army's DECLARATION of the 14. of June 1647.  
NOw having thus far cleared our way in this business, we shall proceed co propound such things as we do humbly desire for the settling and securing of our own and the kingdom's common right, freedom, peace, and safety as followeth,  
1. That the Houses may be speedily purged of such Members as for their delinquency or for corruptions, or abuse to the State or undue Elections ought not to sit there, whereof the late Elections in Cornwall, Wales, and other parts of the kingdom afford too many examples, to the great prejudice of the people's freedom in the said Elections.  
2. That those persons, who have, in the late unjust and high proceed against the Army, appeared to have the will, the confidence, credit, and power, to abuse the Parliament and Army, and endanger the kingdom in carrying on such things against us (while an Army) may be some way speedily disabled from doing the like or worse to us (when disbanded & dispersed, and in the condition of private men) or to other the freeborn people of England in the same condition with us; and that for that purpose the same persons may not continue in the same power (especially as our and the kingdoms Judges in the highest trust (but may be made incapable thereof for future.  
And if it be questioned who these are, we thought not fit particularly to name them in this our Representation to you, but shall very speedily give in their names; and before long shall offer what we have to say against them to your Commissioners, wherein we hope so to carry ourselves, as that the world shall see we aim at nothing of private revenge and animosities, but that justice may have a free course, and the kingdom be eased, and secured by disinabling such men (at least) from places of judicature, who desiring to advantage and set up themselves and their party in a general confusion, have endeavoured to put the kingdom into a new flame of war, than which nothing is more abhorrent to us.  
But because neither the granting of this alone would be sufficient to secure our own and the kingdoms rights, liberties, and safety, either for the present age or posterity; nor would our Proposals of this singly be free from the scandal and appearance of Faction or designs only to weaken one party (under the notion of unjust or oppressive) that we may advance another (which may be imagined more our own) we therefore declare,  
That indeed we cannot but wish, that such men, and such only, might be preferred to the great power and trust of the Commonwealth, as are approved, at least of moral righteousness; and of such we cannot but in our wishes prefer those, that appear acted thereunto by a principle of conscience and religion in them.  
And accordingly, we do and ever shall bless God for those many such Worthies, who through his providence, have been chosen into this Parliament, and to such men's endeavours (under God) we cannot but attribute that Vindication (in part) of the People's Rights and Liberties; and those beginnings of a just Reformation, which the first proceed of this Parliament appeared to have driven at, and tended to, though of late obstructed, or other diverted to other ends and interests, by the ☞ prevailing of other persons, of other principles and conditions.  
But yet we are so far from designing or complying to have an absolute or Arbitrary power signed, or settled, for continuance, in any persons whatsoever, as that (if we might be sure to obtain it) we cannot wish to have it so in the persons of any, whom we could most confide in, or who should appear most of our opinions, or principles, or whom we might have most personal assurance of, or interest in; But we do and shall much rather wish, that Authority of this kingdom in Parliaments (rightly constituted) that is, freely, equally, and successively chosen, according to its original intention) may ever stand and have its course. And therefore we shall apply our desires, chief to such things, as (by having Parliaments settled in such a right constitution) may give most hopes of justice, and righteousness to flow down equally to all, in that its ancient channel, without any overtures tending either to overthrow that foundation of Order, and Government in this kingdom; or to engross that power for perpetuity into the hands of any particular persons, or party whatsoever.  
And for that purpose, though (as we have found it doubted by many men, minding sincerely the public good: but not weighing so fully all consequences of things) it may, and is not unlike to prove that upon the ending of this Parliament, and the election of new, the constitution of succeeding Parliaments (as to the persons elected) may prove for the worse many ways, yet since neither in the present purging of this Parliament, nor in the election of new, we cannot promise to ourselves, or the king alone, an assurance of justice or other positive good, from the hands of men, but those who for present appear most righteous and most for common good (having an unlimited power fixed in them during life or pleasure) in time may become corrupt, or settle into parties or factions: or, on the other side, in case of new elections, those that should so succeed, may prove as bad, or worse than the former.  
We therefore humbly conceive, that (of two inconveniences, the less being to be chosen) the main thing to be intended in this case (and beyond which humane providence cannot reach, to any assurance of positive good) seems to be this, viz to provide, that however unjust, or corrupt, the persons of Parliament men, in present, or future may prove, or what ever ill they may do to particular parties (or to the whole in particular things) during their respective terms, or periods, yet they shall not have the temptation, or advantage of an unlimited power fixed in them, during their own pleasures, whereby to perpetuate injustice, or oppression upon any (without end or remedy) or to advance, or uphold any one particular party, faction or interest whatsoever, to the oppression or prejudice of the Community, and the enslaving of the kingdom unto all posterity, but that the people may have an equal hope, or possibility, if they have made an ill choice at one time, to mend it in another, and the Members of the House themselves may be in a capacity to taste of subjection, as well as rule, and may be inclined to consider of other men's cases, as what may come to be their own. This we speak of in relation to the House of Commons, as being entrusted on the people's behalf, for their interest in that great and supreme power of the Commonwealth (viz. the Legislative power with the power of final judgement) which being in its own nature so arbitrary, and in a manner unlimited (unless in point of time) is most unfit, and dangerous (as the people's interest) to be fixed in the persons of the same men during life, or their own pleasures. Neither by the original constitution of this state, was it, or ought it to continue so, nor does it (wherever it is, and continues so) render that State any better than a Tyranny, or the people subjected to it any better than Vassals. But in all States, where there is any face of common freedom, and particularly in this State of England, (as is most evident both by many positive laws, and ancient constant custom) the people have a right to new, and successive elections unto that great and supreme trust, at certain periods of time, which is so essential and fundamental to their freedom, as it cannot, or ought not to be denied them, or withholden from them, & without which the House of Commons is of very little concernment to the interest of the Commons of England.  
Yet in this we would not be misunderstood in the least, to blame those Worthies of both Houses, whose zeal to vindicate the Liberties of this Nation, did procure that Act for Continuance of this Parliament, whereby it was secured from being dissolved at the King's pleasure (as former Parliaments had been) as reduced to such a certainty as might enable them the better to assert, and vindicate the liberties of this Nation (immediately before so highly invaded, and then also so much endangered.) And this we take to be the principal ends, and grounds for which in that exigency of time, and affairs it was procured, & to which we acknowledge it hath happily been made use of, but we cannot think it was by those Worthies intended, or aught to be made use of, to the perpetuating of that supreme trust, and power in the persons of any, during their own pleasures; or to the debarring of the people from their right of elections (totally now) when those dangers or exigencies were passed, and the affairs, and safety of the Commonwealth would admit of such a change.  
Having thus cleared our grounds and intentions (as we hope) from all scruples and misunderstandings: in what follows we shall proceed further to propose what we humbly desire for the settling and securing of our own, and the kingdoms rights and liberties (through the blessing of God) to posterity. And therefore upon all the grounds premised we further humbly desire as followeth:  
3. That some determinate period of time may be set for the continuance of this and future Parliaments, beyond which none shall continue, and upon which new Writs may of course issue out, and new elections successively take place according to the intent of the Bill for Triennial Parliaments.  
And herein we would not be misunderstood to desire a present or sudden dissolution of this Parliament, but only (as is expressed before) that some certain period may be set for the determining of it, so as it may not remain (as now) continuable for ever, or during the pleasure of the present Members; and we should desire that the period to be now set for ending this Parliament, may be such as may give sufficient time for provision of what is wanting, and necessary to be passed in point of just reformation, and for further securing the rights and liberties, and settling the peace of the kingdom. In order to which we further humbly offer.  
4. That secure provision may be made for the continuance of future Parliaments, so that they may not be adjournable or dissolvable at the King's pleasure or any other ways, then by their own consent during their respective periods, but at those periods each Parliament to determine of course as before. This we desire may be now provided for, (if it may be) so as to put it out of all dispute for future, though we think of right it ought not to have been otherwise before.  
☞ And thus a firm foundation being laid in the authority and constitution of Parliaments for the hopes, at least, of common and equal-right and freedom to ourselves and all the freeborn people of this land, we shall hereby for our parts freely and cheerfully commit our stock or share of interest in this kingdom into this common bottom of Parliaments. And though it m●y (for our particulars) go ill with us in one voyage; yet we shall thus hope (if right be with us) to far better in another.  
These things we desire may be provided for by Bill or Ordinance of Parliament, to which the Royal assent may be desired, and when his Majesty in these things, and what else shall be proposed by the Parliament necessary for securing the rights and liberties of the people, and for settling the Militia and peace of the Kingdom shall have given his concurrence to put them past dispute, we shall then desire that the rights of his Majesty and his posterity maybe considered of and settled in all things, so far as may consist with the right and freedom of the subject, and with the security of the same for future.  
Thus the Army the last year: The lip of sincerity, as of Truth is stable for ever. Let them now declare their being still of the same mind in the last, and capital Article, the Peace is made. They under God shall have the honour to have made it, And the whole Kingdom will bless them. For though by the Oath of Supremacy I have often taken, I think myself obliged to add, That his Majesty shall have great cause well to advise upon it before he part with his Privilege of dissolving all future Parliaments without the consent of the Houses, upon the experience he hath had of doing it but in one; yet by his Majesty's having heretofore declared his inclination to treat upon the Proposals of the Army, I presume this expedient to agree that Article, (the hardest of all other to be agreed,) would not stick with his Majesty.    
FINIS.