THE Independent's Loyalty. OR, The most Barbarous Plot (to Murder his sacred Majesty) very fully Discovered.  
WITH A clear and perfect Answer, to the Lord WHARTON'S Evasions.  Vir Sapit qui pauca loquitur. 
Printed, Anno Domini 1648.   

Truth drawn out of a Saw-pit.  
VICE hath an ugly Visage, and is so conscious thereof unto itself, that it always keeps in the dark; and will never appear in its own colours unto the World: Nay, the more transcendent it is, the more it hardeneth its brow with impudence to outbrave all Testimony and conceal itself. We have of late a clear instance of this truth in those persons who were of the Council or did conceal the resolution to murder his Majesty.  
The fact is so horrid that the Law of this Kingdom hath made all fences against it possible; The Lawyers do account in the Notion of the law: That the least attempt or endeavour which doth but look that way, is interpreted as if the wickedness were accomplished, because the persons which would be so wicked as to begin, could never think themselves secure, but by the perfection of that villainy; as the Lord chief Justice Popham, and the rest of the Judges in the case of Robt. Earl of Essex in the reign of Queen Eliz. nay in other Kingdoms where Princes have been jealous, the very dream of it hath been made Capital, and the reason given of it; that they would never have Dreamt of it in their sleep, if sometimes they had not thought of it when they were awake.  
And though a work of such darkness very seldom nath had more light (being testified by the oath of one witness, if not more, and confirmed by variety of circumstances and as strong presumptions as such a case can afford:) Yet we see with what a brow of Brass Cap. Rolfe durst present himself to the house, how confidently Col. Hammond writes on his behalf, how boldly the Lorenzo Wharton dares anticipate the world and himself: first publish the letters which were sent unto him and the house of Lords with a delusive answer. All of them decry the fact (if you will take their words,) as boldly as the whore in the Proverbs, who wiped her mouth, and said what evil have I done: Therefore that we may take off the mask, and expose the business and Persons to the world to be Judged of; we shall.  
1. Set down the Letters.  
2. Give you a Character of the persons mentioned in them.  
3. A Narrative of the matter of Fact, and the proceed thereupon.  
4. Answer the Lord wharton's Vindication.  
5. And lastly, draw some necessary Inferences or Corollaries, which we shall confirm by further evidences; In all which we promise so much Candour and Integrity as not to swerve a tittle from the truth, so fare as our Information (which I have severely endeavered to bottom well) shall hold out.  


The Letter to the Lord Wharton June the first.  
My Lord,  
THOUGH I cannot but imagine I stand so highly condemned in your Lordships and many persons thoughts, that any thing of vindication from me must come with all the disadvantage and perjudice that may be; yet (my Lord) being conscious of my own integrity, and confident that I shall be judged by your Lordship by no other Rules but those of justice and reason, I cannot doubt but when I have discovered the grounds and reasons of my Actions, that it will appear to your Lordship, that what I have done hath been agreeable to the several duties I stand engaged in, as I am supposed to have acted contrary before I am heard.  
Not to detain your Lordship in circumstances, I shall make this Protestation, that as no other thing but the danger of the King's life could in reason excuse such attempt. So I do protest that no inferior consideration did or could have moved to such an action: But my Lord having had such particular and well grounded information, that so horrid a design was intended and moved from those that could when they pleased have had the power to put it in execution; I hope I shall not be censured for having post posed all other considerations to that Loyalty which cannot be questioned but I own to the King.  
But not to leave your Lordship unsatisfied with this general account, the intelligence I speak of, concerning this design, I received from Captain Rolfe, a person very intimate with the Governor, privy to all Counsels and one that is very high in the esteem of the Army; he my Lord, informed me that to his knowledge the Governor had received several Letters from the Army, intimating they desired the King might by any means be removed out of the way, either by poison or otherwise; And that another time the same person persuaded me to join with him in a design to remove the King out of that Castle to a place of more secrecy proffering to take an Oath with me, and to do it without the Governors' privity, who he said would not consent for losing the allowance of the House; his pretence to this attempt was, That the King was in too public a place, from whence he might be rescued: But if he might be conveyed into some place of secrecy he said we might dispose of his person, upon all occasions, as we thought fit; and this he was confident we could effect without the Governors' privity. My Lord considering all these pregnant circumstances I think it will appear that there were, if there are no, such intentions concerning his Majesty's person, as may well justify my endeavours that have been made for his remove from so much danger: & for my own part my Lord, I must be so plain as to declare concerning my own actings in relation to this business, that had I not done this (having such grounds) I must belive I had then verified all these aspersions of disloyalty and breach of Trust, which I am contented to suffer from those whose interest is perchance opposed to my endeavours to prevent such damnable designs  
My Lord, I have spoken nothing here but what I shall be ready to testify upon Oath when ever I shall be called to it, with promise of Freedom and security, till than I must be content to support all censures and satisfy myself with the vindication I receive from my own conscience.  
I am your Lordship's humble servant, Rich. Osborne. 1. June, 1648.  
For the Right Honourable the Lord Wharton.   

The Letter to the Earl of Manchester.  
I Did by a Letter of the first of June acquaint my Lord Wharton with what I send here enclosed, expecting it would before this have been communicated to both Houses: what should be the reason of concealing a business of this nature I know not, except it be to give those time that are concerned in it better to think of some stratagem to evade this discovery.  
I humbly desire your Lordship upon sight of this relation, to communicate it to the House of Peers; which I shall be ready to attest upon Oath on every particular, when ever their Lordships shall please to allow me that freedom and security which ought to be afforded to any Gentleman, and Christian, in witnessing a truth.  
My Lord I am Your Lordship's most humble servant, Richard Osborne. June, 16. 1648,  
For the right Honourable the Lord Manchester Speaker of etc.    

An account of the Persons who are named  

Rolfe. 
Captain Rolfe (or rather Major Rolfe) is one of no great head-piece, but of a turbulent and busy spirit, who for his zeal to new light, and activity to promote that way; hath been advanced from an obscure condition (having been bred but a poor shoemaker, and as we are informed, not yet out of his Apprenticeship) to be an Officer of the Army by the Lieut. General, and is employed as a Councillor with, and a spy upon Col. Hammond, by the same person; for you must know that it is the custom of Cromwell never to send a Whale without a Pilot Fish, nor prefer any Commander in Chief to a place of Eminency and Trust, but he pinneth one or two more peteets upon his sleeve, who are to infuse the fence of the Lieu. Gen. with the Junto into the Commander: keep them in some awe and inform if they find any tendency towards the disadvantage of their private cause. And of this nature was Major Rolfe at the Isle of Wight, who being a Cap. in Col. Hammonds Regiment when his Majesty was Juggled into that place, was sent thither with his Company to be a guard unto the King, and hath been ever since at the governors elbow; and in a manner Deputy governor there.  Mr. Osborne. 

Master Osborne is of a good family. Eldest son to a Gentleman of good repute and estate, who hath been a friend to the Parliament through this whole contestation.  
This young man hath been in Arms also in their quarrel, never observed guilty of any personal vice; long known to the Lord Wharton, and was preferred unto the charge about his Majesty, by that Lord's power and interest.   Hammond 
The Governor, or Col. Hammond, is a younger brother, but hath some expectation from his Mother a widow, and a furious enemy unto his Majesty which drove him out at the beginning of these Wars into the service, where until the new Model of this Army he could ascend to no higher pitch than a Major, he hath had his hands in Murder already, and of one of his own party, for which being in Gloucester likely to suffer, was helped off by Col. Massey whom he hath requited well; But being afterwards taken notice of to be stout enough, and pliable also, was taken into favour by the Lieut. General preferred to be a Colonel, and when the design was on foot to convey the King to the Isle of Wight, by his power and interest, premised thither for his Majesty's entertainment.  Lord wharton's Character. 
The Lord Wharton is known well enough through all the Kingdom to have run high in, and been one of the prime heads of the Independents Juncto. Of a most inveterate malice unto his Majesty and that against the bonds of gratitude; one that had a good mind to have done this Act with his own hand if the King had fallen into the Saw-pit where his Lordship hid himself; but his Lordship finding that course dangerous, and being frighted at the First sight, quickly left it, and betook himself, to act in a safer way.     

The Narrative of matter of Fact and proceed in this.  
How long Rolfe had been hatching this Villainy, who drew him in, or who he had drawn into the design; is known only to God and there consciences. It was not many months after his first acquaintance with Osborne, but he threw out his lure: insinuates the merit of the action, the means whereby it might be done, and the Authority of the Army which would protect the Instrument, and invited him to be one. But Osborne being startled with the horror of the Fact; imparts it to some better acquaintance of his in the Isle, consults with them what course is best to be taken. It is resolved to acquaint his Majesty therewith and take his advice, where it is concluded: To discover it to any persons in Command about the King, were to hale on the mischief sooner, and involve themselves in the danger; there could be no way so safe to the King's person nor more honourable for themselves, then to deliver him from such bloody hands; whereupon they provide horses and Boats; deal with some Sentinels to wink at his passing, prepare his way by fretting an Iron bar with Aqua fortis in his window, to pass out by, and were ready to put it in execution. But one of the Sentinels discovering the design, Osborne flieth out of the Isle, and so soon as he can clear himself of the danger, writes first unto the Lord Wharton as you see; but after his Lordship had stifled this information longer than a fortnight, to discharge a good Conscience towards God, perform his Allegiance to his Majesty, and duty to the Kingdom, he writes a letter to the Speaker of either house. That to the House of Lords you may read, that to the House of Commons was the same upon the matter: These being delivered on Saturday June 18. in the house of Commons, the speaker takes an advantage of a thin house, and which consisted of most that inclined his way, communicates these letters, where after a little debate Major Gen. Skipon riseth up and desireth that Whereas this seemed to be but an idle paper, it might not hinder their more serious affairs, which were before them, but be laid aside. Whereupon it was accordingly voted, and laid up in Lavender, with an intention to call upon it at doom's day. Upon Monday the Lords (who in business of this consequence give the house of Commons leave to make them a precedent) took the Letter into debate also, where the Lord Say struck in presently with Major Skipons motion. That it might be laid aside there too, and had near obtained the same effect, but some Lords that had some sparks of honour left within them, took so much courage as to press the horror of the villainy, the duty of their places, and how much it would reflect upon their house if they should neglect to make inquire after it. This wrought so much, the business being foul upon the Lord Wharton. he escaped imprisonment with some difficulty, the house of Commons are acquainted therewith, by which means the business is resumed into new debate in that house, many messages pass between the houses: at last there is an Order concluded upon, for Osburne to appear and make good his accusation at any time within forty days, and this is commanded to be published by the Sheriff with as much pomp and show of zeal, as little intention in the most, either to inquire into the Fact, punish the Authors, or Rescue his Majesty from the like danger.  
The Lord Wharton finding these transactions would see the Sun now, and having had experience that Copies would multiply if they were bought up too fast (as he went once about to do by a Pamphlet which discovered another ignoble Action of his) steers another course in the Compass, and causeth the Letters to be published himself; but with an answer, whereby he might anticipate the credulity of the People, and make his own Defence among them. Not long after, Master Osborne discovers himself; enters his Appearance; makes affidavit of his discovery, and confirms it by such pregnant circumstances, that most men are convinced of the truth: Rolfe, being by this time acquainted with the Passages, comes up unto the House, presents himself with a a Letter from the Governor, dated June 21. (which pleads his Case, denies the Design (chargeth Osborne with Treachery, and very much extolleth his own care of his Duty and tender Usage of his Majesty, for which he citeth his own Testimony; not withstanding, the Lords find cause to commit Rolfe to safe custody, where he remains until he be forgotten, or by the policy and strength of his Party quitted from the Charge, or released out of Prison.   

The Lord wharton's Answer examined.  
His Lordship's whole Answer may be reduced unto four heads, which shall be brought unto the Test in their Order.  
The first is, That Osborne is a Traitor by the Law of the Land because he entertained communication, divers times, with one that intended to take away the King's life, by Poison, about that Action and concealed it: whence he would infer That Osborne is to have no credit given to his Testimony.  

To this is Replied.  
First, That if the Letter of the Law were truly urged, yet it cannot reach Osborne, because first it is supposed the Law is in force and can take place where this Communication is had: Secondly, The Persons who are possessed of the Authority or Power, in that place, be not guilty, nor accessary to the Treason.  
Thirdly, That the witness can with safety of his own life and the Kings, make his address to those persons: But let all England judge whether Law be in force in that place where the King is kept in prison, which is Treason in itself by the Law, and by Lawyers is interpreted a Design against his Life: Where Soldiers (one of which once answered a Statesman; What do you talk to us of your Law that wear our Swords by our sides?) rule all the Rost.  
The persons in most power there, were either Principals or Accessories (in the most favourable construction to be suspected of it) In the Design Rolfe was in command there, and Principal. The Governor in command of the Island in chief, and at least likely to be of the Council. Rolfe suggested that he had received Letters from the Army to that purpose, that he was unwilling to concur (not out of horror of the wickedness) but fear of his pay. Master Osborne could not choose but understand by their familiarity that their interest was all one, that such Actions are never owned by all that are of the conspiracy: Often times great men, who are the first movers, can stand behind a Curtain during execution of their own Designs (and as the Ape that thrust the Cat's paw into the fire to take the Chestnut out for his own ) put an inferior Instrument to act the disgraceful or dangerous part of their contrivance. The suspicion may be great against the Governor, since he pleads in his defence, and did himself suppress the Letter which Osborne wrote to the Lord Wharton, which his Lordship tells his friends, and did tell the House upon his Honour, That he sent immediately to Hammond, yet he suppressed for above ten days without securing Rolfe or acquainting the houses therewith. Now let all the world Judge whether it had been best for Osborne in relation to the King's safety, or his own, to complain unto these men, or by holding them in suspense for a while, in the mean time endeavour the prevention.  
2. Master Osborne did reveal this, the hazard considered, as soon as he could unto the Lord Wharton.  
3. He did reveal it to his Majesty and some other who might assist him in the prevention thereof.  
4. Grant that Osborne were as guilty as the Lord Wharton doth suggest, he might as well be allowed for a competent witness, as Master Edward Waller was against his brother Tomkins and others.   

The second head is.  
That Osborne did this not out of any intent of good or love unto the King, but to free himself from his perfidiousness to the trust reposed in him by the Parliament, in his attempt to carry away the King (God knows whether) to the danger of his person, & to procure for himself liberty and freedom from Justice, which he fled from.   

To the Negative part hereof it is answered.  
1. That is spoken Gratis, and upon his Lordships own presumption,  
2. Against common reason; can any man think the Gentleman should run that hazard, endure so much reproach; lose so great friends, for one he wished no good, bore no affection unto?  
3. Gaunt this for true, it agrues the conscience of his Allegiance, and sense of so great a sin to be the more, in that he would endure so much for to avoid it.   


To the first part of the affiirmative we Answer.  
1. That every man ought to be sensible of, and desire to vindicate his honour from an unjust aspersion, we wish the Lord Wharton as able to do that, as willing to quit himself of the true charge.  
2. That surely the matter of trust which the Parliament and General reposed in the King's attendants, was not (I know not what it is in his Lordships constructions) to assist in the Murder of his Majesty, nor stand by spectators thereof, without his rescue; but to use all means for preservation thereof, which was done by him.  
3. That all superior trust doth null and invalidate a subordinate engagement when they are incompatible. Now whether a trust which a man is obliged to by express Oath (as that of Allegiance to omit all other bonds doth or should cause all Subjects to preserve the life of there Prince) to a Supreme Governor of the Kingdom, enjoined by law, be not first to be satisfied, before a verbal promise (or perhaps but an implicit trust) to fellow subjects, in a questionable if not unlawful Action (as the imprisonment of the King is) let all wise men Judge.  
4. That the intention of his Majesty might be to come, and these Gentlemen to bring him up unto his Parliament for all is yet known: He hath often desired that of late, and surely the Kingdom is convinced where the impediment is, as we may guess by their petitions.  
5. That the King's person could not possibly be at so much danger in the power of the grim Tartar or Turkish pirates, as in those hands he hath been trusted, and it is easy for to prove it.   

To the second part of the affiirmative we answer.  
1. That if it be meant by his Lordship's freedom and liberty to come into the face of Justice to make good his charge; that is granted, and we know not why it should wring his Lordship so much unless there be some sore thereabout.  
2. That if it be general liberty and freedom which his Lordship means, that cannot be so; for in both his letters he limits his desires of either, but to testify that which he had writ, and according to law be admitted unto his Oath.  
3. He fled not from the face of Justice, but violence and oppression, so soon as that was but pretended unto; he presents himself, unto it we have had many examples of discouragement, imprisonment, and plundering of such as have formerly offered their testimonies to truth of like nature, and he could not be blamed to fortify himself against the like.   

The third is That Osborne doth personate Rolfe only as guilty of the Act, and brings no other witness. To which is Answered.  
That this was a work of darkness, there are few admitted into such Counsels; for the most part one man is made the instrument: And when the villainy is done, he dispatched also that he may tell no tales: Therefore in the Civil Law; Presumptio fortis in delictis secretis sufficit pro probatione; In Crimes which are committed in secrecy, a strong presumption is a good proof: But in this case here is not the affirmation, but the oath and all other concurrence of circumstances imaginable as shall hereafter be fully cleared.   

The fourth is that Osborne was guilty of that Action, of which he accuseth Rolfe, to carry away the King when as the Governor and Rolfe were active in the prevention thereof. To this is Answered.  
That he would have done part of that Action; rescue his Majesty from the place, but not the villainy: Rolfe his design was to Murder; where there might be no noise, no help press in to the rescue. Osborne to deliver the King from that danger. It is no wonder that the Governor or Rolfe should hinder it; that were to keep the prey in their talons still, and the King in their own power and disposition.  
Whereas his Lordship writes that Rolfe offered an oath of secrecy, but took it not; the Sentinels did notwithstanding an oath discover it: I know not to what purpose that is inserted, Cromwell the Sultan of the Faction, hath given testimony to all the world of how little obligation such petty to yes are, who is observed to make most fervent promises lard them deepest with imprecations and oaths, when he means the contrary, and is nearest the execution thereof; and others have observed that they are allowed to take the Sacrament with you, make any oaths unto you, which they never intent to keep, for the advantage of their cause; it was no wonder then, he neither accepted it from Rolfe, or found the Sentinel no better principles.  
The Letter of the Governor is not worth an answer no man could expect but he must deny the Fact, if he had been Principal, or can think his cause the better, for either that his defending of Rolfe, or bitterness against Osborne, how he hath dealt with his Majesty, after times will declare; there are witnesses enough of his barbarous incivilities towards Him.  
If the King do acquit him (as he boasteth) truly the greater is his goodness; Their whole gang will not afford a Parallel.     

The Corollaries or Inferences are.  

1. That there was and is a desigue in the Army to murder His Majesty, if it be not prevented by providence: And that there is so, is not only to be inferred from the suggestion of Rolfe, but multitudes of other people, of very many I shall present a few, and shall be ready to make proof of these and more if I may obtain that Liberty which is afforded Osborne.  
At the same time (to go no higher) that the Army pretended to right his Majesty in their printed Proposals, wherein they pressed his Majesty's person, his Queen and Royal Issue may be restored to a condition of freedom honour and safety in this Kingdom without diminution to there personal rights.  
There were many in the Army that urged his Majesty might be decolled by them, and that there never could be Peace in the Kingdom until that were done: Their Grandees did daily discourse of the convenience, the advantage, and disadvantage that might come to their cause thereby.  
In their march towards London. They give it out that if the King did declare against them they would quickly cut Him short, that if they must perish, they would upon him. A little after a member of the Army, Major Scot, did at Caversham house in the presence of the King speak openly: That things could never be well until that man (meaning his Majesty) were shorter by the head, without punishment or repose of any of his Company; some Agitators were a while after that, taken by the watch, as they came late from supper and Council, and being searched; Papers were found about them, wherein it was concluded to make away his Majesty: And though these were delivered to Alderman Wollaston, yet the men were dismissed and never further questioned. Rainsborough made no bones to press this in Counsels of war and public meetings. The Lieut. General himself writ to Col. Whaley (as he confessed to some Commissioners) that he heard that there was a design against his life suddenly to be executed upon him. Their Apostle Mr. Peter hath often belched out this Venom: That the King was the only grievance now left, that it was of no difficulty to remove him, he was but a dead dog already. The Lieutenant General hath divers times himself spoken words to that purpose, once Are the People so mad upon a King, they shall have a Maypole for their King, as soon as him again. At his first access to the King, coming down Sir John Cuts his stairs near Cambridge, shaking his head he said; This Man is not fit to reign: This was more than King Henry the fourth did speak to encourage Tyrrell to assassin King Rich. the second  
Nay the General himself cannot be excused from some concurrence, his Lordship being taxed by some Ministers, that there was such Indulgence shown to the King and Malignants, answered, Oh they need not joy in that, if they knew what measure is intended them. In Sept. 2. from Putny 1647. he writ letters of intercession to the Parliament, for such men as by the Law were cast into prison for such words as imported as much as His Murder, as in particular of one Symball who had said he hoped to see the King's head upon the Tower block; and Robt. White, who said if he meet the King he would kill Him as soon as another man. In the late March of the Army through Southwark into Kent, when the People cried out bring home the King, bring home the King, I will bring his head upon my Pike said one, upon my swords point said another, and while a woman presuming upon her sex ventured to call him villain, she hardly got off with her brains in her scull: Of late it hath been so frequent in the mouths of the Parliament men, Members of the Army, that hardly any Member of the House hath heene a stranger thereto; Are you so earnest for your King, you may have Him to bury, you may have Him shorter by the head, and many more words unto this purpose. Do but add the placing of Joy and such principled men at Portsmouth and other places, near the King's residence, commending Rainsborough to the Navy, discharging all the Kings old servants which he knew, or any new, in whom he seemed to have any contentment (perhaps rather such as they found not for their turn) and settling such a retinue about him, every one of which in probability would not scruple to be his assassinate, so it might be done in private.  
I know that this is aswered by the pretence of safe custody; but let any one consider 1. The strength & fastness of the Castle. 2. The situation of the Isle in which it stands. 3. The guards by land, perpetually attendant, and Sentinels. 4. The guard by Sea and other advantages, and he shall find that there needed not this superaddition of care but for some other purpose, and that neither King Ed. 2. was under a safer custody either at Kenelworth or Barkely, nor Richard the second at Pomfract: God divert the Omen.   

2. That the Lord Wharton is a Traitor by his own Rule, for the Concealment if he be not of the Conspiracy in this wicked intendment.  
It is clear that his Lordship was informed of this fact in writing, and that he concealed this for above a fortnight after from the houses of Parliament, though he had opportunity and daily resorted thereunto, and that he did not so much as give intimation thereof, in any Court of Justice, or to any person of power to inquire thereinto.  
His Lordship answered upon his honour (a great obligation) in the house, that he sent this Letter immediately to Hammond; for prevention of the fact, if there was any such danger. But this excuseth not his silence, only involves Hammond in the guilt also, and may well be interpreted not to be intended for prevention, but either to speed the business, or give the Conspirators time and warning to evade the accusation. Why did not his Lordship write to the King, or send a Letter to him or desire the Governor to show it to his Majesty.  
And if he would have the world believe him to be innocent; let him declare the contents of the Letter he writ to Hammond, or with what hast, or post, he sent it? or by whom? he might have remembered that 'tis adjudged Treason to hinder any that are going to aid the King.  
That Sir Nicholas Seagrave A● 33. Ed. 1. was in Parliament condemned to lose his life, but for wiithdrawing himself from the King's Host, and from the King's Aid by going to the Court of Paris in France about a discord and contention which he had moved against John de Crumblewell, & leaving the King amongst his Enemies.  
Whosoever will add unto this that exact correspondence which his Lordship holdeth with Cromwell, and that Juncto; the malice which his Lordship expresseth upon all occasions against his Majesty: his Cowardice which all the Kingdom talketh of, and is always coupled with cruelty even in the highest degree, where it can obtain an opportunity; his ingratitude which seldom makes a stop until it ascend the highest Pinnacle of guilt; they may suspect that this young Gentleman was sent into such Company, as fit wax to take their impression, and become assistant in that intended, and horrid villainy.   

3. That a great party in either house are conscious of, and ready to promote that wickedness.  
For how else durst any one be so impudent as Skippon was, to move that this information might be laid aside, and deny to his Majesty that common Justice which was due to every Lackey, or fellow in Newgate, how could it be carried in the House of Commons to that purpose? or admit so long a debate in the house of Peers whether it should be considered? how could the Lord Wharton escape imprisonment? and be suffered to revel it up and down, and solicit all ways to make his evasion from the Charge, whosoever will but reflect upon former passages shall be convinced, as in particular.  
One Hall being a suitor for a ship in the late fleet, was informed against as one under accusation, in the  for the Admirallty. It was asked what that was? answer being made that he had said; that the Paerliament were fools that they hired not some bold man to have killed the King when he was in the hands of the Scots. But Sir Henry Mildmay replied, Oh if you have no more against him, let him go to choose! Yet Sir Henry Mildmay was never so much as reprehended for this; but Hall although for the present upon a farther accusation; that he was a mutineer and denied obedience to his superior officer, for that time was suspended, but within a little while the Command of a better Ship was given him.  
Divers Indictments have been put in at the Sessions in the Old-Bailie to the number of 17. or 18. of men for Traitorous speeches within these 7. last years; amongst which against one Pym an Innkeeper in Bishops-gate-streete; who said he hoped to wash his hands in the blood of the King, were withdrawn by a power from thence, and the men dismissed without any punishment.  
Cole the Speakers Secretary hath been heard more than once to say that rather than the King should want one to hang Him, he would be His Executioner: And though the Speaker had intimation thereof yet this man was harboured in his bosom to his death, but that was no wonder, when  
The Speaker and his Independent brother the Tradesman have divers times declared: The King was not fit, and should not be trusted to sit upon the throne again.  
Mr. Lilburne and divers other Agitators being surprised upon the information of Mr. Masterson at Shoreditch did a little while after declare unto the house of Commons the causes of their meetings and passages thereupon, petitioning for a discharge, in which they do express that a member of the house of Commons urged that the King was to be made away, and rather than he should not, he offered himself a Felton for that fact, yet this man never so much as inquired after.  
The frequent expressions to that effect of many of the Members. Especially the Lord Denby, Coll. Edw. Popham, Ludlow, Martin, Morley, Sir Hen. Mildmay, Sir G. Norton, etc. (To pass by the impudent of their Ladies, & wives) even publicly in the houses themselves every day.  
And the Declaration of Mr. Abraham Dowcet who also attended upon the King's Person. Delivered under his hand, the third day of this instant July 1648, in the house of Peers. That the said Major Rolfe came unto him whilst he was a prisoner in Carisbrooke Castle, touching the Kings intended escape, and in a jeering manner asked him why the King came not down according to his appointment; and afterwards in great indignation and fury said he had waited three hours under the new platform with a good Pistol ready charged to have received him if he had come, one sufficient to manifest their most ungodly purposes.  
That base and scandalous Libel or Declaration of lies, which by their authorities was published in all Churches, and since with all diligence in Dutch and French; what was it but an antedated sentence before his Majesty was heard one word? and what conclusion can be parallel therewith, but execution as preposterous? what could it presage, but an assault upon his Person, after the murder of his honour.  
That unworthy usage, and those vile affronts they have continually offered unto him, will make any considerate man conclude, they never dare look him in the face again, whom they have so provoked. The Speaker of the House of Commons dreamt, (and told it himself) That His Majesty came to the House of Commons door, and knocking thereat, all the Members ran away, and hid themselves, at which he awaked, and was very glad, for he was heartily afraid also. Dreams are the revolutions of the day's thoughts; if he were affrighted, at a vision of the night, how would he be appalled at the Reality and Performance? A Lord in the debate of a petition for a Treaty in their house, was not ashamed to say They had as good petition we should hang ourselves. There are very few men that can be spoken withal, but think they do intent to cover their shame in his blood, and intercept that fear by the height of this farther guilt.   

4. That notwithstanding all pretences to the contrary there is like to be but a sleight search of this Villainy, and a less punishment of the Authors.  
How can any man expect other measure at their hands? the world hath experience how close they stick one to another, how hard it is to have Justice against any one of the fraternity, in what cause soever, how one man may interrupt by captious and pusling interposures, the proceed of any Committee, nay of the whole House; what strains of art, and fineness of wit must we look for in this case, where so many of the tribe are concerned? their cause lies at stake. For my part I give up the poor Gentleman who makes the affidavit as a Victim, and foresee bays provided for the head of the assassinate, according to former practices and events in the like case. At least the business shall be huffled in a silent forgetfulness until the sense of the People is worn out, and this tempest blown over, at which time they may securely dismiss their associate, and revenge themselves by some advantage upon their adversaries.   

5. That we their fellow Subjects (or rather Vassals) can expect but poor Justice at their hands when we have occasion.  
If it far thus with the Cedar, how shall it with the shrub? If they do thus by their King, how shall the Subjects speed? Take but the pains to turn over their Journals, to examine their Committees, to tread upon their heels in their eccentrical actings in their several Countries. I doubt it will be a hard matter to find one Act of Justice which hath been done this whole seven years, unless a Member or an entire friend have had the right, and self interest been the spur unto it: It must needs be a question, when a confident of their own, even Mr. Lilburne hath proclaimed it in print, and many more of their friends; nay their Members when they are out of the walls, and in an impartial fit do daily confess and for injustice and oppression you shall see such Mountains, that it may be boldly averred. That all the Courts of Justice, all the persons in judicature, since the Conquest did never commit so many, (if they were mustered together) by the one half: If these men do behave themselves thus whiles they are but probationers & candidates of Sovereignty, we must expect that our Judgements must be unrighteous, our Justice turned into Gall and Wormwood. Their finger shall be heavier than their Loins, and whips turned into Scorpions, when their Empire is settled over us, our hands are tied and our mouths choked up.   

6. That the King is a rare example of Wisdom, Patience Fortitude and other Virtues.  
Although most virtues be strongly concentered in his Majesty, yet these are the more eminent, because they had the greatest objects; because his Majesty hath been clothed with the contrary vices by his enemies and exposed into that deformity to the world by them; as the Christians, in former times were covered with the Skins of Bears and Woolves, that Dogs might be the better invited to tear and worry them.  
For his Wisdom. Mark, without prejudice his Messages, his Answers his Declarations; even as they print them in their own books. Read his Letters which were writ in private, even as they are exposed in as bad scraps as they could break them, and joined with a distorting Comment, and you shall be convinced of what one of their own Members said; That one Line of his was more worth than a Volume of their own.  
Consider those Transactions of his since they bought him of the Scots, and you shall confess, That in so little, you never read more.  
Take notice of his equal Deportment in all his Conditions, and how he hath won upon most persons, even his deadly enemies, who have conversed with him. Cromwell said that he employed Huntingdon as the Man about him, yet he is so bewitched with the King, that I am afraid of him.  
Col. Whaley was under jealousy also, for the expressions he many times let fall. The very Governor of the Isle of Wight hath given him a large Character, for all Honour and Accomplishment, unto very many.  
Master Carill their Chaplain wort home to his wife from Newcastle, That he found him another Solomon.  
Master Hinderson found this in his last discourses and disputes with his Majesty, and therefore at his penitential expiring, Declared him to be a most Pious and a Learned Prince, and was sorry he had been so fare injured.  
Their Tub-Preachers Master Kiffen and others, upon their little acquaintance. have done him that right; and for that been so enamoured with him; Nay the Houses have no other Reason, nor none so great, for their fear to Treat in Person with him, suffering him to come into play, then that he is too wise. If you did on the other side survey their Actions and Counsels (which sometimes you could not think but they had their rise in Bedlam) it would render his Worth the more conspicuous, and you must confess, That my Lord the King is even as an Angel of God.  
For Patience. Though Satan and his Instruments have winnowed him almost as much as Job; Though he have passed through the furnace of sorrow: Though so many indignities and affronts have been offered him by his Vassals. such as have been fed with his bread, such as would have been glad to have fed with the dogs of his Flock: Yet he endured all like a Lamb, and never, that I could hear, so much as offended with his Lips, in impatient expression, when the whole house of Commons is many times in great distemper (to use their own expressions) upon the wagging of a Straw, as it were, and the smallest occasions.  
His Fortitude Is almost above a Miracle He was never observed to break one nights rest, though his chamber were beset with Armed and spiteful enemies; Never to discover any fear, when their confused noises might suggest just matter to the best resolution.  
Witness those passages at that time of night when Joyce offered that violence upon his person at Holmby, and they all confessed, did neither daunt, nor put him out of the carriage of a King. He never baulked one dish of meat if he liked it, though it were Cooked by the hands of a mortal enemy, and passed through the hands of many more.  
When on the otherside, the whole house of Commons startled at the falling of a little Ceiling, and were likely to stifle one another, for fear, lest the sky should fall. Many of them lately at St. Martin's did the like nay broke through the windows upon the fall of a board, Nay their Goliath Sir Tho. Fairfax with his other Champions were ready to die for fear of being poisoned: Because it hath some mirth in it you shall have the story at length. A Pragmatical Cook which had formerly served the Lady Crisp in her prosperity, hearing the General wanted one of his Trade, presumes to invite him with some other Officers in his Lady's name to her house in Hamersmith; where he might show his Skill at his own Charges, and what a feast he could make for forty shillings: The General and his company after they had eaten, and discovered that the invitation was not from the Lady, fell into a great fright, some of them fell very sick and into vomitings, purging for all the Cordials they could take; claps up the poor Cook by the heels, for his requital, and keeps him there until many weeks had made it evident there was no danger.  
His Devotions Are more fervent and frequent then those of their best Saints amongst them.  
His Temperance So signal, that themselves acknowledge it.  
His Clemency So great, that his finger was never dipped in the blood of his worst enemies (more than they drew upon themselves in the field) nay when they have been at his mercy he hath showed them favour. But this Subject would fill a Volume, we must be short. If his Majesty were a stranger, and had not such an undoubted right and inheritance in these Kingdoms, and that they were Elective, his wisdom and profound virtue would represent him like Saul (in that point) higher by the head then the rest of the People; and most worthy to be chosen their King.   

7. That His Majesty ought to be pitied above all men, and deserves to be rescued from this danger by His Subjects.  
It is Treason by law to imprison the person of the worst King. But so good a Prince, in so barbarous a way, to be in so much hazard of His life; is an Act of unparalleled wickedness in those that do, or allow of it. The Oath of Allegiance (which was by the Law of the Land before the Conquest, to be taken by every male above 12. years old in the Kingdom, and hath been actually by most of us) obligeth us to it. Wherein we swear.  
That we will bear faith and true allegiance to the King's highness his Heirs and lawful Successors, and to our power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions, privileges, preeminences and authorities granted or belonging to His Majesty, His heirs and successors, or united and annexed to the imperial Crown of this realm.  
In the Protestation we Promise, Vow, and Protest to maintain and defend as fare as Lawfully we may, with our lives powers and Estates according to the duty of our Allegiance, His Majesty's Royal Person, Honour and Estate.  
In the  League and Covenant we swear, sincerely really and constantly; through the grace of God, in our several vocations to endeavour with our Estates and lives to defend and preserve the King's Majesty's person and authority etc. and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish His Majesty's just Power and greatness.  
The Protestation which these very men contrived, took, and enjoined others to take; Engageth us.  
The Vow and Covenant exacteth as much from us too.  
And yet we know in the debate upon the framing thereof, the obligation to the King was minced upon these reasons: That there were other ties of duty towards Him and others, for the performance & that making so many and full expressions thereof might harden him against any just compliance.  
History tells us of Subjects, nay Slaves, that have thrust themselves betwixt the stroke of death and their Princes and Masters (who have not been of eminent desert) Nay, of bruit Creatures, which have, at the same cost, defended their Owners; and shall we the People of England, who are obliged by duty, by so many Oaths and engagements to preserve the person of the King, suffer his Life to be engaged every day by such men, who by his Murder would make way to set their feet upon our own necks; and, at their Pleasure, prey upon our Liberties, our Lives and estates.  
Can loyal Uriah say, Shall I go home to my Wife and take my rest or comfort, when my Lord Joab, the Captain of the Kings-Host and the Kings-Army are in the seld. And shall not every man, rather, say as much or more, Now that my Lord the King is undone and put out of all he hath: Now that my Lord the King is kept from his Wife and Children, and scorned and reviled, and more Ballads made of him, and abuses put upon him, than ever King David had. Now that my Lord the King is a Prisoner.  
Now that my Lord the King neither sleeps, nor wakes, nor eats, nor drinks in any manner of safety. And now that my Lord the King is in danger every hour to be murdered or poisoned; shall we now give our eye lids any rest? And shall we not now help to save the King? Curse ye Meroz; nay, now Mr Martial do you better expound (that place of Scripture) curse her bitterly, for not helping him; and if we cannot afford to help him, for the Oaths we have made unto him, and benefits we have received from him; yet let us rescue our Laws, Liberties and Estates; and our own souls which will otherwise altogether must certainly die and perish with him.    
FINIS.