ἙΑΥΤΟΝΤΙΜΩΡΟΎΜΕΝΟΣ, OR, THE SELF-REVENGER Exemplified in Mr. William Barlee.  
By way of rejoinder to the first Part of his Reply, viz. the unparallelled variety of Discourse in the two first Chapters of his pretended Vindication.  
(The second Part of the rejoinder to the second Part of his Reply being purposely designed to follow after by itself, for Reasons shortly to be alleged.)  
Wherein are briefly exhibited, amongst many other things, The Rigidly-Presbyterian both Principles and Practice.  
A Vindication 


of Grotius from Mr. Baxter.  
of Mr. Baxter from Mr. Barlee.  
of Episcopal Divines from Both together.     
To which is added an Appendage Touching the judgement of the right Honourable and right Reverend Father in God, james Lord Primate of Armagh, and Metropolitan of Ireland, irrefragably attested by the Certificates of Dr. Walton, Mr. Thorndike, and Mr. Gunning, sent in a Letter to Doctor Bernard.  
By THOMAS PIERCE Rector of Brington.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Isocrat. 
Out of thine own Mouth will I condemn thee.  Luk. 19 22. 
LONDON, Printed by R. DANIEL, for Richard Royston, at the Angel in Ivy-lane, M DC LVIII.   

A Praemonition to the Reader.  
HAd we such eyes and other instruments, as (by the help of a Macroscope) might suffice for the Dissection of an emmet, or a Fly, we are told by a 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Et pueri nasum Rhinocerotis habent. Habet & musca splenem.  Greek and a Latin Proverb, that we should find a Gall in the one, and a Spleen in the other. Even a gnat, or a puneze, may break the sleep and Repose of the strongest man living. And Brasidas, though a stout and a valiant Captain, did yet acknowledge this Truth, when he was bitten by a Mouse. I am not making any Comparisons, as being too odious to serve for my use. I desire only to signify, that 'tis so far from being manlike, to contrive mischief unto a neighbour, that 'tis a sordid Privilege to be hurtful, and common to men with the meanest Creatures. How manifold a mischief hath been designed upon my Person, by one who utterly despaired of disadvantaging my cause, I foresee an occasion to show anon. In the mean time I will desire this common favour, from all indifferent, unbyass't Readers, that they will take some acquaintance, in case they have none, or that in case they have any, they will send back their memories upon the All that hath passed betwixt my Neighbour and my self.  
I had, by way of prevention, set out a Copy of some Notes, which I had written for a Friend, upon God's Decrees. How well I kept to the Subject, hath been as clear as that light, by the help of which it hath been cleared. How much beside the whole Subject my Neighbour pretended to frame an Answer, I have discovered in my account of that his correptory Correction. And now how much his second Book is more exorbitant than his first, I am again obliged to make apparent. I say, obliged in Conscience, as well as in ordinary Discretion, and that for divers good reasons hereafter mentioned. Had he disputed against my Notes, though not as a Christian, yet at least like a Man, I had received and treated him as a generous enemy; and by how much the stronger I had found him, I should have loved & honoured him so much the more. But if the venerable Grotius might say of Mr. Rivet, much more may I of Mr. Barlee, that in stead of a Confutation, he only presented me with a 
† Qui à me nunquam nominatus de illis se defendit, & in me velut de Plaustro convitia exspuit, etc. Grot. Vot. pro pace p. 63.  Dung-Cart, fully laden and running over with all sorts of muck, wherein his Doctrines (belike) were to lie and batten. For besides the worst names, and the uncleanest Epithets, which could have dropped from the Pen of a Consistorian, (of which Tribe we have a 
* They rail against all they dislike with more than heathenish scurrility. Survey of Ho. Discip. p. 123.  Character from the Wise and Provident Bishop Bancroft) whatsoever ill things he was able to fancy, or to hear, or but to say that he had heard, concerning my Person, and my Opinions, all that was my Portion, heaped up, and fastened on me, with the profusest liberality I ever heard of. I knew that vengeance was none of mine; for, by a peculiar right, God had challenged it to 
* Rom. 12. 19 Heb. 10. 30.  Himself; nor durst I venture to break in upon God's 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Enclosure. I was contented to make myself some little part of amends, by giving my Reader no other taste of his stile and temper, than what I had met with in his first nine sheets, and by exhibiting the weakness of all his pertinent Argumentations, wheresoever I could find them throughout his Book. I did not give him ill language, unless it were an ill language to say what language he had given; nor did I do him the least wrong, unless it could possibly be a wrong to show the wrongs which I had suffered: but even 
* Luk. 21. 19  possessed my soul in patience, and 
† 1 Pet. 2. 23.  committed my cause to Him who judgeth righteously. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Hom. Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
I confess it had been more for my secular interest, to have paid my Neighbour in his 
* In proverbium abiit, Malis viris ne Draconem quidem audere dentes admoliri, Bonos vel à m●re morderi solitos.  own coin, or rather to have made him pay sound for it. For had I impleaded Him at Law upon an Action of Slander, (as some, who were learned in the Law, thought most convenient,) I had probably sat down in Peace and safety. But see how well I am requited, for having but showed, and so pardoned, his misdemeanours. My Neighbour observing my Resolutions neither to rail, nor to raise Reports, nor to take Advantages of Law, but only to show that I am 
* Psal. 19 13.  Innocent from the great offences imputed to me, (in the doing of which I was constrained, by unavoidable necessity, to demonstrate the injustice of my Accuser) he took the boldness thereupon to persevere in the course which he had begun; as being well assured by my Principles, that when he had done his very worst, (both as a bitter speaker, and as a Bearer of False witness,) he could not fail of my forgiveness, and that upon no dearer Terms, than his own willingness to accept it. It seems he did esteem it so great a Punishment to be showed, (though in no other colours than he had put upon himself, and such wherein he had chosen to make his appearance upon the stage) that nothing now would content him, unless he might show himself worse. After many 
* Epist. Ded. p. 1.  Travails, and much painstaking, 
† Ibid.  labouring in the work, and 
* p. 5.  thrashing hard, a second Volume was squeezed out; which, for the better sound's sake, he adorned with this Title, A Necessary Vindication. For, whatever the Contents of the thing required, he thought it could not be seemly to call it A Necessary Revenge. To that he added in the Title-page, A full Abstersion of all 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Calumnies: because it was grievous to Flesh and Blood, to Declare A Confession of former Faults. When men have drank too deeply of the Waters of 
† Deut. 33. 8.  strife, hardly any thing but vengeance will quench their thirst. They will never leave dabbling in Printer's Ink, till they have made themselves blacker than any Negroes. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.] But yet their lives are bitter to them, when they come to the 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  dregs of the guilty potion; and they do commonly rake up those putrid things out of the Grave, to which they wish they had given the deepest Burial. There were many grand fictions in my neighbours first Book, which having proved to be such, I meant should die, and be buried in perfect silence. But being raised again to life by him who gave them their Being, and that by a new kind of Clyster, to which is given the Name of a Full Abstersion, I shall be forced (do what I can) to make their life very miserable, and (for aught I know) to give them a woeful Immortality.  
Yet very far shall I be from doing this upon design, but only by such a mere Accident, as will inseparably follow my Vindication. For had he confessed his perpetrations, and thereby taken off the Scandals, which have been given to as many as have read his writings, I had readily embraced him with both mine Arms. Nor shall I fail to forgive him (by the help of God's Grace) though he shall still offend against me more than 
* Mat. 18. 22.  seventy times seven. Or had he only bitten me with a neat piece of drollery, I had been pleased with his wit, and taken all in good part: For that which I have complained of, hath not at all been the sharpness, but only the noisomeness of his Teeth. So far have they been from being sharp, that (to speak the very Truth) I have thought them the obtusest I ever felt. And in biting at any thing of mine, they have but broken themselves in pieces; perhaps much more than if they had chewed upon a flint. Or had he charged me in his second Book (as he had done in his first) with now and then a volley of Railing, by calling me Dragon, or Devil, or Atheistical Lucianizer, or a Belcher forth of damnable Blasphemies, and the like; and having given that Vent to the exuberances of his Passions, (as 
† Epist. Ded. p. 2.  himself is pleased to make it out) had not proceeded any farther to things incomparably worse, I had either not answered, or only answered with the Angel, 
* jude 9  the Lord rebuke thee. Nay farther yet: Had he raised such idle Rumours, as had reached no farther than the outward man, as that I had 17 or 18 fingers, and about some 13 or 14 toes, I had confuted him no otherwise, then merely by showing my Hands and Feet. Nothing then but his Doctrines should have fall'n under my Pen. But when I am publicly charged with things of that Nature, that if I really am guilty, I must not live; and of which if I am silent, I may by some unkind people be reported to consent; I do conceive it to be a duty, to the performance of which I am in reason and conscience indispensably obliged, to show the groundlessness and falsehood of such suggestions, lest I appear (by my omission) to bear false witness against myself. 'Tis true, that some of my Neighbours stories are so incredible in themselves, and so bewrayed to be Inventions by his very endeavours to prove them none, that many may think it had been better to tread them only under foot by passive silence, then by a solemn confutation to cast them back in their Author's Face. But when I see, and consider, that the Things are twice printed, and with much more boldness in the second indictment then in the first, nay with confident affirmations that they shall be justified to my Face, if need require; I do conceive that my silence might help to lend them some credibility, though without my silence they can have none. And this may serve for the first reason of my following enlargements; especially of those in my two first Chapters. Which being premised and supposed, there are others so cogent, as I know not how they can be resisted. For  
First, how shall I hope to serve God in my calling, with any considerable Success, by any Doctrine I shall deliver from Press or Pulpit, if I am judged beforehand to be a piece of an Atheist, Hin-Quarter of an Anabaptist, the bigger half of a Papist, 3 quarters of a Ranter, a whole Socinian, an Angel of Darkness every Inch, as highly a Pelagian as Pelagius himself when at his worst, and not only guilty of much Heretical pravity, but an Helvidian antiscripturist, and whose Design in highly jesuitical? Nay if besides all this, I am a frontless, absurd, and graceless Person, dementate by God for perdition, a kind of a Sorcerer, the Quakers Darling, 
☜  and worthy to be reckoned among the witches, and a hundred things more, (of which 
* See ch. 4. §. 1. Note that this is but a specimen of a world the like stuff, which Mr. B. calls the boiling up of his Piety, (c. 1. p. 6. in marg.) the doing like Christ and his Apostles, (Ibid.) doing the part of an orthodox cordial zealot, (p. 8.) his godly jealousy, (p. 12.) the playfulnesse of his stile to tole-on Gallants to read his Book, who if they be not toled on with somewhat of mirth and cheerfulness, are ready to swear they be weary of over much reading, (ch. 2. p. 45.)  hereafter,) what sort of men will take part with me? Sure not the Papists, because I am a Protestant, and (upon all occasions offered) dispute against them: nor yet the Protestants, because I am (forsooth) a Cassandrian Papist. Not the Quakers, because I am a Black-coat: nor yet the Anabaptists, because a Socinian: nor the Socinians, because a Sorcerer. nor the Sorcerers, because a Pelagian. Much less the Pelagians, because an Atheist: no nor the Atheists, because an Arminian: nor the Arminians by any means, because a witch: nor the rest of mankind, because I am not a Presbyterian. Neither the Town in Barbary which was all turned into stone both man and beast, nor yet the Monster brought forth at Weerted on the Elder-Sconce near Ardemburg, were any way comparable to the Monster which Mr. B. hath described (I may say) in his Newsbook. I will propose no more (in an Epistle) then two particulars to consideration. First, if I am not only thought, but said in print to be the Monster, who did not only think, but boast aloud, [
* See the first Chapt. of this Book, §. 9 p. 15, 16, etc. ☞  That there was no sin in me, that I was above sin, and that by my own power I could abstain from all sin,] how can I rationally hope to far better than Servetus, who never spoke any thing like it that I can learn, unless I prove it to be a groundless and witless Slander? for what were this but to make myself God, who alone by his own power is above all sin? Our blessed Saviour did but say, Son, thy sins be forgiven thee, when strait the Scribes accused him of 
* Mar. 2. 5, 7.  blasphemies; alleging this reason, that to forgive sins was for God only. With how much a greater force of Reason should he have stones cast at him, who should affirm himself sinless, nay above sin, nay above all sin, nay suopte Mart, by his own power above it all? To clear myself from so foul a charge, and to show the impertinence, the unskilfulness, nay the demonstrable falseness of that Aspersion, I 
† See Divine Philanth. defended, ch. 3. p. 81, 82, 83.  answered in a Section of 10. Particulars. All which Mr. Barlee doth tacitly confess to be irresistible, by his wilful omission of a reply; and yet he asks no pardon, makes no confession, but (on the contrary) denies it flatly to be a fault, and (without the least colour or show of proof) professeth to stand to his Accusation, and (twice in a Breath) calls me impudent for denying what he is pleased to affirm, and talks of proving it by a Minister without a Name, and seeks to cover it with new Slanders, so unluckily chosen, that they become their own Traitors, as I shall shortly demonstrate in the following papers. Secondly, if I am not only a Papist, but jesuitical; nor only such, but also a Seminary Priest; nor only one of them who creep privately into houses, but one in possession of a Parsonage; if I am one of the 
* Mr. Baxter's Christian concord, p. 45, 46, etc. cited and applied by Mr. Barlee in his Necess. Vindic. c. 2. p. 73, 74, 75.  Conspirators against the Protestant Religion, who having more wit than Dr. Vane, Dr. Goff, and Dr. Baily, do only stay here in England under the Names of Episcopal Divines, because we think we may do our party more service than by declaring ourselves Papists; and if our Design for the Introduction of Popery is so strongly laid, that it gives a strong probability of prevailing, if God do not wonderfully blast it; I say, if I am one of these Popish complotters (as Mr. Barlee now publisheth) against whom Mr. Baxter 
† In the page above cited.  professed to take himself bound to proclaim a public warning to the inhabitants of the Nation; then by the Law of this Land must my Quarters be hung up on the high places of the great City, for the striking a Terror into those who are partakers of the plot. And the great plot (saith Mr. Baxter) is designed to be carried on with no less than 
* p. 46, 47.  5 subservient plots, of which the least is a swinger; and of which I am publicly 
† Mat. 15. 19  charged by Mr. Barlee, as well with the greatest, as with the least.  
By these two instances it is evident, that I am now to deal with an other thing, than the most who are engaged in any controverted Doctrines: Not only with a weak and unskilful Disputant, but also with an outrageous and false Accuser; who lays things to my charge, which (if he is able also to prove) will make my Native Country too hot to hold me. So that now Mr. Barlee hath brought affairs to this pass, that I must either be suspected for the worst Creature in the world, or else I must manifest to the world that I am slandered. Had he kept to the Questions of God's Decrees, the Death of Christ, the Grace of Conversion, and the like, and in prosecuting them had showed but a shortness of Discourse, bewraying nothing but his Cause and his understanding, I had had no more to do then to 
* 2 Tim. 2. 25.  instruct him in meekness opposing himself, if God per adventure would give him Repentance to the acknowledgement of the Truth. For as he should not have been offended that I saw not with his eyes, but with mine own; so could I never have been displeased so far forth as to be angry, that he saw no farther than he was able. But when a man is accused of committing a murder, or of stealing a horse, or any other matter of Fact of very dangerous importance, he must prove the negative by such mediums, by which negatives are to be proved. As by catching the Accuser in divers contradicting Tales; by proving him [virum non fide dignum] a Customary Raiser of false Reports; by showing the vast improbability of the thing; by evincing the inconsistence of circumstantials; by making it evident and clear, that the life and Temper of the Defendant is known by thousands of worth and credit to have ever been 
* Wisd. 2. 15.  quite of another Fashion; last of all by the exerting of a Hand from Heaven to compurge him. How much of this is my case, the intelligent Reader will see anon. And if my Neighbour did pretend he was to publish his Reply, to secure [the 
* Introduct. p. 4.  credit of his ministerial office, his Name, and Fame,] it may well be one reason of my rejoinder, that besides those things I must also provide for Truth, and safety.  
Secondly, as I must not hate my Brother in my Heart, 
† Levit. 19 17.  so in any wise I must rebuke him, and must not suffer sin upon him. If I should not resist a growing evil, I know not to what it may aspire, or whither at last it may arrive. It is so dangerous a thing to go along with impunity in any lewd Course, that 
Faelix & prosperum scelus virtu● vocatur,  the greatest mercy to malefactors is to arrest them in their Career. Why did Diagoras turn Atheist, but because he saw a Plagiary not struck with Thunder? When 
* Bancr. Dang. Pos. practised under pretence of Reformation, and for the Presbyterial Diseipline. ch. 15. p. 176.  Mr. Hacket and his Adherents were apprehended and examined, they did then confess before witness, [that their extraordinary purposes were nothing else, but illusions of Satan, cruel, bloody, and Traitorous Designments, which yet before they were detected, they protested even with tears, fastings, groans, and imprecations, to have proceeded from the Dictates of God's good Spirit. So much wholesomer it is for evil Doers to be caught, then to be cruelly permitted to grow successful.  
Thirdly, there is some such thing in Plato's Gorgias, as that offenders are to be punished for three gooduses. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the revenging of 
Pateat quod noxium est, ut possit conteri cum patuerit. Hieron. advers. jovin. l. 2.  the offence, and paying satisfaction to injured justice; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the admonishment of the offender, that he never again commit the like; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the giving a timely warning to Lookers-on, that they amend their lives by that example. It was one of the menaces of God to Israel, 
* Ezek. 5. 7. 8.  That he would execute his judgements in the midst of them in the sight of the Nations round about them. Which was no doubt for this reason (as I collect from the Context) that as their exemplary sins had been apt to hurt many, so by their exemplary punishments many also might be healed. And this is openly expressed to be one end of punishment, that 
† Deut. 17. 13. which compare with Ezek. 39 7, 21, 23, 25, 26, 27.  all the people may hear and fear, and do no more presumptuously. These are the things at which I aim, and (I hope) very sincerely. First, the clearing of mine innocence, as to that whereof I am accused; next, the good of my 
* Quae per insuavitatem medentur, emolumento curationis offensam sui excusant. Tertull. de poenit. cap. 10.  Accuser, whom I would fain be instrumental to promote unto Repentance and change of life; lastly, the benefit and instruction of both our Readers, whom another man's harms may render circumspect and wary: but the Glory of God more especially, both first, and last, is the end and scope of my undertaking.  
I have not been ignorant, or unmindful, that I am put by my Neighbour in slippery places, and that in the doing of my duty I am not freed from all danger: it being possible for the injured to seek Revenge against the injurious, under the righteous pretence of a vindication. And truly the fear of the former hath sometimes put me to the Question, whether it were not my safest course to omit the later. It being absolutely impossible to clear my self, but by extenuating the credit of my Accuser. To this I answered within myself, that should I be so very impotent, as to requite his Railing with Railing, and his false Accusations with false Accusations, I might conclude myself guilty of a defensive vengeance. And yet what might I not say, (would I make use of my invention) with greater credibility than He hath done? Nay should I but faithfully repeat what I have heard from persons whom I can name, jam more than confident I could make his Ears Tingle. But whilst I keep to this Rule, of divulging no more of his misdemeanours, than I find divulged by Himself, (which yet will so vehemently tend to his disadvantage, that his Abettors will be apt to think me cruel, unless they consider all along that I am no more than a Defendant, and that the follies of my Neighbour were wilfully printed in both his Books, before it was in my power to reprint them in mine own) I say, whilst I keep to this special Rule, I am hitherto persuaded I do not deviate from my duty. To prove that I am slandered, is but to do myself right; and to do myself right, is no man's wrong. To punish an evil Doer, is no injustice. It is rather a great Mercy, to punish him less than he deserves; because in the doing of corrective or vindicative justice, an Arithmetical proportion is still allowed. Yet should I think myself cruel, for having showed how out of measure I have been wronged and injured by my provoker, but that I find within myself a perfect. willingness to forgive him; and upon competent satisfaction (though but half so much as I may require) I shall readily offer him a solid Friendship.  
But now in order to this end, I must convince him of his guilt; and let him see his necessity of coming in, by showing the dangers of holding out. I must make it undeniable, that he hath charged me with things, which (because I am not able to express their nature any otherwise) I must discover and express by the name of Slanders. Divers of them being such, that the Cabbage whose Diameter was half a mile, and the Furnace erected to boil it in, were but puny Fictions in Comparison. I am very well aware, that whilst I am using the means for the attainment of the end, (that undeniable conviction of which I spoke) he may say in a third Book, as now he doth in a second, that I am much more pungent in my Defense, than he hath been in his Accusations. Concedo Torum, I am exactly of that opinion: It being not the pungency, but the Rancidity of a writer, which men of clean nostrils are wont to nauseat. Very far were the Pharisees from being pungent, unless by moving our Saviour's pity, when they called him Glutton, Wine-bibber, a Friend to sinners, & one who wrought by the power of Beelzebub: But sure our Saviour was very pungent, when he proved them malicious and senseless slanders. To show that another is abusive, is much more smarting, then to abuse. And therefore (with pardon to the comparison) I think it more my Neighbour's Torment, that he is evinced to be injurious, than it can possibly be mine, that I am injured. It is not a little for my comfort, that my greatest severity doth consist in a manifestation that he is cruel; and that no other miseries do fall upon him as from me, but what he hath pulled upon himself with all his might. It is not so little as seventeen Times that he hath called me an impudent and a brazenfaced Person, which I never could endure to call him once. Without a circumlocution, he hath often given me the Lie, for having spoken the greatest Truths; much more than I had given Him, for having printed the greatest falsehoods. Times without number he calls me proud and insolent. much good do't him with all his meekness. To sum up all in a word; The more injustices and wrongs he hath industriously done me, I shall be still the more resolute to do him none. I confess that slander is a very hard word; but unavoidable to those, who are obliged to distinguish it from other species of untrue speaking. Whatsoever is not true comes under the notion of a lie, but one sort only is called a slander. And to call a thing slander whilst it is proved to be such, (and in part confessed, as well as denied, by its Author,) cannot possibly be a slander, unless (which implies a contradiction) it be also proved to be none. In so much as for the usage of this one word, it will be needless to ask my neighbour's pardon.  
There are now remaining but 3 things more, of which my Reader may be pleased to be premonished.  
1. Mr. Barlee seeming to me to be 
* Note, that after he had proposed a Method, p. 5. he profesfeth to quit it, and to speak immethodically, p. 11.  professedly immethodical, and to have made a kind of Thicket wherein to hide his Argumentations, which he hath also so fenced with Thorns and Briars and hollow Teeth, as to forbid the Reader an Access unto the nakedness of his Doctrines; I determined so to order my account of the whole, as that his Doctrines and his manners may no longer afford an umbrage to one another. This is therefore no more than the first part of my rejoinder. It is indeed but the prolusion to those approaching Calamities, wherein Mr. Barlee and Mr. Whitfeild will be made appear to have involved their dearest Doctrines. For I reserve the second Part for a peculiar work, to follow this at some Distance, with a strict injunction upon my Stationer, that he shall never permit the one to be bound up with the other. And I contrive it thus to this End, that what concerns God's Decrees, and the subjects depending thereupon, may be put far asunder from those exorbitant subjects, which (however very useful in several kinds) are wholly foreign and impertinent to the professed subjects of our Debate. My Aim being now to set out personals by themselves, that I may shortly with greater comfort fetch all his Doctrinals out of their Dens, and expose them stark naked, (divested of those Capparisons wherein they are laboured to be disguised) that the abused people of the land may behold them clearly as they are, and start back at their Appearance, & keep aloof from the Danger of being ever again led captive by them.  
2. As I have now discharged but half my Debt to Mr. Barlee, so he may probably stay the longer for what remains, because of grave Mr. Whitfeild, his Fellow-Labourer in the work who, it seems, conceiving (& very wisely) that one at once was insufficient for the maintaining of many errors against one single man, (who hath never a Second but the Truth to take part with him in this Contention) took advantage of the time to join his forces to Mr. Barlee's; as being very well assured, that my Actions are successive, not instantaneous; that I must first do one thing, and then another, before it is possible to do a third. Now because his whole Book is at least Entitled against mine, (though the greatest part of it is against no-body-know'swho) and because he is superior to Mr. Barlee (in point of manners at least, though not at all in point of learning,) & in regard of some other things of which I shall shortly give account, I do intend in the next place to make him acquainted with himself, to whom I find he hath been hitherto a very great stranger; & all for want of such friends, as I shall show myself to him, if God permit. I shall not reflect on those indignities most uningenuously put upon me in his Poetic and better Prose before the correptory Correction, (wherein he instructed Mr. Barlee how to rail, & calumniate, by the tacit exhortative of his Example;) but immediately falling upon the matter of his last printed Book, and that in conjunction with his Collegue's, I shall charitably endeavour to make him see that his greatest 
* Isa. 30. 7.  strength had been to sit still.  
3. Whatsoever is found spoken, in the ensuing sheets of this Book, concerning the Principles and Practice of Presbyterians, I have only spoken as an Historian upon matters of Fact. Nor have I done it from myself, but from the credit of the most questionless and authentical Records. Nor have I sought out occasions of such discourse, but patiently received occasions offered. All is to satisfy Mr. Barlee, who (if we may judge by his writings) would not otherwise be content. Nor are my words to be extended unto all Presbyterians indiscriminately, but to such, and such only, of whom the Authors by me cited are found to speak. For I know there are many, who at least are esteemed to be of that judgement (how truly or falsely I cannot tell) whom for their peaceable Dispositions, their Christian Temper and moderation, I do very unfeignedly both love and honour. In Rem, non in Personam, scripta est mea Actio. I intent those zealots, to whom my character doth agree, let their Names or Qualities be what they will. What I say from the History of Mr. Knox, I mean of those men whom Mr. Knox himself meant, who was a chieftain of the party. When I name Paraeus, Buchanan, Hacket, and the like, it is plain I mean Them. If, when no body is named, any one or more persons shall name themselves, & apply my words to their particulars, which I had left only in common, (to be seized on by none but the proper owners) they will be, in that case, their own Accusers.  
There is nothing else in my thoughts, which seemeth needful to be premised. And this at least is enough for the no-greatlength of the following Treatise; whose great variety of matter (whereof the third Chapter will afford the best choice) is represented to the Reader in the General Contents which now ensue.   

The General Contents of the several Chapters.  

CHAP. I.  
AN Introduction containing the great dishonesty of the Tongue: It's several Species, and Degrees. Mr. B. arrived at the utmost Round of the climax. How a man may be brought to believe his own lie: made apparent by 4 examples. Mr. B's concernment in the premises.  
His wise & caetera. His confession sealed with an Oath, that he gave no credit to the far greatest part of his inventions. yet will not make a Recantation. but seeks to secure an old Falsity with a new one. Proved by an Induction. His 2 Oaths opposite to each other. His impossibility of escaping at any crevice, either from perjury, or contradiction. The best that can be said for him is vehemently bad. What he gets by his denial of vain credulity. His Oath at best inconsiderate as from a common swearer. His pretended necessity for swearing. His Argumentative Oath like Mr. Hackets. His necessities and straits betwixt his first and second Book. He gives the slip to a passage which would convince him of a double perjury. The first of his 3 excepted slanders: proved no more now then when it was crudely affirmed: pretended to be a Hear-say contrary to his Oath. He is provoked to name his Informer, if he hath any. Motives used to that purpose, from parallel slanders which might be raised upon him, and that with more probability, and greater hopes of escape. Reasons for the motives to the producing of his Informer. Of Adam's sin, and ours, Original and Actual, in him, and us. How Mr. B's notion tends to Pelagianism, and to other absurdityes. T. 〈◊〉 's account of Original sin in himself. What it is to be born in sin: What it is not. Of that Text Rom. 5. 12. The Absurdityes which follow from Mr. B's exposition. The ridiculous force of his Argument. It's Absurdity shown in a parallel case. He betrayeth his crime with his excuse: and blasteth his Informer. His second Informer evinced by himself to have been a Forger. How his Tempter betrayed him to the choice of his invention. How the Trick of his Confidence is an Argument of his Distrust. Again he runs on the Sympl●gades either of perjury or causeless Railing. The shameful modesty of the Informer. He is challenged to appear. Mr. B. makes more way to the Discovery of his slanders. His signal Tergiversation. His new Calumny in defence of an old one. His Revenge upon a Gentleman of 3 years old. His woeful Drollery. His malice against Castalio. Of Christian perfection in Scripture. A Catalogue of his gettings by maligning Castalio. He slanders Arminius, or chargeth Mr. Baxters' Doctrine with Arminianism. His personating a Bp. His being by confession 400 wide of the Truth. His conscionable Divine confessedly a cheat. Of Artificial Handsomeness. His perjury thereupon. In sum, His confessions without Repentance: His Repentance without Amendment: His liberal promises to amend, with Resolutions of growing worse.   

CHAP. II.  
Mr. B. citys private Letters to his own disadvantage. His competent judges none but those of his party. His tacit confession of scurrility. His go●…●bullitions. His 15 Falsityes in 8 lines. His passing judgement before Doomsday. His adjudging men to Hell implies the falseness of all his Doctrines. His fear of Danger, without being of opinion that there is any. He wounds himself with a Sal●o. Sneaks from his charge of Socinianism, yet lays it on Mr. P. and infers Calvin a S●c●man. His cruel kindness. Servetus his Books burnt before his Body. Mr. 〈◊〉 's monstrous Dilemma his own snare. His ordination into the Priesthood; when, and by whom and on what Terms. His Promises of Conformity. subscription to the 39 Articles. several Oaths. Denies his own Hand, wherein he professed to proceed by the common Counsel of the Presbytery. His Accusation of Dispatch. His Recriminations the saddest part of his Adventure. His love of falsehood quatenus ipsum. The first Ground of his Malignity ripped up by Himself. What he gets by his complaint that his Parishioners were filched from him. Their Vindication. His charge recoils upon Himself. His cursing, and swearing, and Pulpit-scuffles. The Continuation of his Inventions. His Dream of the Printers Boy. His sin against Conscience and common sense. His sad Defense of his Scholarship. He bu●●ets Mr. Calvin and Himself, in hope to make his Latin whole. An important Digression to a new way of convincing Mr. B. of False witness. Of Praying for the Dead, and unto Saints. A bashful Calumny betraying its own Gild. A short Catalogue of 34 other Falsehoods, to save the labour of 34 whole Sections.   

CHAP. III.  
Mr. B's charge of Ingratitude the greatest jest in the world. He defileth his own Nest: Is disobliging to Sequestrators, and unthankful to Mr. Hobbs. King james concerning the Presbyterians. The Imprisonment of Mr. Cartwright, Travers, etc. King james his Antipathy to Presbyterianism and Pigg. The Bishop's lenity compared with the Presbyterian Rigour. The Presbyterian Doctrines of excommunicating and killing the supreme Civil Magistrate. Knox, and Buchanan. The Presbyterian Principles agreeable to their Practice. That of the Kirk in particular. Quares touching the Covenant. Touching a Book subscribed by the Ministers within the Province of London against Toleration, and for the Covenant. Paraeus his Book most seditious: dissembled, and defended by Mr. B. condemned to be burned by the whole University of Oxford: and by orthodox King james with the hands of the common Hangman. Grotius his judgement of the Book. Paraeus an Oracle to the party. Of Lambeth Articles: King james and Bishop Montague: Universal Grace and Redemption. The late Reverend Primate against Mr. B. Mr. B's Quaestion never enough to be admired. His remarkable Calumny, and Impertinence. The irresistible Truth of Universal Redemption. Of Testard, Camero, Amyrald, Spanheim, Daille. Blondel for universal Redemption in his approbation of Daille's Book. Of Mr. Baxter's warning to the Nation against Cassandrian Papists under the names of Episcopal Divines. How applied by Mr. Barlee. A vindication of Grotius: His Temper and Design. The Peace of Christendom attempted by Melanchthon, Maximilian, Ferdinand, and others, before Grotius. Accusations must not be too general. Episcopal Divines no Papists. Melanchthon, Bucer, nay Calvin and Beza for Episcopacy, set Forms of Prayer, Rites and Ceremonies. Popery shut out by Episcopal Divines: but advanced by Presbyterians. How Jesuits and Presbyt. 〈◊〉 have been assisting to one another. Mr. B's Contradictions about Bishop Davenant: His third edition before his second: and his being alive at least a year after he was dead. His pretended correspondence with that Bishop. His exceptions and sauciness to the same. That Bishop reckons universal Redemption among Fundamentals, and declares against all who shall deny it. How severely that Bishop's judgement reflects on Mr. B. His foul inventions of the late Primate of Armagh.   

CHAP. IU.  
HIs Breeding, and way of Compliment, to the admiration of all the world. XI. pages full of Railing, of which a Taste only is exhibited. A Copy of Mr. B's Reformation. His notable justification of himself. His Asperity against all others: obliquely against Dr. Bernard and Dr. Reynolds; expressly against Grotius, Castalio, Episcopius, Dr. Taylor, Mr. Thomson, etc. against Mr. Calvin. Mr. Thomson vindicated in particular. Of Mr. Baxters' Godly Man: And why Mr. Barlee so much extolled him. The sad effect of that opinion, that the Regenerate man cannot cease to be so. Mr. B's self-contradictions. His excessive commendations and condemnations of himself. His Digression to the sum of 150l. at which he values his study of Books. His Dexterityes in speaking beside the purpose. How great an Artificer of escapes. The two Instances of his Wit.   

The Contents of the Appendage.  
A Manifestation by several Instances, that Dr. Bernard never pretended to prove the Negative to that which was Affirmed by T. P. concerning the judgement of the late Primate as to the controverted points. That matter is ventilated in several Letters to Dr. Bernard. In the first it is evinced, that T. P. spoke safely of the said Primate, on which side soever the Truth might lie; and that the case of Mr. Barlee is very sad on all hands. The same things with more advantage are evinced in the second. The third Letter showeth, that the Primates Honour was advanced in the publication of his change. The Aspersions cast upon the Primate by Mr. B. as well as on Bishop Overall, with whom the Primate at last concurred. The great Harmony and Agreement between the judgement of the Primate as it is lately set forth by Dr. Bernard, and the Doctrine delivered in the Books of T. P. The fourth Letter doth make a parallel of the Primates judgement with the writings of T. P. in 13 particulars. Then showeth the inconsistence of the Primates judgement with M. B's in 15 particulars. wherein is also included Bp. Andrews his vindication. The fifth Letter exhibiteth the three Certificates, by which T. P. was induced to believe and publish the Primates change: the first from Dr. Walton; the second from Mr. Gunning; the third from Mr. Thorndike. Upon which, satisfaction is required of such Calvinists, as have adorned their Doctrines by unjustly usurping the Primates Name. His Grace of Armagh is farther proved to have changed his former judgement, by the Irish Articles concluded A. D. 1615. and by the late account which Dr. Bernard gave of it. To which is added the Primates care, that Dr. Iackson's writings might be preserved. And Mr. Baxter's Censure of St. Austin, as unsound, and against Scripture, in that particular, wherein 'tis collected from Dr. Bernard, that the Primates judgement agreed with Austin's.    

An Introduction to the First Chapter, concerning Slanders and other Falsehoods.  
§. 1. IN the whole Catalogue of Impostures by 
The great Dishonesty of the Tongue.  which the God of all Glory hath been dishonoured, Religion perverted, and the World abused, there is certainly none greater than the Dishonesty of the Tongue. For in a direct contrariety to the principal Ends of its Creation, to wit, the Honour of God, and the mutual benefit of man, it is frequently employed (by some sorts of Factors more especially) in the blaspheming of the one, and in the ruining of the other. Since the Jesuits, and their Apes, (who at the first did but imitate, yet at last were able to instruct them) have made use of their Tongues to conceal their meanings (although intended by God to lay them open) there have been whole volumes written concerning the Mystery, or Science, or Art of Lying; and a sadder confusion hath been made of the distinct est Languages and Tongues, then that which was given for a Defeat at the T●wer of Babel. God himself in much mercy was the Author of the 
* Gen. 11. 7.  one; but the Devil in great malice was the first Father of the 
* Joh. 8. 44.  other.  
§. 2. Now the Dishonesty of the Tongue, though of divers 
It's several species and degrees.  species and degrees, by a generical word is called Falsehood; which being singly taken is breach of Truth, and joined to witness, is breach of justice, and joined to Neighbour, is breach of Charity: all expressly forbidden in that short Precept, 
a Exod. 2●. 16.  Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour. In the former respects, it is no more than a Lie; whereas in the later, it is that, and somewhat more, Improperium, a Slander. But there are three sorts of speaking which are not literally True, betwixt which notwithstanding there is a very vast Difference: to wit, a Rhetorical, a Logical, and an Ethical Falsehood. Of which the first, and the second, may in many cases be very innocent; but there is hardly any case, in which the third will not be guilty. And yet of this last sort there are degrees too. For a Lie that is perfectly officious, is not so filthy as a malicious one. That is nakedly a Lie, but this a Slander. And this is capable of Degrees, whether the slander be contumelious, or only by way of obtrectation.  
§ 3. For that I may not suffer a possibility of doing mine 
Mr. B. arrived at the utmost Round of the climax; as will be showed Ch. 1. §. 9 and 10. & 11. & 12.  enemy any wrong, by laying more to his charge than I can certainly demonstrate, whilst I say he hath arrived to the very top of this ladder on which so many have climbed to ruin, I will inform myself and my Reader with so much more of this subject, as may help to preserve us from all mistakes, and enable us to pass a righteous Judgement on Mr Barlee, as to that which is the subject of this first chapter.  
§ 4. There are three or four ways, by which a man may be 
How a man may be brought to believe his own lie.  brought to believe his own Lie, as well as to credit the Lies of others. For first, a man may be sick of a Frenzy, through some distemper in the brain; or be transported by the strength of a windy spleen, which may feed the fancy with strong and 
1.  strange dreams. Or secondly, in revenge of his former 
2.  wickedness, and continued enmity to the Truth, he may by God's just judgement be wholly left unto himself, and to the suggestions of the Tempter; according to that of the Apostle 2 Thess. 2. 10, 11. Because they received not the love of 
2 Thess. 2. 1o, 11.  the Truth that they might be saved, even for this very cause God shall send them strong delusions, that they should believe a lie. Or thirdly, he may stumble into the steadfast belief of an arrant falsehood, through the scandal of [felix & prosperum scelus] his temporal prosperity in any lewd practice: and this is likely to be meant by that of Solomon, Because sentence against an evil is not executed 
Eccles. 8. 11.  speedily, therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to do evil. Or fourthly, his case may be just the same, which I have read in the works of that excellent Patriot, 
4.  the most wise Bishop Bancroft; A 
a Pretended Holy Discipline Chap. 4. p. 61.  man (saith he) may tell a lie so oft, that forgetting himself to be the Author of it, he may think he heard it from some person of credit, and so believe it to be true. And of this he the●e gives us two remarkable examples, in the two Origins of Popery and Presbyterian●sme.  
§ 5. How this is pertinent to the Indictment of the grievous 
Made apparent by four Examples.  Malefactor, who stands before us in this Arraignment, I shall demonstrate so much the better, if I give some Examples of this Assertion, That a man many ways may believe his own lie. The first occurring to my memory is that which I 
1.  find in learned Buxtorf, and by him it is 
b Maimonides apud Buxtorf. in Thesaur. ●ing. sanct. p. 683. usque ad 689.  recorded out of Rabbi Mosche Ben Majemon, who in an Epistle to the Rabbins of the City Marseilles, makes this relation of one Eldavid. That about 520. years ago, he gave himself out to be the Prodromus of the Messias, and that he came to prepare the way before him. Upon this his pretention many Jews flocked to him, as their Ancestors had done to john the Baptist. But after the space of twelve months, this confident Impostor was apprehended: and being asked by a King of Arabia (before whom he was brought to be examined) what it was that moved him to do such things, his answer was (like that of the Scotish 
c Spotswood Hist. Scot l. 6. p. 330. 331.  Presbyterians) that he was moved to what he did by the Commandment of God. And when the King again asked him, what sign wilt thou give us whereby to induce us to a belief? Eldavid presently replied, Cut my head from off my shoulders, and a little after I will revive. The King, as he desired, cut off his head; but far was Eldavid from making good what he had promised, by either recovering his old head, or by getting a new one. And so he proved himself to have been a false Prophet. But 'tis likely the man was serious, & deceived not others, until his heart or his fancy deceived him, because he was willing to be tried by a decollation, and died a Martyr to his Delusion. I find 
d Bp. Bancroft of Dangerous positions practised in pretence of Reformation, and for the presbyterial Discipline. l 4. c. 10. p. 161. 162.  another Example in the seditious Presbyterians of Queen Elizabeth's days, I mean Copinger, and Wigg●nton, and the rest of 
2.  that Gang; who having fasted and prayed, both much and often, to try what method God would put into their Hearts, for the releasing of the 
* Mr. Cartwright, Udall, Traver, and the like, who were then imprisoned.  Brotherhood, as well as for the Reforming of Church and State, at last they. found in themselves an impetuous motion (called by them and their brethren, A Call from God) to murder the Lords of the privy Council, and so to make an Insurrection against the Queen. And to prepare the people's minds for the readyer acceptation of their purposes, they printed a pamphlet of pradestination, as though by the Abuse of that Doctrine they meant to have laid their Intended wickedness upon God (they are the Authors own words) as if he should have moved them to such ●ewd Attempts. These things stand upon Record, transcribed from the mouths of several witnesses upon Oath, such as were sharers in the conspiracy, when openly examined in the Starr-chamber. We have a third example in 
3.  the 
a Cicero de Natura Deorum l. 3.  Tyrant Dionysius: who having spoiled the three Temples of Proserpina, jupiter, and Aesculapius, conceived his Sacrilege not only lawful, but godly too; because the first did not drown him as he sailed to Syracuse, nor the second strike him with a Thunderbolt, nor the third infest him with some great sickness. And if with these great Instances of Self-deceit we call to mind, and compare, what we cannot but 
4.  have heard of the 
* james Nayler.  man at Bristol, who thought himself to be the Christ, and was worshipped as such (by not a few both men and women) and was so stiffly wedded to this unreasonable Fancy, that for all the whipping in London, he would not admit of a Divorce, but carried it with him into the prison, and (for aught I hear) continues to embrace it until this Instant, and defends this whoredom of his Invention, by pleading Testimony of Conscience, and the inward witness of the Spirit; if, I say, we compare this fourth example with the former, I think I need not here add a fifth.  
§. 6. From what hath been said in the last two paragraphs, 
Mr. B.'s Concernment in the praemisses.  it appears to be a thing possible, that Mr. Barlee really might believe (at least some part of) his Inventions; by which of the four ways (§. 4) it doth not concern me to pass a judgement. But that in some of his Falsehoods, he hath been a most deliberate and wilful sinner, beyond the worst that I have met with, in all my Reading, or Converse, I shall shortly manifest and evince, not by persuasive Probabilities, but by cogent Demonstrations; such as shall wring out an Assent from the most incredulous of all his Friends, I mean his Complices and Abettors. Concerning some of his Falsehoods I will be bold to say, that had he endeavoured for a wager, or been bribed by me with a Reward, to frame his Calumnies so unproportionable to all the Rules and Arts of lying, as not to leave a possibility of his being believed by any Creature, he could not have given us a lustier experiment of his Faculty, by all the Pangs and Tortures of his Invention.  
§ 7. Now then, good Reader, give me the steadyest of thy Attention, and prepare thyself for an Astonishment. He begins 
He betrayeth himself by his endeavoured vindication.  to quit himself of the Forgeries which I had laid to his charge, in these following words.  

W. B.  

* Ch. 2. page 17. line 18. and so downwards.  About what he hath of my (1) Fictions against him, of taking up things upon (2) bare report, or simple hear-say, about what I charge him with Corrept, Cor. 39 concerning his being above sin, and concerning the denial of the lawfulness of second Marriages, p. 73. of Ministers, etc.  
Answ. That I may at once quit myself from the Aspersion of having indulged to any vain Credulity against him, I must once for all protest before God and men, that I know but three things in all my book, which I did so much as seem to give 
* Note, that what he did not give credit to, he did no: believe, for if he had, he must needs have given some credit to it. For not to believe is to give no credit; to which the giving of some credit is a direct Contradiction.  credit to against him, and which yet I did not take up upon bare hear-say, etc.   

T. P.  
1. Had not the man been so distinct in the later part of these 
1. His wise & caetera.  lines, which he marks for an Answer unto the manifold charge, I should have thought his two & caeteras (but especially the first) had been the wisest performance in all his Book. For I had charged him in one 
a See the beginnings of the 40. sections of the third chipped. of the Diu. Philanth. D●f. b  chapter with 40. palpable Inventions, which were the Subjects of so many Sections, all conspicuous in the Front of the several Sections, and thereby thrusting themselves into the Eye of the Reader, and expressed all in his own words, and all referred to the pages from whence I took them. Mr. B. observing but two of the 40. in my epistle (set down only as a specimen of what the Reader was to expect,) sets them down with an & caetera, (but imperfectly too) and pretends to acquit himself from all at once. This is the bottom of his deep project, and my first observation. But secondly, He spoils himself for a projector 
2. His confession sealed with an Oath.  in the very next words. For he raps out an Oath, that in all his book (without exception of a page) there are but three things that he knows, which he did so much as seem to give credit to against me. Reader, observe the man's Confession. Of those 40. great Falsehoods which he delivered in his book with the greatest confidence in the world, he doth acknowledge 37. to have been wilfully committed, there being but 3. of all the number to which he gave any Credit. How great a wickedness was that, to accuse a Neighbour, even in print, of so many foul things, when he makes Oath (even in print too) that he believed so very few? But this is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the mere beginning of all his sorrows. For thirdly, there was a multitude of Slanders (besides those 40. thrust up together) 
3. That he gave no credit to the far greatest part of his Aspersions.  which I observed out of his Pasquil both in the first, second, and fourth chapters of my book. Of all which, when I expected that he would offer at a proof, or publish at least a Recantation, he puts me off with a Solemn Oath, that (excepting three things) he gave no credit to a syllable of whatsoever he spoke against me throughout his book. How then shall I, or the world give credit to him, if he can hardly believe a word of what himself speaks? Fourthly, since he confesseth with an Oath, that all his slanders, except three, were 
4. Yet will not make a Reparation.  so transcendently incredible, that he himself could not believe them; why do we not find him upon his Knees, at an open penance, as he 
b Dedic. Ep●st. p. 3. line 1. 2.  promised no longer since then whilst he was dedicating his Labours? Here is his * fateor with a witness, but where is his * peccavi, which he is wont to be at in a penitent mood? Does he think that his making a lusty confession 
** Epist. Ded. lib. pr. p. 9  of his sins, can entitle him to a privilege of doing as wickedly as before? If so, we understand what is his Doctrine of Repentance, which doth consist of a Confession without satisfaction or amendment; (a goodly ornament of the Party, of which he would be reckoned a Leading man.) Or does he think that slanders are peccadilloes in the elect, of whose small Number (small I mean in comparison) he often glories that he is one? If so, what need such large Confessions, and so many offers to cry peccavi, when the omission of that also can be no more than a peccadillo? But I will follow him no farther in this his misery, as being diverted by a greater. For fifthly, he doth not only swear that he gave no credit to all the things which he spoke against me (excepting three) but 
5. But seeks to secure an old falsity with a new one.  that he did not so much as seem to give credit to them. Was ever Man so unhappy in the laying down so few words? that whilst he is saying a very great Truth [his giving no credit to what he spoke against me] he should spoil it in the same Instant with as great a Falsehood [his not so much as seeming to do it neither?] Doth he never so much as seem to give any credit to the Articles of his Creed, when he pronounceth them in the most positive and dogmatic manner to be imagined? And was he not every whit as positive, every whit as dogmatic, in pronouncing things against me, to which he here swears that he did not so much as seem to give any credence or belief? I will put it home by an 
* Proved such by an Induction.  Induction of some particulars. When he said, that I gave out Faith to be the 
a Correp. Corr. p. 15.  cause of election, in my public papers; and that I did not so much as deny that when two men are equally called, whereof the one converts himself, the other miscarrieth, it is not 
b p. 15.  God, but Man that puts the difference; and that at Daintry in my Sermon I affirmed God to have prepared Hell, for the Devil and his Angels, but 
c p. 20.  not for any wickedmen; that I affected to be an 
d p. 36.  elector and Determiner of Grace; that I called in Poets, if not 
e p. 69.  Devils, to help me to blaspheme; that I was a Satanical blasphemer, and 
f p. 102.  exceeded the Devil himself in blasphemy; (with a multitude the like) did he not so much as seem to believe what he said? or will he say that these things were rather for me, then against me? Or when he 
g Correp. Corr. p. 174.  professed in the presence of God, that he did much fear, that no man could write thus, but one well-nigh in the same condition with Simon Magus, adding, that I did openly blaspheme against Scripture, did he not seem to give credit to it? Either he did, or he did not. If he did not, why then did he profess it in the presence of God? and if he did seem to give credit to it, why then doth he protest before God and men, that he did not? Poor man! what hath he done? or what will he do? Can he escape doing penance upon his knees (as before he 
a E▪ ist. Ded. the first p. 9  promised, and hath now 
b Epist. Ded. the second p. 3.  reprom●s'd) when he hath not a mousehole through which to run from it? The many falsehoods which he affirmed in the word of a Priest only (for he is a Priest, or a Lay-preacher) he did lustily seem at least to credit: and did he not so much as seem to believe what he said upon his Oath? Behold 
* His two Oaths opposite to each other.  two Oaths as perfectly opposite to each other, as the Scotish Covenant was opposite to any Oath which can be named. And will be do no penance for being perjured? At what Crevice will he creep out?  
He cannot say, either in reason, or in charity to himself, 
His impossibility of escaping at any Crevice, either from perjury, or contradictions.  that by his phrase of giving credit, he only meant taking up upon Report from other men. For 1. if that had been his meaning, he would certainly have expressed it in a significant Phrase; whereas habere fidem, to give credit, and credere, to believe, are [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] two expressions of one thing. A man may give credit to the false suggestions of his own heart; and again his own Fancy may create such Fictions, to which himself can give no credit. 2. In that very objection which he proposeth unto himself, as that to which he must shape his Answer, there are two sorts of falsities with which he stands charged; viz. the Fictions of his Brain, and Things taken upon report: to the first of which he is to give his first answer, or at least his second, or to give a reason for the omission. 3. As a man is said to be vainly credulous, who believes his own jealousies without just ground, so had Mr. B. meant otherwise by that expression in that place, it had been more to his misery, than now it is. For 4. no sooner had he sworn that he knew but three things to which he gave credit, but he immediately lets fall a fourth, concerning 2. marriages, which he confesseth to have taken upon the report of a Reverend Divine: which plainly proves him to be perjured, if he meant there were but 3 things which he took upon Trust. Nay 5. there were many amazing portentous falsehoods, with which he was charged in my book, and clearly proved to be guilty of; which he must either now say he had but taken upon Trust from other men, (and then he is perjured, as before,) or that at least they were the Issues of his Invention. Such was that of rifling the Batavian Cabinet, and of being * beholding 
** See Diu. P●il●nt: Def. ch. 3. p. 143, 144, etc.  to such Roguish Pamphlets as Fur Praedestinatus, and to 
† Ibid. p. 147, 148, etc.  my Domestic Doctor jackson, and to 
* p. 149.  Castalio for flowers of Rhetoric, etc. neither of which is in the number of those 3. fictions, to which alone he swears his having seemed to give credit. And be it known to all his Readers, that he neither endeavours to prove the truth of those things, nor declareth his sorrow for their falsehood, but passeth them over in a very deep silence, hoping that I would forget them, as well as our lesse-concerned Readers. In a word: if he will say his meaning is, That of the Numerous Calumnies and Forgeries which I demonstrated to be such, (and himself also confesseth, partly implicitly, and partly explicitly) there were three, and three only, which he received upon Trust from some other man; he is not only perjured, as hath been showed, but also owns the greatest wickedness that any man (in this kind) can be guilty of. It being much a greater fault, to be the coiner of adulterate money, than only to take it with the one hand, and put it off with the other. That is such a betraying subterfuge, that I conceive he dares not use it. I have taken his words, not only in the most rational, but the most favourable construction: and therefore knowingly he will not cast Anchor upon Quicksands. But whither then will he fly for Refuge? He cannot say that the place is false-printed, for the sense is entire, the words exact, they are not altered in the Errata, nor yet with his pen, and he jogged up to London immediately before his book came forth, ('tis said) on purpose to set all right as he would have it. He cannot say that he excepted but three things only of some one sort, or in some one part of his correptory Correction; for the words of his Oath are these expressly, [I must protest once for all before God and men, that I know but three things in all my Book, which I did so much as seem to give credit to against him, and which yet I did not take upon bare hear-say, etc.] Observe good Reader. All his book, is the widest expression he could have used, whereby to justify me, and defame himself. Nor will his last words afford him any the smallest chink. For what he took 
* Note, that in his p. 19 lin, 35. 36. he confesseth those to be bare hearsays, which here he swear's were not.  not up upon bare hear-say, he either saw, or felt, or smelled at least afar off: and then why gave he no credit to them? or if he did, why did he not so much as seem to do it? or if he did, and did seem too, why doth he swear that he did neither, when in the very same Oath, he sweareth that he had reason and ground for both? Here he swears that which implies a contradiction, and that within the compass of not many words, of which his Oath is composed. For if he allege (as a Salvo for Name, and Conscience) that the last words do not relate to any thing else, than the three particulars excepted, his Calamities will increase by all the things that he hath spoken in their defence, as I shall clearly demonstrate, when I come to consider them apart. & yet (the sadder is his condition) they cannot regularly belong to any other than those three; nor truly should I have guessed it to be his meaning, but that I know it his lesser Evil, and find him often at false construction, and so in charity would hope, that some degree of his guilt may be imputed unto his Ignorance, rather than all should be laid on the back of Conscience. Yet that he may not be ingrateful for so much favour as I afford him, (as he formerly hath been) I will show him very shortly how ill he chooseth for himself, in case he chooseth to be thought a good Grammarian. But I may not yet pass from the present passage lying before us. For sixthly, I must not omit any means whereby to lessen the unhappiness of this unfortunate Creature, if any 
6. The best that can be said for him is vehemently bad.  means may be found for so good a purpose. The best excuse that I am able to prompt him to, is to put a special Emphasis upon the words [I know.] for so runs his Oath, [I must first once for all protest before God and men, that I know but three things in all my book, which I did so much as seem to give credit to against him, etc.] But alas! this best of excuses is so vehemently bad, that I know not how he will be able to take it kindly. For if he did not see the greatest part of my book, nor of his own, whilst he was 
a Epist. Ded. p. 1. l. 3.  labouring in the work of vindicating the later from the many high charges of the former, where were his Eyes? If he did see, but not perceive, whether went his understanding? If he did see, and perceive, but would not be known to do either, whereabouts lay his Honesty? If I rightly remember, Busbequius, in one of his Embassyes, tellsus a story of some Turks (the great Assertors of Mr. Barlee's Doctrine of Decrees) who having a very great mind to be drunk with wine (which Mahomet's Law had forbid them) did first break forth into such a shout, as they thought was sufficient to fright their Consciences into their feet, that so they might revel it without all scruple. Some such expedient our Correptory Corrector had need devise, if after his having published so many things against me, he will have an ability not to know them; or to know but three of them, and to unknown the rest; or not to know them to have been credited by himself, no not so much as in appearance. If by saying, he doth not know, he means, he doth not consider or respect them, it hath some Resemblance to his Doctrine of God's Decrees, viz. That God did decree the Reprobation of his Creatures, not without a foreknowledge of their Actual sins, but yet without the least respect or consideration of them. 
☜  Seventhly, it is to be noted, that Mr. Barlee doth imply it to 
7. What he gets by his denial of vain credulity.  be a very ill thing, for a man to have indulged to any vain credulity against a Neighbour; because he calls it an Aspersion from which at once he would fain be quit. And to effect his purpose, he must protest before God, that he gave no credit to any one thing which he spoke against me in all hi● book; excepting those three, which shall be by and by mentioned. As if he thought it a lesser crime to slander a man against his knowledge, then to speak what he thinks through vain credulity of disposition. For that they really were slanders (every one, except three) he doth more than confess whilst he protests before God, that he himself did not give any credit to them; whereby he proves them, by an Oath, to have been maliciously intended, and not embraced through mere credulity. Nay he is yet more unlucky: For in that he protests against his having been vainly credulous, and against his having taken those things upon hear-say, doth he not intimate unto us, that they were only the children of his invention? As if he thought it a finer thing, to spin a Forgery out of himself, and not to give it any credit, then to be so credulous as to believe it from another. Eighthly, neither he, nor his Friends, can comfortably say in his excuse, that the 
8  words of his Oath were not carefully put together, and tha● through some inadvertency he hardly knew what he said, be yet his meaning was good enough. for this will render his gilt as great as any thing else, that he should swear he cares not, or considers not what. I can expect it from none but a common swearer, to protest before God even before he is aware. But neither is it credible, that that sin should serve for his excuse. because it was written, and read, (in probability very often) before 'twas printed. Were it available to say, that his intention and meaning was good enough, though infinitely different from the signification of his words, there would not be any difference betwixt the truest and the most slanderous speaker, as to an human Tribunal. But if Mr. Barlee should speak Treason against the Commander of 30. Legions, and then appeal to good meaning, I doubt such Logic would not preserve him. Nay ninthly, His invoking of God was clearly used as a Design, to wipe off the aspersion of 
9  being credulous. for so run his words, That I may at once quit myself from the aspersion of having indulged to any vain credulity against him, I must once for all protest before God, etc. where the particle [That] in the beginning, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, it notes the final Cause of his protesting before God; [That I may] is all one with [To the end that I may.] Nay tenthly, he ushers in his Transgression of the third Commandment, with a positive [I must,] which needs 
10. His pretended Necessity for swearing.  must signify either his Duty, or his Necessity. Not his Duty, because it was lawful to have omitted the attestation of God in such a case. but his Necessity (as he thought) for one of these two reasons: either because he was reduced to that extremity and exigence, that he had no other shift whereby to amuse one sort of Readers, (and then the necessity was but moral, created to himself by himself;) or else because he was predetermined to that abuse of God's Name, by such a Fatal Decree as he is wont to dream of, such as gives a necessity to all men's Actions, (and than 'twas a physical necessity, not at 
11.  all to be avoided, if we believe Mr. B. upon his word, or his Oath.) 
* Mr. B.'s Argumentative Oath. Not unlike to Mr. Ha●ket, who instead of miracles, or reasons, whereby to prove that his Doctrin●nd ●nd T aiterous Design did immediately proceed from the spirit of God, fell into swearing, and groaning, and calling curses upon himself, if it were not so. Bp. Bancr. Dang. Posit. ch. 15. p. 170.  But then, in the eleventh place, what a subtle Disputant is Mr. Barlee, who urgeth an Oath for an Argument? and no other Argument, except an Oath? I had accused him of many falsehoods which he reported upon hear-say in several kinds, and other falsehoods which he invented, (which sure are worse;) and he, to vindicate himself, hath not any thing to say, but that he protests before God and men, etc. and to give us Assurance that this is all he hath to say, he tells us, He must once for all protest, etc. for though he inserts the word [first] yet there follows no [secondly] to which that first can have a regular relation. What falsehood is there, or can there be, which may not be proved to Mr. Barlee (by an argument ad Hominem) if wicked Protestations may pass for proofs? But what is the thing which he protests? not the negative to that which was laid to his charge, but a thing impertinent and senseless. For I accused him of his slanders and other falsehoods, (as things wicked in themselves, and injurious to his Neighbour) partly invented by himself, and partly taken up upon bare report; (and in that very method he sets them down in the objection:) I did never accuse him of giving credit to those falsehoods, but rather of raising such falsehoods as were incredible, and pretending nothing for his ground, but a simple hear-say. Now Reader, attend to his astonishing Answer. I must once (saith he) for all, protest before God and men, that I know but three things in all my book, which I did so much as seem to give credit to against him, etc. Would he have justified himself, or answered the Objections, he should have protested, or proved, one of these two things: that either he never said the things whereof he was accused; or if he did, he said true, and that for such or such reasons. Whereas he only protesteth, that of all the particulars in his book he believed but three, nay that he did but seem to believe those three too. And therefore twelfthly, Mr. Barlee subscribeth 
12. His necessities and straits betwixt his first and second book.  implicitly to my whole volume of Accusations, and stigmatizeth his second book, for pretending to vindicate his first. The reason is evident, because in this most signal and remarkable place, (wherein he protests before God and men) he doth not offer so much as to say, that they were not Fictions with which I charged him, but he swears that they were Fictions, by swearing that he gave no credit to them. For, what other reason can be imagined, why he gave no credit to them, but because he believed them or knew them to be but Fictions? Behold now the straits into which this writer hath cast himself (for I am only an Index to show him how.) He must confess himself guilty, for fear he confess himself guilty. It must be his refuge to say, that he was slanderous before, that he may not seem perjured in having sworn that he was slanderous. I have his public Protestation to clear my self, nay to clear the very charge which I brought against him. At least the utmost that he can say, is, that he excepted three things; which what they are, his next words tell us, by way of reference.   

W. B.  

* ch. 2. p. 17. line 29. & deinceps.  The first is that which here he hath, and which again he makes a great stir about, Philanthrop. chap. 3. p. 81, 82, 83. The second is that about the 600. Copies mentioned by him chap. 3. p. 54, 55. The third is about the Dialogue of two Ladies about Artificial Beauty, mentioned from p. 150. to 552. of chap. 3.   

T. P.  
§. 8. Now he names the three things, to which alone (he 
He gives the slip to a passage which would convince him of a double perjury.  protested) he seemed at least to have given credit. But he slily passeth over that, of which in particular he swore, that he did not so much as seem to give credit to it, and yet that he did not take it up upon bare hear-say, etc. which must therefore be examined, before I go forward to the three particulars expressed. Whilst he was speaking of God's Decree in relation to sin, he broke out most impertinently into these very words, 
a Corr. Corr. p. 73.  Look you to that formidable Ergo, who are said to be against all second Marriages of Ministers. This passage he was willing to give the slip, because he knew it would convince him of a twofold perjury. For first, if he did not believe, or give credit to it, at least he seemed so to do, and yet he swore he did not, as hath been showed. and if he did but seem to believe the fiction (by having printed it in his pamphlet of Predestination) but did not believe it in good earnest, what a wicked Impertinence must it needs have been, to publish a fiction quatenus ipsum, without connexion to any syllable before or after? as if in the midst of his thoughts concerning eternal Predestination, it had occurred to his memory, that (the day before) he swallowed the Ace of Trumpets, and so forgot where he lef●: and then he remembered, what he thought a fine thing, (a sh●ed of Latin) Baculus stat in angulo, etc. which suggested a slander from a pretended hear-say. And this infers his second perjury. For his protestation before God refers to all that period (as hath been showed) and so to his pretention of not having taken upon bare hear-say. Yet he had printed, [that I was said to be against the lawfulness of all second Marriages of Minister's:] which how could he tell, if he never heard it? If he heard it, he did but hear it, and then we know he is forsworn; if he did not, 'twas his invention. Thus having showed his miscarriage, which he so cunningly huddled up; I will hasten to that which is more amazing, his three excepted particulars which are of most weight with him, and for which he thinks he hath most to say, [as being the only three things in all his book against me, to which he protested his having giving some credit.] Stand forth, Malefactor, and name the first of your offences.   

W. B.  

* Ch. 2. p. 17. lin. 35. and thence to the bottom of the page.  First, if my Reader will be pleased once more to turn to my Correptory Correction, p. 39 he will find that I used my utmost care and diligence to inform myself of the Truth of it, and I farther back it there, with a probable Argument from what he hath in his uncorrect Copy.   

T. P.  
§. 9 Now he enters upon that, which will paradigmatize 
The first of his three excepted slanders.  him to all posterity: the greatest slander, and the most groundless; that I believe hath been brewed in the brain of man. And because by that which I shall say, his utter undoing in point of Credit (if at least he hath any) must needs ensue; I desire his well-willers to carry this in their minds, That should I abstain from doing that which may seem a siverity to Mr. Barlee, I cannot fail of being guilty of perfect cruelty to myself, besides a double injustice both to the Truth, and to the world. I have turned to the page where the great slander is recorded, where I find a bare narrative of a pretended report from a reverend Minister, who is said at first to have told him alone, and afterwards many more 
The slander, as it lies in its original. ☞  Ministers in his hearing, and as heard by him from my own mouth, viz. that I believe no sin to be in me, that I was above sin, that by my own power I could abstain from all sin; and that he wrote this Testimony as the Testator of it did dictate it to him.]  
First observe, that here is nothing of care and diligence expressed in finding out the truth of it, but only a hearing 
1 Proved no more now than it was at first, when it was crudely affirmed.  the words at one time, and transcribing them at another. Here is not a syllable concerning the care which he took, to try the truth, or the falsehood of that report: for the finding out of which, he professeth that in that place (p. 39) he used his utmost of care and diligence. To find out the truth or the falsehood of such a strange Tale, he should have examined the Relator, about the time when, and the place wherein, and the occasion upon which such words were spoken: he should have asked who heard them besides himself, and have told him (out of St. Paul) that against a man of my calling (which is their own also) an accusation is not to be admitted but before two or three witnesses: he should 
1 Tim. 5. 19  have consulted with me about it, to try if I did remember, or would acknowledge any such words, or any other words like them, or if I never said something which might occasion such a mistake in him who heard me; or if that would not prevail, he should have tried to catch me in several stories: he should have moved every stone to have found out the truth, had he used his utmost of care and diligence. But what did he in stead of all this? he bids us look. but whither? to his p. 39 for what? even his utmost care and diligence. wherein employed? in finding out the truth of what was told him by a Reverend Divine. wherein did his utmost both care and diligence consist? in giving ear to the words, and in writing them down. Here then is one falsification in the beginning of his Defence.  
Secondly, He pretends to no more than a naked hear-say forth t Invention (for so I shall prove it in the end;) whereas 
2. No more than a hear-say, contrary to his oath.  he swore a little before, that he did not take it up upon a bare hear-say. Nor doth he pretend, that any more than one man did ever say that he had heard me to speak such words, and he a Sympresbyter of the Gang too, who cannot therefore pretend to so much as one witness; but the Apostle saith expressly, An accusation must not be received against a Priest, without two or three witnesses: and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to admit, or receive, a Complaint or Accusation, was but the first part of the three, which were to go before the sentence in the judicial proceedings among the jews, by which that Text must be explained: 
* See Doctor Hammond's Annot. on the place.  next the complaint must be confirmed by the oaths of those witnesses: and because the witnesses may be perjured, (whether bribed with money, or suborned by their own malice) the cause is thirdly to be searched, and considered by the judge. for if the witnesses are two, but made appear to be sons of Bel●al, if they are proved to be greedy of filthy lucre, or if the Plaintiff is known to be a jezebel, and apt to be a suborner with either money or moneys worth, if Naboth is known to be both honest and religious, and yet accused at once of blaspheming God and the King, if Ahab is known to have been in love with Naboth's vineyard, and that he could not obtain it by fairer means, a considering Judge will be suspicious of such men's oaths. But Mr. Barlee's Informer is the original accuser, and cannot be his own witness; for where two single men say yea, and no, to one sentence, the result is nothing but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an endless 
a Heb. 6. 16.  strife of contradiction.  
Nay thirdly, that one Informer is but pretended; neither 
3. Mr. Barlee provoked to name his Informer, if he hath any.  named in the first book, nor now in the second; and I really believe he is not yet christened. If there is any such creature, let him not hide his head and his name together; nor any longer expose his brother Zealot to shame and censure. If his Name be Simeon, let him not suffer little Levi to bear the whole odium of such a slander. At least let Mr. Barlee have so much mercy upon himself, as to lighten his load of guilt and hatred, by laying part of it upon a new pair of shoulders. When I reported that I had heard of the Primates change, I thought myself obliged to name my Authors, first in private, and now in print. And if there is any other case wherein this justice shall be required, I will not fail to perform it, or make satisfaction for the wrong. I require no more of my Accuser, than what I offer at his Demand. If he had an Informer on this side his bosom, or his Brain, let him be brought into the light, that the deed of darkness may be made manifest, and Mr. Barlee be freed at lest à Tanto. But until he do this, he must remain on that Gibbet on which he hath trussed himself up. His upper lip must be thought the reverend▪ Divine unto his lower; or his tongue did dictate, whilst his ear and his hand did both receive the information; and so at once he is Simeon and Levi too.  
But fourthly, that I may force him by cogent Reason to take this course, which is more for his interest, than he can 
4. Motives used to that purpose.  think it to be for mine, (for whilst he names not his Informer, he is concluded to have none) I shall entreat him to remember, that he may make it a leading case to as many sons of Belial, as either for malice, or for money, shall ruin themselves, or their dearest friends, in point of fame, or fortune, or life itself, by raising a false Report, upon pretence of an Author without a name, if it were fit that such a report should pass so easily for its own proof. As for example, If I myself had any malice to Mr. Barlee's person, or any love to his parsonage, or any envy of his parts, or had been publicly nonplussed in some dispute, and thereupon had a design to contrive his mischief, I could easily publish a Declaration, That September the eight 1649. he was found under a hedge in the act of Adultery, and that this I was told by 
●rom parallel slanders which might be raised upon him.  three godly Ministers, who riding that way, were all three witnesses of the thing. And many years before, when Mr. Barlee was in Holland, he was commonly drunk every week, as three Dutch Merchants told me, first when I was alone with them, and afterwards upon the Exchange, when many more heard it as well as I, and this they protested to have been eye-witnesses of; and they were most 
a These are Mr. Barlees words ch. 2. p. 19 li. 9, 10, 11.  conscronable men, who I think made as much conscience of not telling or believing lies, as any men in Holland. Such slanders, I say, I could invent, or cause others to invent, if I had his Conscience (which God of his mercy, and by his grace, defend me rom) or if I could endure to repay him in kind. Nay let Mr. Barlee lay to heart, that these two fictions are more commendable, or (to speak more exactly) l●sse intolerable than his. First, because in the former I name the year, and the day, and the place of commission; secondly, because I pretend to three witnesses, all as reverend as his one; thirdly, because the subject matter is much more probable (as I conceive) then that which is the subject of his invention. Or I could say, that Mr. Barlee had killed a man in his wrath, when he was at Leyden, for worsting him in dispute 
And that with more probability,  about the point of Praedestination, and thereupon fled into England, etc. and for this I could give a more probable Reason, than he can give for my saying, I am without sin, etc. for is it not true, that he was at Leyden? and that he came into England? and that he is strangely choleric, (as himself confesseth) and that he is vehement in dispute? impatient of opposition? much more impatient of being worsted? And since wilful murders are sometimes committed, manslaughter often, in fits of passion; is it not infinitely more probable, that fire should burn down a house, or a choleric man kill in a fit of rage, then that a man should say, he believes he is without sin, and above sin, and by his own power can keep himself from sin, who hath breathed nothing so much as confessions of sin, ever since his very boyage? The former case hath so much colour of probability in it, and Mr. Barlee hath discovered so much virulence of spirit, that many men have considered how great a happiness it is, that neither he, nor his kinsmen, have got the power of the sword.  
Nay fifthly, should I invent such a slander as one of those above mentioned, I could have such an advantage as he is not 
5. And greater hopes of escape  able to pretend to: for I could say, that my three Dutchmen, or my three Reverend Divines (from whom I had my Intelligence) are all six dead, and so escape the necessity of bringing them forth to the Tribunal; whereas Mr. Barlee's one man is employed by him to be still alive (as we shall happily observe anon.) And truly (Reader) the chiefest Reason 
The Reasons of these motives ●or the finding of the Informer.  why I use these Impellents, to force my confident Accuser unto the naming of his Informer without delay, is my rational jealousy and fear, that if he stay a long time before he doth it, he will impute it to any Minister within the compass of his Acquaintance, who betwixt this and that shall chance to die; or else, for want of a better way, he may take an occasion to die himself; at least he may hope to be my Survivor, and then may use me as well as Mr. Rivet and others have used Grotius. And because I find at the later * end of his book, he hath provided a pretence for his saying nothing to 
** ch. 4. p. 149. li. 3, 4, 5.  this charge, by professing to be * resolved to cut off all the advantages, which in this kind I may take against him, and to cut them off by an obstinate kind of silence for the future; I am afraid he will pretend he must not answer to my charge, because he dares not break his promise; and that the clearing of himself (by aspersing the Minister who did inform him) will not any way consist with his obstinate kind of silence, nor with his steadfast Resolutions of cutting off all my advantages from this day forward. But this is just as if a Felon should take an oath before his trial, that he will cut off all advantages by an obstinate silence, and refuse an answer to his Indictment, under pretence of his duty to keep his oath. Indeed I have heard of a cunning Schoolboy, who when the Master was brandishing (over his back) the terrible. Instrument of his anger, besought him only this favour, that he might not be whipped until he first had said his prayers. The Master pleased with the petition, thought good to grant it. Why then (said the Boy) I w●ll never say my prayers until I am grown too big for such correction. But Mr. Barlee must consider, that if he shall refuse to name his Reverend Informer, because he resolved to write no more, and confirmed it with his promise in the conclusion of his book, the Slander will be ascribed to his invention. Or if he will not write, he may read at least before the Magistrate, and take the advantage of being Plaintiff: for if he hath not slandered me, nor his Informer neither, than they may worthily implead me for all this wrong. And therefore let me persuade him, either to crave my forgiveness, and to make me a little satisfaction, (for I will not rigidly require my due) or else let him speedily produce his man, who was the Author of his Report. I know that most Soldiers do love to make a golden bridge to a flying enemy, because even cowards, and conquered men, will do strange things when they are desperate. But so sure am I of being innocent, as to that wherewith I have been slandered, and so very desirous to know the bottom of the report, that I will not willingly accept of Mr. Barlee's Tergiversation, nor so much as afford him a wooden bridge. For suppose the worst that can arrive, to wit, that he and his Congerro should both conspire to be perjured at a dead lift, or suborn false witnesses (as jezebel did;) yet so much do I rely upon the Integrity of my cause, (and upon the good providence of God upon it) that if I could not evince them to be suborned and perjured, by either the multitude, or strength of reasons, I should not despair of a miracle, for the making a Discovery of Truth and Falsehood. But I find I am so far from having spoken the Totall of what I have to say, for the proving this slander to be demonstratively a slander (however demonstratively proved already) that I do think it fit for another Section.  
§. 10. Because a nameless Informer (he knew) was worth nothing, he tells us that he backed it with a probable Argument from what he found in my uncorrect Copy; that is, from 
How Mr. Barlee spoils himself by his pretensions to a probable Argument.  a manuscript, which he transcribed, I know not when, nor from whence, nor with how many Interpolations; such as I never yet saw, nor would he suffer me to see it when I desired that favour by way of Epistle. Yet he confessed in his Epistle, that there was none sense in two places, and that if he should send it, I could not possibly read it; and other Transcripts which I saw, were strangely altered from my Original: and yet he calls this my uncorrect Copy (uncorrected indeed of all his Interpolations) and to the world of Readers who never were in his desk, nor had ever a sight of his Manuscripts, he citeth no body knows what, to prove his Slander. How much better might I accuse him, of having written whatsoever I please to fancy, who have so much of his own hand whereon to father it? But secondly, admit in his Manuscript there 
2.  are such words from whence he can draw a probable Argument (as by and by I shall show the contrary) yet is that sufficient to back a story, which if not true, is an incomparable slander? Probable is that, which as it may possibly be true, so it may possibly be false too. Behold the manifold unluckiness of this Disputer. The very Topick from which he argues he confesseth to be Apocryphal, a jen-scay-quoy, an uncorrect Copy in the dark, a Manuscript lying in his Desk, or at least in his closet; and yet from this unknown thing he pretends to no more than a probable Argument, which he hopes will persuade, but cannot hope it will prove, unless he understands not what [probable] signify, and so hath printed he knew not what. But thirdly, his greatest unluckiness is yet to come. For that which he calls a probable Argument of my having said, [I am without sin, and above it, and by my own power can abstain from all sin,] is rather a probable Argument that I never said it. Because the words which he citeth from the manuscript Copy (which he calls mine) are expressly these; 
* Correp. Corr. p. 39 lin. 22, 23.  [You say that Adam's 
a Concerning adam's sin, and ours and original sin, and actual, both in him, and in us. ☞  sin was none of our own, contrary to the Apostle Rom. 5. 12.] In which few words, how many ways hath he miscarried, and even ruined his own interest, for which he spoke them? For 1. suppose I had said, that Adam's sin is none of our own, had I thereby inferred that we are without sin and above sin? had I not rather inferred the contrary, that though another man's sins are not ours, yet ours are our own? Is there no difference betwixt another man, and ourselves? the things of another, and the things of ourselves? and was not Adam an other man? was not Adam's whole person, (body, soul, and spirit, and the qualities of each) a different thing from our persons, bodies, souls, and spirits, and all personal qualities whatsoever? Every child could have taught Mr. B. that though Adam and we do agree in specie, yet we are (with a witness) numerically different. 2. It seems Mr. B. is so unsufficient for the Ministry, that he knows not what is meant by our original sin amongst the men of his own way. He thought that Adam's actual sin of eating the Apple had been that which we call original sin in ourselves: which none of his party (if they have more wit than he) will ever say: and 
b How Mr. B's notion of it tendeth to Pelagianism and to other absurdityes.  if they should, they would imply avoidable, that our original sin is not inherent in our souls, but only in Adam; who being forgiven, dead, and happy, hath that sin done away from his imparadised soul, and so there is no such thing remaining as original sin, by that doctrine. And by the same it would follow, that original sin is actual sin, that actual sin is no sin, that Mr. Barlee's Daughter is guilty of his books, (as having been in ipsius Lumbis) though she never had a hand in them, and I verily believe was never willing they should be written. 3. But if I had said, that Adam's sin was none of our own, and had employed thereby what he supposeth, yet having spoken in the plural number, including all the posterity of Adam, of which Mr. Barlee is a part, I had by consequence employed that every man in the world (Mr. Barlee too) is without sin, and above sin, and by his own power can abstain from all sin. And thus we see that Mr. B. was an unpolitick projector: for he should have fancied my words were these, Adam's sin was none of mine own; but he would needs have it thus, Adam's sin was none of our own. 4. 
a My own Account of original sin in myself. ☜  That which I call original sin in myself, is the pravity of my nature, my corruptness of Disposition, by which I love darkness better than light, unless God by his Grace doth make me able to choose better, to have better loves, desires, and inclinations, than I can possibly have without it. And through this pravity of Nature there is not any mere man who can possibly be without sin. And the spirit of this Doctrine doth run through all that I have published from press or pulpit. But I 
b Why I say that Adam's Actual sin is not numerically mine own.  must not lie, and speak nonsense, and abuse the Scriptures, and imply a thousand contradictions, for fear of displeasing an angry Neighbour. I say, I must not commit these Crimes, by saying that Adam's sin was very really mine own. Indeed if Adam had never sinned, I hope I should ever have been Innocent. But Death having entered into the world by sin, and sin by Adam, I have too many sins which are peculiarly mine own, (both Original and Actual) to need another man's sin for the completing of my Number Perhaps a few country people, who have been taught by such Pastors as were put besides the right use, when they were dedicated to learning, may think it sense to say, that Adam's sin was our own before we were, or that his sin which began above 5600. years since, did also not begin till yesterday when we were borne, or did begin a thousand times, and was ten thousand times begun before its beginning. Such men as these must be taught to say, that all our own sins did enter by Adam; not that our sins were Adam's, much less that Adam's sins were ours. And before I show this from Mr. B's own Text, (which he thought had been pertinent, but is nothing less) I will thus reason him into his wits. If Adam's sin was none of Mr. Barlee's own, it was none of mine or thine, Reader: but it was none of Mr. Barlees own. For did he eat of the fruit in the midst of Eden, many thousands of years before he had a mouth? no more did I, or t'other man. What the Jews said to Christ (and very rationally in respect of his Manhood) 
* joh. 8 57  Thou art not yet 50. years old, and hast thou seen Abraham? that may I say more rationally of myself, I am not yet 40. years old, and have I ever seen Adam, whom Abraham was too young to see? and could his sin be mine without my commission? and could I commit it without existence? Nothing is mine in any sense, (right, or wrong,) unless I find, or conquer, or purchase, or inherit, or claim by prescription, or receive it by deed of gift. Now it cannot be pretended that Adam's sin is mine own, unless by right of inheritance, and that is but weakly pretended too. For when I say in my 
a Concerning a man's being born in sin. What is not meant.  confessions and prayers, that I was born in sin, and in sin my mother conceived me, and the like, I do not mean that I was born in the act of eating forbidden fruit growing in the midst of the Garden of Eden; nor that I did eat it with Adam's mouth before I was born; nor that my mother Eve conceived me in sin as she once conceived Cain or Abel; nor that I was born, in the guilt of those actual sins, which my mother committed, who brought me forth into the world: but I 
b What is meant by it.  mean that I was born in original sin, that is, a pravity of nature, a corruptness of disposition, which makes me naturally prone to obey the law that is in my 
c Rom. 7. 23.  members, & to rebel against the Law which God hath imprinted in my mind. So that that which I inherit, is a depraved nature, common to me with all mankind, considered in specie; but numerically considered, it is peculiarly mine own, and no man's else. Whereas if I inherited (in a proper sense) as well the sin, as the substance of my progenitors, than the sins of my particular immediate parents would be mine own, rather than adam's. And therefore (fifthly.) let us consider, how perfectly 
5.  contrary to common sense Mr. B. opposeth that Text, 
d Concerning that Text, By one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin.  Rom. 5. 12. where the Apostle saith, that by one man [Adam] sin entered into the world, and death by sin. He doth not say, that one man's sin is the peculiar sin of all men, or all men's own, (as the word was:) nor can he mean it in such a sense, as if the numerical sin of Adam's eating the Apple, were successively propagated (as mankind was) throughout the universe of men. 
e The Absurdityes which follow from Mr. B's exposition.  for then, as all the sons who descended from Adam, were the same kind of Creatures that Adam was, to wit men; so all the sinners, as sinners, descending from Adam, should be the same kind of sinners that Adam was, to wit Apple-Eaters, and eaters of that Apple which was forbidden. 
a A second absurdity.  And if every thing of man which entered into the world by Adam were Adam's own, and our own too, then as Adam's sin should be our sin, so his personal qualities and members should be our own too. And Mr. Barlee must say, that Adam's Nose was Mr. Barlee's own Nose, or deny himself to be Adam's Son; or say that he was born without a Nose, and that this which he now wears, is not an original, but an actual Nose. he must say that Adam's Death was our own, if his sin was our own, by force of that Text Rom. 5. 12. which saith, that Death, as well as sin, did by one man enter into the world. Now then let us observe the utmost force of his probable Argument. 
b The utmost force of Mr. B's Argument. ☜  [Mr. Pierce said in his uncorrect copy, that Adam's sin was not our own: & St. Paul saith, that by one Man sin entered into the world: therefore it is probable Mr. Pierce said, That he was without sin, and above sin, and by his own power could abstain from all sin.] By the very same Logic, (but with a greater force in some respects) I will prove that Mr. Barlee doth probably think he shall never die; (but either be translated, or live immortal upon Earth.) For he doth probably believe 
c It's absurdity shown in a parallel case.  that Adam's Death was none of Mr. Barlee's own: and St. Paul saith, that by one man Death entered into the world, Rom. 5. 12. therefore it is probable, Mr. B. believeth, that he is without death, and above death, and by his own power can abstain from dying. Besides; the same Apostle that saith, By one man sin entered into the world (v. 12.) doth also say at the same time, that by the righteousness of one, the free gift came upon all men unto justification of life, v. 18. from whence how many inconveniences will arise to Mr. Barlee, and to his Doctrines, as well as his ways of arguing, I leave to be observed by the considering Reader. Having showed how little he understood that saying, that by one man sin entered into the world, etc. I will but add that the meaning is only this: It was by Adam's eating the forbidden fruit, that we are all of us obnoxious both to sin and mortality, as being born after the image and likeness of Adam. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by one, as by an instrument, which Satan used; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by one, as by a door, at which sin entered, and Death by sin. not that Adam's sin and Death were both our own.  
But notwithstanding the less than nothing which Mr. B. hath alleged for his report, that I said such things as must needs imply me to be a Ranter (a Sect which follows his principles, for want of mine) yet he adventures to proceed (not foreseeing what I have showed him) in that desperate manner which now ensues.   

W. B.  

* Chap. 2. p. 18. lin. 1, 2, etc.  The Minister from whose mouth I took up † both the Reports, about his maintaining himself to be above † sin, and about his Denial of the 
† † Observe Reader, that both those Tales had one Author: and that in the first he conceals the worst part; which was, that I said there was no sin in me, and that by mine owa power I could abstain from all sin.  lawfulness of second marriages of Ministers, is not a man of mean Note in the Ministry, nor far off, with whom, since this last book of his came forth, I have divers times conferred about these reports; and he professeth, that upon any just occasion he will justify them to his Face; and stands amazed at his impudent Denial of what he then said to him. Methinks therefore his marginal Finger p. 81. is but like that of the naughty one who be speaks his own impudence with his fingers, Prov. 6. 13.   

T. P.  
§. 11. First it ought to be observed, that what he barely reported in his first book, he barely repeateth in his second, 
He betrayeth his crime with his excuse, and blasteth his first Informer.  without replying to those 
a See Diu. Philan. Def. ch. 3. p. 81, 82, 83.  ten things, which I had returned in my Answer to that incomparable report. and yet he said in his Title-page, that he had made a full Abstersion of all calumnies, etc. thereby implying this confession, that those were far from being Calumnies, from which he hath not endeavoured to clear himself. This is a special point of his necessary Vindication, to acknowledge the enormities which were laid to his charge, even whilst he labours to deny them. To sing the same song, in the very same notes, with this ridiculous difference, that he who before was a Reverend Minister without a Name, is now a nameless Minister of no small Note, what is this but to be stomach full in the midst of a confession? 
2.  and to betray his Crime with his excuse? Secondly, he confesseth a little after, that that Minister who told him, I was the Author of Artificial Handsomeness, although a 
* p. 19 lin. 9  conscionable Divine, was yet a Deceiver in that point. And if he was cheated by his conscionable Informer, why did he not suspect his man of note too? since I was much more likely to have penned that book, then to have given occasion for such a slander. Nay thirdly, he confesseth, (in the passage lying above) that his man of no mean note in the Ministry had foully wronged 
3. His second Informer is evinced by himself to have been a Forger.  me in one thing which he related, [viz. my denying the lawfulness of second marriages of ministers,] and why might he not have thought, that he as foully wronged me in the other, [viz. my saying, that I was without sin, & c?] That he wronged me in the former, by Mr. B.'s confession and Oath too, I prove from those words which were the subject of my seventh section, where he protested before God and men, that there was nothing in all his book to which he gave credit so much as seemingly, except those three things, of which this, concerning 2. marriages, he knows, was none. And by this we may see, that Mr. B. wants a good memory the most of any man living, unless I may except his Reverend Minister. For as if Satan had betrayed him, since he slunk from the mention of second marriages, when it concerned him nearly to crave my mercy, or at least to prove he did not need it, (which yet he could not prove without a confession of being perjured, as hath been shown §. 7.) he here confesseth the same man (that is, probably, himself) to have been the Author of both reports; as well of that which is acknowledged to be false, as of the other which is still pretended to be true. Thus he useth his Brother presbyter, (as the men of his Leven do use the Catholic Church) whilst he relies upon him in one thing, as an infallible informer, and yet esteems him in another 
4. How his Tempter betrayed him in the choice of his invention.  an arrant cheat. But fourthly, the greatest jest is, that he should leave his informer in his more tolerable invention, and stick fast to him in that which is more impossible to be true. For I did really dissuade a neighbour Minister from a plurality of wives, though the Arguments which I used were taken only ab incommodo; which might give a slander some kind of colour, or pretence. But so infinitely distant hath my tongue ever been from that impious boast of being without, and above all sin, that I never spoke any thing like it, never any thing that look'c that way, or that might give an Eve-dropper and an enemy the least occasion of mistake, but as much the contrary as any man hath ever spoken. He might have said with more skill, that Christ and St. Paul were against all marrying, because they both preferred the single life. Or being resolved to say an ugly thing of me, he might rather have given it out, that I pretended to be a Prophet, sent in the Spirit of Elias as a forerunner of Christ at his second coming; or that I used to say Mass in a Cope and Surplice; or that I was Canon of Saint Croix; or any other strange thing, rather than that I said, I was without sin, etc. And yet to gain some credit to this wonder, he saith [he hath divers times conferred 
☞ ** Observe him speaking in the plural.  with his man of note about these * reports, who stands amazed at my impudent denial, and upon any just occasion will justify * them to my Face.]  
§. 12. The more desperate the prank is, the greater confidence is needful to make it prosperous. When the besieged 
How the Trick of his confidence is an Argument of Distrust.  Romans were almost famished in the Capitol, and had no provisions now left besides a few loaves of Bread, they cunningly threw out those loaves at their besiegers, that so the enemy might swallow a strong belief of their plenty. And still the guiltiest malefactor is the readyest to wish the earth would swallow him alive, if he was ever suborned to bear false-witness. Some men's sins are so great, that to protect them from a discovery, they think it needful to make them greater. If Laban's Teraphims are stolen, and searched after very narrowly, they must either be restored, or else 
a Gen. 31. 19, 35.  concealed with a lie. Dioxippus was innocent, and yet did 
b Saepe minus est constantiae in rubore, quam in culpa. Qu. Curt. l. 9 p. 294.  blush at his indictment: But the 
c Prov. 30. 20.  whore in the Proverbs did wipe her mouth, and say that she had done no wickedness. Mr. Barlee finds it concerns him to be as confident as the best; and I wonder how he miss of rapping out the other Oath. But it happens to Him, as to most malefactors, that he reveals his guilt in his endeavours to conceal it; and may say of the tongue, what Diana did of the countenance,  
Heu quam difficile est crimen non prodere!— For not remembering that he protested before God and men, that, except three things, he knew nothing in all his book 
How he runs on the Symplegades of being guilty either of perjury, or causeless railing.  which he had spoken against me to which he gave the least credit; and again not remembering, that the report about second marriages was none of those three; and again not remembering, that he was now only to speak about the first of those three, (viz. my saying, that I was without sin, etc.) he links that of marriages together with this (quite out of its place) and saith that the same man of Note will justify both. Insomuch that Mr. Barlee should have excepted four things, from the multitude of those, to which he swore he gave no credit. For that now he gives credit to that which he swore he gave no credit to, appears by his charging me with impudence, both in the person of his Informer, and from himself, and both within the space of 3. or 4. lines. or else he chargeth me with impudence against his own conscience, and in violation of his Oath, because he swore he did not credit, what now I must be impudent for not crediting myself. Which of his sentences will he adhere to? if to the later, he is perjured; 
☜ 2. The shameful modesty of the informer.  and if to the former, a causeless Railer. Secondly, I do not wonder that his informer admires my impudence, since himself is so bashful, as not to show us his head, and even to hide his very name. Good modest creature! He runs behind Mr. Barlee, before he rails. He goes on the other side his stalking Horse, that I may not discover by whom it is that I am shot. This is now the second time that we have heard of him in print, sine nomine, sine Tribu. And turning his own back to me, (as being ashamed of my impudence) he tells me (by his Vicar) what he will do before my Face. Once more therefore I send a challenge to this Anonymous man of Note, 
He is challenged to appear.  (unless his name is Mr. Outis) to show himself above-board, and either publicly to confess that he hath abused Mr. Barlee, or to declare that Mr. Barlee hath slandered him, or to prove that I have injured both, or to acknowledge that both have injured me. Mr. B. implieth his being yet extant; and therefore let him not say with the man in the Comedy, Non 
3. Mr. B. makes more way to the discovery of his slandor.  possum audire, quia dormio. Nay thirdly, he is not only alive, and mettlesome, and wonders I am so impudent as not to own being a Ranter, when it pleaseth his black Majesty to have me thought such, but he is of Note in the ministry, and not far off. This is better than all the rest, at least as good for my purpose. For now I shall prove by an induction (I thank Mr. Barlee for this assistance) that the slander is an unlucky one in several respects. For I can easily number all the Ministers of note in this part of the County. With one part of them I have never had any discourse; with another part of them I have discoursed only in public, when many persons upon their Oaths, will and must be my witnesses, that I never uttered any such thing, as that I was without sin, above sin, and by my own power could abstain from all sin. nor doth Mr. B. so much as pretend, that I was heard speaking thus by more than one. And the ministers of note are very few, in this County, with whom I have ever discoursed singly. And those few have been such, who have not only still treated me in friendly manner, and censured Mr. Barlee in a high degree, but they have given me such characters behind my back, as have much exceeded my small deservings. I am tempted to name them, but that I think I ought not without their leaves, lest they should be in some pain, and look with suspicion on one another, as the 
* They looked one on another, doubting of whom he spoke. joh. 13. 22.  Disciples did when Christ said, that one of them should betray him. To one of those Ministers I once affirmed in a letter, that I was, and would continue, (by the grace of God assisting me) free from the great abomination of the Presbyterian Directory; but that was far enough from saying, I was without sin, because there are many other sins besides complying with the Directory. I said to another by word of mouth, that we did many times resist the grace of God. He said, he could not, being one of the Regenerate. And whether did he or I imply, that we were above sin? This is the utmost I can remember I ever spoke, whereby to give him any occasion of so impertinent a slander. Fourthly, if Mr. B. hath 
4.  divers times discoursed with his Informer, and his Informer hath answered as he reports, he is perhaps of their number (spoken of by Bp. Bancroft) who come to 
† Pretended Holy Discip. ch. 4. p. 61.  believe their own lies merely by telling them too often. Fifthly, he saith his Minister will justify his two Reports upon any just occasion. A likely matter, when upon two such occasions already 
5. His signal Tergivesation.  offered, he hath so valiantly hid his head, and taken the courage to be nameless. When that time comes, that he can think it a just occasion, I shall prove him Brother to those two, who took their Oaths against Naboth. But betwixt this and that, bear witness Reader, that Mr. B. hath accused me a second time in print, of saying that which is said by none but Ranters, and yet he thinks he hath not hitherto a just occasion to name his Author. But he hath not yet done with it; nor I with Him, I do assure him. And therefore let us observe him confuting himself in his own defence, as it were casting himself backward by trying to stand upon his guard.   

W. B.  

* Ch. 2. p. 18. lin. 13, etc.  Secondly, I cannot but believe, had he not publicly brought in a large plea for the innocency of Infants, chap. 4. p. 25, 26, 27. but that the same front of his would bear him out in the denial of what a person of true honour and integrity told me, as having heard it too from his own mouth; that he called a waggish lad of about four years old an innocent, free from sin, who yet, I trow, hath by this time committed some kind of actual sins.   

T. P.  
§. 13. In these few lines, there are many things most grossly false, which, in case they were true, would be impertinent and absurd. Before I show the gross falsehoods, I will relate the whole story which gave occasion to this calumny, 
The occasion of this new calumny, in defence of the old.  though nothing but Rancour could be the cause. There was a child in his Parish of 3. years old, who being sickly and consumptive (as his Physicians were of opinion) and yet at that time the only Son of his parents, (whose plentiful Fortune might make them the gladder of a Son) gave some occasion to his parents of very mournful apprehensions. I thought it my part, (as in many respects I was obliged) to administer comfort in such a case. In the tract of my Discourse I was led to say, that if God should be pleased to take their child unto himself, in the harmless Nonage that he was in, they might raise themselves comfort even from this consideration, that God had taken him from the evil to come, and set him in 
a Wisd. 4. 17.  safety, as the book of Wisdom expresseth it. God might 
b vers. 11.  speedily take him away (for aught they knew) to this end, that 
c ibid.  wickedness should not alter his understanding, nor deceit beguile his soul, in case he outlived his harmless years. That this was the utmost, I have more witnesses than one, and I defy his Informer to prove it more if he is able. Now observe Mr. B's prevarications of the truth. 1. The child was then but 3 years old; Mr. B. hath mounted it to 4. 2. The child was then very weak; Mr. B. feigns him to have been waggish. 3. I said he was harmless; Mr. B. adds innocent, and free from sin. 
* Vi● probus, & pius, non tantum in●ocens. Cl. Salm. in Def. R●g. c. 11. The Earl of Bristoll's apology was (in his constant phrase) to clear his Innocency, not freedom from 〈◊〉.  Innocent I might say, though I do not remember that I did: but [free from sin] I am sure I did not●: and they that heard me will bear me witness. But innocent and harmless are both of one signification. When David said he would 
d Ps. 26. 6. 2.  wash his hands in innocency, and that in innocency 
e Ps. 73. 13. 3.  he had washed them, when Daniel said that God had saved him from the Lions, for as much as before him 
f Dan. 6. 22.  innocency was found in him, when Abimelech said, In the 
g Gen. 20. 5.  innocency of my hands have I done this, when God himself said of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, that they had filled that place with the blood 
h jer. 19 4. His revenge upon an Infant of 3 years old.  of Innocents', will Mr. Barlee complain against those expressions, and say they were deniers of original sin? If his person of honour will say I said any more than the penmen of Scripture have said before me, I will prove him a person of no integrity. But secondly, how should a person of honour have any thing to do with Mr. Barlee? He that can, let him believe it. Or thirdly, how unfit is Mr. B. to give his verdict of that child, to whom he was concluded to have owed a shrewd turn, ever since that child was known to have cut him with a Sarcasme? but my words were spoken long before M. B. had found him waggish. Nor doth he pretend, that the child was then guilty of actual sins when I pronounced him to be harmless, but [he Trow's that by this time he hath committed some such;] and why he Trow's it, he is too bashful to give the reason. Fourthly, be it so that the 
4.  little Gentleman of four years old (he should have said of 4. years young) was somewhat playful with Mr. B. (as Mr. B. 
* Ch. 2. p. 45.  professeth to be with me) did he think the Babe was of his match, and fit to be writ against from the press, and in the presence of all the world to receive his Correptory Correction? I have read the saying of Will Withers, (in Q. Elizabeth's time) that if any man pinched him, he would strike him that stood next, whosoever he were. I should have quite forgot my reading, but that I am thus put in mind. If Mr. Barlee is once confuted, or pinched with a discovery of his inventions, woe be to all the little children that stand in is way. But now fifthly, let us grant him as much as may be, concerning 
5.  the Age, or the ladderie, or the waggishnesse of the child, or my pronouncing that he was innocent; yet what was this to the purpose, for which alone with a [secondly] it was pretended to be brought? Thus runs his Argument. Mr. T. P. did say a child was innocent of four years old; therefore 
The admirable force of Mr. B's arguing. ☜  probably he said, that Himself was without sin, and above sin, and by his own power could abstain from all sin, who is somewhat more than four years old. How much better might he argue against Daniel and David, who spoke of Innocency in themselves, than here he doth against me, who only spoke of another, who was also more innocent than either Daniel or David? Doth he not strike, through me, at the Church of England? I am sure in the collect upon Innocents' day (which must now be called the waggish lads day) we are appointed to use these very words, [Almighty God, whose praise this day the young Innocents', thy witnesses, have confessed, and showed forth, not in speaking, but in dying, mortify and kill all vices in us, etc.] If Mr. B. did not know what Innocent signify, because it is a Latin word, why must my Front be therefore brought upon the stage? I told him sufficiently what was meant by Innocence applied to Infants, even in that very 
a Diu. Philanth. c●. 4. p. 26. li●. 2●.  page which he just now cited, viz. a simplicity and inoffensiveness of mind. He doth not reply either to that, or to any other part of my plea for Infants: but only shows that he is angry, both with me, and with a Gentleman of 4. years old, and leaves posterity to determine, whether the Infant or his Accuser was the waggish lad.   

W. B.  

* Ch. 2. p. 18. lin. 21. etc.  Thirdly, if his public and domestic Confessions, of which he speaks, do all sound a contradiction to, or a cordial retractation of what he formerly said to my Reverend Brother, I am heartily glad of it, for the good of his Soul, and long I wish he may, with St. john, continue in that sound and humble acknowledgement of his sins: but I fear me he may quickly revert to his former presumptuous sayings, if he embrace too fast the tenants of his new friend S. Castalio, who hath written a whole book about the perfection of Christians, and their immunity from sin here upon the face of the earth. 
a S. Castalio de obedientia Deo praestanda. p. 295. edit. in 12. A. D. 1578. His woeful drollery can not help him.  Totus orbis exercet Histrioniam.   

T. P.  
§. 14. Here he adventures to allude to one particular of the ten, which I returned to his slander in my former Defensative. My words were these, [He 
b Diu. Philan. ch. 3. p. 81.  cannot but confess, that when he hath heard me out of a Pulpit, (which hath been 5 or 6 times) he hath heard from my mouth a full confession of my sins.] Or perhaps he alludes to my other words, 
c Ibid.  [I have as many witnesses, as weekly Auditors in my church, and as daily Auditors in my family, that I affirm the quite contrary to that invention.] Notwithstanding which, and all other things by me alleged in that place, (which he durst not here take notice of) he perseveres in his impiety, and supposeth all I there said to signify no more than a Retractation. But that his drollery may not excuse him, I can prove by many witnesses (whereof each is equal to a thousand of his Informers) that since I came into this County, within which time the matchless slander did take its Date, there hath not been any one day, wherein I have not been liberal in the confession of my sins. Which when my Reader hath considered, and compared with all which I have published, especially with my preface to The sinner impleaded, and the two grounds of my belief, (Correct Copy p. 6.) when he hath weighed the wretchedness of Mr. B's Reply, with what I have spoken in this Rejoinder, he will infallibly conclude, that the ancient 
a Tit. 1. 12.  Cretians did not come near him, but were as much behind him in faculty, as before him in time. Secondly, what he saith of Castalio, gives us a measure 
2. Mr. B's malice against Castalio most impertinently vented.  of his Logic, and his integrity. That holy and learned man, (it seems,) hath published a book concerning obedience to be performed from man to God, wherein he shows to what pitch of that perfection, to which our Saviour doth exhort us Mat. 5. 48. a man by Grace may attain to upon the earth: and of that immunity from sin of which St. john speaks 1 joh. 3. 6, 9 where he saith of the Regenerate man, not only that he doth not, but that he cannot sin: which is a higher expression than Castalio ever used. I am not concerned in this unseasonable-impertinent-incoherent effusion of Mr. B's malice against Castalio, save that I honour the memory, and admire the goodness of that great Christian. In which respect I will say, it was Castalio's design in all he writ, to advance 
Christian Perfection exhibited in Scripture.  the purity and strictness of Christian practice, that the name of Christ might be no longer blasphemed 
b Rom. 2 24. 1 Tim. 6. 〈◊〉. Tit. 2. 5.  among the Heathen through the wickedness of such as are called Christians. It was said to Abraham, walk before me & be thou 
c Gen. 17. 1.  perfect; and of Noah, he was a just and 
d G●n. 6. 9  perfect man; and of Job, he was a 
e job. 1. 1, 8.  perfect and upright man; fearing God and eschewing evil. (God will not cast away 
* ch. 8. 20.  a perfect man.) David said, God maketh my way 
f Ps. 18. 32.  perfect. And our Saviour, Be ye 
g Mat. 5. 48.  perfect as your Father in Heaven is perfect. If thou wilt be 
h M●t. 19 21.  perfect, go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor. Thou shall be 
i Deut. 18. 13.  perfect with the Lord thy God. We speak wisdom among them that are 
k 1 Cor. 2. 6.  perfect. He gave some Apostles, and some Prophets, Evangelists, Pastors, and Teachers, for the 
l Eph. 4. 11, 12.  perfecting of the Saints. 
m Vers. 13. — till we come unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the ●…ature of the fullness of Christ. Now the God of peace make you 
n Heb. 13. 20, 21.  perfect in every good work to do his will. Let patience have her perfect work, that ye may be 
o l●m. 1. 4.  perfect, and entire, wanting nothing. Let us cleanse ourselves from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, 
p 2 Cor. 7. 1.  perfecting holiness in the fear of God. St. Paul could do 
a Phil. 4. 13.  all things through Christ who strengthened him. Zacharie and Elizabeth walked in 
b Luk. 1. 6.  all the commandments, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, blameless, without reproof, none (but a correptory Corrector) could say black to their eye. And had not Castalio good reason to write a book of Obedience, when he saw he lived in a rebellious world? Had he not reason (in that book) to speak of Christian Perfection, when he found men pleading for a fat all necessity of their sins, and an impossibility to be obedient? He spoke of that perfection which signify integrity, and is required of us in Scripture, as hath been showed. (if he went any farther, I defend him not.) He spoke of immunity from sin by the help of God's Grace, not by the mere strength of nature▪ nor did he speak of an immunity from original sin, or sins of ignorance and frailty, but from wilful, deliberate, and damning sins. But this is Doctrine which Solifidians cannot endure; because if they grant it to be true, they must rail no longer, and slander no more; they must no more be perjured, or schismatical, or sacrilegious, or covetous, or cruel in persecuting their Neighbours; they must repent in another notion than they are willing to hear of; for restitution, and satisfaction, mortification, and self-denial, and a newness of the whole life, must be ingredients in their repentance. Thirdly then, let us observe what our Pamphleter hath gotten by being impertinent 
3. A Catalogue of Mr. Barl●es g●…gs ●y his maligning Castalio.  against Castalio. He hath showed himself an enemy to the Grace of God, of whose effectual working in his children Castalio writeth. (as if God were not able to work wonders on Earth as well as in Heaven.) He hath showed himself an enemy to all those Scriptures above mentioned, which do affirm a perfection of men on earth, to wit, in the sense before given. He hath showed himself an enemy to the Darling of all honest and pious Christians, merely for following the Scriptures, and pressing hard for a conformity to the example and precepts of jesus Christ. He hath showed himself an enemy to his best beloved and dearest self, who (when it is for his turn) is not only for effectual, but irresistible Grace: as if he thought he could sin, without resisting the Grace of God, or could resist that Grace which is irresistible. He hath showed himself an enemy to all his own Gang; but above them all, to his 
* Ch. 2. p. 73.  admired Mr. Baxter, who differs as much from him and his, as 
† Note that Mr. Barlee doth either slander Arminius, or charge Mr. Baxters' Doctrine with Arminianism. Cor. Cor. p. 109.  Arminius, or Castalio, or whosoever he is, whom the Presbyterians exclaim against: whether he differs from himself too, let him determine. But what saith Mr. Baxter? He saith very truly, that the 
a Aphor. of justif. Thes. 24. p. 129.  personal Gospell-righteousnesse is in its kind a perfect righteousness, and so far we may admit the Doctrine of personal perfection.— 
b Ib. p. 133.  our righteousness is perfect, as in its being, so likewise in order to its end.— Object. Is our personal righteousness 
c Ib. Thes. 22. p. 122, 123.  perfect, as it is measured by the new Rule? Ans. Yes, saith Mr. Baxter.— 
d Ib. Thes. 27. p. 141.  As it was possible for Adam to have fulfilled the law of works by that power which he received by nature, so is it possible for us to perform the conditions of the new Covenant by the power which we receive from the grace of Christ. Nay farther yet, the same Mr. Baxter who saith, That the Tenor of the new Covenant is not, believe in the highest degree, but believe 
e Ib. Thes. 24. p. 133.  sincerely, and you shall be justified, (so that our righteousness formally considered, in relation to the condition of the new Covenant, is perfect or none) doth also say, that a man's sincerity doth especially lie in his own 
f Saints Everl. Rest. part 4. p. 296.  will. And that it is, under God, in a man's own choice, whether he will live a blessed life, or not. Thus Mr. Barlee hath showed his enmity against all he hates, and against all he loves too: And (which is his opus naturalissimum) he hath revealed to all the world, whereabouts his shoe wrings him. Yet fourthly, I commend him for his confession, [Totum orbem exercere Histrioniam;] though he knew it was not for 
4. Mr. P. personating a Bishop.  his credit to translate it. But I will do that for him. All the world is employed in the art of stageplayers or Hypocrites. Totus orbis (saith Mr. Barlee) All the world is pharisaical, given to counterfeiting, and cheating, and holy cozenages, (the 
* Ad quartum Actum & ultra in Dramate hoc desultando frigulti●…tes Presbyteriani spectati sunt. Salmasius in Defen. Reg. cap. 10.  Godly party not excepted.) Totus Orbis is a capacious phrase; (as a Circle is the most comprehensive of figures, and the world of Circles) it includes Mr. Barlee, when he played his part in that notorious ●omoe-Tragoedie (equally sad and ridiculous) which he and others lately acted in Daintry Church, intiled by the Actors, An Ordination of Ministers, but by many of the Spectators, An Ordination of Lay-Preachers to be Lay-Preachers still, and (without repentance) for ever 
† Ne quispiam bis ordinetur▪ & ne qui piam bis baptiz●●ur. Nam ordinatio est perpetuae functionis consecratio, ut Bapti●mus perpetui ●oe de●is testificatio Bannosi●s d● Po●i●. civet. Dei, etc. 7 〈◊〉.  incapable of the Priesthood, by being ordained by such Priests as were incapable of ordaining. 
a jer. 5. 30, 31.  Such horrible things are committed in the land, and some of the people (a) love to have it so, and what will they do in the end thereof? Ordinationes eorum ●●m●rariae, leves, inconstantes, etc. Tertull. de praescript● adversus Haereticos.  
§. 15. It 
† The Reason of Brevity in all that follows.  now becomes me to be sensible, how many sections I have bestowed upon those manifold absurdityes, thrust up together by Mr. B. in his pretended vindication of himself from the first slander of the three, to which alone he protested to have given some credit. A running pen, in conjunction with a most obnoxious and faulty adversary, have betrayed me to this length, even whilst I still hoped I should be brief. Should I proceed as I have begun, two inconveniencyes would follow. I should first reprint his voluminous Libel; and I should write such Volumes of Animadversions thereupon, as would speak me too prodigal of time and paper: nor would my Stationer's whole estate suffice for half the impression. I will therefore take up, before I go any farther; and setting down his pages, if not his very lines too, (as hitherto I have done) I will mark out his follies in the narrowest compass that I am able.  
§. 16. In his ch. 2. p. 18. lin. 32, etc. he confesseth that he 
Of the 600 Copies of my Correct Copy which Mr. B. said were sold in this County within 2. months. of which see Diu. Philan. Def. ch. 3. p. 54.  lied about the second thing excepted, although he excepted it from his lies. His 600. copies are now dwindled into 200. Good news for the Brethren. Things are better than they expected. For in the reckoning of 200 Mr. B. did overlash no more than 400 beyond the Truth. Besides that he excuseth it, by saying that his memory was intolerable false to him, or W. C. was swayed by frowns, or favours, to a denial of his words. But W. C. is amazed at the incongruity of the falsehood, because it is most for his secular interest to please that party. And yet he professeth not to have spoken of 200 neither: so that now Mr. B. must prepare a new Salvo, and lay the fault on his invention, which was terrible false to him, no longer on his memory, unless he forgets that 'twas the babe of his invention. Nor was it I, but Mr. B. who told the world my book●●old well: I rather laboured to refute him, and to fleece his 600. And therefore this was his waggery to lay his ordures in my Dish.  
§. 17. In his ch. 2. p. 19 lin. 8. etc. he confesseth also that 
Of my being the Author of Artificial Handsomeness. of which see Diu. Philan. Def. ch. 3. p. 150.  he lied, or (if you please) that he slandered, when he reported me the Author of the book entitled Artificial Handsomeness. But he excuseth it by saying, that he was told this lie by a most conscionable Divine, (is not he more conscionable who tells no lies at all?) He farther commendeth the conscionable Father of that lie, for a man that makes as much conscience of not telling, or believing lies, as any man in England. He should sure have said Crete; because he gives no instance of his Conscience, besides his having (by his confession) foully slandered his Neighbour. But he gave three Arguments to back his lie: Which first were weak ones, because they did 
* He saith he did but almost believe, what he thought fit to publish, as if he believed it altogether: and which he lately excepted from the number of those things, to which he swore he gave no credit.  almost persuade Mr. B. to a belief; and because he is ashamed to name one of them; (which he could not have failed of, if it had been for his advantage:) And secondly, likely to be none at all; because his conscience, or his fear, or something like conscience, flew fiercely into his face, and made him draw over it an invisible deleatur; so as the Printer might admit it into his book, and then be chid for that admission, if the worst came to the worst. The phrase, mentioned before, doth show that the man had been at it long ago, but (it seems) had considered, that he needed not in the same book tell the same untruth twice. Though that was also another untruth, to say that a thing was before mentioned, which now he saith was never mentioned before. And this, besides, is a contradiction. What he tells us of his letter sent up to the Stationer, does but aggravate his crime: for it proves that he knew it to be a slander and when it was printed for the use of the world, he blotted it out of a few copies to be sold in this County (which were indeed very few;) & this he thought an expiation of such a general slander. But his book slew abroad as far as the Mercury could carry it. And I was taken to be the Author of that book, by men who lived in other Counties, by whom I was also severely censured. And therefore to make me amends, he should have stood in a white sheet upon the stool of Repentance, with a Noverint Vniversi (upon his Forehead) that what he said was a Slander, for the forgiveness of which he entreated the prayers of all his Readers. But now he shows us what a Repentance he recommends to his Parishioners by his example. 
* The foul Nature of his Repentance.  He confesseth that he had wronged me, but doth not show that he is sorry: he rather labours to prove it a very good injury, which it was fit he should do me, for three strong reasons which he resolves shall be nameless; and in lieu of reparation, he proceeds to wrong me (if it is possible) ten times more than before.  
§. 18. Having thus discovered the three remarkable Fictions in excuse of which Mr. B. had most to say, and therefore excepted from all the rest, as the only three things to which he gave the least credit, I will now begin a new Chapter. And looking back a few pages, I will observe the man's manners as far as p. 77. and try if his custom of speaking falsely is become his artificial and second nature. I will not pretend to pen them all down, (that would be a vast enterprise, neither suitable to mine, nor my Readers patience) but only as many as may suffice for a little specimen of the Man.    

CHAP. II.  
Mr. B's new falsehoods superadded to his old ones as a Token of his Repentance and proficiency; with his Absurdityes of several kinds in the management thereof.  
§. 1. IN his ch. 1. p. 7. lin. 12. he complains of my private, 
Of cruel and causeless provocations in private letters.  cruel, causeless, epistolary provocations.] 'Tis well for him that they are private: for should I make them as public as divers persons would have had me, the world would wonder at this complaint. When Travellers have a mind to tell incredible stories, they commonly calculate their tales to fit Meridian's, and place the strangest the farthest off. and Mr. B. thinks that he hath nicked it, when he citys my Manuscripts and private letters, as knowing that his Reader hath not a Key to his Cabinet. But he doth not consider, that I have Copies of my letters as well as he; and can give his Readers this short account: That when I heard he had been writing against I know-not-what Manuscript, which he reported to be mine, I told him friendly (in a letter) what I had heard, and that I would not rashly believe a rumour, but desired to know the bottom of it from himself, that if indeed it were so, he might be sure to have a true Copy, which I alone could infallibly supply him with. This I hope was no cruel or causeless provocation. But yet he returned in part of Answer, [that I knew him to be robbed (he called not me the Thief) of a considerable part of his very few Auditors when they be altogether. As for my Question, he did say and write in a way that he would dare to own, and as just occasion should be given, he would not be afraid, nor ashamed, to give me and the Church of God an account of what he had been doing against a trifling Pamphlet savouring of my Genius, and said and believed to be mine.] And at last concluded with the words of Austin to Pelagius, having told me a little before, of my Pelagian and Semipelagian Doctrines or Tenants.  
§. 2. Ibid. lin. 9, 10, 11. He saith, that to mine and his 
Of his competent judges of his scurrility and calumny.  competent judges, he offered to do open penance for his passions, if they prove against him either scurrility or calumny. The 
* Note, that he excuseth only the later, confessing the former in an implicit way.  later of which Mr. T. P. vehemently asserts and supposeth, but never proveth.] (1.) Let the Reader determine whether his Lecturing-sympresbyters, to whom he dedicates that work, and to whom alone he submitted in 
* Before his Correp. Corr. P. 9  that Epistle, are competent judges betwixt him and me. What Malefactor in the world can be ever found guilty, if he may choose his own jury, and judges too? Nay what condemned prisoner can be discouraged from his sin, or any whit troubled at his Sentence, if he may have the privilege to choose his own Gallows? Twice besides in this new Pasquil, he offers to be tried for his Doctrine and manners, by any 
† C. 2. p. 55. and p. 52.  ten of his signior Sympresbyters of any worth or Note. But withal he provides for a double escape, if I should be so intoxicate as to stand to their judgement. For they must not only say, but prove him guilty, so as he may be fain to confess the proof, which he resolves never to do. Next they must be of worth and Note; which he will not grant them, unless they say that he is Innocent. Here is a tacit confession, that his Doctrine and manners are both obnoxious, because he will not be tried but by his Peers, that is his Patrons, or Congerrones, or fellow-Labourers in the work. Is there a Quaker in the world, who will not offer to be tried by any ten sym-Quakers of any worth or note? Or if his sym-Presbyterians are his competent judges, can he think that they are mine too? Well fare the Gallantry of the man, who hath found out the only way of being concluded William the Conqueror. But (2) I appeal to the unconcerned Reader, and to late posterity, and withal to our legal Ecclesiastical superiors, whither I have not evinced his twofold Gild. Nay I appeal to his own 
a C. 2. p. 19  confession, whether it was not a calumny which his (a) conscionable Divine did help him forge against me, touching Artificial Handsomeness, and his Reverend Minister, touching 2. marriages: which if it were not a calumny, Mr. B. is 
a Ib. p. 17.  perjured, by not putting it down for one of his 3. things excepted from all his book. But (3) if we quit him of calumny, (which we must not do) yet for the sin of scurrility he must do open penance, as himself hath tacitly acknowledged. For having named both the Crimes, he saith I never prove the later, implying the former beyond all question: else he certainly must have said, that I never prove either. In such language as this, Avaunt, Avaunt, thou Satanical 
Mr. B's godly ●bul●itions.  blasphemer, thou exceedest the Devil himself in blasphemy, ragest against Heaven, belchest out blasphemies and Diabolical stuff, playest the Lucian, and Carpocratian, makest a new Diabolical Paternoster, openly blasphemest against Scripture, Dragon, Sorcerer, noonday Devil, worse than Diabolical, and the like, Mr. B. will not deny but that he is guilty of scurrility. Yet (4) so insearchable is the man, that notwithstanding his 
b He had it first in one of his letters to me; then in the Epistle before his Corr. Corr. now again in his Reply.  repetition of [peccavi fateor, and, peto veniam, si unquam post hac] yet here he writes a whole chapter to justify all he had committed: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he was but somewhat 
c p. 6.  overheated; it was the 
d Ibid. in marg. si quid intumuit pietas, ignoscat.  godly intumescency and ebullition of his zeal; he had great 
e Ibid.  cause for it, even epistolary provocations which were cruel and causeless; he is but one of the orthodox 
f p. 8.  cordial Zelots'; these are only his (g) Ludicralls and the (g) play fullness of his stile; was not our Saviour 
h p. 6.  sufficiently zealous? His frailtyes (he confesseth) are 
i p. 55.  great and many; he hath exuberancyes 
k Ep: Ded. p. 2. and 3.  of passion, and will promise to make (if need be) an open confession upon his knees for all the wrongs it shall appear he hath done me: 
l Ch. 1. p. 8.  but his cordial friends have no great Reason to blame him, because he is for a useful and necessary moderation; whereas some men's hare-brained 
g g p. 9  fury, falsely called zeal, is destitute of all prudence, and other men's soft, milky, faint-hearted coldness is disguised under the Terms of prudence, fairness, peace, moderation; but he hath showed himself against both extremes. Thus his conscience and his tongue are accusing, and excusing, confessing, and denying, washing, and wallowing in the mire, sinning, and repenting, and speaking well of his sins: and so by turns he does them both over and over, and thinks he may do it very safely; for he is one of the few whom God hath 
a Postscript. p. 6.  called to be faithful, is acted by Grace irresistible, from which he cannot so much as totally for a time, much less finally fall away, let his scurrilityes and calumnies be what they can be. And whilst he is such a white Boy of Fate (like Homer's Paris) what need he care to put an end to any thing that is evil? Such are his opinions, and such his practice: and both have been published in Print, first by himself, and then by me.  
§. 3. In his c. 2. p. 10. lin. 13, 14, etc. he complains, that I made assaults upon his 3 aged Prefacers, the neighbouring 
Of Assaults made upon all the Protestant Name and Glory, upon Mr. B's bare word.  Lecturers of Northampton and Daintry, upon Calvin, Rivet, Vedelius, Walaeus, Amyraldus, Bp. Usher, Hall, Davenant, King James, upon the whole Synods of them at Dort, or Westminster; in a word, upon almost all the Protestant Name and Glory.] Now he begins to be pretty hopeful, because in these few lines we have not much more than 15 Falsehoods. For to the first of his Prefacers I gave a greater 
b Diu. Philan. Advertis. to the Reader.  commendation than perhaps in modesty he will own. The second I 
c Ibid.  passed over in silence, though he had publicly gaped upon me with his Teeth. The third I 
d Ibid.  dismissed with less castigation than he deserved. Nay. I 
e Ch. 3 p. 61.  rebuked Mr. B. for passing so terrible a sentence upon the public Practices of those his three Patrons, their growing rich upon 3 sequestrations, which M. Barlee had said was an unchristian, ungentlemanly, unscholarly, unneighbourly, unecclesiasticall thing. And it was he who assaulted his Neighbour-Lecturers, not only by speaking to them in public (which they could not but take for a disgrace) but by 
f Ch. 1 p. 17, 18.  registering their receding from a part of those Articles which they had formerly subscribed. from which Aspersions I did endeavour to clear as many as I was able. I spoke not of the person, but words and Doctrines of Mr. Calvin. I repeated what others had spoken of him, (which I did not do neither till Mr. B. had urged me to it) and what he spoke of himself. I touched Rivet but once, and that by accident, Mr. B. having used him to stave off a Blow; nor was it his person, but his 
g Ch. 4. p. 23, 24.  Argument whereby he sought to prove that vicious, which he said must needs have been from God. Of Vedelius, however peccant, I spoke but little more than nothing. of Walaeus, nothing at all that I can now think on. Amyrald, and the three 
a Ch. 4. p. 14.  Bishops, I spoke reverently of, as I had reason. The Synod of Dort was composed of differing parties, and not a little misliked by our English Divines who were Assessors; whom Mr. B. having 
b Ibid. p. 15, 16.  abused with their Hierarchick Flaunt, I did vindicate and rescue from that unclean Member. Of the Westminster Divines I said no worse, then that I had not 
c Ch. 3. p. 37.  seen their Confessions of Faith, and that they could not make a better Creed than the Apostles, or teach their mother a better Catechism than she had taught them. But Mr. B. by applying that to them, which was not spoken or meant of them by me, calls them by craft Manichees, Helvidians, Carpocratians, Turks and Stoics, c. 1. p. 7. King james I vindicated exceedingly, when Mr. B. had 
d Ch. 4. p. 7.  said in effect, that his Majesty and S. Austin were as great Railers as himself. As I 
e Ib. p. 11.  did also Bp. Davenant, when Mr. B. jeered him with his Orthodox putoffs. Last of all for the Protestant Name and Glory, so far was I from assaulting them, that when his sauciness had called them the lazie-Hierarchick-non-preaching-lubbers, I did assert them as the 
f Ch. 3. p. 73.  Ornaments, the Glories, and the venerable supports of our English-church, the very latchets of whose shoes we weekly Preachers are not worthy to untie. And was this to make an assault against them? Believe me, for correptory Correction, and saying much in a little (I speak of Falsehood) Mr. Barlee is He who shall wear the Garland.  
§. 4. In his c. 2. p. 11. lin. ult. p. 12. lin. 1, 2, etc. he takes 
Mr. B. passeth sentence before Doomsday.  it ill that I said, he represented me to the world as in a state of Damnation, because he did not express it in those very words. yet he confesseth, whilst he denyeth, that my charge was true. For he confesseth that he told me (Corr. Corr. p. 43.) that I was like to be looked on as some of the Planets spoken of jude 13. (for whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever) if I repent not the sooner, (that is, if I turn not Presbyterian.) Where he takes it for granted, that I have not yet repent, and therefore hitherto am in a state of Damnation. Besides, 'tis one of his tenets, that the Saints can never be in such a state, no not in the (g) Act of Adultery or 
g Corrept. Corr. p. 221, 222.  Murder, and that they cannot die until they have repent. So that unless his meaning was, that I am one of those Reprobates jude 13. he either knew not his own opinions, or saw not whether they would lead him, or else spoke nonsense when he added, [if you do not repent the sooner:] it being certainly his opinion, that if I am not already of the elect, I never can be; and if I am of the elect, I must 
* Note, that he prayeth in these words, The Lord he grant Mr. T. P. Repentance, that he may avoid all divine censures. c. 2. p. 42. and saith, I want his prayers. p. 23. as being averse from the true Faith by way of masculine opposition. p. 4.  inevitably repent, or must not die. Here then Mr. B. is put to his choice, whether he will renounce his whole conceit of election, and irresistible Grace of Repentance, or confess (what he denies) that he thought me at that present in a state of Damnation, or that he wilfully spoke against his conscience. By the way observe at once his charity, and his discretion. If Mr. B. commits the sin of Murder, he thinks he cannot be in a state of Damnation, and that he cannot die till he reputes; but if I am found in the Act of being Antipresbyterian, I am certainly damned if I repent not the sooner. Both are taken from a presumption, (without any the least ground, save in his fancy) that he is called to be 
a Postscr. p. 5.  faithful, and I was absolutely ordained to be a Reprobate. Secondly, he allegeth for himself, that in his second passage which I cited, (Corr. Corr. p. 174) He did not express his opinion, but his fears, that none could write as I did, unless well-nigh in the same 
Mr. B. fears Danger, without being of opinion that there is any.  condition with Simon Magus. As if he could fear my being a Reprobate, without being of that opinion. It is so impossible for the one to subsist without the other, that Philosophers do reckon fear as the 
b Formido est de intrinseca ratione opinionis.  formal reason of opinion. In saying, he did fear my sad condition, he employed indeed, he was not sure of it. (and what a great virtue was this, that he did not speak himself God, who alone can be sure what shall become of us hereafter?) But the more he feared it, by so much the stronger was his opinion, which set his fear at that pitch. So that if he speaks sense, his meaning certainly must be this, (which will be worse then if it were nonsense) that he did think me well-nigh in the same condition with Simon Magus, but yet he was not of that opinion: or else he was of that opinion, but he did not say it in those words. Let him choose which he pleaseth, his falsehood in saying, he did fear what he did not, or his falsehood in saying, he did not think what he did. And let him study some little Logic, (though it be but a System) that he may trouble the world with not-so-many contradictions. Above all, let him not call it his godly jealousy (as here he doth p. 12.) to pluck the 
c M●t. 13. 30. let bo●h grow together until the Harvest.  Tares from the wheat before the Harvest, until he is able to distinguish betwixt the one and the other. But let him leave it to him, who shall come in the cloud at the last Day to 
a Mat. 3. 12.  gather the wheat into his Garner, and to burn up the chaff with unquenchable Fire. When Mr. B. was pleased to charge me with 
* Correp. Corr. p. 178.  Atheistical Lucianizing, and with the pouring out 
* Ibid. p. 114.  of damnable blasphemies, for vindicating God from the aspersion of being the Author or cause of sin, I would ask him if he thought me a precious vessel of election. When he will answer that Question, I shall show him what follows.  
§. 5. In his c. 2. p. 12. lin. 24, 25. etc. He saith he only 
Of Socinianism falsely charged.  charged me with 
* Note, that [consequential] is here added as a Fig-leaf. And in this his second Book, c. 2. p. 38. he lays Socinianism to my charge without the least Reservation.  consequential Socinianism, to his best remembrance, in all his book.] Is not this a rare Christian, who for so great an injury to his Neighbour, will make no other satisfaction then to deny or to extenuate the crimson Fact? and to justify this too with want of memory? It can as little be expected by any Reader, that I should remember so many pages, wherein the Socinian is put upon me. Yet by but dipping into his book, I find him speaking of my 
b Correp. Corr. p. 69.  Socinio-Grotian-Persian glosses; my desires not to be accounted a 
c Ib. p. 157.  Socinian, in such a fleering way as doth imply, that I shall be so accounted do what I can; my (d) Atheistical Lucianizing and (d) Castalionizing, which (with him who brands Castalio with no less than viperous Socinian books p. 13.) was to call me Socinian, and very much worse, unless he thought that the Atheist Lucian was a Socinian only (many hundreds of years before Socinus was borne) or that Socinians are all Atheists. Again, he told me, I was nearly allied to the 
e Ib. p. 15.  Jesuits and Socinians: though now 
dd Ib. p. 178.  he virtually confesseth, I was no more like a jesuit, than himself like a Dominican. and so by his logic he is nearly allied unto the Papists, and (which is worse) unto the Libertines, who only built upon the Calvinists Foundations. In how many more places he did asperse me as a Socinian, I must needs be forgetful, as well as he. He hints my erring about the very 
f See with how much more Reason he might have called Calvin a Socinian, who called the three persons, the three proprietyes of God, and disapproved of Christ's being God of God. Grot. in voto pro Pace, p. 15. Hunnius apud Grot. Discuss. Rivet. Apol 185, 186.  Trinity, but holds forth nothing; only dreams of a Manuscript, and talks as impertinently out of it, nay a great deal more, than Mr. Haddock did in his sleep. At last he concludes, how he may show me, another time, justly suspected of Socinianism, because I read the books of Episcopius & Castalio, who are no more Socinians then Mr. Barlee, (for aught I know,) and I read them as little (I believe,) as Herald Or if I read Socinian books never so much, (as I know few men have read them less) doth it follow I am a Socinian, more than I am a Presbyterian, because I read Dr. Twisse, and Mr. Barlee? By this way of reasoning, Mr. Barlee may justly be thought a Heathen, because it appears by his Latin shreds, that he hath taken some few of the Heathen Poets into his Bosom. His signal ignorance of Antiquity, as to the Canon of Scripture, and the three subsistences in one substance, I leave as I find it, merely for fear of being tedious.  
§. 6. In his c. 2. p. 13. lin. 19, 20, etc. he talks of his 
Of his tenderness to me, and to Servetus. Compare this with §. 19  witnesses in the Country, how tender he hath been of my life, and of my livelihood; giving this instance of his tenderness, that he thought me fit to be punished, but not to be burnt, as was Servetus at Geneva.] Yet 1. he defends the burning of Servetus, who was not so bad as Mr. B. hath laboured to fancy me. For let them say what they please to lessen the guilt of that cruelty, yet they are parties, and must not so easily be heeded, as other men who are none. If Servetus his book was so blasphemous, why was Calvin so 
a Serveti libri, non Genevae tantum, sed & aliis in locis, per Calvini diligentiam exusti sunt; fat●or tamen unum me exemplum vidisse libri Servetiani, in quo certe ●anon reperi quae ●i objicit Calvinus, etc. Vot. pro Pace, p. 16.  diligent in burning up the Impression, which he should rather have preserved, that posterity might see some competent cause for such a terrible execution? Yet by the Providence of God, one or two of the Copies escaped the fire: and we are assured by peerless Grotius, that in the Copy which he saw, he could not find those things which were objected by Mr. Calvin. What Melanchthon spoke of it was merely on supposition that Calvin's narrative was true. And Oecolampadius was offended at the Barbarity of the Sentence. Nor find I any thing pretended against Servetus, which was so highly blasphemous, as the making God to be the Author or cause of sin. How well Mr. Calvin could tell his own Tale, and how diligent he was in being the first Informer of his Affairs, we may guess by his 
b Calvini Epist. 164, 165, etc.  Epistles which he writ to the 4 Helvetian Cities, for the gaining of authority to his new Devise. Secondly, Mr. B. 
c c. p. 15.  complains of the severity which was used to Penry, which shows how much kinder he is to Treason, then to that which either is, or is called Heresy. And with how many sorts of heresy he hath been pleased to load me in both his books, I need not here reckon either to his, or my Readers. Thirdly, though he professed in his 
a Ep. Ded. p. 2.  Epistle to be so solicitous of my Fame, & outward safety, as no man more; yet he will have me to be a Sorcerer, and to be ranked with the witches spoken of by the Apostle 2 Tim. 3. 13. (ch. 2. p. 42.) again, he chargeth me at once with Socimanisme and dimidiate Pontificianism, p. 38. with my good friends the Anabaptists, and Quakers, p. 42. (two sorts of persons to whom I am equally a stranger, and more a stranger than Mr. Barlee) with 
b Words, which he plainly applies to me, if he is not guilty of somewhat worse. c. 2. p. 45. lin. 6. 7. etc.  vehement pleading for the lawfulness of praying for the dead, and unto Saints, p. 44. Nay in the very next page to the place I am upon, he seeks my sequestration by this Dilemma.  
§. 7. 
c P. 16. lin. 1. 2. etc.  Either he practiseth in his public Ministry those many liturgical knacks which he doth so zealously plead for, or he doth not: if the first, he knows at what peril he doth it; if the later, he proclaims himself a timorous unconscionable Coward to all the world. The Lord show Mr. T. P. a way how to leap out of this snare; and this the Lord knows is all the harm I wish him.] Observe the charity of this Saint, who prays by the Directory. He wisheth me no worse than perfect beggary on one side, or to be published on the other for an unconscionable Knave. If one of these must be my Lot (as Mr. B. seems to be resolved) give me the former, let him take the later. Should I not speak to his Dilemma, he would exclaim against my Cowardice, and want of conscience, for doing as ill as a Presbyterian. Yet if I speak distinctly to it, he will admire my folly, and want of prudence, for not doing so ill as a Presbyterian. I am not amorous of suffering; I have had too much of it already from that implacable and bloody Sect. But so much do I prefer the greatest secular inconvenience before the sin of compliance with such a Gang, that I will readily cast myself on the shorter Horn of his Dilemma, as being most sure that it will do me least hurt. I would not be bribed with both the Indies, to do any thing so ill, as might make me be mistaken for a Presbyterian, or a Complyer with that Faction by any show or appearance either of flattery, or of fear. Be it therefore known to this Contriver of mischief, (and to as many of his Abettors as hope to have me in their Lurch,) that I do duly perform my Oaths and promises; I live in humble obedience both to the Laws of the Land, and to the Canons of the Church; I have no commerce with the Directory, or with any thing else that is Presbyterian; nor yet do I practise any more of my liturgical knacks (as this Zealot of the Kirk profanely calls them) than I think I am, in conscience, indispensably obliged and bound unto. I use that prudence and moderation, to which I am advised by the severest of my Superiors. And they who had power to do me hurt in consideration of my Practice, have been so throughly satisfied with the grounds and reasons of what I do, as to think me the worthier of preservation. Had the 
* I mean, the correptory Correctors only, that is, the men of Mr. B's spirit.  Fiery sort of the Presbyterians (which I have reason to distinguish from the more charitable and candid) swallowed down that power of doing mischief which they gaped after so long, with so much appetite and hunger, (and when they had swallowed for a time, were happily made to cast it up,) I had not expected so great a Miracle, as that a man could have been honest, and have enjoyed his own too. Who can take the vast distances, or number the manifold degrees, by which the Body of Independents must be preferred? But now 'tis fit that Mr. Barlee should know his part in the Dilemma, who to avoid the peril on the right hand, hath made choice, on the left, to be recorded as a most timorous and unconscionable Coward. When he entered into the Priesthood, he took the Oath of supremacy, and the other Oath of Alleg●ance, subscribed the nine and thirty Articles (without which, Bp. 
† By Him M. B. was ordained, c. 2. p. 40, 61. & however Mr. B. may wrong that Bp. I can prove his practice in ordinations to have been strict and wary against the least appearance of Presbyterianism, or noncon-formity.  Davenant admitted none into the Priesthood, as I can show;) nay if he were ordained in the year 1640. (when that Bp. celebrated a general ordination in the Cathedral Church) he was made to take that other 
a De praecavendis Novitatibus in Doctrina & Regimine secundum Canonem nupertime editum, etc. Note that the Bp. rejected those who refused the taking of that Oath, and would not give them Holy Orders. this I can prove.  Oath against admitting or complying with any manner of Innovations in point of Doctrine or Discipline, according to the Canon in that case provided by the then-Convocation, which was legitimately called, and authorised. Nay this is not all; for before Mr. Barlee was admitted into the office of the Priesthood (which was the very expression then used by the Bp.) he did solemnly promise in 
See the Book of Ordination of Bishops, Priest's, and Deacons, p. 18.  the presence of God, and the Congregation, (amongst many other things) that the Lord being his Helper, he would reverently obey his Ordinary, and other chief Ministers, unto whom the Government and charge was committed over him, following with a glad mind and will their godly Admonitions, and submitting himself to their godly judgements. There he solemnly and demurely did make profession, [that he thought in his heart, he was truly called to the Ministry of the Priesthood, according to the will of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the order of this Church of England.] 
Ibid. p. 17.  Clearly granting, (by that copulative,) that the order of our Church, as than it stood, by his confession, was according to the will of our Lord jesus Christ. In 
* Note that he confesseth he subscribed the 39 Articles, when ordained, c. 2. p. 61.  subscribing the 39 Articles, he acknowledged the 
a Artic 20.  power of the Church to decree rites and ceremonies, and authority in controversyes of Faith. 
b Artic. 2, 3.  That none are lawfully called and sent to minister in the Congregation, but such as are chosen and called to it by men who have public authority given unto them in the Congregation, to call and send Ministers into the Lord's Vineyard. 
c Artic. 34.  That whosoever through his private judgement willingly and purposely doth openly break the traditions and ceremonies of the church, etc. aught to be rebuked openly, (that others may fear to do the like) as he that offendeth against the common order of the Church, and hurteth th' authority of the Magistrate, and woundeth the consciences of the weak brethren, etc. That the books of 
d Artic. 35.  Homilies, (concerning the Common Prayer, etc.) ought to be read in churches by the Ministers diligently, and distinctly, that they may be understood of the people. 
e Artic. 36.  That the book of Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops, and ordering of Priests and Deacons, etc. doth contain all things necessary to such consecration and ordering, neither hath it any thing, that of itself is superstitious or ungodly, etc. 
f Artic. 37.  That the Kings M. hath the chief power in this Realm of England and other his Dominions, unto whom the chief Government of all Estates of this Realm, whether they be Ecclesiastical or civil, in all causes doth appertain. All which, with the rest, being subscribed by Mr. B. and the Priesthood received, (as hath been showed) he 
a When this is done, they shall go to the Communion, which all they that receive Orders shall take together, and remain in the same place where the ●ands were said upon them, etc. see the Book for Consec. and ord. p. 19  sealed to all he had subscribed, promised, and professed, by the tremendous Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. All which notwithstanding, he hath covenanted with the Scots to mould us all after the Kirk; polluted his Church with the Directory, and many other abominations I spare to name; hath taken upon him to ordain Priests, to which office he knows he never received a consecration, and had no other power imparted to him by Bp. D. venant, then to 
b Ibid. p. 19  preach, to dispense Sacraments, to bind and lose; and that not any how, or as he listeth, but 
c Ibid. p. 17.  as this realm hath received the same. He jeered our Divines at the Synod of Dort, (and Bp. Davenant as one of them) with their Hierarchick Flaunt, the Mass of Ceremonies, the ceremonious Litter, the many pretty liturgical Knacks, with other the like effects of his spirit and breeding. He denies that any civil power can have a supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical (so long as he cleaves to his Kirkirsh Principles,) and now he publicly 
d Ph. 2. p. 67, 68  avows that his Presbytery hath an Authority to excommunicate the Magistrate, the supreme civil Magistrate under which they live, and to which they have 
* Note, he confesseth it was no rash Oath (c. 2. p. 22.) and therefore aught to have been kept.  sworn to live in subjection and obedience. the foul and horrid consequences of which most Popish and jesuitical Tenent, I could easily tell him out of story, were this a place for such inlargements. I shall omit many things, until I am farther provoked, and find it needful, I will only observe this once for all, that when he labours to excuse his signior sympresbyters and Patrons whom he had tacitly accused 
e See that manifested in D●v. Philan. c. 1. p. 17, 18.  of temporising, and inconstancy, and receding from their subscriptions, etc. he saith; they only receded from the Ritual 
f c. 2. p. 40, 41.  part, and in an age unceremonial. What a rare Animal is this? and with how healing a Tongue can he lick himself whole, although his ulcers are never so grievous? There is but one Article, of 39, commanding a dutiful observance of rites and ceremonies; the rest are only of substantials: from which when the party 
* Note, the judgement of the late Primate, set ou● by Dr. Bernard, (p. 126) was this, That the ordination made by such Presbyters, as have severed themselves from those Bishops unto whom they had sworn Canonical obedience, cannot possibly be excused from being Schismatical.  apostatizeth, than all was but ritual (you may be sure) and they grew out of fashion; that is, the times did alter, and (like their ordinary Emblem, upon the pinnacle of the Temple) the men altered with them. There is nothing more easy, then to put soft names upon the ruggedst Actions in the world. Drunkenness is good Fellowship, Euphoniae gratia; fornication a Trick of youth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and so, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, every thing may be any thing. I make no doubt but if Popery should reign amongst us in these days, and should be as rigidly imposed as in the days of Queen Mary, Mr. Rabbi Buisy would be the first at his Crucifix and his Beads, and would say in his Defense, to any man that should accuse him of serving the Times, that he only 
† That is, Tempora mutantur, & nos mutamur ab illis.  conformed to the ritual part, and in an Age ceremonial. They are very unlikely to take up the Cross, who have laid it so heavily upon other men's shoulders. But now that I and Mr. B. have taken our Turns in his Dilemma, I must consider of a way how to shorten my work; lest if I punish the Malefactor after the measure that he is guilty, I lose as much time as my greatest adversaries can wish.  
§. 8. In his c. 2. p. 16. lin. 18, 19, 31, etc. he denies 
Of his denying his own hand.  that he intended a publication of his papers against a Manuscript called mine; and explains what he meant by communi Presbyterorum consilio in one of his letters directed to me long since.] If I had not experience of his hardiness, I should admire how he durst to contradict his own eyes, when he could not but know that mine are open, & that it is in my power to send his letters into the light. I have them now under mine eye, and do find myself threatened in the second, as I find him boasting in the first, what public use he would make of an Answer to my Pamphlet, and what account he would give to the Church of God of what he had been doing against that Trifle. I am also looking upon his third Letter (as he directs me) wherein his words are precisely these [being a Presbyterian I affect much to proceed communi Presbyterorum consilio:] that is, in plain English, by the common Counsel of the Presbyters, not by the common consent only, as here he falsely translates his own Latin. Did he think that consilium had been the Latin word for consent? or did he wilfully mistake it? or had he forgot his own words when he challenged me to look under his Hand and Seal? Other men may judge as they think convenient: but I believe his forgetfulness is the best expression of his Remembrance.  
§. 9 In his c. 2. p. 17. lin. 16. he saith, I make more haste 
Mr. B's Accusation of my Dispatch. of which he might have accused St Austin, and Origen, and the greatest Luminaries of the Church, with much more reason.  with my good works, then good speed, (giving this reason in the margin,) because my Correct Copy, Sinner impleaded, and philanthropy, were all put forth in less than a twelvemonth.] He cannot endure to speak Truth, though nothing is gotten by his falsehood. Nineteen Months were expired betwixt the first and the last of those three books. And what had he to do with that? why must he publish to the world, that I am industrious in my calling, and that himself (if he is able,) is not willing to tell twenty, without losing 7 before he comes to 19? But be it so that my books had come forth all in a day, can that either better them, or make them worse? then indeed is Mr. B. an excellent Author, who after some years' 
a Ep. Ded. p. 1.  travail (to use his Phrase) was able to squeeze out a couple of Monsters. And however he tells me that I am not quicksighted, yet in the very same line I can see his Latin, [acutum cernere & mordere] and, few lines before, I can see his Greek, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:] and whilst I see, I pity both; advising him henceforward to content himself with Dutch and Hebrew.  
§. 10. Whilst I am thus going forwards in showing his 
His Recriminations the saddest part of his Adventure.  Falsehoods, I am arrived at that 
b c. 2. p. 19 lin. 36, 37, etc.  page, where he is pleased to accuse me of the very same crime, palpable untruths which I published against him, and of them not a few, but many three, saith our Accuser. But here he stumbles at his own threshold, and no sooner tries to get up, than he falls quite down. First he confesseth, that his three Exceptions were bare hearsares, which he had sworn were no bare hearsayes p. 17. Next he fears, that I had scarce so much as hearsayes to bear me out in what I said: though part of what I spoke was from his own hand-writing; part from his mouth, delivered to me from his own messenger on purpose sent unto my House, who did not whisper it neither, but spoke it audibly to others; and part from such persons, who for number are more, and for credit more weighty than this unhappy Recriminator can pretend to be. Thirdly, he tells us he will but touch upon a 
c p. 20. lin. 2, 3.  few of my supposed calumnies, without so much as mentioning a world more; when yet he had told us in his Title-page, that he had made a full Abstersion of all calumnies; hoping the Reader would forget what he had said in his Title, or not read on till p. 20. or not observe the contradiction betwixt the one and the other, or at least conceive a world more beyond the collective All. How impossible it is, that M. B. should knowingly have omitted to accuse me of any failing, which he conceived to be such, I will briefly demonstrate by 2 examples of his willingness to make me guilty. 1. In the conclusion of my Philanth. I had written these words,— when some wagers have been laid concerning the correptory Correction— The Printers officer (by setting his letters so loosely as to fall out of the frame) expressed it thus— when some wagers have con been laid cerning the correptory Correction.— which misplacing of the syllable [con] which should have been added to [cerning] was demonstrably no other than the misfortune of the Press; and yet Mr. B. in his 
† c. 2. p. 9  Prints thought fit to trouble his Readers with it. 2. Whereas my Printer, in the 
* Diu. Phila●th. c. 3. p. 99 lin. 19  same book, had made it [in] in stead of [ni] which I had therefore very carefully took care to have mended in the Catalogue of Errata, and that in this printed form [p. 99 l. 19 r. ni] Mr. B. taking no notice that it was altered in the Errata, lays it roundly to my charge in his c. 2. p. 28. which however, in itself, most unworthy to be mentioned; yet considering the use which may be easily made of it, I think it more worthy than greater matters. For from hence I thus argue: If Mr. B. was so diligent in observing those oversights, which he could not but know were none of mine, but merely typographical, and as venial faults in the Printer as any Printer can let fall, in any the most weighty or sacred volume; how would the man have triumphed, had he found any errors of greater moment? and how innocent doth he declare my papers to have been, wherein he is fain to quarrel such motes? and how incredible must he be thought, whilst he pretends an omission of other faults? Nay, fourthly, he protested before God, that he knew but three things which I accused of being fictions, to which he gave the least credit, p. 17. yet here he talks of many three; at the very expense of being perjured in his former affirmation, or of speaking in the later against his knowledge. Fifthly, how incredible must it needs be, that he who invented so many Tales, and took up so many upon Report (either in deed, or in pretence) should omit to publish any ill thing of me, if he had really met with it in any part of my writings? But let us come to the particulars of which his unhappiness is composed.  
§. 11. His first complaint is, (p. 20. lin. 7, 8, 9, etc.) that 
Of the ground of his malignity.  his chief Parishioners being of my Congregation, I said, was the ground of all his correptory Correction.] My own words were, that this 
a Philanth. c. 2. p. 46. in marg. and c. 3. p. 122.  appears to be the reason. And so it doth very sufficiently. For 1. he was civil and courteous to me, as civil, and as courteous, as most men in the Country, until the time that his Parishioners betook themselves to my church, (as much without my knowledge, as against his pleasure:) and from that time forward my Neighbour's enmity to me did take its Date. He got a Copy of a Manuscript which was conceived to be mine, (and whispered such among the Brethren) against which he boasted what confutations he was preparing. I advised him by letter, that if it was true what I had heard, he would consider whether his Copy were mine or not, and whether (if mine) it were a true Copy or a false one. To this, (before he would give me one pertinent word) he returned me an Answer ushered in with this Preface— You know me to be Rob (I call not you the Thief) of a considerable part of my very few Auditors when they be all together. In his second letter he told me, that those chief Parishioners were the 
b His words were in Latin, susceptor gregis alieni, non certe abacti, sed sponte fugientis.  fugitives of his Flock, and that I was the Receiver of another man's sheep; that they were not so good as he would have them, else I needed not to turn 
c His word was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  meddler in another man's dioecese out of any overfond love of abolished Episcopacy. Nay he flew so high as to wish, that matters might be judicially decided in an Ecclesiastical Court. (which what it imports in a Presbyterian sense, so many have felt, that all have heard it.) 2. This aching Tooth did so torment him, that he abruptly cried out in his first printed Pamphlet (as he was trying to speak of God's decrees) that I had fulfilled my insolency against his 
d See Philanth. c. 3. p. 56.  ministry, and his Flock. and in another place, (upon a sudden twitch of the vexed part) he 
e Of which there is a section Philan. c. 3. p. 72.  blurted out a bold world, that he took more pains with those few under him, than I with my more numerous flock. Upon another sharp pang of the aching Tooth, he broke out into a confidence, that his 
a Correp. Corr. p. 22.  Sermons were more wholesome, though not so handsome as mine. Nay so far is he from leaving this anodynous outcry, until his pain hath left him, that he reproacheth me (even here too) with my 
* Note, Reader, that this is as contrary to Truth, as any thing that is false. See what I said Philan. c. 2. p. 46. lin. 4, 5.  Filching of his Parishioners (lin. 17.) and with schismatical practices against his Parish (lin. 24.) and this ground of his Distempers he calls the ground of his godly jealousy (lin. 20.) Nay (as the acid humour doth increase,) he lays about him like two or three 
b It is his Thrase of himself, p. 5. lin. 7.  thrashers; strikes at the high commendations which he saith I gave to his Parishioners qualities and conversations, when I said that they were persons of a most imitable converse, fearing God and hating covetousness, etc. Then he talks of his advantage to do me a mischief; and forgeth me to have said, 
c My words were these▪ Perhaps my neighbour doth consider, that it lies in his power, etc. and thinks that I am of his opinion, etc. Philan. p. 3.  that it is in his power to do me many a shrewd turn; talks of Patriarch sibbs in another's dioecese, and of no body-knows-who, who cheerfully complied with his Ministry; calls me fawning Tertullus; speaks of his preaching by the hourglass (in 2 words of true Latin) and of others coaching it to church (in one word of false French;) observes that [far fetched is good for Ladies;] tells them how well they might have fared by hearing him speak; and so concludes with another old Say, [their mind to them their Kingdom is.] Thus he puts things together to the very end of his 21 page: & this must go for a proof (if we are as willing as himself) that his Parishioners going from him was not at all the ground of his Correptory Correction. But because he denies that he did preach them out of their patience, and spoke against them, as well as to them, out of the very same Pulpit, I will oppose to his denial (which is but single, and his own too) their unanimous affirmation, that what I said they will justify on all occasions. It was from them who were affronted that I had knowledge of the affronts: and they are persons of so much honour, as well as of conscience and integrity, that one of their words will weigh more, than all the Oaths and Protestations which can be put by Mr. B. into the contrary scale. Nor is it a little to his prejudice, that he hath spent two pages in an impertinent invective against those persons, who are so generally beloved, because so generally obliging, that they stood in some need of his evil Tongue, to deliver them from the woe of being spoken well of by 
* Luk. 6. 26.  all men. For now it happily falls out, (to their unspeakable comfort and advantage) that they are only spoken well of by all except one; and He a correptory Corrector.  
§. 12. It is his second complaint, (p. 21. lin. ult. p. 22. lin. 1. 
Of hiring his book to be printed.  etc.) that I did publish his confession, that it must cost him around sum of money to get his book printed.] Was not 20●. such a sum? would not that have done well in a Daughter's portion? And did he not send it me in a message by a neighbour Minister, that He could get his book printed for no greater sum than 20●. which if himself could not spare, he had friends who were able to do it for him? I had been told it before by many grave Persons; but I should hardly have made it public, had he not told me of it himself. And did I do ill to believe his own message, when delivered by a person much more credible than himself? If the bargain was altered from after that time, he should have sent me word of that too, as he had done of the former. But how doth he blast his own credit, in setting this down as a palpable untruth, of which himself was the Author, and I but his Echo? nay he confesseth even here, whilst he doth offer at a Denial, 1. that he suspected some such matter, and spoke of it to his friends; 2. that one acquainted with the ways of printers did a little scare him about a sum of money; 3. that after the money matter was talked of, he did, out of pure respect to his Budget, forbear committing his Book to the Press; (Truth will out one way or other.) 4. that at last it cost him a small matter to the Printer, and what he did gratify his choice friends with. But let him speak again in print; was he not obliged, at the Stationer's price, to take off 200 of his Correp. Corrections? and doth he not drop a 
* I find it since in his ch. 2. p. 28.  confession that divers Dozen of his Book came down to him bound up? and did he not leave some dozen to be sold for him by the ●…tioners? Come away then, Reader, to his next Recrimination.  
§. 13. His third complaint is, (p. 22. lin. 24, 25. etc.) that I 
Of his swearing and cursing, and railing, and Pulpit-scuffles.  said, he railed at me to all sorts of people, and cursed me to some, and preached me down in his 2 lecture Sermons.] He preached and railed, for he railed in preaching, to all sorts of people. Once at Northampton in mine own hearing, under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which when I charged him with, he did not deny it. another time in Daventry Pulpit, which (being upon a market day) was talked of in the market, and brought to my ears by a cloud of ear- witness. And whether he railed at me or no behind the Curtains, his Readers may judge by what he hath done upon the Stage. A correptory Corrector begins to grow into a Proverb, and gives a special denomination to one that rails. 
a p. 22. lin. ult. p. 23. lin. 1, 2, 3.  But Mr. B. will lay down his life upon it, that, for above this 30 years, never did rash Oaths or cursing come out of the doors of his lips; nor in his greatest haste and heats did he ever protest so high, as by his Faith, by his Troth, or his Truly. Yet in the 17th page of this his last book, he protested before God, not only rashly, but very much worse, as hath been showed. Is not that more than by his Faith? Again he 
b Correp. corr. p. 174.  professed in the presence of God, that he thought me well-nigh in the same condition with Simon Magus. Is not that more than by his Troth? Nay farther yet, he pulls a curse upon himself, and the greatest curse too, even 
c Ibid. p. 25. lin. 1, 2.  Anathema Maranatha, if he prove not the Doctrines which he hath taught these 20 years most agreeable to the Faith of the Church of England. And when we consider how impossible it will be to prove that, how much worse hath he done, then if he had spoken it by his Truly? Nay in this his second Book he bestows this curse upon his Friends, 
d C. 2. p. 38. lin. 19, 20.  Beshrew them, who were at any time so credulous, etc. But in excuse of this last he may chance to say, that he was somewhat older at his p. 38. where he cursed, then at his p. 22. where he laid his life upon it, that he had not cursed or sworn these 30. years. and therefore I press it not much upon him: I love to allow him all the scope that I am able.  
§. 14. His fourth complaint is (p. 3. lin. 20, 21. etc.) 
Of his Correctors, Apology, and being in the Diurnal.  concerning what I said of the Correctors of his Press, and that his Apology was to be looked on as the deepest instance of his invention: and p. 24. that he was at the cost to have his Book in the Diurnal.] To the first I answer, that I was told it by divers persons whose eyes were still upon the place, and could tell more of those matters then Mr. B. himself. which I cannot prove, I'll beg his pardon, although the matter is not of moment. For a most satisfactory Answer to the second, I refer my Reader to the 
a Philanth. conclus●●um. 7. p. 66.  place, where my words may be seen in conjunction with the reasons which there I give for them. I say to the third, that what he did by a proxy, he truly did. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That I can show my information under the hand and seal of a most worthy person. That if he did, he did well, (for who prints books to keep them secret?) and therefore if he did not, I did not ill to think he did. Yet because I did take it upon report, I shall as soon as he proves I did mistake it, make him amends in such a manner as he will have me.  
And thus having seen the very utmost of what he hath been able to charge me with, (from the very beginning to the conclusion of my book,) I will pursue my method of charging Him.  
§. 15. In his p. 24. lin. 8, 9 he is not afraid to divulge his 
Mr. B's Dream of the Printers Boy.  Dream, that by my silver hook I hooked in very Printers boys to be my Historians, and that I bribed them to let me have a handsel of his papers, etc.] A thing not only extremely false, but so very impossible to be true, that I was never able to find out whereabout his Printer lived, whether at London, Oxford, or Cambridge. Upon my diligent inquiry, I heard that London was the place, but I heard it only, and read it in the Title-page of his Book. For aught I know, there is no such matter. But admit him to be in London, I cannot tell (to this hour) either where he lives, or what his name is. All I find in his Title-page, is, Mr. Sawbridge his Stationer, and W. H. which what it signify, I cannot tell. Indeed Mr. Sawbridge was asked the question by a Friend, but he was as wary as the ancient Persians, and would not let fall a syllable towards the opening of the secret. The mysteries of Bacchus and of Cybele were never locked up with greater care. The like was observed in the printing of his last; which I was never able to get a sight of (notwithstanding my endeavours, which might administer an occasion to Mr. B's confident invention) until after there were Copies in the public shops at Northampton. So very unhappy is Mr. B. in printing all that lies uppermost. 
His sin against conscience and common sense.   
§. 16. In his p. 25. lin. 18, 19 he saith, I omitted to touch upon the 20th part of all that was substantial in him, and argumentative.] If he had said, [of all that was scurrilous and invective,] he had hit the Truth a little nearer. I was chid by wise persons for considering him at all, and again I was chid for taking him so much into consideration. But for this I have been thanked by the very same persons, that I showed him the shadows of all his substance. What subject is there in all his satire touching the questions in debate, and relating to my notes, upon which I have not fully spoken in my defence of God's philanthropy? My Alphabetical Index is a thousand witnesses, to such as list to look no farther. But I have many more witnesses than Mr. B. can pretend to, because the whole Impression was dispersed long ago. How I spoke to all things which were substantial and pertinent, and why I spoke to no more, I cannot demonstrate by an induction, unless I transcribe the many sections, both of his book, and mine. But I can do it a shorter way, even by sending my equal Reader to the conclusion of my philanthropy, and by desiring him, with that to compare the Index.  
§. 17. In his 27, 28, 29. pages, he proclaims his ignorance 
Of his false Greek and Latin.  in Greek and Latin, by his pitiful endeavours to make them venial. I did occasionally name a few of his infirmities, and in mercy to him I named no more. I did seriously intent not to rub up that sore, and meant that Time should either heal it, or skin it over. But since the Delinquent is so ingrateful, as not to accept of my pity, and even flings dirt at me for concealing so much of his uncleanness, I will compel him to be sorry, though I cannot be sure he will repent. First, for his general excuses, that the Printer did him much wrong, and that I would not admit of a corrected Copy which he sent me, I have this to Answer for his discomfort. 1. That the grossest of his commissions (such as multa rara, ad phalerandum populum, derelictoscujus, and the like) are not pretended by himself to have been errors typographical. For of the three I now named he seeks to justify two, and very wisely conceals the third: ad phalerandum populum he dares not mention. 2. Though I would not accept of a book from his hands, (having bought one before out of the shop, and suspecting many dishonestyes to lie in ambush by such a project;) yet I detained it so long, as to examine his monstrosityes of Greek and Latin, (which by the Index I had made was very easy to be done.) And except Daemon meridianum (which he had mended with his pen) I found the book to be as faulty (in point of Latin and Greek) as that which I had from the common stall. Nay I have now in my custody one of those very Copies, which Mr. B. corrected after it came to Northampton; and even there I have discovered above twenty gross errors (as a neighbour Minister can bear witness) neither amended with the pen, nor yet in the Catalogue of Errata. But let us come to the particulars in which I 
* See Philanthr. c. 3. p. 99  instanced. The first, and chiefest, was his deplorable use of phalerandum, which in stead of confessing, or excusing, he very carefully passeth over, and breaks out into railing, as the natural 
His ad phalerandum populum.  language of his misfortunes. And having showed by convina, (as heretofore by Monsieurs) that he would fain be mistaken to have at least a little skill in Italian and French, even whilst he demonstrates his perfect ignorance in both, he tries to hide his real frailty, by starting a frailty where there is none. For the fault that I found was multa rara, which 
His multa rara.  was as bad as to have said, multa pauca: And to that I pointed with an asterisk both in the margin, and in the Text. But our Gamester provides a backdoor for his escape, and makes as if I had blamed him for the particle [ni] whereas he knows I never did, and was so far from laying it in his dish, that I laid it wholly in the Printers, as Mr. B. might have read in the Catalogue of Errata. In so much as that refuge hath quite undone him. Nor fares he the better for his many rare Gems, because his words were multa lectu dignissima & admodum rara; which if he thinks not worse than many grammatical incongruities, I know what the Reader will be apt to say of his learning. Is not this bad enough? not, it seems, for Mr. Barlee: for that which follows is much worse. 
† Calvin. Instit. l. 3. c. 23. §. 4. His cujus derelictos.  Defectio arguit fuisse derelictos, cujus (supple Derelictionis, saith Mr. Barlee) non potest alia adduci causa, quam Reprobatio. Calvin's word was derelictos, not derelictio: or if it had been so, as Mr. B's ignorance would have had it, yet could it not have been Mr. Calvin's meaning. For 1. it appears by the context, that he was speaking of the Defection of the Reprobate Angels, and enquiring after its cause: and 2. it could not otherwise be sense, then by making cujus to refer unto the word defectio. Could Mr. Calvin be so silly, as to say that God's Reprobation was the only cause of his dereliction? Not his positive Reprobation, for than it would be before the negative, (in contradiction to his Tenent;) not the negative Reprobation, for that is nothing but dereliction, which cannot possibly be the cause of itself. No, 'twas only Mr. B. who could arrive to that pitch of Dementation. What satisfaction will he now make me for giving me the lie with a notorious epithet, and for his wonderful impertinence of St. Paul's ignorance in Grammar? He tells us it is venial to break Priscian's Head. But these are such faults as would break his Heart too. The time would fail me if I should mention the great variety of the like, which are very conspicuous in his Correp. Correction. But I will show my Catalogue to any man that shall desire it for satisfaction; and from the Press, if required by M. B. Nor is he happier in his second book than he was in his first. For not to speak of such trifles as Coriphaeus, and acutum cernere, (not mended in the Errata) I will only mention two or three Rarities. What I had written 
a Philanth. in A●vertis. to the Reader.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he thought he must repeat 
* This was worse than his manifold mistake of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which it seems he thought could not agree with Helena, because its termination did happen to be in [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] therefore he murdered it into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the like; and after all, marred all in the mending.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 17. no doubt because he found 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his Lexicon, and could not find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. wherein how many absurdityes might be observed (to the filling up of both pages) I leave to the guess of a sufficient Reader. Again (in his ch. 2. p. 54, 55.) he snibs me for an oversight in translating this Latin, Desinebat esse vir, sed non malus Grammaticus: either not knowing, or not considering, that the words are Amphibological (like Ibis' redibis nunquam Romane peribis;) and when the sentence was capable of both constructions, I had reason to take that which was most for my purpose, and for the credit of Origen, to whom the amphiboly was applied. Now whether the Logic, or the Grammar of Mr. B. is to be shent, I leave himself to be the judge. But above all, I admire him for his waving of my 
b In his c. 3. p. 52. lin. 27, 28. where he refers to my Philanth. c. 3. p. 106.  Dilemma, whereby he was forced to confess, that he was either a wilful Impostor, or else understood not the Latin tongue, when he translated Felix Turpio, not only besides, but against the meaning of the words. Whosoever shall read chap. 3. p. 105, and 106. of Divine Philan. Def. and compare it with Mr. B's affected Dumbness (c. 2. p. 52.) and with what he saith of opinion astree (c. 2. p. 36.) and how he mends it in his Errata, by making it worse, he will sure be tempted to laugh as loudly, as 
a Val. Max. l. 9  Philemon once did upon another occasion.  
§. 18. Whilst I am in this place of my vindication, I am a little interrupted by a kind neighbour of the Ministry, who 
An occasional Digression for the clearing of what is past, and for the abridging of what is future.  was very much suspected to be the Man, whom Mr. Barlee pretended to be the sole Author of his Reports: I mean those two, of which I have spoken so lately, and so much at large, chap. 1. §. 9, 10, 11, 12. Nay he himself was very confident, that Mr. B. would lay those ugly children at his innocent Door, if he were not prevented by timely caution. He hath therefore very worthily, like an affectionate neighbour (less than which I never found him) not only cleared himself from Mr. Barlee, but cleared me from himself too; that I may be justified by them both, upon whomsoever the blame and the guilt may lie. So far was I from having said to this reverend Minister, that I was without sin, above sin, and by mine own power could abstain from all sin, and again so far from denying the lawfulness of the second marriage of Ministers; that he hath three times attested I said the contrary: first, to a clergyman of this County; the next day after, to a Gentleman of greater quality; and two days after that, to me in person. nor this by an oral or fugitive profession, but he voluntarily offered to at test it under his Hand, and accordingly hath done it at the very same time Decemb. 14. 1657. Nor hath he done it in one, but in three distinct written Forms, to which he hath added a threefold subscription of his Name; that Mr. Barlee may be known not only the Raiser of those two slanders, but withal to have invented his way of management, and defence. Which to describe unto the life, in its complication of falsityes, with which Mr. B. doth lie entangled, will be the subject of a Treatise to be published by itself, if Mr. B. shall make it needful, by any obstinate perseverance in so manifold a sin. But I suppose he will think it his easiest way, to make a confession of his faults, and to accept of my pardon, which I am 
b Mat. 18. 22.  bound to afford him upon the account of Christianity, though he shall yet sin against me no less than seventy times seven. In the mean time it concerns me, as the injured party, to make good use of my Advantage. And since I find myself unabled, by no less than an induction of all particulars, to make a most cogent Demonstration of my having been calumniated in several kinds, and that without the least shadow or show of Reason; I shall take a shorter course than I have hitherto done, for the clearing myself of all other calumnies, as soon as ever I shall have spoken to this following insinuation.  
§. 19 He saith by head and shoulders (c. 2. p. 44. lin. 25, 
Of praying for the dead and unto Saints, pleaded for by no-bodyknows-whom.  26, etc.) That it will much concern me to inquire who that Minister was, who vehemently pleaded, four or five years ago, for the lawfulness of praying for the Dead, and unto Saints, at a Gentleman's table, who contended against it, and complained heavily to Mr. Barlee of it.] (1.) If another Minister did this, how can Ibe much concerned to inquire who he was? or why did he not say, he meant another, and not my self? For as the words are here placed, he plainly seems to mean me by them? which why should his Readers be left to think, in case he did really intend some other? (2.) Again, if I am the Man he means, (which is the opinion of all I meet with) why dared he not say it in downright terms, as he was wont to say things of worse importance? His very mode of delivery betrays his guilt. And well it might. For (3.) how could I eat at any Gentleman's table, who could possibly complain to Mr. Barlee? Or (4.) how can he be a Gentleman, who did not only complain of what was spoken at his Table, but of what he feigned to have been spoken? Off goes his Gentility, if that is part of his 
* Evocatos tanquam ad epulas nuptiales Protestantium primores, Carolus nonus opprimi jussit. Thuanus l. 55. 56, 57 Cluver. ad A. D. 1572. p. 734.  entertainments. None but 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodot l. 〈◊〉. c. 119. p. 51.  Astyages, and Atreus, have ever made a more cruel and inhospitable Feast. None but Harpagus and Thyestes have found a sorryer Treatment at another man's Table. For (5.) so far have I been from pleading vehemently in behalf of those errors of the Roman Church, that I have vehemently pleaded against them both, when it hath not been for my interest, but much to the hazarding of my safety. Nor am I able to believe, that this is any other story, than what was newly coined in the old mint, and only antedated from 4 or 5 years ago, that the Gentleman (when accused) may fitly say he hath forgot it. But I omit to say more, (how much soever I am provoked) until I am refused some satisfaction. It was no longer ago then in his p. 38. lin. 21, 22, 23. when Mr. B. wished [with an O] that I would purge myself from dimidiate Pontificianisme. And p. 73, 74, 75. he reckons me to be one of those Cassandrian-Papists, against whom Mr. Baxter doth warn the Nation. And because he is assured that he hath no ground for it, he is fain to glance at me in a most oblique and squinting story, which is as far from Truth, as Malice is from Charity, and Truth from Falsehood. It is as if a man should say, that it nearly concerns Mr. B. to inquite, who that Minister was, who upon the perusal of the Divine philanthropy defended, did so exceedingly swell with Anxiety and Anger, that the Cooper presently was sent for, to Hoop his Belly and his Ribs, for fear of bursting: But I declare against this, as a most unchristian and unmanlike course: and only propose it as a glass wherein Mr. B. may behold the ugly face of his inventions. And because by these courses, and many more of this nature, he strikes directly at my Living, and at many others through my sides, I think he cannot but owe me some very public satisfaction: And by these presents I do require it.  
§. 20. Now I come to my shorter course, which I promised 
A short Catalogue of 37. more Falsehoods.  at the end of the 18th section: and which if Mr. Barlee shall not take in good part, I will speak at large to those things, in another Tract, which now I shall only think fit to mention. 1. What he saith of an imaginary 
a Ch. 2. p. 31.  parallel betwixt my opinions and the Pelagians (which he pretendeth to have made in his Correp. Corr.) 2. what he saith of 
b Ibid.  D. Reynolds in his Epistle to himself, showing my Arguments to have issued from the Pelagian School. 3. what he saith of my 
c Ibid. and p. 32.  abusing D. Reyn. and Mr. Whitfeld, etc. 4. of my 
d Ib. p. 33.  repeating the Barber's Basin a second time. 5. of its being no 
e p. 34.  fiction, into the partnership of which he took in his reverend Divine. 6. of what passed at 
f p. 34.  Daintry touching Socrates and job, (who were both spoken of, but not as Mr. B. doth make relation.) 7. of my 
g p. 36.  ending my Notes with a harsh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 8. of my 
h p. 37.  accusing him for being like Pausanias, (which indeed I mentioned of an indefinite 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but he alone applies to himself.) 9 of 
i p. 38.  frequent repetitions, (which is more his own fault then any man's whatsoever in all my reading.) 10. of my 
k p. 42.  ranking the best of men with the worst of Quakers, (whereas I only said, what things I was unlike, and how far from being a Quaker.) 11. of my being not able not to know, that 
a p. 42.  Bishops were no other than primi Presbyterorum. 12. of my 
b p. 42.  justifying one of the worst of his expressions. 13. of his 
c p. 43.  not making promise to crave pardon for his faults. 14. 
d p 45.  of my spending above 22 sheets in pure invective. 15. of his not 
e p. 47.  saying that he had need to cast about for Topical Arguments. 16. 
f Ibid.  of his 5 Arguments to prove that matter of fact, pretended not to be spoken to. 17. 
g Ibid.  of my confessing a Copy to be mine (which I never saw, nor knew any thing of but from Him.) 18. 
h p. 48.  of confessing by faltering denials. 19 
i Ibid.  of leaving out a passage against special discriminating Grace. 20. 
k p. 50.  of his never having heard that his three friends had their finger in the pie of sequestering others, though some of them lived upon sequestrations. 21. 
l p. 52.  of its being plain by the Text and context, that he spoke not of me, but of himself. 22. 
m Ibid.  of my granting those Westmonasterial Authors to make for him (when yet he declares for the upper way, etc.) 23. 
n p. 53.  of his alluding to my words when he calumniates them. 24. 
o Ibid.  of his opposing my Idol Fancy of Grace, when he gibed at God's Grace by me alleged. 25. 
p p. 56.  of his not charging me with Atheism, etc. 26. 
q p. 56.  of my not threatening him with a thing passed, but He me. 27. 
r p. 57  of his not allotting me a portion in the bottomless Lake, etc. (which I have largely proved Ch. 2. §. 4.) 28. 
s p. 59  of Aerius his not being condemned generally for heresy. 29. 
t p. 60.  of his party's maintaining communion with us in doctrine and worship. 30. 
u p. 61.  of Bp. Davenant's exacting nothing, but the Oath of supremacy, and subscription to the 39 Articles. 31. 
w p. 64.  of Episcopius his being an Antitrinitarian, etc. 32. 
x Ibid.  of my knowing that Episcopius was fully confuted by Vedelius, (when I know the contrary.) 33. 
y p. 65.  of the Bishop's severity to Non-conformists, etc. 34. 
z p. 66.  of King James his promise, that he would labour to conform the Church-government of England to that of Scotland, rather than vice versa. 35. 
a p. 71.  of special Grace being inconsistent with universal. 36. 
b p. 71, 72, 73, etc.  of my charging Testard, Amyrald, Bp. of Armagh, etc. with Arminianism (who never owned it in myself.) 37. 
c p. 76.  of Bp. Davenants pacificatory to Duraeus not being one of the last things he writ (by which we must mean, his public works, not private letters, etc.) What Mr. Barlee saith, or insinuateth, (by such inevitable consequences, as do make it equal to what he saith in dogmatical positions) is neither more nor less true, in the 34 places directed to in the margin of this last section, then if a man should say that Mr. Barlee was passionately in love with the Queen of France, and pretends a just Title to the Crown of Spain.  
And thus (good Reader) I have preserved thee at once from so much labour, and loss of time, as 34 long sections must needs have cost thee. I wish I had thought of this method sooner; since his prevarications with the Truth are (most of them) so palpable, that to 
a Sententias vest●as prodidisse, superasse est. Hieron. ad C●esiph. adv. Pelag. c 4.  name them only, is to discover them; and to discover them only, is to confute them.   

CHAP. III.  
Mr. B's Abuses of other men, (as well as of me, and of himself,) especially of his own Party; and his incomparable mistakes in those of the Prelacy, the late Primate, Bp. Davenant, etc.  
§. 1. Mr. B. taking it for granted, upon the representation of his Fancy, that he had done me some special savour, concludes from no-premisses, that I discover myself to be a Monster of ingratitude for having 
Of my being a Monster of Ingratitude to Mr. B. because he abused his best friends without my consent, and was reproved by me for it.  written a tedious letter to him, and made that use of his Answer which he expresseth ch. 2. p. 50. lin. 14, 15. etc.] Where the ingratitude doth lie, I shall leave it to be considered by this impartial account of that whole matter. When I had published a true Copy of my Notes to prevent the publishing of a false one, I was told, (which since I find was true) that Mr. Barlee had a design to print as much of that false one as he thought might be useful to do his work. Against this I thought fit to preadmonish him in a letter. Advising him first, to live in silence, and not to trouble the Press with breach of charity or peace. Or if that might not be, that he would then keep close to the proper subject of debate; and neither call me by ill names, nor affirm any thing to be mine, which I had already so very heartily and so knowingly disowned. For having voted me already to be a Papist, and a Pelagian, (and a Socinian into the bargain) should he proceed to aspersions from I knew not what Manuscripts copied out with his Ink, why might he not accuse me of having said Mass, or of any thing else which might be matter of sequestration? With how much reason I did this, both his books have made appear. For what I suspected only as possible, he hath abundantly performed, notwithstanding all those premonitions, with which myself and others did very affectionately oblige him. But the word sequestration did so sting him (as he pretended) that he wondered (in his next letter) at my monstrous uncharitableness, for representing him to my misgiving fancy, as if he had nothing of an Ecclesiastic, of a Christian, of a Gentleman, of a Scholar, of a Neighbour left in him. So great a sin did he reckon a sequestration. He farther added, that even then when his principles did seem most to lead him to the liking of the sequestration of unworthy ecclesiastics, yet even then he was so much for Ecclesiastica Ecclesiastice, and justa just, as that, he blessed God for it, he never had, nor ever would have, nor ever in that way hoped to have, any hand or finger in that pie. Now comes the jest. For having Noted sequestrations with such a black Coal, and startled at the mention of such a Bugg, as if he thought it a Scarlet sin; and being afterwards put in mind, who they were that grew lusty upon that very Dish which he thought Poison, (and blessed God that his finger was never in it;) he tells the world even in Print, that some of his friends (his dearest Friends and Patrons too) have even lived upon sequestrations, but he did not think of them when he wrote what he did. Who saith he did? or who can think it? Had he remembered at that instant what now he tells us, he would not certainly have used them as accidentally he did. He would rather have lessened and excused that Fact, then have loaded it (as he did) with so many heavy aggravations. What he saith, he never heard of his three special Friends, and the distinction which he makes betwixt having a finger in the pie of sequestering, and living upon 
* Still he saith it is a way he is not satisfied with, however practised by the long Parliament, which he did most Idolise. p. 52. I hope that others may be unsatisfied as well as He, and as safely.  sequestrations, etc. doth but amount to such a salvo, as stands in most need of being covered; and kept close: for the more Air gets in, the more the u'cer will be endangered, as I could show more ways than one. Mr. B. should have known, (I mean, he ought to have considered) that this is one of those things which, the more he stirs, will smell the more unbeseemingly. But let it lie quietly for me, as before it did, until Mr. B. shall rake it up, as now he hath done. So much for Monster of ingratitude, which Himself was much rather to be charged with, for calling Him [
a Ch. 3. p. 7.  monstrous Leviathan Hobbs,] who hath assisted his party (at least to the utmost of his Ability) in asserting their Doctrines of God's Decrees. And though Mr. B. doth but write like one of the lowest of his Disciples, yet he tells us, he will as soon own the 
b Ibid.  Devil for his Master, as Mr. Hobbs.  
§. 2. In his c. 2. p. 65. lin. 28, 29, etc. He saith, it had been well for King James, and all his posterity, if he had 
Of King james and the Presbyterians.  continued to follow the counsel of Robert Rollock; who did advise him, as he would not fall into inextricable straits first or last, to continue a fast friend unto the Godly.] So he calls the Presbyterians of the Kirk; with whom if King James had complied, as he did not, they had not done as they did, but had preserved him from falling into inextricable straits. And then (saith Mr. B.) it had been better for his Posterity. So dangerous and fatal a thing it is, for any Magistrate whatsoever, in any Kingdom or Commonwealth, not to comply with the Presbytery, when they have power to do mischief. He hath spoken very much to the credit of his party; and given notice to all in power, that the way to be secure from the attempts of that Sect, is either to set them up, or to keep them under. But which of the two is most eligible, I hope the world will make no more Trials. Well, we have heard Mr. B. of King james and the Godly: Now it comes to my turn to produce King james concerning both. In the conference at Hampton-Court, upon occasion of Dr. Reynolds obtruding twice the King's supremacy, his Majesty took him up in these following words.  

c King james his speech of the Presbyt. Confer. at Hampt. Court, p. 82, 83, 84, 85.  Dr. Reynolds, I will tell you a Tale. After that the Religion restored by King Edw: the sixth was soon overthrown, etc. we in Scotland felt the effect of it. Whereupon Mr. Knox writes to the Queen Regent, that she was supreme head of the Church; and charged her, as she would answer it before God's Tribunal, to take care of Christ his Evangill, and of suppressing the Popish Prelates, who withstood the same. But how long, trow you, did this continue? Even so long, till by her Authority, the Popish Bishops were repressed, Himself and his Adherents were brought in and well settled, and by these means made strong enough to undertake the matters of Reformation themselves. Then lo, they began to make small account of her supremacy, nor would longer rest on her Authority; but took the cause into their own hand, and according to that more light wherewith they were illuminated, made a further Reformation of Religion. How they used that poor Lady my Mother, is not unknown, and with grief I may remember it. Who, because she had not been otherwise instructed, did desire only a private Chapel, wherein to serve God after her manner, with some few selected persons: but her supremacy was not sufficient to obtain it at their hands. And how they dealt with me in my minority, you all know. It was not done secretly, and though I would, I cannot conceal it. I will apply it thus. And then putting his Hand to his Hat, his Majesty said; My Lords the Bishops, I may thank you that these men do thus plead for my supremacy. They think they cannot make their party good against you, but by appealing unto it: as if you, or some that adhere unto you, were not well-affected towards it. but if once you were out, and they in place, I know what would become of my supremacy. No Bishop, no King, as before I said. Neither do I speak at random, without ground: for I have observed since my coming into England, that some preachers before me, can be content to pray for James King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith; but as for supreme Governor, in all causes, and over all persons (as well Ecclesiastical as Civil) they pass that over with silence; and what Cut they have been of, I have afterwards learned. Thus far King James. With whose words if we compare what hath been written by 
* Claud. Salm. D●fen. Reg. c. 10, & 11.  Salmasius, who was in every part of his life, except the last, the greatest enemy to Bishops, and the greatest Patron to the Presbytery, and yet hath fastened the blackest Character upon the English Presbyterians that hath ever been given to any Sect, I suppose some Readers will take the words of Mr. Barlee, and use them thus. It had been well for King James, and all his posterity, if he had followed the counsel (not of Robert Rollock, but) of one who was infinitely wiser, I mean, his orthodox and learned self; who advised his son 
a Basi●. D●…. l 2. p. 42.  Henry, whilst yet in Scotland, not to suffer such Ministers to be in his Kingdom, if he liked to sit at rest.  
§. 3. But Mr. B●addes further (ibid. lin. ult.) that Mr. Cartwright, 
Of the imprisonment of Mr. Cartwright, and Mr. Travers, etc.  and Mr. Travers, and others, were imprisoned for ceremonial inconformity towards the later end of Q. Elizabeth her Reign. (And he tells us a little before, that) King james interceded for their releasement. He would have it thought, I suppose, that Q. Elizabeth was cruel to those good men, when they were guilty of nothing but Peccadilloes. But was Mr. Hacket hanged for nonconformity to things indifferent? Or was it nothing but ceremonial, which Copinger, Lancaster, and Artington, and others, designed against the lives of the whole privy Council, and against the person of the Queen? Or were not Cartwright, and Travers, and Wentworth, and Charke, and Egerton, and others of the Presbyterian Ministry, 
b Dang. Posit. c. 13. and 14. p. 171. to 176.  made privy to the plot, to which they were accessary by their concealment? Perhaps Mr. B. is not acquainted with those affairs. And therefore to requite him for his care to have me very well informed, about the Faction which played Rex in King james his Court, (p. 69. lin. 32, 33. etc.) for which he adviseth me to a book writ in elegant verse by Thomas Hepey, if I am able to procure it for love, or money; I will direct him for information to a most admirable volume, printed in the year 1593. and entitled thus— [Dangerous Positions and proceedings published and practised within this Island of Britain, under pretence of Reformation, and for the Presbyterial discipline.] If King James did intercede for those men's release, perhaps being then but King of Scotland, he did not know the whole cause of their imprisonment here in England: or he was not out of his wardship to those fiery spirits (as he called them) and so might intercede in complaisance to his Guardians, (however unfit for that office to a King of his Age:) or he was not yet perfect in his mystery of Kingcraft: or let the cause of his intercession be what it will, he did many things of which he afterwards repent that they were done. 
King james his Antipathy to Presbyterianisme.   
§. 4. What Mr. B. is pleased to add, (p. 66. lin. 19, 20.) of K. James his writing into Scotland, that he would labour to reduce the Church-government of England to that of Scotland, rather than conform that to England's, is for many reasons very incredible. First, because Mr. Barlee tells it; and citeth no other Author than the unwritten words of a Scotish Minister. (At every dead lift he tells us something that he was told, be it of me, or any man else.) Secondly, K. James was so far from such a preference, that his a version to Presbyterianisme was as great as to Pigg, or to Tobacco. Witness his words at 
a Conference second day, p. 85.  Hampton-Court, where speaking of Dr. Reynolds and other chieftains of the party, If this, (quoth he) be all that they have to say, I will make them conform themselves, or I will harry them out of this Land, or else do worse. Witness his letter from 
b Spotswood Hist. Scot l. 7. p. 530.  White-Hall A. D. 1617. to the Presbyterians of the Kirk, wherein he upbraided to them their ignorance and profaneness, and resembling them to the Heathenish Constable of Castille, told them, [they would endure both Lions, Dragons, and Devils to be figured in their Churches, but would not allow the like place to the Patriarches and Apostles.] 
c Id. ibid. p. 533. A. D. 1617.  Witness his chiding speech in the Diet held at St. Andres, when he pressed upon them to keep a yearly commemoration of our Saviour's greatest blessings bestowed upon mankind, as his Nativity, Passion, Resurrection, Ascension, and Descent of the Holy Ghost; the private use of both Sacraments in urgent cases; the Reverend administration of his holy Supper; the catechising and confirming of children by Bishops; much too long to be here inserted. Witness his very angry 
d Id. ib. p. 535.  letter directed to the Archbishops of St. Andrews and Glascow, representing the wrongs he had received from that sort of men, and saying, [He was of that age, that he would not be content to be fed with Broth, as one of their Coat was wont to speak.] Witness his other angry letter directed singly to the 
e Id. ib. p. 536.  Archbishop of St. Andrews, wherein he complained of their ridiculous and scornful dealings with their Sovereign, & their greater irreverence towards God himself, saying [The Ministers ease and commodious sitting on his Tail (they are the Kings own words) hath been more looked to then that kneeling, which for reverence he had required to be enjoined to the receivers of so divine a Sacrament. Neither can we conceive (as he there goes on) what should be meant by that Table (which they required even in their private administrations to people upon their Deathbeds) unless they meant to make a round Table (as did the Jews) to sit and receive it. In conclusion, seeing we and this Church here must be held Idolatrous in this point of kneeling, or they reputed rebellious knaves in refusing the same (they are the Kings own words) it is our pleasure, etc.] Witness his third severe 
a Ibid.  letter, sent with this unto the Council, for inhibiting the payment of stipends to any of the rebellious Ministers, (they are the King own words) in Burg, or Landwart. Witness his first letter of indignation, to the general Assembly indicted at Perth, wherein he charged all the rebellious dispositions of the people (who of their 
* Id. ib. p. 537, 538.  own dispositions were most Loyal) upon them, and their Doctrines: minding them of his patience under their manifold provocations, their slandering the truth of God (they are the Kings own words) by walking disorderly under the cloak of seeming holiness, shaking hands, as it were, in this their disobedience to Magistracy, with the upholders of Popery (still the Kings own words.) Witness his fourth sharp 
Id. ib. p. 542.  letter directed to the Bishops at the 
* An. D. 1621.  last Parliament which was held by that King in Scotland, telling them [they had to deal with two sorts of enemies, Papists, and Puritans; that they should go forward in action against the one and the other. That Papistry was a disease of the mind, and Puritanisme of the Brain, (they are the Kings own words) and that the Antidote of both must be a grave, settled, and well-ordered Church in the obedience of God and their King. Whereof he willed them to be careful, and to use all means for the reducing those that either of simplicity or wilfulness did err. Witness his speeches at Hampton-Court, when he trounced Mr. 
b Confer. at Hamp. Court second day. p. 67, 68  Knewstubs for taking exception to the Cross in Baptism: 
c ib. p. 74.  when he said of him and his Brethren, [I have lived among this sort of men ever since I was ten years old: but I may say of myself as Christ did of himself, that though I lived among them, I was never of them since I was able to 
* Note, that when King james liked Presbyterianisme, it was before he was able to judge, but not one minute after. And the very same do I profess of myself.  judge; neither did any thing make me more to condemn and detest their courses, then that they did so peremptorily disallow of all things, which at all had been used in Popery. Witness his words upon the third day of that Conference, when he pleaded for subscription to the three famous Articles, which the Churchmen of England were to approve by subscribing; namely, the King's supremacy, the Articles of Religion, and the Book of Common Prayer. The necessity of which he did press so home, and evinced by three such excellent Reasons, as he thought it fit to conclude in these words, 
a Ib. third day p. 93, 94.  [That if any, after things were well ordered, would not be quiet, and show his obedience, the Church were better without him, he were worthy to be hanged. Praestat ut pereat unus, quam unitas. 
† The Lenity of the Bishops compared with the rigour of the Presbyt.  Yet how favourably he used them, notwithstanding his Threats, and how much mercy the Bishops showed them, in spite of all their guilts and provocations, many thousands can witness, and have found too soon by sad experience. So little reason had Mr. B. to accuse them of cruelty (as just now he did p. 65. lin. 16, 17. etc.) whose only fault hath been thought (by the prudentest persons) to have been this, that they quenched not the fire whilst it was yet in the Bramble, whereby it was suffered to grow boisterous, even able to devour the lofty Cedars; and had not an Army of Buckets opportunely encountered the threatening flame, had burnt up every green 
b Rev. 8. 7. & 9 4.  thing upon the face of the Earth. Of this I am sure, that the severest of the Bishops did exact no more of non-Conformists, than Mr. Calvin 
c Expedit ut extet summa quaedam Doctrinae ab omnibus recepta, quam inter praedicandum sequantur omnes; ad quam etiam observandam omnes Episcopi & Parochi jurejurando a ●stringantur; ut nemo ad munus Ecclesiasticum admittatur, nisi spondeat illum Doctrinae consens●m sibi inviolatum futu●um. Calvin. in Epist. 87. ad Protect. Angliae, p. 165. & paulo infe●ius.— A certa precum formula, & ritibus Ecclesiasticis, nequaquam Pastoribus in functione sua discedere liceat.  advised the Duke of Somerset, (the then- Protector to King Edward the sixth) to exact very severely of all that were candidates for the Ministry, before their admission to Ecclesiastical functions. From which he would have them to be rejected, if they would not stipulate for their conformity; which the Bishops by Oath should be obliged to see performed. And 'tis known that 
d Ab ea discedere non magis liceat, quam ab ipsis Religionis placitis. Beza in Epist. 83.  Beza was so rigid an exactor of universal conformity to the devise of the Presbytery, that he would have it as unallowable to swerve from that, as from the very Maxims of Religion itself. What matchless crueltyes have been committed, as well by the Scotish, as by the English Consistorians, I will not relate, until I think it more needful. I will but hint to Mr. B. what was once presaged in the Painted Chamber (Sept. 12. 1654.) how sad a Tyranny over men's consciences would have been exercised in Britain, as well by the English as the Scotish Presbytery, if it had made such steps, or been as sharp and rigid, as it threatened when it was first set up. And so I pass to his other plea for that party.  
§. 5. Mr. B. confesseth (c. 2. p. 67. lin. 30, 31. etc.) that if 
Of excommunicating Kings, and killing them, the Doctrines of Presbyt.  with the traitorous seditious Jesuits, they should hold, that in ordine ad spiritualia, it were lawful by Ecclesiastical censures, to depose or kill wicked Kings, (a thing which all Presbyterians with the late Assembly at Westminster plead against,) dangerous matters with a witness I might be able to prove against them.] Here he happily confesseth the heinous nature of the Fact, for which he brands the Jesuits (very worthily) with two shrewd Epithets. And therefore as many Presbyterians as shall be found to have been guilty of the very same crime, Mr. B. also confesseth to have been both traitorous and seditious Presbyterians. And since he hath given me my Theme, I will speak upon it as I am able, at least as I am bound upon this occasion. First, I know it will be granted by men of all judgements, that Renowned Mr. Knox was Presbyterian with a witness; as great a Ringleader in Scotland, as Luther in Saxony, or Calvin at Geneva, or Zwinglius in Helvetia. Nor was Buchanan inferior in point of parts or reputation. But Buchanan and Knox have taught the people these Doctrines: That if Princes are Tyrants, their subjects are 
a Knox to England and Scotland, fol. 78.  freed from their Oaths of obedience; (and whether or no they are Tyrants, who but they must be the judges?) 
b Buch. de jur● Regni, p. 40.  It were good if Rewards were appointed by the people for such as should kill Tyrants, as commonly there is for those who have killed Wolves or Bears, or have caught their whelps. Nay nearer yet to Mr. Barlee's purpose, they say, that Ministers may 
c Id. ibid. p. 70.  excommunicate Kings: and that He who by excommunication is cast into Hell, 
d Ibid.  is not worthy to enjoy any life upon Earth. Nay Knox sets it home, 
e Knox Appel. fol. 35.  [The people are bound, as much as lies in their power, to revenge the injury that is done by the civil Magistrate to God.] Would you know the force of the obligation? He teacheth that in these words. 
a Id. ib. p. 26.  It is blasphemy to say, (what yet was said by St. Paul, and the primitive Fathers of the Church) that we must obey Kings, be they good or bad. If it is objected, that God placeth Tyrants sometimes for the punishment of the people; the answer is, so doth he 
b Buchanan. de Iu. R g. p. 57  private men sometimes to kill them. Obj. show an example in the Scriptures that subjects may use their Governors so. Answ. It doth not 
c Id. ibid.  follow that 'tis unlawful, because it cannot be showed in Scriptures. Yet that they urge for the unlawfulness of many ceremonies in the Church. If it is farther objected, that St. Paul commandeth us to pray for the civil Magistrate; it is presently 
d Id. ib. p. 50.  answered, we may punish thiefs, and yet we ought to pray for them. Obj. St. Paul commandeth us to be subject and obedient to them. 
e Id. ib. p. 55.  Answ. St. Paul writ this in the infancy of the Church. There were but few Christians then, and not many of them rich, or of ability, so as they were not ripe for such a purpose. Before I show the great Harmony betwixt their Principles and their Practice, I will first observe, that what is thus taught by these persons, was embraced also by the party. (I mean the violent, and rigid, prevailing sort.) Not only Mr. Knox, but multitudes of Ministers adhering to him (in the times of Queen Mary, and Q. Elizabeth) were bold to innovate in Religion by a very violent & forcible course. They took an Oath of 
f Knox in his Hist. of the Church of Scotland p. 217.  confederacy of their own private heads; prescribed 
g Id. ib. p. 218.  orders for Reformation, to be observed throughout the Realm; 
h Ibid. p. 234. A. D. 1558.  commanded the Religieux to leave their houses by a Day, upon pain of ejection by open force; protested even to the 
i Ibid. p. 256.  Parliament, (shortly after assembled by the summons of the Q. Regent) that unless they had their desires, they would go on in their course: and if violence happened, they should thank themselves. What they promised (or rather threatened) they soon performed. Being summoned to appear at Striveling, they humbly 
k Ibid. 258.  refused to obey. In stead of that, 
l Hollinshed p. 366.  they fell to the razing of Religious houses; sent 
m Knox ib. p. 265.  menaces to the Queen, that unless they might have their own wills, and in their own way too, they would not be subject to any mortal upon Earth. They 
n Ib. p. 272.  summoned the Nobility, upon pain of excommunication, to join with them; preaching to them this lesson, 
a Ib. p. 269.  that it was their duty to bridle the fury and rage of wicked men, whether Princes, or Emperors. 
b Ib. p. 276.  They sent the like threats unto the Bishops, and other Clergy, who were not just of their Cut; 
c Ib. p. 283.  entered by Oath into a league, that if one of their number should suffer justice, all together should revenge it; 
d Ib. p. 306.  kept the field 2 months; 
e Ib. p. 308.  plundered the Coyning-Irons (however alleged by the Queen to be a special portion of the patrimony of the Crown) 
f Ib. p. 308.  endeavoured also to make it good; entered again into a 
g Ib. p. 317.  league to be disobedient. 
h Ib. p. 330.  The Queen sought peace, and having wonderfully suffered, entreated too. But they would have 
i Ib. p. 333.  none, gave her insolent language, many times the 
k Ib. p. 362.  flat lie. At last they called the Queen's party a 
l Ib. p. 364.  Faction, and threatened to punish them as 
m Ibid. p. 364.  Traitors when God should put the sword into their hands. They consulted with the 
n Ib. p. 372.  Ministers, (with Knox and Wilcock more especially) for the deposing of the Queen: And having pronounced it to be lawful, they 
o Ib. p. 378.  actually did it in a most formal way. All which I have inserted so much the rather, both because Mr. Knox is his own Historian (who cannot be thought to have done himself, and his party, wrong,) and because his History is not every where at hand; much less the works of Archbishop Bancroft, who is able to furnish the best account of those men, from the very best Records that can be wished.  
As Geneva was the place where Mr. Knox had been 
Whence Mr. Knox received his Doctrine.  
p Bancr. Danger. Po. ch. 3. p. 10.  trained up, and throughly instructed for such a work; so he professed in a letter, (written by him from deep A. D. 1557.) that his opinion and motion of that matter was not barely grounded on his own conceit, but upon the grave counsels and judgements of the most godly, and the most learned, who lived in Europe. Now that the Bishop of Geneva was withal the free 
* Bodinus de Repub. p. 353. Etiam Bonivardus in Descrip. Gen.  Prince, having the right of the sword, and the other parts of civil jurisdiction, Mr. Calvin himself did very liberally acknowledge, when he abode at 
* Id. Ho. Disc. c. 8. p. 113.  Strasburgh, where his acquaintance with Melanchthon had infused into him some moderation. Witness his plentiful 
q Calv. Epist. ad Card. Sadol. p. 172. A. D. 1539.  Epistle to Cardinal Sadolet, and his agreement in the Conferences at Worms and Ratisbone, that in the Reforming of the Church, the ordination of Priests and Deacons should be left unto the Bishops. Yet what was done to that Prince, and how the Syndicks after him (although the then chief Magistrates) were provoked by Mr. Calvin to banish him out of the City, and how again (after that) he made a very strange use of his Restauration, in so much that they complained of a new kind of 
a Tyranni esse voluistis in liberam Ecclesiam, voluistis nov●m Pontificatum revocare. Calv. ad Farell. Ep. 6. p. 11.  Popedom in a Protestant Commonwealth, the intelligent Reader may easily call to his Remembrance.  
I will not speak of those pranks which they played here in England during the Reign of Q. Elizabeth, (that would make a whole volume.) But having mentioned the maxims of Mr. Knox, I will briefly give an instance how well he walked by their directions. For when he had given us a Narrative of that studied murder, which was committed by his Brethren upon the Archbishop of St. Andrews, he 
b Knox Hist. of the Ch. of Scott. p. 143, 144, 145.  commended it in his margin, not only as an innocent, but (to use his own word) a Godly Fact.  
In a word; 1. That the Scotish Presbyterian Discipline doth utterly overthrow the rights of Magistrates, to convocate synods, to confirm their Acts, to order Ecclesiastical affairs, and to reform the Church in their Dominions; 2. That it robs the Magistrate of the last appeal of his subjects; 3. That it exempts the Ministers from due punishment; 4. That it subjects the supreme Magistrate to their extremest censures, and the saddest effects of them; 5. That it robs the Magistrate of his dispensative power; 6. That it takes from the Magistrate his civil power about Religion; 7. That it challengeth this exorbitant power to itself by no less than the pretence of Divine Right; 8. That it makes a monster of any Commonwealth wherein it is suffered to prevail; 9 That it is most prejudicial to Parliaments, and indeed destructive to them; 10. That it is cruel and oppressive to particular persons, whose tender consciences will not suffer them to comply; 11. That it is hurtful to all orders and ranks of men; the Reader may easily collect out of their own Relations of it in their Books of Discipline. Or if the Reader shall think those Books too big, and not very easily to be met with, he may help himself a nearer way, by consulting that little extract (cheaply bought and soon read) entitled, A fair warning to take heed of the Scotish Discipline, etc. Now, 1. whether the English Presbyterians did not jointly, and solemnly, swear and Covenant, 
a Testim. to the Truth of I. Chr. subscribed by the Minist. within the Province of London, p. 26. lin. 16, 17.  with hands lifted upto the most high God, that with their utmost endeavours, they would 
b Solemn League & Covenant, Artic. 1, & 2, etc.  conform this Church to the Kirk of Scotland, in point of Doctrine, worship, Discipline, and Government; 2. whether they did not 
c Testim. to the Tr. of I. Chr. p. 28. in. 17, 18, etc.  publicly declare (A. D. 1647.) that they did then still stand as firmly engaged to the real performance of that Oath and Covenant with their utmost endeavours, as at the first taking of it, and that it was not in the power of any person or persons on earth to dispense with it, or absolve from it; 3. whether they did not 
d Ibid. p. 26. lin. 11, 12, etc. also p. 27. lin. 24.  then, and there, affirm the Discipline of the Kirk to have been found experimentally successful in preserving the Church of Scotland from errors, schisms, and Heresies, from their first Reformation hitherto; 4. whether they did not 
e Ibid. p. 30. lin. penult. & ult. which is to be compared with  confess to all the world, that in stead of true piety and power of godliness, they had opened the very floodgates to all impiety and profaneness; and that from after the time of their having 
f Page 29. lin. 14, 15. which again compare with  removed the prelatical yoke from their shoulders by their Covenanted endeavours, there was a 
g Page 30. lin. 12, 13. etc.  rueful, deplorable and deformed face of the affairs of Religion;— 
h Ibid. lin. 26, 27, 28. & seq.  swarming with noisome errors, heresies, and blasphemies, in stead of Faith and Truth; torn in pieces with destructive schisms, separations, divisions, and subdivisions, in stead of unity and uniformity; 
i Page 31. lin. 3, 4, etc.  that in stead of a Reformation, they might say with sighs what their enemies said in scorn, that they had a Deformation in Religion; and in stead of extirpation of heresy, schism, profaneness, etc. they had an impudent and general inundation of all those evils; 5. whether they did not 
k Page 34. lin. 16, 17. etc.  declare, that they had sworn to God, to disavow that toleration (which was then made, and since hath been 
l jan. 22. A. D. 1654. p. 17, 18.  remade, for giving Liberty of Conscience to such as could not comply with Them;) 6. whether they did not, according to the 
m Stat. 13. Eliz. 12.  Law of this Land, before they were admitted to any Benefice, attest their hearty 
* Note that Mr. B. now saith (c. 3. p. 49.) Those rituals of our Mother Church were justly thrown overboard, when a storm was up; notwithstanding his Oath of approbation.  consent (in the open face of the congregation in time of Divine service) to that very Doctrine, Discipline, worship, and Government, which they swore, in their Covenant, they would reform, and alter, as unlawful, and (in divers points) abolish also; 7. whether the House of Commons (in that Parliament, by whose commission the Assembly of Divines did sit) did not 
a Exact. collect. p. 19  declare in their Remonstrance, (Dec. 15. A. D. 1641.) that they did not purpose or desire to abolish the Church-government; nay 8. whether both the Houses of that long Parliament did not declare the next year after, 
b Declar. 9 A. D. 1642. Exact. Collect. p. 135.  that they intended to take away nothing from either the Liturgy or Government of the Church but what should be evil, and justly offensive, etc. 9 whether the Ministers did not persuade the Houses to the utter abolishment & razing out (as much as in men lay) of those very things, which at first they thus intended merely to regulate & Reform; 10. whether there is not a contrariety in the 
* Theoremata III. Imp. Eden. 1647. decr●to Synodi Theor. 4. & 62. & 88, 82, 98, 96, 97. also Assem. Edinb. 1570. and 2 Book▪ Discip. c. 1, 7, 12.  Presbyterian principle (both Scotish, and English, and Allobrogicall) to the remarkable Declaration of the foresaid Parliament, wherein they 
c Exact. Collect. in Rem. Decem. 1641. p. 19  disclaimed all intentions of absolving men from that obedience which they owed to God under his Majesty, whom they professed they knew to be entrusted with the Ecclesiastical Law, as well as with the Temporal; whether all the premises above mentioned have not been thus and thus, (as in the queres hath been expressed) I leave to be determined by all unpassionate and sober men.  
I will conclude this section with the 
d Confer. at Hampt. Court second day, p. 47, 48.  observation of King james: That in the margin of a Bible of the Geneva Translation, (presented to him by an English Lady) he met with some Notes very partial, untrue, seditious, and savouring too much of dangerous and traitorous conceits. As for example, Exod. 1. v. 19 the marginal Note alloweth disobedience unto Kings; and 2 Chron. 15. 16. the Note taxeth Asa for deposing his mother only, and not killing her. And how the Book against the supreme civil Magistrate, was supposed by Dr. Reynolds to have been writby Ficlerus an arrant Papist, which yet was proved to have been writby a great Disciplinarian (whether jesuit, or Puritan, it was not specified) and confessed by Dr. Reynolds to have been applied against the Queen's Majesty that last was for the Pope, the Reader may see in the two 
e Ibid. p. 49, 50.  next pages. Of what concernment this is to Mr. Barlee in particular, may be partly judged by the subject of this section, and partly by that which now ensues.  
§. 6. Mr. B. confidently affirmeth (c. 2. p. 68 lin. penult. 
Of Paraeus his Book burnt by the whole University of Oxford.  antepenult. ult.) that Paraeus his Book upon the 13th to the Romans doth not at all treat of mere Ecclesiastical censures, such as suspension, excommunication, etc. but only of the lawfulness in some cases of coordinate states putting down of elect and limited Princes, such as most of the Germane Princes are.] 1. If Mr. B. was ignorant of what was said by Paraeus, in that his Comment, he cannot easily be excused for being so bold, whilst he is blind, as to say, that what he saith All those can tell who have seen Paraeus, etc. 2. If he was ashamed to own his knowledge of the Truth in that affair, he should not have outwardly excused what he inwardly condemned; nor have denied explicitly, what he implicitly granteth by so gross a falsification. For first, it is as visible as the Sun at noon, that it was not only the Comment upon the 13th chapter, (which alone is mentioned by Mr. B.) but the whole book of Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Romans, which was condemned and executed (as women murdering their husbands are wont to be) by the wise Decree of the most learned, Protestant, orthodox University, assembled together in Convocation A. D. 1622. And secondly, it was burnt, for containing such 
* Propositiones erroneae, periculosae, insidiosae, impiae, seditiosae, sanae politiae subversivae; non solum Canoni divino, Decretis Conciliorum, scriptis Patrum, primitivae Ecclesiae Fidei & professioni, sed Monarchico Culmini subdole ruinam minitantes. Decret. Vniu. Oxon. quinto junii 1622.  propositions, as were unanimously judged and pronounced by that vast body of learned men, 1. false, 2. impious, 3. seditious, 4. subversive of found polity, 5. insidious, and 6. craftily threatening utter ruin, 1. to all Monarchy, 2. to the Faith and Profession of the primitive Church, 3. to the writings of the ancient and holy Fathers, 4. to the decrees of Christian Counsels, 5. to the Canon of Holy Scripture. Nay thirdly, the most wise King james (as Grotius calls him) who was acknowledged by Mr. Barlee at once an Orthodox and learned Prince, was so far provoked by the abovesaid book of Paraeus, that he commanded it should be burnt by the hand of the common Hangman. Fourthly, to show the wonderful falsehood and unhappiness of Mr. B' s suggestions, be it known that Paraeus did deliver these Doctrines in the book above mentioned. 1. That 
1. Episcopi & pastors Magistratus suos imp●os aut injustos, si contumaces sint, possunt & debent, de consensu Ecclesiae, Satanae tradere, donec resipiscant. 2 Subditi in Magistratu inferiori constituti adversus superiorem Magistratum se, etc. etiam Armis defendere jure possunt. 3. Subditis mere privatis— arma capescere licet, ab ordinaria potestate defendi non possint. (this is regularly inferred by the rule of contraries.) 4. Subditis mere privatis— se & suos contra tyrannum, sicut contra privatum grassatorem, defendere licea. Has & similes propositiones condemnat Vniversitas Oxoniensis, etc.  the Bishops and Pastors, by the consent of the Church, may, and aught to deliver up to Satan their wicked and unjust Magistrates, if they are stubborn, until they repent. 2. That the inferior Magistrates being subjects have a right to defend themselves, even by Arms, against the superior Magistrate. 3. That private subjects (who are not so much as inferior Magistrates) may take up Arms, if they cannot be defended by an ordinary power. 4. That subjects merely private may defend themselves and their Relations against a Tyrant, as well as against a private Assassin, if they cannot implore the ordinary power, nor by any other means escape the danger which they are in. This may serve for a Taste of that renowned Presbyterian. Now it is to be observed, that when the question is to be put, whether the chief Magistrate is a Tyrant, ungodly, unjust, or whatsoever else it is which makes him liable to Satan, and to the sword, the chief Magistrate himself must not be suffered to be the judge, (for he will never condemn himself;) but they, forsooth, will be the judges, who have a mind to make him away, both by excommunication, and force of Arms. Fifthly, it is apparent, from the premises, that Paraeus did treat of Ecclesiastic censures (which Mr. B. denied) and not of coordinate States, much less of them only, (which Mr. B. affirmed:) and unless M. B. did believe, that subditi was the Latin word for Princes or States, and that inferior did signify coordinate, and that by tradere Satanae could not be meant an Ecclesiastical censure, what excuse can he invent to lessen the guilt of his excuses? And if he anchors upon this, he doth declare himself a stranger to the Latin tongue. Sixthly, Mr. B. discoyers his affection to Paraeus his Book, by 
a c. 2. p. 69. lin. 1, 2, 3, etc.  censuring the censure of that Famous University, and by censuring me for approving of such a just censure. As if the Book were more pardonable for endeavouring the ruin of Church and State, than King james and All Oxford for sending that Book into the fire. Seventhly, that the burning of that book was ill resented by the 
* Note here the saying of most judicious Archbishop Bancrost, that if Coppinger, Hacket and Arching on, had murdered 2 or 3 of the Lords in Star-chamber the last day in Trinity Term, the Consistorian Doctrine would easily have defended it; especially if the further intents of the Discipline had thereby succeeded. Dang. Posi. ch. 15. p. 176.  party (as M. B. happily confesseth) doth help us well to demonstrate, that though Paraeus was but one of the Presbyterians, yet his partners and Abettors in the pernicious doctrines by him espoused, were too many by too many. Nor is that any wonder, for (eightly) Paraeus was an Oracle to that sort of men, much consulted, and observed; an aged Professor of Divinity at Heidelberg, invited to sit in the Synod at Dort, whether (because he could not go by reason of his Antiquity) he sent his large Descants upon the 5 known Articles, which had not only the honour to be read in the Synod, but to be printed even at 
a Act. Synod. Dord. sess. 99 p. 239.  large in the History of the Thing. Ninthly, the University of Oxford did solemnly decree, 
b Celebris ille coetus decrevit, quod singuli ad gradus in qu●cunque facultate promovendi, ante admissionem, primo subscribant, & deinde eodem tempore suscipiant juramentum c●rporale, se ex animo praedictas propositiones condemnaturos, & detestaturos in perpetuum.  that all who were candidates of degrees in any faculty, should, before their admission, subscribe to those Censures of Paraeus his Book, and at the very same time should take a corporal Oath, that they would ever damn and detest, from their very souls, those Paraean propositions before rehearsed. Tenthly, Grotius the Great was of this judgement, that if 
c Si istae Pareanae exceptiones, id est, regulae Paulinae eversiones, admittantur, dico, nullum Imperium diutius in ●uto fore, quam donec talia sentien●…bus vi●es defuerint. Grot. Vot. pro Pa. p. 53.  Paraeus his eversions of St. Paul's Divinity are once admitted for expositions, no Government can be safe one minute longer, than the Abettors of such Doctrine shall want Ability to Rebel. Eleventhly, Mr. B. pleads for Paraeus, that he speaks against elected and limited Princes; as if he tacitly granted, that he ought not to have spoken against any other. In which case I will advise him, to compare the Discipline of the Kirk, and the National Covenant, with the Oath of Supremacy, which he professeth also to have sworn, and all three with the statutes 24. H. 8. 12. 1 Eliz. 1. and 3. and then let him tell me who is meant by 
d Speciatim addo, Calvinistas in hac re deteriores esse quam Lutheranos. Nam nullam fidem servant. jura, perjura, etc. Becan. 5. Manual. Controu. 14. n. 4.  Becanus, when he saith that the Heretics do neither keep Faith with God, nor man. The words were not fit for a Jesuits mouth, because the Pope, as well as the Presbyterian, doth pretend a Gospell-right to 
* The words of Padre Paul are very agreeable, to show the absurdityes of both.  excommunicate his superiors. But I appeal to all the world, whether we may not say the same of David Paraeus, which Ronsardus said of Mr. Beza, quod Armatum Evangelium praedicavit, That the Gospel which he preached was clad in Armour.  
§. 7 To all his Nothings which follow (p. 69, 70. etc.) because 
Of Lambeth Artic. King james and Bp. Mountag. universal Grace and Redemption.  it is not lawful to say more than a little, I will say the least that I am able, till I meet with something of some importance. First, it is sufficient, that the Articles of Lambeth were never admitted into the Church of England, as any part of her public Creed, however asserted by private men in their Parlours, and perhaps by some in their Pulpits too. Their worthiest Patron made some Amends, by contriving the 3 Articles of which Mr. B. hath been so sick. They were 
a Confer. Hamp. Court second day, p. 24, 29, 30, 41, 42, 43.  offered by Dr. Reynolds at Hampton-Court, but immediately cast out, and not so much as vouchsafed a consideration. But the King in those matters was of the mind of Dr. Overall, and the Bishop of London. Secondly, that King James encouraged the Doctrine which was taught and printed by Bishop Montague, Mr. B. doth not deny; but in stead of that, he gives the wise King some of his correptory Correction, because the Presbyterian Faction could not then play Rex at Court. Thirdly, when I used those words, The chief Head of Arminianism (as Mr. B. will call it do what I can) is universal Grace and Redemption, I did clearly put off the Nickname of Arminianism, which Mr. B. and his Mrs are wont to fasten upon the Doctrine of Holy writ. But of that which they express by such a silly Catachresis, I did profess to esteem universal Grace and Redemption the chiefest Head: And with that I am willing to stand 
* See Diu. Philan. Def. ch. 3. p. 19  or fall. Nay M. B. doth confess, he can easily justify my saying, because that all the 5 points have a necessary dependence on one another. Fair fall for once a good confession, that when he is beaten out of one error, he may no longer admire the rest. He confesseth that Mr. Perkins, and the most eminent of the party, are for the universality of Grace and Redemption sensu aliquo. Very good: let it be sensu sano, and we are friends. Fourthly, in his p. 72. lin. 3. and 5. He adds [only] to universal, which no man (I think) did ever do before Him: and then he asks, 
Mr. B's Question never enough to be admired.  with what forehead I can write against him, for charging me with the denial of all special and peculiar Grace? I will patiently tell him (without admiring his question, though sure the most senseless that ever was) even because his charge was without all ground, nay without all colour of Truth or reason, nay against his own knowledge, nay in a flat contradiction to both his eyes. For he read what I writ of special Grace, Divin. Philan. Def. c. 3. p. 84, 85. etc. which I asserted as plainly as ever man did. But I said that all Grace was not only special, there was general Grace also. And did I deny either, by affirming both? whose forehead now must be desired? Nay in the section going before (p. 43.) I did instance in the particulars of special Grace, till I came to that of perseverance unto the end, which there I called a special Grace. Which being so, (as his eyes shall witness for me it is) with what discretion, or conscience, could he ask such a Question? But Mr. B. cannot conceive how Redemption can be universal, when Grace is special. Poor man! what he cannot conceive he thinks not conceivable. I told him that Christ is a conditional Saviour, who will not give a second Talon to him that squanders a way the first, or wraps it up in a napkin. The learned 
a Bishop Usher of the true intent and extent of Christ's Death, p. 6.  Primate hath lately told him, by Dr. Bernard's publication, that by virtue of Christ's Death, God is made placable unto our Nature, but not actually appeased with any, until he hath received his Son. All men may be said truly to have an interest in Christ, as in a Common, though all do not enjoy the benefit thereof. Doth M. Barlee ask why? the Bishop Answers, Because they have no will to take it. they 
b Ibid. p. 8.  refuse to accept the gracious offer that is made unto them. Now that every man in the world is made saveable by Christ, until he wilfully forfeiteth his interest, the Bishop proves invincibly from these two grounds which cannot fail: 1. 
c Ibid. p. 7. ☜  That it is every man's duty to accept of Christ thankfully, and to apply him with comfort unto his own soul; 2. 
d Ib. p. 24, 25. especially p. 27.  that no man is bound by the command of God to believe an untruth. From whence he inferreth his opinion (in opposition to two extremes, which I have ever opposed as well as He) that 
e Ibid. p. 7.  Christ hath prepared for thee [O man whosoever thou art] and the Gospel hath offered unto thee, a sufficient Remedy for the taking away of all thy sins. This I have chosen to express in the Bishop's words, in exact conformity to which I had delivered my opinion upon the very 
† Correct Copy of Notes, p. 19 lin. 1.  same grounds, before I had the possibility of reading that work, which came so lately into the light by the happy care of Dr. Bernard.  
§. 8. As if Mr. B. were of opinion, that Apostasy signify conversion, or reformation of judgement, he blunders on (c. 2. 
M. B's remarkable ealumny, and excellent impertinence.  p. 71. lin. 13, 14. p. 72. etc.) that I framed a charge of Apostasy (so he writes it, with a c) upon learned Testard, Amyrald, Daille, the Bishop of Armagh, Bishop Davenant, and Mr. Baxter.] First, it is a foul calumny, to say I charged Apostasy upon any man within the Church, much more to say it of those persons, of whom I spoke not a syllable of disrespect. Nor do I think the word Apostasy is any where in my writings, unless where I speak of the wicked Angels. Secondly, the Reader will find in that 
* Diu. Philan. Def. c. 1. p. 15.  page, that I speak of a conversion or change of judgement in Philip Melanchthon and my self, whom yet I meant not to call Apostates. Nay, thirdly, I did not express a change of judgement in any one of the six who are expressly named by Mr. B. Nay, fourthly, though I might seem to imply such an honourable change in 2 of the 6; yet in the 4 remaining I did not so much as imply it neither. Fifthly, or if I had said any such thing, I had said no worse of them, then of Melanchthon, King james, Bishop Andrews, Dr. Potter, Dr. Godwin, (the Author of the Jewish Antiquityes) Tilenus, Mr. Hoard, and divers others, who are known to have improved their younger judgements into that which Mr. B. doth call Arminian. And sixthly, by the same way of erring which Mr. B. here useth, we may say that St. Austin was defamed by himself for an Apostate, by having writ his Retractations. Seventhly, my design in that place was to show that I ought not to be called an Arminian, for professing the Doctrine of universal Grace and Redemption, because the anti-Arminians (so many of them as were the most learned) did hold that Doctrine as well as I. Nay I showed it to be the Doctrine of St. Hilary and Prosper (I might have added, of all the Fathers) many hundreds of years before Arminius was born. Of which two Fathers Mr. B. durst not take any notice. Eighthly, in stead of speaking to the purpose, by proving that point to be Arminian, or by proving that those persons were not assertors of that point, he runs away with this impertinence, that those six men were no Arminians, with which he fills up several pages in confutation of his own Fancy. For I had told him in one word, (what he therefore needed not to have told me back in many pages) that those six persons were 
a So I call them in that page which Mr. B. himself citeth. viz. Philan. c. 1. p. 15.  anti-Arminians: which doth not signify for Arminius, though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify pro, or for, (which perhaps was the reason of M. B's mistake) but against Arminius, which is the force of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in composition, as Mr. B. will find when he is got as far as his Greek Grammar. I am not sure that his mistake lay in this; but if it did not, it needs must argue his greater guilt. For he would instill into the Reader, that I called them Arminians, whom he knows very well I called the contrary; that so he might compare me, with some pretence, to malicious persons guilty of the plague. But now let us come to his particulars.  
§. 9 1. His account of Testard (p. 71.) is only this, that he hath nothing of him in his study, but that the learneder he 
Of Testard, & Camero for universal Redemption.  was, he was the likelier not to differ from the Gallican Church. of which he appeals to a national Synod held by the Protestants at Charenton 1623.] But first he citys not the words, either in French or Latin. And secondly, his words are the less likely to be true, because in that very Synod, learned Camero was approved, both by Durant the President, and all the rest of that Body, after his conference with Tilenus, wherein he declared his opinion of universal Redemption, and that in such a full sense, as gave occasion to 
b Spanhem. exercit. p. 59  Spanhemins to call it Arminian, and Pelagian, and finally rejected by the Synod at Dort. Thirdly, if Testard did differ from other Protestants of France, doth it follow from thence that he did not differ? yet this was that which I employed. And others did differ as well as He, and were accused before Synods of those very things which Mr. B. doth forge in me. Fourthly, it was demonstrated by Camero, and since by Daille, that the 
c In precibus publicis. In Confess. Fidei Art. 1, 2. In majore Ca●●che●i, Dom. 1, 4, 47, 49. In Catech. minori, §. 4. In Praesat. ad S. S. de quibus fuse Dallaeus in Apologia pro 2 Synodis, à p. 949. ad usque 968.  public monuments of their Church do teach that Christ is the Saviour of every man in the world without exception, not only sufficienter, but also intentionaliter: That Christ hath purchased, for every man, a possibility of being saved; and that the reason why so many are damned is, because they do 
d Bona pars hominum non servabitur, quia Salutem su●m repudiat. Id. ibid. part. 4. p. 960.  repudiate their own salvation. All which is proved against Spanhemius by such a multitude of Arguments, as will not be answered in any great haste. Now if Mr. B. will say, that that Church was divided against itself, or that her Pastors taught they knew not what, or that Spanhemius, a Dutchman, was better acquainted with the French Church, than the learnedst Ministers in France, or that these were Arminians whom it concerns him to clear from all suspicion of Arminianism, in what a Labyrinth of Absurdityes is he involved?  
§. 10. What he talks of Amyrald (p. 72.) is just as much at a venture: who, however no Arminian, (no more than I 
Of Amyrald, and Daille, for universal Redemption. So was●lo●dell ●lo●dell in his approbation of Daillo's Book.  ever was) was yet so opposite to the Puritans in the points of Grace and Redemption, that Spanhemius writ against him no less than three volumes, and gave him correptory Correction for being Arminian, Massilian, Pelagian, and what not? Now Mr. B. must confess, that Spanhemius had either reasons for what he said, or else was guilty of more than heathenish scurrility. Which of the two will Mr. B. now side with? if with Spanhemius, he pleads against Amyrald, for whom he pleads; and if with Amyrald, he is bound to do penance for both his Books. What I said of God's 
a Philan. c. 1. p. 22.  sincerity in desiring the welfare of all mankind, (and by consequence the things in which his welfare doth consist) is said by Amyrald and Daille throughout their Books. Nay even that very thing which Mr. B. chargeth upon me and the Arminians, is said by Camero, Amyrald, 
b In Apolog. pro duabus Synodis, part. 1. & 2.  Daille, my 
c The judgement of the late Primate touching the intent and extent of Chr. Death, p. 35, 36, 37, 39 Compare also p. 31. with p. 38. and both with p. 6. and 21.  Lord his Grace of Armagh, and (if my memory fail me not) by Mr. Baxter also, viz. that Christ did procure upon the Cross a salvable condition for all mankind, or possibility of being saved, rather than any actual salvation. In which few words, Mr. B. calleth them all Arminians, (before he is aware) for whom he pretends the greatest measure of veneration. And thus it will be with such confident Smatterers, who have not a tolerable knowledge concerning the subjects of their discourse. Of Monsieur Daille he saith nothing, but that little that I told him, which was, that he writ in defence of Amyrald. And I will tell him this also, that he hath done the Remonstrants a very high piece of service. Monsieur Moulin in this said very well of learned Daille, that he had rather be numbered with the Arminians, than opine in this matter with the Contra-Remonstrants.  
§. 11. Mr. B's next pages (73, 74.) are filled up with a Digression into a Book of Mr. Baxter; out of which he 
Of Mr. Baxter's warning to the Nation against Cassandrian Papists under the names of Episcopal Divines.  transcribes as much as serves for his Rancour, though not his purpose, and yet (in one sense) his purpose too. First, he imagines to himself, that it would be for his ease, if (as Mr. Whitfield hath been his second, so) Mr. Baxter might be his third. And because he finds no ground of quarrel, he makes use of his invention for the supplying of that defect. Mr. Baxter is invited, by a preface of good words, to clear himself from the suspicion of Arminianism in these points, which I am pretended to charge him with. But because he knows that this is false, and hath not any thing to allege against the use which I made, of his words in one place, and of his Name in another, he flies for sanctuary to his old trade of impertinence, and uncharitable suggestions, and proclaims me to be one of the Cassandrian Papists, who have a strong design laid for introduction of Popery, a design so strong, that it is likely to prevail, if God do not 
* Mr. Baxter's words are, if God do not wonderfully blast it.  blast it. Dr. Vane, 
These expressions are Mr. Baxter's in his Christian Concord, p. 45, 46. but cited, and applied by Mr. Barlee against me.  Dr. Bayly and Dr. Goff, are already gone beyond the Seas, but I and others have more wit than these, and think we may do our party more service by staying in England, under the names of Episcopal Divines, a great deal more than we can do by declaring ourselves Papists. And against such as I am (saith Mr. Barlee) Mr. Baxter published his warning to the Inhabitants of the Nation. Observe, good Reader, the Christian temper of the man. What Mr. Baxter spoke in general against Episcopal Divines, Mr. Barlee takes care that no Episcopal Divine may be excluded from in the Application: for he will have it to extend even to such as I am, who am known (by all of my acquaintance) to be as far from being a Papist, as Mr. Barlee is from being a Pope, and I suppose my desires are very much farther. If he does but say this, and not believe his own story, why would he sin against God, by sinning against his own conscience? but if he really believes that I am one of those Papists against whom Mr. Baxter doth warn the Nation, to what extremityes would he proceed for the prevention of such a design, had he the power of the sword in such an arbitrary and unlimited manner, as now he hath of his other sharp weapon? Yet this is the man who would not have me sequestered, notwithstanding my close endeavours for the bringing in of Cassandrian Popery. 
— credat judaeus Apella.   
To the words of Mr. Baxter, as produced and used by Mr. Barlee, I think it may be useful to say a few things. 
† Of Grotius his temper and design.  1. That if Grotius had a design for the making us all Cassandrian Papists, I am very sorry I have not hitherto understood him. By what I have read of his learned and pious labours, I am induced to believe, that his piety and his learning were very equally matched. I do admire the charity and publick-mindednesse of the man, who espoused the miseries of all mankind, and was not solicitous how much he suffered, for his endeavours to promote the Peace of Christendom, so that his enemies, in time, might enjoy the fruits of his affliction. If Mr. Baxter might say of his own method and design, that, were the principles which he hath discerned betwixt the Lutheran and the Calvinist received according to their evidence, they would quiet the now-contending Christian world; how much more may I say the same thing of Grotius (as to the case in hand) with whom Mr. Baxter will confess himself not worthy to be named? As for Grotius, how sensible he was of the several corruptions in the Church of Rome, and how he laid himself out upon a design of Reformation, as well as peace, it is not uneasy to collect from the 10 
* In particular the seventh and the eighth.  first pages of his Votum pro pace. How illegally he was dealt with, for having been faithful to his trust, in his native Country, he hath 
a Grot. Vot. pro pace p. 55. to p. 63.  sufficiently made appear. With how much meekness and aequanimity he did support his injuries, hath been observed with admiration both from his writings and his converse. And had he accomplished his wishes (which were not empty wishes neither) there had not been in all the world, either a Papist, or a Puritan; either superstition, or profaneness. Theologie then had been a practical science. They who now are but Talkers, had then been Followers of Christ. As Schismatic, and Heretic, so Tyrant, and Rebel, had been but Names. To sum up all in a word: Melanchthons' and Grotiuses had filled the Church; and men had found out a way of Loving God, without believing it needful to hate their neighbour. I know that Grotius, as a Peacemaker betwixt the Papists and the Protestants, hath laboured to show his moderation, as well to them, as to these; and to excuse many things, at lest à Tanto, to which he must not be thought to have afforded his Approbation. Melanchthon did the very same, and was hated for his pains, as himself complained to Camerarius and Luther. Nay his moderation provoked some, to give him out a sly friend to Popery. But Grotius went farther in his charitable design. And he who attempted a Reconcilement of two great enemies, was not in prudence to declare a personal enmity to either, but to mitigate the exceptions and animosities of both; and to insist on those things, whether faulty, or indifferent, which he desired might meet with (in either party) an interchangeable pardon, and an interchangeable compliance.  
2. How M. Baxter was betrayed to speak so severely of so 
The Peace of Christendom attempted by others, as well as by Grotius, and before him.  excellent a person, (unless it were by taking things upon trust, from some unfavourable Censors of his intention) I am not able to divine, nor willing to venture on large conjectures. But I myself was prepared for the reading of Grotius, and for the judging of his design, by having read Thuanus before I read Him. I had observed out of Thuanus, (who, however a Papist, was yet a vehement Desirer of Reformation) that many endeavours had been used to make a general Reformation, and that some little Dawnings gave hopes to Christendom of such a fair Day. In a famous meeting at 
a Ad Fontem Blaudi celebratus solennis conventus est, in quo Gaspar Colinius pro libertate Religionis supplicem libellum obtulit, etc. Thuan. lib. 25. p. 760.  Fountain Blau (before the world was so rich as to enjoy that Treasure, which since was offered it in a Grotius) there was a Bill of Petition put up to Francis the second than King of France, in conjunction with two Orations made by the Bishop of Valentia, and the Archbishop of Vienna, exhorting all the Bishops to endeavours of Reformation, and of a general Council in order to it. 
b Quod ●i Pontifex reeuset, ut Rex fine eo pronuntiet, utque foedae nundinationes ex Ecclesia tollantur. Id. ibid. usque ad extreme. l. 25.  To which if the Pope should refuse his consent, the King should do it of himself. 
c De controversis Augustanae Confessionis Articulis componendis seri● animum adjecit. Id. l. 36. p. 286.  There I met with the Foundation, laid by Ferdinand the first; upon which his son, Maximilian the second, did very heartily endeavour to build a general Reformation. 
d Papam urget, ut Calicis gratia Laicis, & conjugii libertas Sacerdotibus fieret, etc. ibid. p. 304.  He, together with his Brother, the Archduke Charles, and Albert his son in law, did urge the Pope to 〈◊〉 retrenching of several corruptions within the Church, wherein he had also the assistances of two great Cardinals, and seven Archbishops. When the Pope was reluctant, he pressed on with 
a Caesar una cum literis suis Argumenta Papae exhibuit, cum mandato ut Cardinalibus communicaren●ur. ibid. p. 305, 306.  Argumentations, which he also commanded should be made known unto the Cardinals. Nay the truly-pious Emperor was farther 
b Maximil. iterum Pontific●m urgebat ut promissa sua impleret. Nec abnu●bat tune Pontifex: sed postea Cardinalium inst igatu pesitionem Caesaris elusit. Id. l. 37. p. 328.  instant with the Pope, for the making good what he had promised; which the Pope at that instance did again re-promise, however the College of Cardinals prevailed with him to break his word. The learned and wise Chancellor was hugely pleased, in his History, with this so charitable design, expressing his kindness to the Protestants on all occasions, and condemning those encroachments which had polluted that very Church, of which he lived and died a member. Grotius, among the Protestants, was of the same kind of temper with Thuanus and Cassander among the Papists. But neither did their moderation give them the name of Protestants, nor is there any the least reason, that his should procure him the name of Papist. But they were men of moderation in different churches, who were zealous of advancing the common interest of Religion, as 'tis exhibited in the Gospel, and in the purest Ages of the Church. Nor was their zeal for Reformation any whit the less religious, because they desired it might be regular, and bloodless, after the tenor of the Gospel, and according to the temper of Jesus Christ, without the miseries of Rebellion against the Deputyes of God, which is worse than the Disease, of which it is intended a means of cure.  
3. It had been well, if Mr. Baxter had named those Papists, 
Accusations must not be too general.  who stay in England under the notion of Episcopal Divines; and having named them, it had been well, if he had publicly declared he meant no more; for fear his suggestion might reach so far, as to asperse the whole Body of the Episcopal clergy, in whom the Protestant interest doth chiefly stand. If I except Bishop Goodman, I have not heard of any Papist who hath worn the Protestant for a disguise: which should no more be imputed to the rest of that order, than it was to St. Peter, or St. john, that one of their order was a 
* joh. 〈◊〉. 7.  Devil. one in 12. is as much as two in 24. The other two, whom he mentions, I know nothing of, and am obliged by my charity to think 
† 1 Cor. 13. 5.  none evil. Nay, I have heard of Bishop Wren, that he is equally a learned and pious Prelate, as far from being a Papist, as Mr. Barlee from being an Episcopal Divine. And until I have reason for the contrary, I will believe him to be as excellent, as excellent persons do represent him. What is added of Dr. Vane, and two 
† Dr. Goff, and Dr. Baily.  besides, who are indeed turned Papists, may be objected to that Rigour of the Presbyterians, and the havoc which they made whilst yet it lay in their power, whereby they did not discover, but make men Papists. Some may possibly wonder they frighted so many out of our Church, but I am still wondering the frighted wretches were no more. For when they saw their Mother 
a 2 Cor. 4. 9  persecuted, they esteemed her forsaken; when they saw her (a) cast down, they sillily thought her to be destroyed. Which defection of a few, is no more to the disparagement of those that are faithful in the Land, than it was to St. Paul, that 
b 2 Tim. 4. 10.  Demas had forsaken him, and had embraced this present world. There are a multitude (God be thanked) who being (c) troubled on every side, are notwithstanding 
c c 2 Cor. 4. 8.  not distressed; and however (c) perplexed, are far enough from despair.  
4. It may be proposed to consideration, what may possibly 
Episcopal Divines no Papists.  be the reasons, why Episcopal Divines, professing an enmity to the Pope, and to all that can truly be called Popish, and writing whole volumes in opposition to all his interests, should yet so easily be charged with being Papists, and (which is yet of sadder moment) with a strong design to bring in Popery into the Land, as the public and general Profession of it. 1. It is not Popish to approve the Government of Bishops: for so did orthodox 
d Melan. ad Camer. in Hist. Con. August. per Chytr. p. 389.  Melanchthon, and moderate 
e Bucer de vita & usu Minist. p. 565.  Bucer; so did all the great 
f Hist. Conf. Aug. per Chytr. p. 109. & per Pap. p. 137.  Protestants in the conference at Augusta, and 
g Contion. Georg. Princ. Anh. fol. 61.  George Prince of Anhalt, Earl of Ascaina, whom no man living will call a Papist; nay so did Mr. Calvin, as himself declared to 
h Calvin. ad Sadolet. p. 172. Nullo non Anathemate dignos fatear, si qui erunt qui non eam Hierarchiam reverenter summaque obedientia observent.  Cardinal Sadolet in excuse of what was done to the Bishop of Geneva. Talem nobis Hierarchiam si exhibeant, etc. If they will give us such an Hierarchy, wherein the Bishops may be so eminent, as that, withal they may not think themselves above obedience unto Christ, than I confess they deserve to be delivered up to Satan who do not reverently observe them with all obedience. So did the same Mr. Calvin at Worms, and Ratisbone, and when he subscribed the Augustan Confession. Nay so did 
a Theod. Beza in Confess. cap. 5.  Beza himself; which we should never have believed, if he himself had not put it into the number of his confessions. It is not therefore a Popish thing to approve of the Episcopal or Hierarchical Order. Nor 2. is it Popery to adhere unto a Liturgy, and Rites established in the church by Law, and Canon. For that was done by 
b Quod ad formulam precum & ri●uum Ecclesiasticorum, v●ld● probo, ut certa illa exter, à qua Pastoribus discedere in functione sua non liceat; tam ut consulatur quorundam simplicitati & imperitiae, quam ut certius ita constet omnium inter se Ecclesiarum consensus. Calvin. Epist. ad Prot. Angl. 87. p. 165.  Mr. Calvin, who did humbly advise the supreme Magistrate here in England, even Edward the sixth, that we might have in our Churches a set Form of Prayer, from which it should not be lawful for any Minister to swerve in his Ecclesiastical function: (and that for these two reasons) 1. for the help of the more ignorant unskilful people, and 2. that a Harmony or agreement of all our Churches between themselves might appear the more plainly to all the world. He farther declared his opinion, that as the Rites and Ceremonies were to be set, as well as the Prayers of the Church 
c Fateor quidem, moderationi locum esse oportere— adeoque ceremonias ipsas ad usum & captum populi esse accommodandas. Id. ib. p. 166, 167.  so they were also to be adapted to the use and capacity of common people. He added, that it was 
d Neque enim me latet, proferri posse antiquum ritum mentionis defunctorum faciendae, ut eo modo communio fidelium omnium in unum corpus conjunctorum declaretur. Ib. p. 167.  lawful to make mention of the dead in public Prayer, after the ancient custom of the Church, that the Communion of all the faithful joined together in one body might be declared by that means. From all which it is evident, that Mr. Barlee's jeer doth reach as far as Mr. Calvin, who had some kind of hand in liturgical knacks, and did many times approve of the Hierarchick Flaunt too. And so did 
e Zanch. de Relig. p. 217, 218.  Zanchy in such a measure, that he was censured severely for it. The Protestant Churches in France have a public Liturgy, and yet are no Papists. The Primitive Fathers had Liturgyes, before Popery was borne. Nay Mr. Cartwright, and others of the Geneva cut, did make a 
f Dang. po●it. l. 3. ch. 10.  new Common Prayer in Queen Elizabeth's days, and agreed to put it in public practice without consent of Queen or Parliament. They were not grieved at set Forms, but that they were not of their forging. The Common Prayer had no fault, but that it was established by the Law of the Land. Nor 3. is it Popery, to reject the Presbyterian Discipline. For besides that 'tis a thing, about which its chief Architects could hardly 
a Survey of p aed. Holy Discip. c. 5. p. 72, 73, 74. to p. 87.  ever agree among themselves, (the learned Discourser saying one thing, Mr. Travers a second, Mr. Cartwright a third against both, and a fourth against himself, and a fifth against his fourth,) the first disturber of the Episcopal was the malcontent Aerius, who was a Heretic for his pains in the esteem of Epiphanius, and of St. Austin, and so affirmed to have been censured, for the very fact of opposing Bishops, by the unanimous consent of the 
* In the Reasons of their judgement, etc. p. 9  University of Oxford. 4. It is not Popery, to yield a just Authority to universal Tradition, the consentient judgement and practice of the universal Church. For (besides that the Socinians are enemies to that,) it is declared by the Protestant 
b Ibid.  University of Oxford, to be the best Interpreter of Scripture in things not clearly expressed, and that without it we should be at a loss in sundry points both of Faith and manners, at this day firmly believed, and securely practised by us, when by the Socinians, Anabaptists, and other Sectaryes, we should be called upon for our proofs: as namely, sundry orthodoxal explications concerning the Trinity, and coequality of the Persons in the Godhead, against the Arrians and other Heretics; the number and use and efficacy of Sacraments; the Baptising of Infants; National Churches; the observation of the Lords Day; and even the Canon of Scripture itself. And in the penning of these Reasons, the most excellent Dr. Sanderson is known to have had the chief hand, whom no man sure will call a Papist, but an Episcopal Divine.  
5. Nay farther yet: The Episcopal Protestants here in 
Episcopal Divines the greatest enemies to Popery.  England, (if we reckon as far backwards as from the days of Edward the sixth, unto the Age we live in) are very well known to have been the Heroes, who by their Martyrdoms, Confessions, and conquering pens, have both defended, and enlarged the reformed Borders of the Church. Nay, by their Decency and Order in the way of their public worship, they have showed to all the world so much discretion and knowledge, as well as zeal, and such unpassionate resolutions of Reformation, that the Conclave at Rome hath even trembled at the thought of an utter Ruin, if such unblamable Reformers should live and prosper. Most remarkable are the speeches, which the French Ambassador (Monsieur Rogne) gave out concerning our Church of England, both at the Court, and at Canterbury, upon the view which he had of our solemn Ceremonies and service in the days of King james. It was one of his sayings, 
a Confer. at Han●pt. Court second Day p. 38.  that if the Reformed Churches in France had kept the same Orders amongst them which we observed, he was assured, that there would have been many thousands of Protestants more there, then now there are▪ and yet our men (said an eminent Person on that occasion) do stumble and strain at some petty quillets, thereby to disturb, and to disgrace the whole Church. But for the preventing of so much happiness as was in likelihood to ensue, the Popes themselves took care to sow the seeds of Dissension, even fears and jealousies among the people, that a plot was laid by the Prelates for the introduction of Popery into the Protestant Churches. The Carmelites, and jesuits, and other Emissaryes of Rome, were sent over into England, transforming themselves into precisians and zealots, and declaiming (in that shape) against Episcopal Divines, a Mass of Ceremonies, liturgical knacks, a ceremonious litter, Hierarchical flaunts, in the expressions and sense of Mr. Barlee. By such means as these, the people were led into Presbytery, and by the crueltyes of that, many were driven back to Rome. And so we see who they are, who (quite be side their intentions) have been used as instruments & tools for the carrying on of the Popish interest.  
6. For men of fiery, revengeful, and implacable dispositions, 
Po●●ry beholding to Presbyterians.  did proceed to such rigours, and extremityes of dissension, from whatsoever they saw in the Church of Rome, that they imbittered and 
* Note, that among the many Reasons of the University of Oxsord, why they could not join with the Covenant against Episcopal Government, this was one of remark, that they should by so doing give advantage to the Papists, who usually object against us, and our Religion, the contempt of Antiquity, and the love of Novelty. p. 9  hardened the Papists hearts, which they should rather have sought to mollify, by Christian Temper, and moderation. If the Papists do excced us in point of number, and of strength, (as without controversy they do) we should endeavour to reform them by the convincingnesse of our reasonings, and the exactness of our lives, by our evident charity, and visible marks of our sobriety. We must not hope to convert them either by bitterness of railing, or dint of sword. Should all dissenters in Christendom proceed to that, it would be soon overwhelmed with Blood and Rapin. The empty word Christendom might still remain, but the mahometans, and the jews, would make a better 
* joh. 13. 35.  appearance of being the imitators and followers of jesus Christ. The Books of Jesuits and Presbyterians against the civil Magistrate, above which they would set up their Ecclesiastical jurisdictions, have had such a likeness to one another, that sometimes the Authors of the one side have been mistaken for the other. And hence it was observed in the Royal Synod, 
a Co●●er. at Hamp. Court second Day p. 50.  what advantage was given by that sort of men unto the Papists; who, mutatis personis, could apply their own Arguments against the Princes of the Religion, which they had framed against the Princes of the Church of Rome. So that the bellows of sedition, as well in that Church as in this, have helped to furnish each others Treasures with naughty maxims, and stores of mischief. When King James had observed 
b Ibid. third Day p. 101.  at Hampton-Court, that by the factious behaviour of the Puritans, many were driven to be Papists, and that the way to judge them was by their fruits, humility and obedience being certainly the marks of honest and good men; the Presbyterian chieftains, then present, forbore to make any more exceptions against the ceremonies and orders so well established in the Church, and 
c Ibid. and p. 105.  promised to perform all duty to the Bishops, as their Reverend Fathers, joining heartily with them against the common Adversaries, and for the quiet of the Church.  
Hereupon it will be pertinent to make this profitable Dilemma. Either they thought those things, to which they first refused, and after yielded a conformity, to have been lawful, or unlawful. If lawful, why submitted they no sooner? if unlawful, why submitted they at last? what made seditions, and insurrections, and disobedience to Authority, in opposition to those things which are confessedly lawful? or if confessedly lawful, but inwardly conceived to be unlawful, why should the fear of that power which can destroy the Body only, make them fearless of Him who can cast both body and soul into Hell? As to persecute, and to suffer, cannot both be for Christ's and conscience sake; so we can never find one, in whom they both meet. Some men's principles do render them liable to punishment no less than capital, but put them out of all danger of being Martyrs, unless it can be a Martyrdom to miscarry in a conspiracy, and to be overmatched by the sword of justice. Happy and Blessed is that Nation, where such men's loyalty consisteth in their want of power or opportunity to make Resistance. But (to conclude this tedious section)  
From all that hath hitherto been spoken, some will be apt 
A Counterwarning to the Nation.  to proclaim a Counterwarning to the Nation, that special heed may be taken of that sort of men, who for the wreaking of their malice against Episcopal Divines, whom they would have to be exposed to all manner of hardships (even to famine, and sword, as far as in them lies) would poison the people with a belief, that they are underhand-dealers for the bringing in of a Popish yoke. All which I say of Mr. Barlee, and of such as he is; not at all of Mr. Baxter, whose words are wickedly wrested beyond his meaning, and made entirely Mr. Barlee's own, by being expounded and applied in so vile a manner. It is not hard to make appear, in how many respects Mr. Baxter (though not in his person, yet at least in his Doctrines, which are perhaps as dear to him) hath been affronted by Mr. Barlee; who, if he hath any Truth in him, doth overthrow the very passage which here he citeth with great applause. But where my advantages are so many, I must (even for brevity) dispense with some.  
§. 12. In his two next pages (75, 76.) he obtrudes upon 
His false suggestion of Bp Davenant, and his fumbling about that Bishop's works, implying 2 contradictions within a few lines.  his Reader this constant falsehood, that I pretended Bishop Davenant to have been also an Arminian, although he knows that I did rank him amongst Arminius his Antagonists. I only pleaded his opinion of universal Redemption; which as Mr. Barlee could not disprove, so he durst not (it seems) so much as try. I referred my Reader to his Pacificatory Epistle, into which Mr. Barlee either would not peep, or thought not safe for his interest to take any notice of what he saw. He citys other words, which were not referred to by me, and which, as they are not to the purpose in any kind, so if they were, they would serve exactly for my Advantage, by showing that that Bishop had changed his judgement from what it once was. I did not speak of every part of his life, but merely of that wherein he writ to Duraeus: which, with his Adhortation to Ecclesiastical Peace, was printed at Cambridge 1640. no more than two years before his Death. Yet Mr. B. (to serve his turn) affirmeth this to be the second edition, and that a Chaplain of the Bishops did set out a third 1638. two years before the second in Mr. B's account. Would not he make an omnipotent Lawyer, who to salve a cracked Title in his client's Tenure, can prove that Harry the eighth was before Harry the seventh? This is his first contradiction about the works of Bishop Davenant. His second contradiction is more ridiculous, because attended with a pompous parenthesis of commendation. For whereas he saith [it is much more considerable, that the Bishop's Animadversions against Mr. Hoard, was, under the Bishops own hand, published three years after the last printed Edition of his Pacificatory to Duraeus,] and whereas he saith also but few lines before, [that the Bishop died in the year 1642.] and whereas it is 
a Cantabrig. ex O●ficina Rogeri Danielis Alm●… Academiae Typographi M DC XL.  evident to all the world, who will but look, that the Cambridge edition of that Epistle was in the year 1640. all the reasoning of Mr. B. amounts to this, that the Bishop lived at least a year after his Death; which is somewhat longer than St. Dlonysius is said to do in the Golden Legend. Or at least he must say, to avoid that absurdity, that there were then three years betwixt 40. and 42. nay betwixt 40. and 41. for he saith in his margin, that the Animadversions against Mr. Hoard were printed A. D. 1641. If he shall now pretend ignorance in the Bishop's works, and their Editions, why would he speak at a venture of what he knew not? but if he shall say, he well knew what he said, why would he wilfully defile his conscience? The reason of it is very plain. For having resolved to accuse me of a notorious mistake, if not somewhat worse, (they are his words) he known not how to make it out, but by saying such things, as unavoidably employed those contradictions; which either he did not perceive himself, or hoped that I should not be able to perceive, or that at least I would keep his counsel, without his having told me it was a secret.  
2. Now we are taught what to think of his other stories, that he was more than ordinarily acquainted with that 
His pretended Correspondence with Bishop Dav●nant.  Bishop, almost to the very last moment of his life, and that the Bishop did once in private sadly bewail to Mr. Barlee the great growth of Popery and Arminianism. p. 75. and that the Bishop did write a letter to him in folio about the ceremony of the Cross in Baptism. p. 76. All this is possible, though unlikely, and not at all to the purpose. And had another man said it, or Mr. B. himself before he made us all to know the strength and plenty of his invention, I should have readily believed, that so charitable a Prelate might write a letter of instruction to one who stood in need of it, and might show him his bounden duty to use the sign of the Cross in baptising Infants. But he hath brought his conceptions to so fair a market, that he must now affirm nothing, if he intends to be believed, unless he is as ready to bring his proof. Numa pretended to hold intelligence with Egeria, and Minos with jupiter, and Scipio with the same, and Sertorius with his inspired do, and Eumenes with the Ghost of Alexander the Great, and Mahomet with Gabriel one of the seven Arch-Angels, and Mr. Barlee with learned Davenant one of the Angels of the Church of England.  
3. Though Mr. B. pretendeth some kind of Reverence to the Bishop, yet he declaredly dissents from his Doctrine of 
His exceptions and saw●inesse to the same Bp.  Christ's Death, as he professed to do from that of Amyrald p. 72. He 
a Correp. Corr. p. 169.  confessed that Bishop Davenant and Dr. Ward did extend the phrase of Christ's Dying for all, not only [generibus singulorum] to all sorts of men, but also [singulis generum] to 
* P. p Carleton, Bishop Hall, Dr. Ward, Dr. Goad, Mr. balcanqual, (all Divines of the Synod of Do●) and besides, Dr. Preston, Dr. S●oughton, Mr. Whately, Mr. Fenner, Mr. john Ball, Mr. Cu●verw●l●, Mr. Vin●s, Mr Woo●bridge, Mr. Baxter, are all avowed by Mr. Baxter himself to have been, & to be, of Bishop Davenants and the late Primates judgement in this point. But what the Primates judgement was, hath appeared partly already, and shall more fully appear hereafter. With all these therefore M●…. B. confessedly is at odds. So is he also with the Duke of ●●andenbu●ghs Divines, & with those of Breme, with Lud. Crocius, Martinius, Iselbu●g●; nay with Dr. Twisse, and the Synod of Dort, if Mr. Baxter may be believed. In ●raefa●. ●d Disput.  every man of all sorts. But he will sue out a writ of melius inquirendum, before he passeth any damnatory sentence upon them, because they have so many handsome orthodox put-offs. This is Rare! That Bishop must be reprieved though he speaks as I do, and I must be condemned (as the enemy of God) although I spoke as the Bishop did. What is the reason? The Bishop hath his putoffs, and I have none. What is this but to say in effect and substance, that the venerable Bishop did tack about; he stood out in such a manner from Mr. Barlee, as that in a manner he came in; he had handsome subterfuges, and orthodox shifts; whilst Mr. Pierce doth assert the same Doctrine with the Bishop, and all that follows thereupon by unavoidable consequence, without the least fear of displeasing the implacable, and so without making use of any orthodox Tricks, or syncretizing Terg●versations, for the keeping of their favours, and acts of Grace? Thus he abuseth that excellent Prelate, to whose favour he oweth his admission into the Priesthood; though he doth not abuse the orthodox●a of his party (to which that Prelate was so averse) whilst he ingeniously placeth it in handsome evasions and putoffs.  
4. But sure the Bishop will incur a great deal more of his 
The Bishop reckons universal Redemption among fundamentals, and declares against all who shall deny it.  displeasure, by that time I have showed him one famous 
a Ad hos fundamentales Articulos puto respexisse Apostolum Tit. 1. 3. Communis haec fides, symbolo Apostolico comprehensa, omnibus Christianis credend● proponit, admirandum Creaturarum ex nihilo opificium, Trinitatis myst●rium, Christi Incarn●ti, passi, Resurgentis, glorificati, miseris peccatoribus impensum Beneficium; quaeque ind● dimanant, Redemptionem humani generis, Sanctificationem pec●…aris populi,— Resurrectionem Corporum, Glorificationem fidelium, etc. Qui ullum ex his Articulis furcillat aut sugillat, licet nomen Christiani si●i vendicet, ab orthodoxorum communione arcendus est, & procul amandandus. Sentent. D. Daven. praedict. p. 10. & 11.  passage. The Bishop thought that St. Paul in his words to Titus (ch. 1. v. 3.) had a particular respect to the Apostles Creed; in which are comprehended the fundamentals of Christianity, to be believed by all Christians: to wit, the creation of all creatures out of nothing, the mystery of the Trinity, the benefit of Christ Incarnate, Crucified, rising from the dead, and Glorified, bestowed upon miserable and wretched sinners; and (as fundamentals derived thence,) the Redemption of Mankind, the Sanctification of a peculiar people, the Communion of Saints, the forgiveness of sins, the Resurrection of bodies, and the Glorification of the Faithful.— All these things (saith the Bishop) are comprehended in this short Creed.— He that detracteth or defameth any one of these, although he may take unto himself the name of Christian, he is yet to be banished from the Communion of the orthodox. From which words of that pious and learned Prelate, Mr. B. may be pleased to observe 4 things. 1. That he makes such a distinction between the Redemption of mankind, and the sanctification of a peculiar people, as to include every man to be within the pale of that Redemption. All mankind was bought, and paid for. (which is just the thing for which I contend, and more than which I need not care to have granted, upon condition it be not murdered with any fanciful Putoffs.) 2. That he reckons this among the Articles of our Christian Faith, placing the Death and Resurrection of Christ before it, and placing after it the Resurrection of our bodies. 3. That the Truth of this is derived from the Truth of the Articles going before. 4. That he who denies the Truth of it, or doth but pair away from it in any kind, is to be sent to the Anticyrae, banished (I mean) from all orthodox Society. And so Farewell to Mr. Barlee.  
5. Bishop Davenant, (in a work bound up with the former) hath laid down 8 such propositions, as he supposeth to be agreed 
How severely the Bishop's judgement reflects on Mr. B.  by 
a Corcedunt o●nes & consentiu●, h●…s propositiones ●ss● verissimas, etc. Adhort. ad pac. Ecclesiast. ●ap. 11. p. 148, 149.  all Protestant Churches. And yet our correptory Corrector, in both his prints, hath revealed his disagreement from divers of them. From whence it is inferred by the judgement of Bishop Davenant, that Mr. Barlee is not a member of any Protestant Church, unless we mean an unruly and peevish member. What I say I can justify, if he shall adventure to make it needful. What Mr. B. 
b Si Eccl●siae Rectoribus idem non persuaserit, aut in aliam Ecclesiam divertere opor●et, aut, pro bono Animarum, Ecclesiae cui subest censuram patienter tolerate. Sent. Dau. p. 39  should have done, upon his several dissatisfactions in the prescriptions and practices of the Church of England; and what the Church might have done in castigation of such a member, Bishop Davenant hath truly and justly showed him. For the first, he should have gone into some other Church to which he might have been pleased to yield obedience, or have patiently suffered under the censures of that very Church in which he lived. For the second, 
c Possunt ab externa Communione tantisper removere, dum suis erreribus alios infic●re, & ipsas Ecclesias perturbare desinant. Id. in Adho●…t. ad Pac. Eccl. c. 4. p. 72.  the Church might have proscribed him from her external Communion, until he had ceased from infecting others with his errors, and from disturbing the Churches with his attempts. Nay rather than have troubled the Peace and quiet of the Church, under which he lived in subjection, and of which he professed himself a member, he should have packed away (saith the Bishop) into some other Church, or have remained in this without disturbance, though he had thought that his opinion, which he maintained against the Church, had been of such moment, and the knowledge of it so necessary, as that 
a Quod si quis eam qu●m cont●a Ecclesiae senten●iam tu●tur opinionem tant●m omen●i ●sse sibi persuadeat, ut ex ejus cognit●one salus hominum d●…pendeat, aut in aliam Ecclesiam divertere, etc. ut supra. Sent. Dau. ad Dur. p. 39 How he misbehaves himself about the Primate.  Salvation itself depended on it. How little then can he excuse himself (or others of his spirit and combination) for having caused those troubles which have made us a hissing to our enemies, upon the pet they took at those things which in themselves were indifferent (by their confession) and which the stamp of Authority had made obliging? What they thought to be unlawful, they should not have complied with (as they did) for a time; and what they thought very lawful, they should still have submitted to in all obedience.  
§. 13. What Mr. B. thinks fit to add as a conclusion to his second Chapter, (p. 76, 77.) concerning the Primate of Armagh, I shall consider in my Postscript, to which my Reader is now referred. I shall only here observe his perseverance in that evil of laying things to my charge, from which he knows I am as innocent as any man living. The Primate's Popery and Arminianism are Mr. B's insinuations; invented purposely, that he may have something to confute. Nothing is like it in all my writings. But there is something in Mr. B's much more than like it, as I shall discover in my-Post-script. What he saith of the History of Gotteschalc, shows a very great want of heed, or Conscience. For that it was penned by the Primate, he doth not deny: that the Primate was an ancient Author, he dares not affirm. That the subjects óf the History are 800. years old, is true, but impertinent, and not of use to Mr. B. any more than to Arminius. For the Primate there tells us, what was held by Hincmarus, and Rabanus Maurus, two great Archbishops, as well as by Gotteschalc the private Monk: and how Gotteschalc was condemned by the learned Moguntine Council, as well as favoured by them at Lions. And if the Primate's judgement was then for Gotteschalc (who was pronounced an 
a Trithemius apud Hist. Gottesc●. c. 4. p. 41. A. D. 848.  Heretic in the famous Synod at Moguntia convened by the authority of the Emperor Lotharius) I shall easily prove that he did afterwards change it. The Synod of Valentia which Mr. B. citeth from the fourth Chapter, is not there, but in the twelfth. And the History of that is the rather to be reckoned as uncertain, because 
b Hist. Gott. c. 12. p. 186.  Baronius and the primate do give us opposite narrations, though I shall more readily believe the later. But whilst Mr. B. takes upon him to show his Lordship's opinion, from what was delivered by the Valentian Synod, not in his Lordships own expressions (as Mr. B. in his deep ignorance doth take the boldness to affirm) but in the expressions of the Synod; he doth a very ill office to Dr. Bernard, a courtesy to them who affirm his change, and a double mischief unto himself, as shall be showed in its proper place.   

CHAP. IU.  
A Taste of some notable Qualifications in Mr. B. which give him an eminent unfitness to be either a Disputant, or an Historian.  
§. 1. THe most obvious accomplishment in this gifted Brother, and that wherein his greatest excellence 
Mr. B's Breeding and way of Compliment.  doth lie, (especially since he promised to mend his manners, and to do 
a Ep. De●. p. 3. l. 1.  penance for his passions, upon his knees,) is to win me over to his opinions, (or else to fright me out of mine own) by all the caresses and endearments, which can possibly be expected from a man of his 
b It is the character which he gives his own Temper, ch. 1. p. 7. & 8. In his first Book he called it his pleasantness and playfulnesse (Ep. Ded. p. 9) now he calls it his mirth and cheerfulness to tole-on Gallants to the reading of him (ch. 2. p. 45.) So Mountebancks have a Zany commonly called jack Pudding to tole-on Customers for the buying of their wares. And when Dom●…n invented a new Game, he called i● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  orthodox and godly Temper. I hope I shall not be proud of his large expressions, because I am able to distinguish betwixt his judgement, and his civilityes. The age we live in is very courtly, and men will give fair language, because it is fashonable, and handsome, and humane too; if not to signify their opinion of the person to whom they speak, at least to testify the breeding and civil deportment of the speakers. It must not therefore be imagined, that Mr. Barlee's meaning is as obliging as his words, but that his words are the marks of his education.  
§. 2. For as this liberal Encomiast is pleased to compliment, 
The language of the B.  I am an English Heretic, a back friend to true Religion, an underminer of necessary Reformation, a second Predestinated Thief, sedulously impudent, and a Bespatterer, a very Erra Pater in Divinity, an insulting Thraso, an insolent 
Note, Reader, that be profested (in his Ded. E●st. p. 2.) that no man valued me more than He, no man should be more solli●it●…us of my Soul, Fame, and outward s●se●y, than Himself. If therefore th●se are the over flow of his Love, ho● terrible is his hatred to those who are not in his favour, as I (it seems) am?  Boaster, a verse from the true Faith, yea adverse to it, a sophistical Wrangler, a dangerous Enemy to the Church, to be compared with the hypocritical Pharisees, a maintainer of the same opinions with low-spirited, plebeian, mechanic Sectaryes, an Angel of Darkness, an Apostate, and a Wolf, mischievous to God and his Church, superciliously scornful, a great Delinquent, and as an Herring-man, the composer of a Playbook for my jovial proselytes against the merry Time, an able Jester, playing upon him before Lords and Ladies, Inhuman, Barbarous, like him in whom the evil spirit was, and like the Spanish Bulls falling upon their Drivers, a facetious and most dexterous Roscius, one of the three great wasps of the Nation, one by whose Abilities the Devil is adorned, guilty of Socinianism, true to the cruel Grotian design of extirpating the Protestants calvinistical, of the Grotian Cabal, a filcher of his Parishioners, of Schismatical Practices against his Parish, as infecting it with Arminianism, Soci●…anism, Pontificianism in part, a carrier on of vile designs, a fawning Tertullus, an insolent Provoker, a Tom Telltruth, of a malevolent design, a breaker of St. Paul's Hand, disingenuous, & unconscionable, of a frontless Front, and scornful Spirit, a notorious Liar, virulent, proud, slanderous, and of furious indignation, one whose very light is darkness, and who takes the Presbyterians to be more 
* It is his own expression (Reader) as all the rest: 'twas never m●ne.  Knaves than Fools, a great wanton, full of malice and poisonous mischief, a circumstantial rituallson of the Church, a demure Junior, justly called a Sorcerer, one to whom the Anabaptists and Quakers are great Friends, one who bewitcheth the people, and deserves to be ranked among the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or witches, a clamorous Brazenfaced person, of insufferable insolence, one that hath lost his conscience with his eyes, prodigiously Satirical to a Miracle beyond imitation, one who intended to gull the world, and delude the Church, 
* This he ●●hers in with this untrodden Preface, [as I am an Ecclesiastic, a Christian, and a Gentleman, etc.]  a Monster of ingratitude, of a stony and brazen fore●ead, a juvenal Divine, a wilful Impostor, setting up an Idol Fancy of Grace, a Pope above all Counsels except the Papal, guilty of minor Atheism at least, devoid of all Christian ingenuity as well as Grotius, a graceless Person, Grotius his Imitator, a monstrous uncharitable Censurer as well as Grotius, a Prevaricator, without regard of conscience, a master Railer, one who recedes from Arminius to the worse, towards rank Pelagianism and Socinianism, whose Correct Copy begins and ends in Pelagianism and Semipelagianism, guilty of much Heretical pravity, irrational, a Submortuarian, an Apostolarian, a Neophyte, anti-scriptural, a downright Pelagian in the very chief point, deeply drenched with Massilianism, of ridiculous shifts, crafty insinuations, supercilious Arrogance, putting gulls and cheats upon his Mother the Church, wretchedly and unconscionably abusive, a great Practiser of Hypocrisy, one whose Proselytes are but too great Approvers of Hobbs his Leviathan, a maker of sapless, senseless, subitane Comments of Scripture, a woeful Calumniator, a Thrasonical Boaster, stubborn, wormish Fancy, intolerable, extravagant, an Helvidian, Antiscripturist, like the old Heretics making their brains their Bible, wanting honesty, loud lying, horribly wicked, absurd, foolish, childish, malicious, frantic, slanderous, insolent, scornful, ridiculous, against whom the dreadful judicial hand of God is highly lift up; and again, one who hath the just hand of God upon him, and likely to be dementated by God for perdition, a Manichee, holding that which the boldest Jesuit would tremble to admit into his Creed, one who flurts and flounceth at his Neighbour for want of Logic, a graceless Traducer, odious, hateful, 
* Note that the 4 compliments next following are cited from Crackenthorp against the Bishop of Spalleto upon his return to Rome, and applied only to me by Mr. B.  without shame or modesty, or any the least love of the Truth, one who hath drawn a Brawn upon his forehead and his conscience, one who proclaims his sin as Sodom, and worse than Sodom, with a stubborn mind, which Sodom never did, having a design highly Jesuitical, rendering the soundest Protestants odious, to make room for the Pontificians taken into his bosom, basely abusive contrary to conscience, blowing hot and cold like a satire, of a lavish Tongue, a broad conscience, a crafty pate, one whose Religion grows upon the stock of Policy, far in the way to Rome, like malicious persons guilty of the Plague; and (to show that he goes out at the same Door which he came in at) 
The vast quantity besides of Mr. B's Courtship.  I am finally an Heretic to be rejected.  
That these are all his own compliments, is so well known to as many as have had the patience to read his second book, and so almost-impossible to be denied by himself, that I think it not needful to mark the pages where they are written; which would prove a greater trouble to the Printer, and to the Corrector of the Press, than matter of satisfaction to any Readers. But as I have them all in readiness, and given a view of them to many who have desired to be Spectators of so strange a SIGHT; so if Mr. B shall murmur at my omission of the pages, he shall not fail of them, as soon as I know what he would have. So far are these from being more than what his book hath afforded, that they are only a sprinkling of his behaviour. For a Gentleman in the Country having a great curiosity, to know how much of the Volume might have been spent in mere railing, (if it were thrust up together) took the courage, for once, to make a Trial; And the total of his collection did amount to no less, than eleven whole Pages in a spacious Quarto all as full as they could hold, and overflowing the very margins. Now had I the leisure to take account of all the like courtesies bestowed on others (for the 11. pages-full I spoke of were all on me) I leave the Reader to imagine how fine and slender his book would be, if such large Collops were pared away. In the little account which I have given, there is a greater affluence than he could meet with in his Textor's Epithets, or in his Sylva Synonymorum.  
It may be wondered at by some, how a man of his diligence in the way he goes, should forget (this bout) to call me Devil, 
A Copy of Mr. B's Reformation.  but (in stead of that) should choose to call me an Angel of darkness, (p. 7.) The reason of it is very evident. For he confesseth, that before, he was somewhat 
a 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. p. 45.  playsome, and had 
b Epist. Ded. p. 2.  ex●berances of passions; but now he is reform, upon the admonitions of his Friends, who did give him a 
c c. 1. p. 6.  Hint that he was somewhat overheated, & therefore he gives them 
d Ibid.  most solemn thanks. He now mislikes 
e p. 8.  the harebrained fury of some men, falsely called zeal; He is for 
f Ibid.  prudence and necessary moderation. And therefore having, before, called my Copy of Notes a Noonday Devil, he is now contented to call my Person an Angel of Darkness, which amounts to no more than a Midnight Devil, which is not so bad, as being a modester Devil, then that which walketh about at Noon. In his first Book indeed I was a Satanical and Diabolical blasphemer, nay an exceeder of the Devil himself in blasphemy, and worse then Diabolically wittily wicked. But that was one of his 
a Ibid. p. 6.  extravagances, for which he will not defend himself. And therefore now the world is mended (to my unspeakable comfort) and I am only a Midnight Devil, not one whit worse, or more wicked, (as then I was.) So that now he is assured, 
b Ib. p. 8.  that none of Christ's cordial Friends have any great reason to blame him, because he is against both extremes. Before, I was for major Atheism, now I am only for minor Atheism, because now he hath hit the golden mean. p. 4. 'Tis true indeed, that in this his opus emendatum, he doth also seem to be overheated, as before; some 
c Ibid.  excesses of passion, stile, and Temper, do remain (like Canaanites) in the Holy Land: Though God, 
d p. 4.  accounting him faithful, hath put him into the ministry; yet he is hitherto in via, on this side heaven, not fully arrived unto his state of perfection: Sorcerer, and Witch, Apostatarian, and Wolf, and eleven pages-full of zeal have not been candidly expressed; and there is something of mortality still cleaving to him, whilst he admires at my impudence for not believing I was a Ranter. 
† Mr. B's justification of himself.  But let us be so just as to hear him speaking for himself. 
e p. 6.  What have I done? (saith Mr. B.) Is there not a cause? was not our Saviour sufficiently zealous? And did not 
* All correptory Correctors with Mr. B.  all the Apostles, especially St. Paul, imitate our Saviour in this? He that shall meet with the like, and behave himself more modestly, let him throw the first stone at me. Calvin was liable to errors and passions as myself. p. 62.— 
f p. 7.  Have I not offered to do open penance for my passions, if they prove against me either scurrility or calumny? Is this Laodicean lukewarm age so full of heats and zeal against seducers, as that he who thinks it his duty earnestly to oppose opinions, practices and designs, must be unreasonably blamed for so doing? Take heed (good Reader) that you fall not into the danger of thinking hardly of this 
g Ib. p. 〈◊〉.  orthodox and cordial Zealot. He tells us plainly (c. 3. p. 70.) that whosoever they are who will not yield to what he saith, is worse than distracted. But that he tells us on another occasion. Keep we close to the purpose, and we shall find good reason for the worst of his words. He did wisely consider, That 
a Ibid. Dr. Bern. and Dr. Reyn. implicitly accused by Mr. Barlee of foul matters.  other men's soft milky faint-hearted coldness, disguised under the pleasing term of prudence, fairness, peace, moderation, etc. hath been one of the two things which have brought us to that woeful pass that we are at in all Ecclesiastical matters. (There he mumps the Reverend Dr. Reynolds, who timely advised him to soft words, to omit my Person, and fall wholly to the Argument. Again) what a milky faint-hearted person doth the Reverend Dr. Bernard appear to be in his sight, who told him 
b At the end of his first letter to Mr. B.  that the fruits of the spirit are meekness, gentleness, etc. and advised him to lay aside all verbal Animosities, and personal Reflections, and calmly to fall upon the matter? What? would they have Mr. Barlee not to be valiant, and call men sorcerers, witches, wolves, Devils? 
c Ib. p. 8.  The age is not so full of orthodox cordial zealots, as that they need to be 
d Ib. p. 7. lin. ant●penu●●.  discouraged. Mr. B. 
e Ib. p. 2.  blesseth God for his Grace, who for well-nigh these 14. years hath not suffered him to behave himself unchristianly, ignorantly, or rudely. For what though he let fall so many slanders, perjuryes, contradictions, and rail, as have been written with a Sunbeam? yet having had Grace irresistible, he was not suffered to do amiss, was not able to sin, he was so mightily withheld. 
f p. 6. in marg.  Si quid intumuit pietas, if his godliness did swell, and boil up (as hath been showed) igno●cat lector, we must pardon him in conscience; and so Dr. Twisse had said before him. If I, or other moral men shall wipe off his calumnies, we are presently Master Railers, for we are Angels of Darkness; and reason good, for we resist Mr. Barlee in his inventions. But when He shall rail, and invent slanders, who hath that privilege indulged to him, the case is then altered, for he makes it known to the world, that God hath 
g So he saith in his Postscript, etc.  called him to be Faithful; and all is no more than a godly Tumour, as he is pleased to express it to us. In his Introduction to this his second volume, he solemnly 
h p. 4.  prays to the God of all Grace, that he may be mightily assisted and wisely directed in the management of so great a work, that if through his exceeding great weakness, as is the 
* Note, his several promises to do penance, i● good men should judge him guilty. Here he confesseth, that divers good men did so judge: Yet p. 9 he cannot say he hath done evil; and p. 8. hath no reason to accept of my pardon. For again (p. 8.) they must not only say, but clear it to Him, that he is guilty. Which he doth not intend shall be in haste.  judgement of divers good men, he did give too much way to his passions at first, by not hitting the golden mean, he may be more successful in his second attempt, lest the Church and the world complain of him. judge now, Reader, whether his Prayer hath been heard, or whether when he prayed, he spoke as he thought. Before, he gave too much way to his passions, and did not quite hit the Golden Mean; but now he thinks he hath nicked it. Salva res est, saltat senex. 
a Postscript.  He even skips for joy (pretty Lamb!) and doth not repent him of his crueltyes, because he designs to kill a Heretic; and 
b Ep. Ded. p. 2.  English Heretics (he thinks) are not to be killed with kindness, as some have vainly imagined. But 'tis time that I come to another Section.  
§. 3. It is no small part of my vindication, that Names and 
His like eruptions against others.  Epithets are given to me by that incomparable Syringe, (for such I may call our Author's Quill,) which hath squirted ink into the Faces of the most excellent persons in several kinds. For if Mr. B. may be believed, 
c c. 2. p. 46. Against Grotius.  Grotius was an unparallelled Prevaricator in Religion, and cruelly spiteful against Protestants. To admire his writings is a dreadful sign of dementations of many great wits, and of their inclinations to Popery, Socinianism, wicked carnal policy. There is no Christian clergyman under the cope of Heaven, be he Pontifician, Episcopal, Presbyterian, or congregational, but they have reason to be an enemy to him and his writings, for betraying all Ecclesiastical power into the hands of mere laics. 
d p. 63.  He was a prodigious enemy to Calvin, a betrayer of his own native Country, from which he was justly and perpetually exiled. He made it his business to be a Judas against the Protestants, 
e p. 62.  & showed himself devoid of all Christian ingenuity. 
f p. 13.  Castalio's Books are viperous & Socinian. 
g p. 64. Against Castalio and Episcopius.  S. Episcopius was a lying-Socinian-Antitrinitarian-Cretian; spoke against the Dictate of his conscience; most wantonly and saucily trifled with the Synod. 
h c. 3. p. 29. Against Dr. Taylor.  Dr. Taylor may at last swallow the later sequel of Jansenius, that Christ died not, ergo he is not incarnated. The Lord be merciful unto him. 
i c. 2. p. 60. Against Mr. Thomson.  A man desperately unadvised, & for his affection to the Protestants, such another as myself (a Cassandrian Papist c. 2. p. 73.) 
k c. 2. p. 26. Against all the orthodox together.  Drunken Dick Thomson was bewitched with the conceit of his own parts, as much as any Babylonian, intoxicated by the cup of the whore. In a word, all the great and good men, who for above 1200. years, in all Countries, have opposed 
a Int●oduct. p. 2. lin. 3, 4, 8, 9  those opinions which Mr. B. is now of, were so many [Dragons and Leviathans, sharpening their tongues and pens and wits against the omnipotent Sovereignty and Grace of God.]  
Reader, you must not be offended: For Mr. B. tells you, that Mr. Calvin was liable to errors and passions as himself. 
Against Mr. Calvin.  And if he means, as liable as himself, he useth Mr. Calvin a great deal worse than his Arminians. What would you have a man do, when he is tortured with so many twitches of the aching tooth? even men of mild tempers will be apt to cry out, after the measure that they have smarted: how much more may an 
* p. 8.  orthodox and cordial zealot? pangs and torments make some men Rave. It being natural to the Creature, to ease itself by any means; and to lessen its Agonyes, by giving them the quickest and largest vent that he is able. Many men have blasphemed in fits of haste and vexation; not for want of right principles, but of strength and patience to make use of them. It hath been matter of satisfaction to some stomach full soldiers, whilst they have grovelled upon the earth in blood and slaughter, at least to brow beat their enemies, and (for want of other weapons) to look blows at them, and call them Dogs. I will not vindicate those persons, whom Mr. B. hath thus reviled; because I think it their vindication, that none but a correptory Corrector would have dared in public to have reviled them.  
I will only put him in mind, that this is now the second time wherein he hath printed his own disgraces, by giving the 
Of Mr. Thomson in particular.  name of Drunken Dick to that renowned Scholar Mr. Thomson: a person admired for his Abilities by the most pious and the most learned of the Belgic Protestants; and highly commended by Bishop Abbot, who writ against him. Pascitur in vivis livor. Had that Great Man been alive, M. B's superiors might have maligned him. Or had I cited any one passage out of his learned Book, Mr. B. then might have pretended some small occasion for this asperity. But that upon no occasion offered he should have Drunken Dick Thomson in both his Prints, betrays a marvellous Cacoethes in the inward old man. If Mr. Thomson were ever drunk, it is more than I know; I am sure his writings are very sober: Nor came I soon enough into the world to know him by any thing but his writings. In the judgement of Mr. Baxter, I do not speak mine own judgement) 
* Mr. Baxt. Disput. 3. p. 329, etc.  He that hath oftentimes been drunk may yet have true grace, and be in the number of the Godly. Nay there are worse things than that, which a man may commit, and yet be Godly, saith Mr. Baxter. 
a Id. ib. p. 33●. Note the probable Reason, why Mr. Barlee doth so highly extol Mr. Baxter, c. 2. p. 73.  How many Professors will rashly rail, and lie in their passions? how few will take well a reproof, but rather defend their sin? How many in these times that we doubt not to ●e godly, have been guilty of disobedience to their guides, and of schism, and doing much to the hurt of the Church? a very great sin. Peter, Let, and its like David, did oft commit greater sins. And yet a 
b Ib. p. 326, 327.  man must be guilty of more sin than Peter was in denying and forswearing Christ, that is notoriously ungodly; yea then Lot was, who was drunk two nights together, and committed incest twice with his own Daughters, and that after the miraculous destruction of Sodom, of his own wife, and his own miraculous deliverance. 
† The sad effect of that opinion, that the Regenerate man cannot cease to be regenerate, let his sins be never so great. and this is said by Mr. Baxt. to be the opinion of most of our Divines, meaning (I suppose) the Calvinistical: for I know none else of this opinion.  Nay a man that is notoriously ungodly (in the sense in hand) or unsanctified, must be a greater sinner than Solomon was with his 700. Wives, and his 300. Concubines, & gross Idolatryes, when his heart was turned away from the Lord God of Israel, which appeared unto him twice, and commanded him not to go after other Gods; but he kept not that which the Lord commanded. Thus far Mr. Baxter: from whom, in conscience, I am bound to declare my dissent, and to warn my weaker Readers not to believe a word of it. I will only say for Mr. Thomson, that he was not dry drunk, nor added Drunkenness to thirst, as many Precisians were known to do. What was said by the Prophet, (Isa. 51, 21.) I may also say in another sense, that many have been drunken, though not with wine, but with somewhat worse. I will not imitate Mr. B. by raking inhumanely in dead men's Graves. But I have heard of a great one of Mr. B's party, who, as often as he was willing to exhilarate himself with the due of Bacchus, would make a short exhortation to his Bons Compagnions', holding forth to this purpose, if not in these very words: [Come, Beloved in the Lord, let us be refreshed with the othr bottle of Sack: we have an interest in the Creature through Jesus Christ: let not the wicked drink all.] I name not the man, and so have revealed no secrets. But I am willing that Mr. Barlee should see the ugliness of his arguings against a Doctrine, from the personal corruption of some one man who did assert it. How easily might any man requite suchusage (as God forbid that any man should) by saying impatient 
* Note, that this is only the putting of a case, whereby M. B. may learn to hate his own practice, by having seen it in other colours.  jack Calvin, or Calvin was a proud jack? Is not that the same with Drunken Dick Thomson? for was not Richard the name of the later, as well as john of the former? nay did not Mr. Calvin confess he was impatient? and that the Beast was grown masterfull, he could not tame it? Was not Bucer a moderate man? and did not he call Calvin Fratricide? and is not that much worse than Drunken? and is not all this printed by their very best 
† Note, that Bezaunsealed that confession of Calvin: whom Mr. B. unawares doth affrm devoid of all Christian ingenuity, c. 2. p. 62. His s●lf-contradictions.  Friends? But never did Mr. Thomson accuse himself of being Drunken, much less from the Print-house. And therefore Mr. B. was ill advised.  
§. 4. He was also ill advised in being no kinder to himself, then to pull down commonly with his right hand, what he had raised with his left. Had his memory lain in his finger's ends, he would either not have written the former parcels of his Book, or at least he would not have contradicted them in the later. To show this at large, were to compile a whole volume of self-contradictions. But yet my Reader shall have a taste of what hath been the greatest part of my entertainment. One while he tells he hath abstersed 
a Ti le-page.  all calumnies; and yet another while he pretendeth to have 
b c. 2 p. 20.  omitted many; nay briefly to touch upon a few, and not to mention a world more. Had he followed the advice of his Father Pliny, saepius respiciendo Titulum, he would not have swallowed so great a Camel without having felt it in going down. He said in his Title [A Full Abstersion of All Calumnies;] and yet he raped out an 
c c. 2. p. 17.  Oath, that of all those Forgeries and Fictions which I had charged him withal, there were but 3 in all his Book to which he seemed to give credit. Nor had he sooner said so, but he named a fourth, to which he avowed his giving credit. As if he thought that Abstersion had signified Recantation, and that he meant only to say, A Confession of all calumnies except those three, 
* He pretended a Stationer for the one, and a conscionable Divine for the other.  two of which he also 
d p. 18, 19  confessed to have been calumnies indeed. First he made himself smutty, and now with a char-coal he strives to make himself clean. But never was any man fowler in the full Abstersion of a chimney. At first he 
a c. 1. p. 5.  promised his Reader, that he would write in a certain method; but solemnly broke it a little after, by 
b p. 11.  declaring his purpose to quit that method, and for brevityes sake to be immethodical. For above 30 years' space, he durst to lay down his life, he 
c c. 2. p. 22, 23.  never swore a rash Oath; yet he 
d Ib. p. 17.  swore most rashly not above 3 leaves before, and no less rashly in his correptory Correction p. 174. besides that he swore the Scotish Covenant, and another Oath besides that, which if he did not swear rashly, was rashly broken. He 
e p. 22.  never cursed (if you believe him) in 30 years; but yet believe me, he cursed himself (Correp. Corr. p. 25.) and here curseth others (c. 2. p. 38.) and together with himself, the 
* I have proved from their printed works, that they hold God to be the cause of sin, in those very words.  chief men of his party, upon whom he 
f c. 3. p. 54, 55.  wisheth that myriads of Anathematisms may light, if they hold that God is the fountain or cause of sin. Yet he holds it himself in the very next page; where he saith that God is the natural cause of the mere act of sin, and the accidental cause of the very obliquity of the act of sin, (p. 55. c. 3.) He 
g c. 2. p. 12.  denies that he accused me of assertive Socinianism, and yet 
h p. 38.  accuseth me often in the Great, and adds 
i c. 3. p. 4.  rank to the Socinian.  
He frequently called me Arminian, and Arminius my 
* c. 3. p. 25.  Father; yet he reckons up 
k c. 3. p. 4, 5, 14, 15.  many things, wherein he confesseth I do recede from Arminius, and that irreconcilably; and yet he fears not to say, that I have 
l Ib. p. 25.  all my Principles from Arminius. I am but 
m c. 2. p. 46.  inclined to Popery; 
n Ib. p. 38.  yet am half a Pontifician or Papist; nay a 
o p. 73, 74, 75.  whole one. He saith he 
p c. 3. p. 11.  never called me Heretic; yet 
q Ib. & p. 149.  often doth it. He pleads for the 
r c. 2. p. 6. etc.  lawfulness of his railing; and yet 
s c. 3. p. 3.  denies his pleading for it. He saith his Manuscript Copy of my Notes doth not differ from mine, in 
t c. 2. p. 47, 48.  any material thing; and yet (in the very next page) he saith they are 
u Ib. p. 48.  two distinct things, and that 'tis false to say, that they are one and the same for substance. He would not press me to things which I was most likely to 
w p. 52.  refuse to have my Doctrines tried by; and yet would be 
x p. 55. and 52.  tried by no other than his Signior Sympresbyters. Grotius is often a 
y p. 46.  Socinian; and yet a 
z p. 73, 74.  Papist, which no Socinian can be. The same 
a p. 46.  Grotius is an enemy to all Popish and Episcopal Clergy; which no Papist can be, and be a Papist. He saith his Signior Sympresbyters have 
b p. 40, 41.  receded from their subscriptions; and yet for all that, that they have been 
a p. 52.  least upon their Tropics in these Tropical times. God (saith he) is the natural 
b c 3. p. 55.  cause of the Act of sin; and yet that sin hath no efficient cause. (Corr. Corr. p. 55.) Throughout his first Book he was much and often for the way of the Sublapsarians; yet (being beaten out of that) he 
c Ib. p. 15.  declares himself now to be a Supralapsarian. He sometimes 
d Epist. Ded. p. 2.  commends me for extremely gallant parts, and divers rare excellencyes, and 
e Postscript.  fine Abilities, and of a 
f c. 3. p. 108.  superlative wit; yet at other times I am a 
g c. 3. p. 148.  wordy and windy man, of a blunt judgement, and fitter than any of my neighbours to supply the place of an 
h c. 2. p. 33.  Idiot. It is frequent with him to slight my Arguments, as if they had nothing of force in them; and yet he confesseth that he is brought to an extremity, to his very last Reserve of forces, which if they fail, the Cause is lost. This I say he confesseth, if he understands the meaning of his Proverb, 
i c. 2. p. 11.  Deventum est Triarios. If he doth not, I cannot help it. He confesseth that his 
k Epist. Ded. p. 2.  passions against me. are exuberant here and there, and talks of giving me satisfaction; but yet he boasts of his 
l c. 1. p. 8.  moderation, and will not so much 
m Ibid.  as accept of my pardon. His fictions and rail he calls his Frailtyes, and doth 
n c. 2. p. 55.  confess they are great and many, and that he began his first Book with a Confession of them; and yet his whole first Chapter is not only to excuse, but (in some places) to commend them. He snatcheth several occasions to tell the 
o c. 2. p. 27. Mr. B. a Trumpet to his own praises.  world, [that he learned Hebrew many years since, and hath attained to some little something; and from the 18th year of his Age to this very hour, men of the greatest Note for learning and piety have given large Attestations to his scholarship (which he ever writes with ll) when they have not been solicited to it by any thing but their own forwardness.] And again, that the most illustrious Luminaryes of the Church did grace his labours with their unexpected Encomiums. p. 2. And 
p p. 35.  that some of the greatest eminency for learning and piety, did in letters express their good Resentment of his labours, & thankfulness for his pains. But yet in a gross contradiction to the first of these passages, he hath published two Books; 
* Note, he professeth to have reviewed his sheets with his own eyes, and to have drawn up the Errata, etc. In Epist. ante Catal. Err.  whereby he hath showed it to be impossible, that the most learned and the most pious should commend his learning. For if they were learned, how could they be so much mistaken? and if they were pious, how could they speak what they knew not to be true? Since Mr. B. hath so partial an opinion of himself, and had such need to let it fly, as that he could not forbear to say in Print, that he is 
a p. 27.  not hardly opinionated against himself, and also shows what it is that hath done him hurt; it will be a charitable attempt, to lay that spirit thus conjured up, and to mind him of something for his Humiliation. He tells his Patron (he saith, not as a spaniel) that he knows not any mere 
b Epist. Ded. p. 1.  individual alive, to whom, under God, he would more desire to approve all his Travails. As if he thought that individual had signified a Man, which every child could have told him is a generical word, & as aptly spoken of a Beast, a Tree, a Stone, or a Devil, as of any man whatsoever. I had said that sin was quid positivum: he saith I put an 
c c. 2. p. 56.  Apotheosis upon sin; as if he thought it derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pono; unless he means that I made a God of it, and then it is infinitely worse, as I shall show in my second part. He calls me 
d c. 3. p. 18.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in such a way, as if he thought it had signified a young man only. For he could not intend to say, that I am newly converted to the Christian Religion (as the word importeth) because he calleth me Apostate, and Apostatarian, and twenty things to that purpose. So he useth the word 
e c. 2. p. 71.  Apostasy (and writes it with a [c]) as if he thought it had signified who-know's-what. Nor can he excuse it any way possible, unless by confessing he bore false-witness. I did but dip by accident into his Correp. Corr. when I chanced to light upon this rare 
f Corr. Corr. p. 27.  passage. Heartily I can wish, that you would not steer the ship you are one of the guiders of per Archipelagum, through the main Ocean unto Rome itself. It seems he thought that Archipelago (which I mentioned in my Notes) had been the oblique case of a Latin word, because he knew Pelagus was Latin for a Sea. And such was his knowledge in Geography, that he thought the Archipelago had been the Ocean, through which we sail from hence to Rome: or if he knew it to have been the Aegean Sea, his mistake was more ridiculous, in thinking that that Sea was on this side Italy. As great a jest as that Preacher's, who told his Hearers, they must pass through the dangers of the Red Sea, before they could arrive at the Cape of good Hope. I need not speak of his citing Aristotle and Chrysostom in 
g Epist. Ded. p. 3, & 4.  Latin, because I know not what it may signify; whether that he thought they were Latin Authors, or met with a Translation at second hand. It were well if he were able to write true English on all occasions, as well as upon some. Examples of the contrary are extremely 
* Introduct. p. 4.  rife in his public works. Whosoever shall consider, how he 
a Epist. Ded. p. 4. lin. 2. add lin. 0.  prays perfect nonsense in his Dedicatory Epistle, and how in the end of his Postscript, he is skipping for joy out of sense and syntax; and shall compare what I have showed ch. 2. §. 17. he will say that Mr. B. was somewhat too lavish of his praises, upon such an obnoxious and faulty self: his faults being greater than 
b Moneo ne semet ipse t●aducat, ●e qui Latin ●on didicit, Latin scrib●t; talis sc. ut: b Amico monitus primam syllabam in voce legendum esse brevem, id ita mutaverit, ut gerundium nobis substituerit foemininum: qui vocem elixerit nescio unde nobis elicuit. Grot. Vot. pro pace, p. 63.  those of Rivet, of which the grave and wise Grotius took public notice. And in this I have followed that great example.  
§. 5. What he allegeth to show his learning (for no other reason can I imagine) concerning the Books in his study, of which he proclaimeth unto the world, that 
† Mr. B' s Rhetorical digression to the sum of 150l. at which he prizeth his study of Books.  he should be loath to part with them for 150l. (ch. 3. p. 126. lin. 7, 8.) is as far from being argumentative, as any thing which he hath spoken for his Doctrine of decrees, or of God's being the 
* Ch. 3. p. 55.  cause of sin. And though it merits not an Answer or confutation, yet because I cannot imagine why he should put it into his Book, unless he thought it to be of force to serve for a part of his Vindication; I will respect him so far, as to make him a return by these degrees. 1. I never did accuse him of having a cheap study of Books, nor did I ever conceive it could be any man's crime. 
† Nil refert, si legeris quantum habeas; sat est, si habueris quantum legas. Seneca.  Grotius was the Owner of very few Books: he lived most upon borrowing the Books of others, and that from the chiefest parts of Christendom; which having contracted into his paper, and thence digested into himself, he became an * animated Library, or an * Ambulatory Pandect, of all the best learning in all the world. 2. What he saith of his Books is gratis dictum; neither proved by witness, nor by an Inventary of the particulars. and we who are Englishmen, do not like your Dutch reckonings, nor is it the likelier to be so, because he says it, who hath been found so often to give us the issues of his Invention. The Boy in Horace was so known to speak falsely, that when at last he spoke an important Truth, none of the neighbourhood would believe him. 3. He doth not tell us how much his study of Books is worth, but for how 
** 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  much he will not leave them; which is only to tell us his great affection to those Authors, whom he hath endeared unto himself by many late obligations. But another man perhaps may be as glad of their room, as he can be of their company. 4. Admit 150l. would buy a great study of books, (which yet I cannot apprehend) if he meant to infer himself a man of great learning, I deny his sequel. For then the richest man living would have it in his power to be the learnedst. Many Stationers are masters of much more learning, than the best Scholars can pretend to: but there is commonly this difference, that the Stationer's learning is without him, the Scholars within him. Yet the Stationer hath a mighty command of his learning, (as well as Mr. W. B.) For as he bought it at his pleasure, so he may sell it at his need; and till then, may hang it upon a Tack. We see 'tis very ill arguing from the Quantity of the Study to the Quality of the Student; whose greater commendation were, to have no more Books than he can put into his Brain. Whosoever shall impose a Treasure of money upon a Mule, will not certainly enrich, but load the creature. But if he prized his Books to save his Executors a labour, he should not here have put it in his Book of Abstersions; he should rather have reserved it for a Codicill of Instructions, to be annexed (when time serves) unto his last Will and Testament.  
§. 6. I must not thus insist upon the other like parts of his 
His Dexterityes in speaking beside the purpose.  vindication, and yet I may usefully represent them (for many reasons) by drawing up a short Catalogue of his escapes from the Question of God's Decrees; wherein will be seen his Dexterityes in finding work for the Printer, and providing materials for a Book, without endangering his Cause upon all occasions, the very mention of which he had found by experience to be unsafe. Hereupon he takes occasion (because no good body would be so courteous as to offer it) to acquaint his Readers with many particulars of his life, which the publick-minded man would not have to die with him. Ex. Gr. 1. He 
1. Introd. p. 2.  hath been in this very Country well-nigh these fourteen years; never behaving himself unchristianly, ignorantly, or rudely, amongst many discerning gracious Christians, amongst divers most venerable and eminent Scholars. 2. He is averse from the very Act of writing fairly and slowly. 
2. p. 5.  3. He would not for 500l. that other men should be put to it with Printers, Correctors and Transcribers, as he hath 
3. Postscript.  been. 4. Of divers late years he hath preached by the hourglass. 5. He catechizeth in his Parish, as well as 
4. Ch. 2. p. 21. 5. p. 24. 6. p. 23, & 24.  preacheth. 6. His Carrier (he tells us) comes to him on saturdays in the afternoon, and goes by ten a clock on Monday morning next after. 7. A Bishop of my name (to whom I never had any relation) was wont to make clinches 
7. p. 29.  as well as Herald 8. We must know, at what glad T●dings his 
8. p. 38. 9 p. 41, 42.  Sympresbyters would have jumped. 9 He lays up an Article against me, against the time that ever we may be so blessed, as to enjoy Presbyterian Censures. 10. He tells us a 
10. p. 47.  Tale which he was told by an Oxford Stationer, to commend his Book for Orthodox, because it was so little bought. 11. A 
11. p. 66.  certain man whose name was Forbes, a Scotish Divine, was for above 30 years' Preacher at Delft. 12. And he did 
12. Ibid.  speak to Mr. Barlee in the presence of Dr. Ames. 13. He was more than ordinarily acquainted with Bishop Davenant (if 
13. p. 75.  you believe him.) 14. Bishop Davenant did once in private sadly bewail to Mr. Barlee (as Mr. Barlee tells us) the 
14. Ibid.  great growth of Popery and Arminianism. 15. We must not die in Ignorance, that the Bishop writ a large letter to him 
15. p. 76.  about the Cross in baptism. 16. And (which is most worthy to be communicated to late posterity by the indelible Characters 
16. Ibid.  of the Press) the Bishop's letter was in folio. To conclude in a word, (that I may not violate my promise of giving in a short Catalogue) one while he strokes Mr. Whitfields' Grey hairs; another while he cajoles a Worcestershire Minister: now he tells us (but unsincerely) some Table-Talk at Daintry concerning Socrates and job; anon he gives us to understand the several parts of his Age. Somewhere he tells us what the brethren intended, in case Presbytery had prospered; and that he writes but a scrawling hand at the best. Into such kind of subjects hath he been pleased to step aside, from his pretended confirmation of irrespective Decrees.  
§. 7. There are but two things more in the making up of my 
How great an Artificer of escapes.  Accounts, with which I shall at present detain my Reader; viz. the oddness of his excuses, and the prettiness of his Wit. A Taste or two of each will be an opiparous entertainment. As for the former, his facility is such, that though his Tetters are never so spreading, the least drop of his sovereign Ink will cure them all in an instant: If angry blisters have been discovered upon the twoedged member, he gives us to know he is of a very small Stature, and little men are still fretful (p. 5.) If any thing ails him in point of literature, or manners, it is no more but that his memory was terrible false to him (p. 18.) or the Printer did him a shrewd turn (p. 19) or he had motives to it which shall be nameless (ibid.) or he was told it by a Reverend Minister (p. 18.) or by a person of true honour (p. 18.) or by a conscionable Divine (p. 19) or by W. C. (p. 18.) or by a Gentleman-entertainer (p. 44.) or else it crept at the, Press out of his Margin into his Text (p. 19) and so all's well. If he is told of his clinches, he shows Scripture for it where there are none (p. 29.) If he is caught in the Act of doing violence to my Words, he saith, he did but allude to them, not quote them directly (p. 53.) When he is brought to such a pinch, he knows not which way to answer, or any other ways to evade, than he saith of his opponent, that he hath words and wit at will (p. 53.) or else he tells us a story of Dr. Twisse (p. 54.) and that he hath heard the Doctor spoke it a 
* The repeated jest was but this, that as the jews did set a Crown of Thorns upon Christ's head, so the Arminians put a Crown of Scorns upon his Grace.  hundred times over (ibid.) the whole virtue of which story doth consist in the tinkling of Thorns and Scorns▪ (ibid.) Thus let the Difficultyes and straits of our great Artificer be never so many for number, or never so monstrous for shape, with a dash or two of his pen he winds himself out of all, he makes all fair and unreprovable. There is not a fault in his manners, nor (I warrant you) a flaw in any one part of his undertake. So much for his artifice in drawing good over evil.  
§. 8. And because in the course of his studies he hath attained to a pair of jests, which in a volume of that bulk may run the hazard of being lost, I will add my mite to their conservation. It seems he had learned (by one means or other) that his Sympresbyter with the long breath (which admonished Mr. Baxter to keep his distance) had in a Latin Epistle, (upon such an occasion as he could get,) showed the Dimensions of his wit in the mistaking of my Name. No less than four whole times, without the fourtieth part of a reason, he was resolved to call me Persius: and a little after took care to say (what he thought would be pretty,) Difficile est Satyram non scribere. Thus lay the Hint, upon which Mr. Barlee held forth as shrewdly in his Abstersion, that I am 
* Ch. 2. p. 53.  a juvenal Divine. He thought it was pleasant for juvenal and Persius to be both predicated of Me; and so hath left unto posterity this Memorandum, that when two Sympresbyters join wit to wit, they are able (betwixt them) to break a jest.  
As his first jest is on my name, so is his second upon his own: in allusion to which, he is again (saith he) called out to 
* Introduct. p. 5.  thrashing. For Mr. Barlee to be a Thrasher, it seems he thought to be as lepid, as for the highways of Egypt to become all Travellers, when the Dust of the Land was wholly turned into Lice. But he should have known whilst it was time 
Gen. 8. 17.  (what is now too late) that he who is not skilled in thrashing, must take great heed how he fights with a Flail; lest in fetching back his weapon to lay it on so much the harder, he prove so unfortunate as to break his own head. Had I been in his case, and he in mine, this Book, without Question, had been Entitled,  
Mr. Barlee thrashed with his 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  own Flail, and found in the winnowing to be but Chaff.   

AN APPENDAGE  
Touching the judgement of the late most learned and pious Primate of Armagh, as to the matters in controversy betwixt the Two Parties.  
THat it concerns me very nearly to perform my promises to my Reader, and so to communicate the Grounds of what I have publicly affirmed, concerning the judgement of the right honourable and learned Primate of Armagh, as to the Doctrines which I controvert with the unjust Usurpers of his Authority, and bold Invaders of his Name, my Reverend Friend 
In his two letters to Mr. Barlee. Especially p. 61. lin. 14, 15, etc.  Doctor Bernard hath made apparent; for if I have wronged so great a Person, it is by so much the greater wrong, and exacteth from my conscience by so much the greater reparation. Nor can I but take it very kindly from so Reverend a Person as Dr. Bernard, that by opposing what I reported in that particular, he hath given me an Occasion to show the Truth in its Lustre, (which till now was exhibited in somewhat a thick vail) by laying upon me a Necessity to clear myself. To clear myself (I say) not from any aspersions which Dr. Bernard hath cast upon me, (for there are none in his letters, if rightly taken, and applied, he hath rather opened a way to my vindication) but from the sinister and irrational uses, which Mr. Barlee and his peers (if yet he is not a peerless person) have had the skill or the unskilfulness to make of those letters, against the intention of Him that writ them. It is not therefore my purpose to clear my self, or my Informers, or the precious memory of the L. Primate, by a professed work of Hostility against those letters of Dr. Bernard; but rather by showing that those letters were so warily written, as to have nothing in them of hostile against me, or mine: not pretending to prove my Affirmation to have been false, but alleging some Circumstances by which it might seem to be unlikely, and obliging me thereby to prove it eminently true.  
First, he ingenuously professeth, that as it is hard to prove a Negative, (p. 47.) so, according to my Caveat, he doth not take upon him to do it, (p. 56.) but immediately adds, He understands not the Ground of my definitive sentence, etc. (ibid.) And therefore the utmost I have to do, is to make my Ground visible, that an obscure Truth may not suffer for want of a right understanding.  
Secondly, As Dr. Bernard hath candidly professed, that he took not upon him to prove the Negative of what I said, (p. 56.) so he professeth to be content that I enjoy my opinion, if I censure not him for not forsaking his own. (p. 57) And sure he cannot but be inclinable to agree with me in the end, who differs from me in the way upon such amicable Terms of Reconcilement.  
Thirdly, Though Dr. Bernard was willing (as well he might) to put the Belief of my Affirmative to some kind of Stand, (at that time of the day, whilst yet he knew not the Ground upon which I marched) yet he pretended not to do it by any other than probabilities (p. 58.) And we know that probabilities do●ly in the middle 'twixt Truth and Falsehood; it is not in their Nature, and so belongs not to their Office, to make a proof, but to engender a persuasion; They are proper to Rhetoricians speaking in genere Deliberativo, not to those who intent a Scientifical Demonstration. And such was the modesty of that reverend Person, that he professed only to stick to his persuasion (not to his knowledge or assurance, which in that case was impossible) confirmed (as he goes on) by probable Testimonies, that there was no such change in the Primate near his Death, (p. 61.) where he confesseth that his Testimonies were no more than probable, and such as only begot a persuasion in him; nor doth he seem to be persuaded, that the Primates judgement was never changed, but that it was not near his Death. And if it was longer before his Death, than I supposed it to have been, I am extremely glad of it, because abundantly happy in that mistake.  
Fourthly, As Dr. Bernard affirmeth (the third time also) a naked Improbability of what I said, (p. 69.) so he seemed to believe, that I had no other witnesses of what I said, than 
p. 64. compared with p. 70, 71.  such as were present at his Sermon, wherein he taught, that by the death of Christ all receive this benefit, that they are saveable, or put into a Capacity of salvation, that terms of peace are procured for all mankind, that all men's sins are become pardonable, mercy attainable, and the like. From whence I easily gather, that had he been timely enough acquainted with the other evidences which I received, he had not opposed his probabilities against such pregnant and cogent proofs.  
Fifthly, whereas it is said by Dr. Bernard, He was perpetually with the Primate when last in London, (p. 48.) he must not be thought to mean, that he was never absent, but that he was present very often: for it appears that he was absent, when his Grace and Dr. Walton discoursed together of these affairs. Nor am I moved in the least measure at what he seemeth at least to intimate, p. 52. because he seemeth only to do it, but doth it not. A person of his prudence could not be so extravagant, as to put speeches into my mouth, which never proceeded out of my thoughts. I did not only never say, (no not so much as in a Dream) that the L. Primates Opinion was wholly for Arminius, but expressly said he was an Anti-Arminian (as Dr. Bernard doth acknowledge by his recital of my words p. 50.) I only said that he asserted universal Grace and Redemption, as well as Arminius; meaning a salvability, procured for all without exception: more than which I look not after, nor do I care to have granted: And I am sure my L. Primate affirms no less, even in that which Dr. Bernard hath published of him. All which doth not hinder, but that in several other things his Grace did differ from Arminius, as I and my Brethren have always done. It is sufficient for the honour of that exceedingly learned and pious man, (I mean Arminius) that though he wanted not his Errors, (as what man living can be without them?) yet he was Orthodox in the main; and more exact in his judgement, as well as life, than your other Presbyterians are wont to be.  
Sixthly, what is spoken by Dr. Bernard (indiscriminately) of universal Grace and universal Redemption p. 64, 65. (betwixt which two there is a very wide Difference, although the one does evince the other) I am not at all concerned in: It having never been my opinion, (nor compatible with it) that the same measure of Grace was equally and alike conferred and applied to judas, which was to Peter: But on the contrary, that though All have a sufficient, yet some have a more abundant measure; one hath five Talents, another hath two, a third but one; everyone according to his several exigence or ability (Mat. 25. 15.) and according as the Master is pleased to deliver out his goods (v. 14.) but he that hath lest hath sufficient, if he hide it not in the earth (v. 18.) but rather trade with it (v. 16.) according to the purpose of him that lent it, (v. 15. 19 21. 27.) As he who had five Talents did gain five more, (v. 15.) and as he who had but two did also gain his other two (v. 17.) so he who had one, and only one, might have gained one more, if he had not been a wicked and slothful servant, (v. 26. 30.) As he who improved his two Talents into four, received the very same Euge (v. 23.) with him who improved his five to ten, (v. 21.) so had the third servant improved his one Talon into two, he had also received that blessed saying of his Lord Well done thou good and faithful servant, thou 
vers. 21. 23.  hast been faithful over a little, I will make thee Ruler over much enter thou also into the joy of thy Lord. A little money is sufficient to d●ive a little Trade, & is capable of yielding a porportionable increase. But although one Talon is less than two, 
vers. 27. 30.  yet considered in its self, 'tis not a little, and compared with other sums, it is a very great deal; for a single Talon is no less than a hundred eighty seven pounds and Ten shillings, which is a vast sum of money in some men's purses and esteems. A Talon of Grace is infinitely more precious than one of Money: And whilst I thankfully acknowledge, that my Talon of Grace is sufficient for me, (though a far less 
Mat 20. 15.  measure than God hath given to some of my Brethren) mine eye is not evil because I see that my Masters is very good. I do not envy my Brother for having five to my one; but am heartily thankful for his Abundance. So far am I from believing, that God's Grace is dispensed to all alike, that I fear those professors have less than others, who have proudly adventured on its Enclosure. I say therefore again, that I am not concerned in those words of Dr. Bernard, concerning the same measure of Grace common to judas with S. Peter: and by so much the less, because he candidly professeth, (p. 65.) that he would not be understood to interpose himself in the controversy, or to affix thus much upon Mr. Pierces judgement; of which, if his Readers will but take a due notice, as well as mine, I shall be freed from the danger of being injured by their mistakes.  
Seventhly, Dr. Bernard concludeth his second Letter to Mr. Barlee with a great Civility to myself, and with a very course Compliment to my Delator, professing to have appeared in this affair, neither in patronage of Mr. Barlee, nor out of any opposition to Mr. Pierce, (p. 71.) Which as it was more than I expected from a perfect stranger (whose Favour too had been courted by the renowned Raiser of false Reports) so from a person of that Temper which since I find him to be of, I could in reason expect no less. And how many advantages soever other men may have over me in other kinds, yet in offices of Humanity and mutual Forbearance, I am very unwilling to come 
Eph. 4. 2. Col. 3. 13  behind them; but will say of Dr. Bernard, a reverend person, (as Abraham to Lot in another case) why should strife 
Gen. 13. 〈◊〉.  be between us, when it appears that we are Brethren?  
These are sincerely the very Reasons why I take no other course to clear myself, and my Informers, and the Honour also of the L. Primate, then by publishing what I have spoken in several letters to Dr. Bernard, which lying by me already written, and comprehending the main (though not the All) I have to say of that particular, have fitly saved me the labour of writing all over again in another Form. I should otherwise have chosen to extract the substance of my letters, and (out of that) to have made a close Narrative of all my Meaning, if both my time and my patience would have sufficed for such a work, I have forborn to publish Dr. Bernard's letters with mine own, not that I thought I might not lawfully do it, (as Mr. Barlee had done before) but because I was not sure that he would take it in good part, and because I knew it was not needful; there being nothing of Concernment in any one of his letters, but what may easily be gathered from one of mine.   

For the Reverend Dr. Bernard at his lodging in Gray's Inn.  
SIR,  
THere are three things especially by which I am urged 
The first Letter.  to give you the trouble of this address. First, a Report which came to me from several hands, that you have said something to me by way of letter; which, although it came not to my hands, I am to thank you for as heartily as if it had. But a second Report hath made me guests at the Contents; For I have heard that you were angry with Mr. Barlee, and with me, for doing wrong to the memory of the late most learned and Reverend Primate of Armagh. And again I am to thank you for being angry in such a Case, wherein my Anger concurs with yours, and that against mine own self, on supposition that I have injured that excellent Person, whom I laboured only to vindicate from Him who did. But as I heartily intended the Primates Honour in what I publicly spoke of him, so I cannot yet think that my intentions were misguided, or have miss of the mark at which they aimed. For Mr. Barlee had printed such things of the Primate, as did imply him a patron of those sad Doctrines which he asserted. And because I was informed by several persons (for learning and Piety beyond exception) That though his Grace in former times was universally thought to be the prop of those Doctrines which Mr. Barlee asserted, and I opposed, yet in the latter part of his life he declared his aversion to those opinions, and his perfect Concurrence with Bishop Overal; I thought it my duty to make this known, that so Mr. Barlee might be defeated, His Grace righted, the common people disabused, and many learned men profited by that example. And supposing (as I did) that my Lord Primate his Grace had once in times past been extremely different in his judgement from Bishop Overal, as having embraced the way of the Antiremonstrants, how could I possibly do less than conclude from thence his change of judgement? But I have thirdly been informed, that the cause of the displeasure conceived against me, is not my saying that the Primate was at last of the opinions which I am of (in these points) but my implying his having been otherwise, by my affirming his change of judgement. And again, for this cause I am to give you great thanks; it being most suitable to my wishes, that his Grace may be proved to have been always of the judgement which I am of, and that by consequence he never changed it, and that I (by consequence) was much mistaken on the right hand, as Mr. Barlee and his Abetters were more mistaken on the left. In the mean time it is evident, that what I spoke of him in my books, was safely spoken in all respects. For what I said that I was told, I was told indeed, and that by excellent persons, whom I shall name when time serves; how truly or falsely, viderint illi. And this must be granted me by all the world, That my Lord Primates opinions in the declining part of his life were either changed, or not changed, from what they formerly had been. If they were, it is happy for me that I did not err in what I published; and if they were not, it is much more happy I was mistaken, and misinformed: for as 'tis much for my purpose, that so eminent a Prelate was perfectly orthodox at the last, so it is more for my purpose, that so eminent a prelate was always orthodox. On which side soever the Truth doth lie, it will reflect very severely upon the pretensions of Mr Barlee. For if my L. Primate forsook those Doctrines which he and his party are wont to plead for, it is some discredit to their Cause, that so great a person thought fit to leave it: but if he was never of those opinions which they report him to have been of I know not how they can excuse so bold a Fiction. And now Sir, that you see how truly zealous I am, and ever have been, in vindicating the Honour of that Great person from such Aspersions as the Adversary hath cast upon him, I shall make no doubt of having a fair opinion from you, concerning the Ground on which I go, and the end at which I drive.  
And to give you a right understanding of me, as well as to assure you that I had answered your Letter, had I received it, was the principal inducement to this present importunity from  
Your Humble servant Tho. Pierce. Brington, Octob. 5. 1657.   

For my Reverend friend Dr. Bernard at Gray's Inn.  
SIR,  
IT had (it seems) been happy, if your first Letter to me 
The first Letter.  had not finally miscarried; for than I should have given you such a satisfactory Account, as would (I think) have prevented, (at least have altered) your resolutions of sending Letters to Mr. Barlee concerning me and my writings.  
To the next part of your Letter I have these things to say. First that I did the very thing which you are sorry I did not. For before I durst publish what I had heard of the Primate, I did consult with such persons, who (I did verily believe) could best inform me, (as having been conversant with him to that very purpose) and were most worthy to be believed, (as being persons of great fame for Life and Learning.) Next, I desire you to consider, how unjustly diffident I must have been, if I had not believed what I was told by several grave persons, at several times, as from the Primates own Mouth, in private partly, & partly also in public, and all attested to me under hand and seal, which upon fit occasion they will be ready to make good too. How impossible will it be thought, that three or four distinct persons, all of the Priesthood, and of unquestionable Integrity, should either by chance or by conspiracy, write the very same fiction (if it were such) to the very same party, who is not intimate with either, and to one of the number a perfect stranger? Nay, what if my witnesses are (some of them) strangers to one another, and of so exemplary veracity, that each is instar multorum? will any man blame me for my belief, and not rather believe them as I have done? When the thing by me asserted is matter of Fact, it cannot possibly be proved with more advantage to me, or satisfaction to such as judge, then by ear-witnesses upon Oath: whereas the Negative to that is so impossible to be proved by any mortal, that I suppose no oath can be admitted. What the Primate hath said to you, you may very well remember, but you cannot remember what he hath not said. Nor can you know many things which he said to others, much less can you know he never said them. All which I recommend unto your timely consideration, because I am kinder to your credit then to be willing that you deny what can dilucidly be proved; which I therefore suppose you will not do. And if in stead of a denial of what shall be proved by my informers, you affirm something else in derogation to it, it will be expected that your proofs be as good as mine. If they are not, it will redound to your prejudice; and if they are, it will not at all redound to mine: but all the dishonour will be the Primates (which God forbid) if he shall be found to have breathed both hot and cold, by declaring himself at once for two opinions, whereof the one is not consistent with the other. I have said (and shall prove) that he declared for that opinion which I am of; and if afterwards you shall say (what you will also prove) that he declared for another inconsistent with mine, you alone in that case will cast a cloud over his name. And if we differ about the time of his Declaration, (you placing it in his former years, as I in his last,) that indeed will salve his Honour, but withal it will make as much for mine as I can wish, because it will help me to prove his change. In the mean time I am glad that you affirm the Primate not to have been of Mr. Barlees judgement; which is as much to the ruin of his Correptory Correction, (where he useth that Reverend and learned Prelate as one of the heads of his party in these Affairs) as I need wish it in that particular. I am as sorry for that heat which you say you find betwixt me and Mr. Barlee, as I am glad that I do not find any in myself. 'Tis true indeed, I was forced to clear myself from his Inventions, and to disown his ugly Names, as well as to vindicate the Truth from his adventures. But in the repelling of his Fire, I do not remember that I was ever once heated. And if you have seen what stuff I had to deal with, I suppose you will think I could not have used him with greater mildness. But I find myself tedious; and therefore my thanks to you for your promise to send me that which you have published, shall put an end to this large trouble from  
Your assured friend and servant Tho. Pierce. Brington, Octob. 31. 1657.   

For my Reverend friend Dr. Bernard at his lodging in Gray's Inn.  
SIR,  
YOur last, which was dated Novem. 19 together with your book (which it seems you sent with it, if not before 
The third letter.  it) did not come to my hands until the fifth of this Instant, and then through the hands of Mr. Barlee, I was unwilling to send you my Thanks for your book, until I also might send you some small account of my perusal; which by the first opportunity shall now be done. But first let me acknowledge (by way of answer to your letter) that you have indeed afforded me so much respect, (above what you have given to Mr. Barlee, (in your second Letter directed to him) as I cannot be offended with any want in that kind. Nay you farther load me, in one passage, with such a weight of commendation, that I know not how I can support it, but by his credit who laid it on. You have obliged me besides with a righteous construction of my Intentions, which have aimed at the promotion of peace and Truth. In which respect I am desirous, that even whilst we differ in some few things, we may be as they who agree in all. I shall not snatch at occasions of having controversies with you, though there is nothing more pleasant then to dispute with persons of so much Temper. And had my Neighbour of Brockhole either embraced your Advice, or taken his Copy from your Example, by how much more strongly he had opposed me, I should have loved and valued him so much the more. But so ill is the use which he hath made of your Letters and of your Name, and some expressions in your book do reflect so sternly upon my Credit, and (which is more) upon my cause, that I think it concerns me either to clear what I have done from being any way injurious to the memory of the Primate, or (if I cannot do that,) to make some ample satisfaction for having wronged it. That I intended no more than his greatest Honour, all the world is my witness, for as much as I asserted him to be of that judgement, which all men are of who have the highest of my esteem: And to grow out of that which I think is error, to the possession of that which I think is Truth, is not inconstancy, but improvement, as I interpret. When I left those Doctrines into which my Teachers at first betrayed me, I cannot say I revolted, but I was rather set free. To be fickle, is one thing; but to grow and increase, is quite another. Whatsoever I could intend as an honour to my cause, I could not choose but intend to their honour also, by whom I could think my cause was honoured. When I say that King james, Bishop Andrews, Philip Melanchthon, Tilenus, Dr. Potter, Dr. Godwin, and many others whom I could name of eminent learning and integrity, did turn away from those Tenants which are called Calvinistical, in exchange for those other which unconsidering persons do call Arminian, I make account I commend them for bowing to the sceptre of sovereign truth: And this doth justify my Intentions in all I said of our Reverend Primate. But the question still remains concerning matter of Fact, whether his Grace did change his judgement from what it formerly had been. I began in the affirmative, but you say No: And both perhaps with good reason, because we are diversely informed, unless we can show by some Inquiry where lies the Error. I grounded my affirmative upon the Difference which I found betwixt the judgement of the Primate when he writ the History of Gotteschalc, and that account of his judgement which I had from those Persons who are of vast Importance in my esteem. To transcribe their Certificates, which they have severally given me under Hand and seal, of what they severally heard from his Grace his mouth, is too large a task in the present haste that I am in; nor am I sure that you desire it. And therefore deferring for a time the special part of my Advantage, I will offer to your Equity and Christian candour, what I have just now observed from several passages in your Book. First, you thank 
p. 43.  Mr. Barlee for the large expressions of his affection to the late Archbishop of Armagh, and the readiness to clear him from some injury done him by Mr. Thomas Pierce: whereas it seems very evident, by that account which you give of the Primates judgement about the true intent and extent of Christ's Death, that Mr. Barlee is less qualified for the Bishop's vindication in that affair, than any man in the world in all respects. I beseech you bear with me whilst I give you my reasons. 1. Mr. Barlee, in his last book, declares 
ch. 3. p. 15. lin. 19 Cor. Cor. p. 130. 131, 133. and particularly 194.  himself a Supralapsarian. Yet 2. in Correptory Correction, he had again and again usurped the name of the Primate for the patronising of his opinions. He doth in one place oppose him to Bishop Overal, as a more moderate Bishop, affirming Bishop Overal to have played upon Calvin, and to have traduced the Puritans, whom the Reverend Primate 
p. 130.  (he saith) did clear. He citeth the History of Gotteschalc against 
p. 133.  that notion of Christ's death and satisfaction, which you have now printed from the Primates own Hand. He directs me to him as to a choice orthodox writer (in the Barlean conceit of the word Orthodox,) besides what he 
p. 194.  doth in other places, which I have not leisure to search after. 3. But now you tell him in your Letter, that the Primates judgement was in a middle way, different as well from Mr. Barlees, as from mine. Whether from mine, we shall 
p. 52.  see anon. But if at all, I am sure much less than from my neighbours. In the mean time it is demonstrable, that if Mr. Barlee was in the right, when he vouched the Primate for his opinions, I was also in the right, when I said that the Primate had changed his judgement. And for this your book shall be my warrant, as well as the Primates own words, That he concurred with Bishop Overal. Next I pray Sir consider; whether any one Paragraph in all my books (touching the true intent and extent of Christ's Death) is any way dissonant from what now you publish, and that (say you, very truly, without all Question) from the Primates Letter of Resolution to the request of a Friend. First, I have nothing in behalf of the two extremes (p. 2, 3.) in any part of my writings. Next, I have jumped with the Primate in what I published, (before I had the possibility of seeing that which you have sent me) not only much to my comfort, but truly almost to my Admiration. For his Grace writes thus: That the satisfaction of Christ was once 
p. 4.  done for all, the application is still in doing. The satisfaction of Christ only makes the sins of mankind fit for pardon. All the sins of mankind are become venial, in respect of the price paid by Christ to his Father,— but all do not obtain actual Remission, because most offenders do not take 
p. 4. and 5.  out or plead their pardon as they ought to do.— By this way being made (that is, by assuming our nature) God holds out unto us the Golden sceptre of his word, and thereby not only signifieth his pleasure of admitting us unto his presence, etc. but also sends an embassage unto us, and entreats us that we would be reconciled unto him. 2 Cor. 5. 20.— By 
p. 6.  the virtue of this blessed oblation, God is made placable unto our nature, but not actually appeased with any, until he hath put on the Lord jesus. All men may be said to have interest in the merits of Christ, as in a Common, though all do not enjoy the benefit of it, because they have no Will to take it. The wellspring of life is set open to all, Rev. 22. 17. Faith is the vessel whereby we draw all virtue from Christ. The means of getting this Faith is the hearing the word, etc. (Ephes. 1. 13.) which ministereth this general ground for 
p. 7.  every one to build his faith upon.— This Gospel of salvation many do not hear at all, being destitute of the ministry, etc. Many hearing do not believe or lightly regard it; and many that believe the truth thereof are so wedded to their 
p. 8.  sins, etc. that they refuse to accept the gracious offer that is made unto them.— Yet we may truly say, that good things were provided for them on Christ's part, and a rich price was put into the hand of a fool, however he had no heart to use it, (Prov. 17. 16.) Our Saviour— hath procured a jubilee for the Sons of Adam, his Gospel is a Trumpet to proclaim liberty, etc. Luk. 4. 18. but that some desire no deliverance, derogates nothing from the generality of freedom 
p. 9  annexed to that year, (Luk. 4. 18.) The slavish disposition of him who will not be free, (Exod. 2. 5.) maketh the extent of the privilege of that year not a whit the straighter, because he was included in the general Grant as well as others, however he was not disposed to take the benefit of it. The neglect of the men invited (v. 5.) doth not falsify the word of the King (v. 4.)— See Rom. 3. 4.— Ezek. 18. 
p. 10.  29. 30.— The proclamation was general (2 Chro. 36. 23. 
p. 12.  and 1 Ezra. 2.) They alone did follow, etc. whose spirit God had raised to go up, (Ezra. 1. 5.) But they that remained still in Babylon could not justly plead that the Kings Grant was not large enough, or that they were excluded from going up by any clause contained therein. The matter of our Redemption purchased by Christ lieth open to all, all are invited to it, none that hath a mind to accept of it is excluded from it. The beautiful feet of those that preach the Gospel of peace do bring glad Tidings of good things to every house where they tread. All are not apt to entertain this Message 
p. 13.  of peace, though God's Ambassadors make a true tender of it to all unto whom they are sent; but if it meet with such as will not listen to the motion of it, their peace returneth, etc. (Luk. 10. 6.) The proclamation runs (Rev. 22. 17.) with a Quicunque vult, lest we should think the largeness 
p. 14.  of the offer abridged.— Yet none can come except the Father draw him, (Joh. 6. 46.) The universality of satisfaction, and especially of Grace, do not derogate from one another.— It doth not follow from joh. 17. 6. He prayed not, therefore he paid not for the world. His satisfaction doth 
p. 15.  properly give contentment to God's justice.— contains the preparation of the remedy necessary for man's salvation.— We may safely conclude, that the Lamb of God offering himself a sacrifice for the sins of the whole world, intended 
p. 15, 16.  by giving sufficient satisfaction to God's justice, to make the nature of man which he assumed, a fit object for mercy, and to prepare a medicine for the sins of the whole world, which should be denied to none that intended to take the benefit of it.— In respect of his mercy, he may be counted a kind of universal Cause of the restoring of our nature, as Adam was of the depraving of it.  
Now Sir, if your leisure will serve you to compare with this what I have printed, Correct Copy p. 55, 56. then p. 18, 19 then Philanthr. c. 1. p. 22. especially ch. 3. Sec. 23. particularly p. 96. and then ch. 4. Sec. 26. especial p. 31. where I distinguish of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, For) which needs must note either the end, or the effect; and then say expressly, that in respect of the later, Christ died effectually for none but the elect, but in respect of the former, he died intentionally for all and for every one, and give examples of each notion out of several Scriptures towards the end of that page; I believe you will say (when you have done) that you concluded me in the first extremity you mention p. 2. as Mr. Barlee in the second, p. 3. with as great a mistake of my opinion, as with a just account of Mr. Barlees. If you mean any thing else, by saying the Primate was in the middle betwixt us two, I shall be glad to know the meaning of it. But if you find upon search that I have public wrong done me, and that Mr. Barlee grows insolent upon occasion of your Letters (though quite besides your fair intentions) I make no doubt but you will right me after the measure that I am wronged. But I am weary of being wearisome, and therefore shall hasten to subscribe,  
SIR, Your assured friend and servant Tho. Pierce. Brington, Dec. 11. 1657.   

For my Reverend friend Dr. Bernard at his lodging in Gray's Inn.  
SIR,  
IAm hearty glad to find in your last (what I expected) so much Candour and equity as there you show; both in 
The fourth Letter.  comparing the Primates judgement with the several passages of my books to which I pointed, and in granting the near approaches of the one to the other. And although your words are, that you have found me much inclining to the judgement of the Primate; yet I suppose your meaning is, that you have not found wherein we differ. Differ we may in explications, or inferences, or endeavours of Reconcilement (where it is more to be wished, then possible to be had.) And so the Primate and you may differ; nay so great Authors may o●ten differ from themselves, by their charitable essays to make agreement between their brethren. But as to the true intent and extent of Christ's Death, compared with the end and the effect, there is a very pleasant Harmony betwixt us both. I will first demonstrate wherein we agree, and then I pray (Sir,) tell me wherein we differ. 1. I agree with his Lordship in an utter dislike of the two extremes (p. 4.) both Mr Culverwells on the right hand, and Mr. Barlees on the left. 2. I do perfectly agree to the middle Doctrine (p. 6.) not so much as desiring that it should be expressed in other words, than those his Lordship there useth, to wit, That by virtue of this oblation God is made placable unto our nature, but not actually appeased with any, until he hath received his son. And that all men may be truly said to have an Interest in Christ, as in a Common, though all do not enjoy the benefit thereof, because they have no will to take it. 3. I do fully agree to what he saith of God's Intention, to make the nature of man a fit subject for mercy, and to prepare a medicine for the sins of the whole world, which should be denied to none that intended to take the benefit of it, p. 16. lin. 2. and 8. where Gods intention is sincere, as well as universal, but it is conditional of man's intention. 4. I agree to what he saith p. 35, 36. That the general satisfaction of Christ prepares the way for God's mercy, by making the sins of all mankind pardonable, the interposition of any bar from God's justice notwithstanding, and so puts the sons of men only in a possibility of being justified. Now, Sir, that by the death of Christ all men have the benefit to become salvabiles, or are put into a Capacity of salvation, or that Terms of peace are procured for all mankind, or that for all men's sins mercy is attainable, (as yourself have expressed it in your second Letter to Mr. Barlee, p. 64.) is as much as I have ever contended for in my writings. Salvability for all without exception, as it is the main thing in the Primates Tenet, so it is also the main in mine. For 5. Actual pardon is quite another thing; and readily granted by me to be an effect of Christ's Resurrection (Rom. 4. 25.) and of the consequents thereof, as his intercession (Ro. 8. 34.) so that this is a fifth thing wherein I agree with that Reverend Primate. 6. I agree to what he saith, p. 21. That Christ obtained Remission of sins, not for the Reprobate, but elect only; and not for them neither, before they be truly regenerated and implanted into him. For election being nothing else but the purpose of God resting in his own mind, makes no kind of alteration in the party elected. And you have read in my writings, that though in respect of the end, Christ died intentionally for all, yet in respect of the event, he died effectually for the elect only. 7. I agree to the reason which the Primate gives, why so many are damned forwhom Christ died with such a merciful and pure intention; even because they refused what was sincerely prepared for them, 
p. 8.  sincerely offered to them, sincerely intended to do them good, and not harm: but they had no will to take it; they would 
p. 16. p. 6. p. 10. p. 16. p. 8. p. 9  not come, when invited; they intended not to take the benefit offered; Arich price was put into the hands of a fool, howsoever he had no heart to use it, Prov. 17. 16. He was not disposed to take the benefit of it. 8. I agree also in this (p. 12. and 13.) That they who miss of the Redemption which was purchased by Christ, which lay open to them, and to which they were invited, had not been excluded from it, had they had a mind to accept of it, and would they have listened to the motion of it, when a true tender of it was made by God's Ambassadors. And for the reason of this I give the old maxim, Nemo tenetur ad impossibile, or (to express it with Bishop Davenant) Impossibilium nulla est obligatio. The Tender is not true, nor the intention sincere in him that offers, 
Sentent. Dau. p. 3.  if he who must be damned for not accepting is not allowed so much as a possibility to accept. And therefore (9) I agree with the Primate in what he saith p. 16. That in respect of Christ's mercy, he may be counted a kind of universal Cause of the restoring of our nature, as Adam was of the depraving of it. Now that the Cause doth not take its particular effects in the impenitent, is not because it is no cause, nor because it is not universal, but because of the impenitency in them that perish. It's universality is very perfect; it being in the second Adam, as in the first: the Virgin Mary is not excluded from her share in the first; no more than judas (the son of perdition) from his share in the second. 10. I agree to that part of the Primates Doctrine, p. 22. that forgiveness of sins is not by our Saviour impetrated for any unto whom the merit of his death is not applied in particular. 11. I agree with the Primate, that Mr. Amesinclined too much unto the other extremity, p. 23. that the Arminians drove the Calvinists or Anti-Arminians unto this extreme Absurdity, to say that the greatest part of mankind were bound in Duty to believe a lie, p. 24, 25, 26, 27. and that, as Mr. Culverwell, so any man else, would fly rather into any error, then yield that Christ in no manner of ways died for any Reprobate, and that none but the elect had any kind of Title to him. p. 26. Nor do I mean only a bare sufficiency for the Reprobate in the Death of Christ; For (12.) I agree with the Primate, that to preach a bare sufficiency cannot yield sufficient comfort to a distressed soul, without giving a further way to it, p. 31. And let the distressed soul be what he will, he is not bound to believe a lie, any more than Barnabas is bound to preach one. And to demonstrate that the Primate doth mean exactly in his writing, as I did in mine, he doth illustrate his meaning by the very same case; and that in a way as extraordinary, as if he, or I, or both together, had been purposely overruled by the providence of God to stop the mouth of our Correptory Corrector. I pray, Sir, compare the 32. page of the Primates judgement, with ch. 3. p. 96. of my Diu. Philan, defended, and you will find the King of Spain (in both those places) showing the folly of those men, who say that Christ did die sufficiently for all, but not intentionally unless for the elect. You cannot easily imagine, how much contentment I have taken in this concurrence of our minds, either by miracle, or by chance, or I know not how else. Nay (13.) I agree with the Primate in the point of Application p. 11. if it is so understood, as that it may be reconcileable with p. 6. and 8. and 10. and so it will be very happily, by being understood of Gods giving grace to believe and perform the condition, (which is God's proper way of applying the Remedy unto us) and our making good use of that Talon of grace, (which is our way, through grace, of applying the remedy unto ourselves) that as in the offer it is general, so it may be particular in the acceptation. And that this is his Lordship's meaning as well as mine, I find demonstrated by himself, p. 39, 40. No man's state is so desperate, but by this means it is recoverable▪ (and this is the first comfortable news that the Gospel brings to the distressed soul:) but here it resteth not, nor feedeth a man with a [bare] possibility, but it brings the word of comfort nigh unto him, even to his mouth and heart, and presents him with the medicine at hand, and desireth him to take it; which being done accordingly, the cure is actually performed; but otherwise not, if he will not take it at God's entreaty. The medicine than remains in its bare aptitudinality, and doth not actually cure him. What is the reason? because there is not a concurrence of the man's desire unto his Makers; because he submitteth not his will to the merciful will of his Redeemer, according to that of our blessed Lord, [How often would I, and ye would not?]  
Thus have I given you a parallel of our concurrences in opinion as to the matter in hand. And I have done it so much the rather, because you say very piously, that if you were mistaken in me, you will be ready to acknowledge it to my advantage. You did not probably judge of me by what you found in my writings, but by what you heard from biased men. Be pleased therefore to reflect upon some passages in your Letters to M. Barlee: as p. 52. l. 2. where you seemingly imply me to have said, that the Bishop was wholly for Arminius; whereas I did not only not say it, but I said he was not so: and lin. 8. where you place his judgement in this point in a middle way different both from mine and Mr. Bs. without showing what it is in which the Primate and I do differ; but leaving the Reader to imagine, that I do differ from him as much as Mr. Barlee: next p. 58. where you imply me to have intimated the Primates penitency of his sins; which as I never meant in the place you allude to, so my words have quite another sound with them, and import the contrary. Again p. 65. you clearly imply me to make no difference betwixt the grace given to judas and that to Peter, although you say a little after, you do not affix thus much upon my judgement. The Primate might be changed, yet not to that pitch. Again, p. 61, 69, 70. you reflect upon me very severely; and I am sure you will say so, when I shall prove by your Testimony, and by his Lordships own, (as well as by others) that he did indeed admit of a change in judgement. I would do it now presently, but that my letter is grown so long; and I must hasten to the next part of yours.  
Mr. Barlee tells you in a Letter, that in the main he doth also perfectly agree with the most venerable Primate. Which I can prove to be impossible, unless he will sing a Recantation of both his books. But ●or the doing of that, it is not enough that he sees his errors, unless he hath also a single heart to take off the scandals which he hath given: which he cannot do in a private Letter, because the scandals were given in print. It would be a good jest, to hear him name the main things, wherein his perfect agreement with the Primate doth consist. If he speaks knowingly, and in earnest, he doth also, for the main, agree perfectly with me: And if so, for what reasons hath he railed against me so voluminously, as against an Arminian, Massilian▪ Pelagian, Papist, Carpocratian, Socinian, Atheistical Lucianizer, & sexcenta hujusmodi? It appears by my Notes (the first thing I printed) how inoffensively I provided both for my credit and my cause; I mean my credit in the righteousness of my cause, and in the candid management thereof; no other credit do I pretend to. And how Mr. Barlee fell foully from my opinions to my person, Thousands have seen, and stood amazed. It it were not a needless (perhaps an unexcusable) expense of time, I believe I could show you, that Mr. Barlee differs from the Primate in the 13 particulars, wherein I showed my agreement with his Lordship's Doctrine. How Mr. Barlee did differ from your account of the Primate, in his Correptory Correction, I gave you some touches in my last. And as my Time or memory will permit me, I will present you with some examples of Mr. Barlees Hostility against our renowned and Reverend Primate. 1. In the second chap. of his second Volume, p. 72. (lin. 4, 5, 6, 7. from the Bottom) he saith, that I and the Arminians do maintain the end of Christ's Death to have been the procuring for men a salvable condition only or a possibility of being saved, rather than any actual salvation. Now though I said no such thing in the place by him cited (Philan. c. 3. p. 63.) or any where else, as I remember, yet I have said in effect what the Primate saith in plain Terms, (p. 4, 21, 34, 35, 36.) That by virtue of Christ's Death God is made placable to our nature, but not actually appeased with any, no not with the elect, before they be truly 
p. 4. p. 21.  regenerated (which St. Paul was not, until it was late; nor the Thief on the Cross, until it was later) but by Christ's satisfaction, he made the nature of man a fit subject for mercy, p. 34. the sins of all mankind pardonable, p. 35. and so put the sons of men only in a possibility of being justified, p. 36. Or, as his Grace doth elsewhere speak, Christ provided good things for all (even for the worst) p. 8. so as the Reprobates in refusing what was truly tendered to them, can blame none but themselves, p. 34. So that you see Mr. Barlee hath concluded the Primate an Arminian, as well as me, nay more than me; because it was He that said what I consent to, but never said. I only said (in the place 
This Mr. Barlee doth confess to be a Truth undeniable. Corrept. Cor. p. 170.  before cited) That Christ is the means, the meritorious cause, and the head of our election; and that upon the condition of believing in his Son, God gave the promise of eternal life, John 3. 26. which being after the Tenor of the Primates whole judgement, doth again conclude him an Arminian with. Mr. Barlee. Nor will it avail him to say, that he spoke of the end of Christ's Death, not of the effect peculiar to it; for (besides that even so he is opposite to the Primate, p. 35. lin. 10.) he interprets himself by actual salvation, as that is opposed unto a salvable condition. And if he meant any otherwise, he doth not only speak ignorantly, but in the depth of that ignorance he wrongs the Arminians in a most horrible degree. And though I descent from Arminius in many things (as Mr. Barlee confesseth, and maketh to appear) yet I agree with him in some, as doth also our Rev. Primate. Nor do I strive to differ from him, as if I thought him an ill man, for I find him a most grave and learned writer, and I read he lived a very strict life; and as he forsook the Presbyterians in point of Doctrine, so at last he saw the mischiefs of their Discipline also, and did endeavour a Reformation. But however I honour his great learning, and good life, as without all doubt the Primate did; yet neither He, nor I, can therefore be said to be Arminians. 2. Mr. Barlee tells us (c. 2. p. 76. lin. 4, 5. from the bottom) that he hath set down the Primates opinion in his Historia Gottes●halci in his own very full Expressions out of the Valentine Council. And he refers us for that his fact unto his Corrept. Cor. p. 133. in marg. But 1. it is evident, that the opinion asserted by that Synod (Can. 4.) was quite at enmity with the Primates (as you have lately set it out) in several respects. Nay they brand it with the Title of Comm●ntum Diaboli. So that either Mr. Barlee hath much injured the Primate, or else yourself must acknowledge his change of judgement. Nay 2. Mr. Barlee doth unworthily abuse the Primate, in calling those his own full expressions, which were no more his, than they were mine, but the numerical words of that Synod, which the Primare relateth as an Historian only, not at all expressing his own opinion, nor adding so much as his Approbation; and I verily believe, that even then he disapproved that 4. Canon of that Synod, which doth not only deny that Christ died for all, but doth imply (what is worse) that he was not the Lamb slain from the Foundation of the world. You may quickly consult the place Hist. Gottesch. c. 12. p. 181. Mr. Barlee might have said (by a parity of reason) that the Primate was a Pelagian, because (as an Historian) he setteth down some of the Pelagian Doctrines, and because by denying Original Sin, they did also evacuate the universality of Christ's Death, as St. Austin maketh appear, lib. 6. contra julian. c. 4. T. 7. p. 432. 3. Mr. Barlee declareth his dissent from Monsieur Amyrald (c. 2. p. 72.) as before he did from Bishop Davenant and Dr. Ward (Correp. Cor. p. 169.) and then how far must he be from coming up to the Primate, who goes as high, and (I think) higher than either of those three, even as high as Bishop Overal, of whom hereafter? 4. Mr. Barlee follows Dr. Ames, (whose Disciple (I think) he somewhere professeth himself to be) from whom the Primate hath declared his great Dissent p. 23. Nay (5. Mr Barlee is clearly for actual salvation, where the Primate is only for salvability (as hath been showed;) and so his opinion is slit asunder, part of it lying in the first extremity, part of it in the second, betwixt which two my Lord and I are in the midst. 6. Mr. Barlee will have St. Paul's words, 1 Tim. 4. 10. where he called Christ The Saviour of all, to be only meant of a Temporal salvation common both to men and beasts; which is as opposite to 
Corrept. Cor. p. 105. p. 6. 8, etc. Correp. Corr. p. 106.  the Primate, as light is to darkness. 7. He saith with Dr. Twiss, that every sinner to whom the Gospel is preached is not bound to believe that Christ died for him in particular, but that there is salvation in no other; and this is contrary to the Primate, p. 24, 25, 26, 27. 8. He saith that the word All 2 Cor. 5. 14. must be understood of all a certain kind, & that 
Ibid. p. 107.  the word Dead is meant of their dying to sin, not in it; point-blank against the 
c p. 4.  Primate, as well as against 
d De Civ. Dei. l. 20. c. 6. p. 1340. Tom. 5.  Austin, who confuteth the Pelagians by understanding that Text as I have 
e Correct Corr. p. 19  done, and (which is more) by making the same use of it. 9 
f Correp. Cor. p. 108.  He saith that none but the elect and Believers were concluded in unbelief, with that intention as to obtain mercy; in contradiction to the Primate, p. 16. and to St Paul, Rom. 11. 32. 10. He 
g ib. p. 108.  saith, that those false Prophets, 2 Pet. 2. 1. were only said to be bought by the Lord, sacramento tenus; in opposition to the Primate, p. 35, 39 11. He 
h ib. p. 108.  saith, we should wonder that Christ would die so much as for any, rather than grumble that he did not die for all; in abuse and derision of the Primate, p. 24, 26. Nay (12.) he saith more 
k ib. p. 109. lin. 1. 2, etc. p. 108. l. ult. penult.  plainly then in the place before cited, that this is an uncomfortable Arminian proposition, That Christ by his Death hath not purchased actual salvation for any, but a possibility of salvation for all. And yet it is the Primates own Doctrine, p. 6. and p. 35. and p. 36. and p. 38. where he also addeth, that that Disease is curable, for which a sovereign Remedy may be found; but cured it is not, until the medicine be applied to the patient: & if it so fall out, that the medicine being not applied the patient miscarries, we say, He was lost; not because his sickness was incurable, but because there wanted a care to apply that to him that might have helped him. 13. Mr. Barlee 
Note that man hath his part in the application.  saith that of Bishop Andrews, and St. Bernard, which strikes home at the Primate through each of their sides. (And I pray Sir observe this thing especially) I had 
l Correct Copy p. 20. in marg.  cited from Bishop Andrews no worse words than these, That saving Grace is not conferred, but yet offered unto all, and God is ready to confer it also: and the like words from St. Bernard, 
m ibid.  That God's mercy is offered unto all men, and none are without it, but such as reject it, or accept not of it. To which Citations Mr. Barlee returns this answer; 
n Correp. Cor. p 109, 110.  As for what you quote out of your Saint like Dr. Andrews, when you shall have proved him to have been as very a Saint, as every body knows he was a learned Doctor, I shall then be more troubled that I find him so much an Arminian. I am not scared at what he dictates rather than proves; for that he saith nothing but what Faustus the Father of the Semipelagians did, and what hath been answered a thousand times, or been warily expounded. And if any such expression did unwarily fall from Bernard, in a Sermon; knowing what a declining age he lived in, we may well say, Bernardus non omnia vidit, but wonder he spoke so well elsewhere, by which he hath made amends, etc. Here it is plain Mr. Barlee esteemeth that to be false Doctrine, which our Reverend Primate and the Scriptures have taught for true, as well as Prosper, and St. Austin. Next, he pronounceth Bishop Andrews an Arminian, and by consequence the Primate, who doth (in that) agree with him. After, he implies that Bishop Andrews was a Semipelagian, by having said nothing but what was said by Faustus, which yet in the Instance there brought appears to be admirably false: Or else he knew not the difference betwixt ingeri, or impendi, and offerri; the 2. former were the words of Faustus, the third only of Bishop Andrews. Nay such is the spirit of the man, that he implies his disbelief of that Bishop's sanctity, or bliss, whilst he gives it for his reason why he is no more troubled at his finding that Bishop so much Arminian. Yet you know that Bishop Andrews was never yet excelled by any mere mortal, (I do not mean the Apostles or Virgin Mary) either in Orthodoxy, or learning, or holy life. 14. I had said in my Notes (p. 56.) that no good thought ariseth in us, unless suggested by Gods preventing Grace; nor increaseth, unless strengthened by his subsequent Grace; nor is consummate, unless perfected by his grace of perseverance; and that by this, it was God who made men to differ, when one is better than another; and so again p. 70. yet because I afterwards denied the irrestibility of Grace, and affirmed that the regenerate might fall away (who yet could not be regenerate without special Grace) Mr. Barlee calls this in a jeer, A goodly special Grace, which hath 
Corrept. Cor. p. 42.  mischievous qualifications. And how this toucheth the Primates Doctrine, I need not say in words at length, 15. Mr. Barlee saith in his 2. Volume (c. 3. p. 5.) That my Correct Copy begins and ends in Pelagianism and Semipelagianism: Which yet begins and ends with the Primates Doctrine, as I conceive, and as I think you will say, if you look on the beginning and ending of it. But this is more than I intended, concerning the manifold disagreement betwixt the venerable Primate, and the irreverent Mr. Barlee.  
To the rest of your Letter I shall speak as a Laconic. Your willingness to bear an equal share of a blame is very honourable and lovely; so is the end which you propose in our Reconciliation. In order to which, there is no honest thing which I will not be ready to do, or suffer. My charity to his soul is so sincere, that as he is frequently in my prayers, that God will reform and forgive him, and for ever keep him from the Danger of the Roaring Lion, so my prayers, for him are no less cheerful, than those others which I pour out for my greatest Friends and benefactors: yet being wonderfully slandered, and that in print, and the cause of God (as I esteem it) being also slandered with myself, (I being slandered as a Ranter, a Sorcerer, a popish Complotter, and a witch, nay my God being slandered as the Author of sin,) I shall not dare for all the world to omit a public vindication. Most sure I am, that there is no breach of charity in doing justice; nor is it an injury to my Neighbour, that I clear myself from his Aspersions. But I am too long for a Laconic. I take it not amiss, that you sent me your book by Mr Barlee. I have not time to transcribe the Certificates, nor am I sure that the Certifiers will be willing to be named in private Letters: yet if you much desire them, they shall be sent; and sooner or later, I shall tell you their names too. Their forwardness in the business is just like mine, neither more, nor less. Our ends are equally noble, the manifestation of Truth and Innocence. I shall not vindicate myself by publishing answers to your two Letters to Mr. Barlee, because written by you, with whom I desire nothing but amity. Had they been written by another, I should have done it before this time. But you have more than an ordinary Civility and respect from  
Your assured friend and servant Tho. Pierce. Brington, Jan. 4. 1657.   

For my Reverend friend Dr. Bernard at his lodgings in Gray's Inn.  
SIR,  
THough your leisure did not serve you (in your very short return to my last long Letter) to send me such 
The fifth Letter.  an answer as I did flatter myself you would, (upon the notification of those Degrees, not of distance only, but enmity, which show a great Gulf fixed between the judgement of the L. Primate, and the casual opining of Mr. Barlee;) yet will I not run into the error of misinterpreting your mind, to which you make it your request that I give a right interpretation. What I did hope for by the last Carrier, I make no question but I shall have by the next; to wit, your full approbation of what I declared touching the Primate, and your acknowledgement of a mistake in publicly saying I was mistaken. To make this honourable, and eligible, and (to a person of your Candour) altogether unavoidable, I am resolved to seize on the present Time, whatever shift I make for it; whether I borrow it from my sleep, or from any thing else which is as needful, (for through some special Emergencies both in my Parish, and in my Family, I do not know that (at once) I was ever oppressed with more impediments.) And first I will give you the Certificates of three most pious, most learned, and (I had almost said) most irrefragable persons, whom (as you say very well) you may possibly honour as much as I. And that as for many other reasons, so in particular for this also, that they were ever, and are still, most serious Honourers of the Primate of happy memory, whose judgement could not but direct him to have them also in special Honour. The first and chief of these Certificates is from the Reverend Dr. Walton, even before I had the happiness to have seen his Face. Of which I transcribe you this following Copy.  


This I can testify, that having often Discourse with the late most Reverend Father in God, James L. Primate 
Part of a Letter from Dr. Walton to Mr. Pierce.  of Armagh, concerning divers controversies in Divinity, and in particular, the last time that he was in London, which was not long before his Death, concerning the controversies of Grace, and freewill, Election, and Reprobation, and the Dependants thereupon; He did declare his utter dislike of the Doctrine of Absolute Reprobation, and that he held the universality of Christ's Death; and that not only in respect of sufficiency, but also in regard of efficacy, so that all men were thereby savable; and that the reason why all were not thereby saved, was because they did not accept of salvation offered. And that the Grace of conversion was not irresistible, but that men might and often did resist and reject the same. And that in these points he did not approve the Doctrine of Geneva, but was wholly of Bishop Overalls' opinion. All which I took the more notice of, because he was generally conceived to be of another judgement. And all this will be attested by  
Brian Walton.   

The second which I received (for I do observe the order of Time) was this which followeth.  
BEcause you desire me to speak my knowledge of my 
Part of a Letter from Mr. Gunning to Mr, Pierce.  Lord Primates judgement concerning your Question, as in justice to the Truth, and to the honour of his Grace, and for that you are threatened (as I hear) by some, that they will in print testify, that the contrary to your Thesis was my Lord Primates judgement, in the last years also of his life; I shall truly therefore give you his Discourse with me (as much as tends to this purpose) and my memory of his Sermon.  
At a Sermon which my L. Primate preached at St. Peter's Pauls-Wharfe, the last that he intended to preach there (as it was said) I was an Auditor; having heard that he had preached that Sermon in more places than one, before, and did himself profess to think it a Sermon (as indeed it was) containing such Necessary Truths, as without which all preachings and Sermons would be unfruitful. It was on Rom. 8. 30. (part of the verse) In which Sermon he very earnestly pressed the sincerity of God's universal call to every one of all sinners to whom the Gospel was preached; alleging & pressing almost throughout his Sermon, the universal free invitations of all, by God, throughout the Scriptures: as that of Ap. 22. 17. whosoever will, let him take the water of life freely: and so that of Esa. 55. 1, 7. and added with much godly zeal, that without this being made good, all preaching to convert sinners (as yet in their sins) from the evil of their ways, would want a firm foundation. This was his main scope in that Sermon. I went to him in one of the week days following that Lord's day, and gave him my thanks. And in the process of our discourse, which was wholly spent upon the subject (much too long to be told at large) his Grace expressed his judgement in these following Results. That God together with his word preached, doth give internal Grace to all that are called by it, that they may repent and be converted, if they will. Yea they all can will. And that so many will not, it is because they resist God's Grace, according to that of Acts 7. 51. Ye stiffnecked and uncircumcised in heart and ears, ye do always resist the Holy Ghost. He farther said, That God gives to all who are called, posse non resistere. And distinctly concluded in these words; Bishop Overal was in the right, and I am of his mind. This will be attested by  
Peter Gunning.   

The third Certificate I receieud was at first by word of mouth, and afterwards by writing, in these following words.  
CAlling to mind that you questioned me, whether my Lord Primate said to me, that Christ died for all Intentionally, I have thought fit to say further, that I did answer you affirmatively; not because I do remember that he used that word, but because I am satisfied he could mean no otherwise. The sufficience of his Death not signifying that which either of us understood to be in question. And that sufficience of Grace which Dr. Ward maintained (with my Lord Primates Approbation) that the Gospel bringeth to all that hear it preached, argueth the Intent of his Death, (and not only the value of it) being given in consideration of it. Thus much as by a witness will be deposed by  
H. Thorndike.    
THere were two persons more who did contribute to my Belief of what I published of the Primate. But the one will not be named (nor can I honestly do it without his leave) and the other spoke what; he had heard only, but not immediately from the Bishops own mouth. Nor indeed do I care for their Attestations, (though if I did, I could produce them,) because the Three which I have given you are from persons very eminent for exactness of judgement, and of integrity, acute Discerners, and careful searchers, and faithful Relaters of the Truth. Now Sir, if you shall possibly deny that His Grace was ever of calvin's judgement, as to the matters above mentioned, I shall not be concerned to prove the contrary, but rather taking you at your word, I shall require all those who have endeavoured to gain credit to their Calvinist-Opinions by their unjust usurpation of that venerable Name, that they make him satisfaction for having done him so great a wrong. Amongst whom, I am sure, Mr. Barlee is one: who either injured the Primate in a very high measure by urging Him as a patron of what he held against me, or else I righted him very highly by making known his change of judgement. And certainly you will say, that you were very much mistaken, when you acknowledged yourself much Mr. Barlees Debtor, for his (I-know-not-what) Readiness to clear the Primate from some injury done him by Mr. Pierce; because, you know, he neither did clear the Primate, nor was capable of clearing him; nay (farther yet) that he had injured the Primate, and that he had injured you also, by having injured that Account which you have publicly given of the Primates judgement, (it being irreconcilable with that, for which he vouched him in his Book extremely often.) Nay farther yet, you know my own great Readiness to clear the Primate, and that I am qualified for the work, and that in all my Letters put together I have actually cleared him. And though it seemeth very sufficient to serve my turn, that if ever the Primate had been exactly of the opinions which Mr. Barlee affirmed him to have been of, he went off and departed from those opinions; and if he was never of those opinions, he was grievously injured by Mr. Barlee: yet I have more to allege in mine own behalf, than what is abundantly sufficient for the defeating of Mr. Barlee. For let the Terminus a quo be what it will, from which the Primate departed, unto the Terminus ad quem of which I speak, it is clear that he admitted a change in judgement, on supposition if he removed from one opinion unto another; and even that change in judgement of which I spoke, on supposition that he departed from that which is called Mr. calvin's, in adherence unto that which I declaredly am of. That so he did in good earnest, appears to me by a Certificate which I received from yourself: For in your second printed letter to Mr. Barlee, p. 67. you say the Primate was appointed by the Synod at Dublin A. D. 1615. as a principal Person to draw up the Articles of Religion agreed upon, which fully determine the points we speak of. But the 32. Article agreed upon by that Synod is in effect the very same with the 7. Article of Lambeth; and saith in plain terms, That there is not such a sufficient measure of Grace vouchsafed unto every man whereby he is enabled to come unto everlasting life. It is not said in that Article, that every man is not actually saved, or not effectually brought unto life everlasting; but that every man is not enabled to come: which is as much as to say (if I am able to understand it) that every man is not put into a savable condition, or doth not receive a possibility of coming to life everlasting. For if the former had been the sense, it had amounted only to this, that every man in the world is not one of the elect, but some are Reprobates; all are not saved, but some are damned: which is so jejune a saying, and so unnecessary a Truth to have a place in that succinct Body of credenda, that I cannot imagine it to have been the thing meant. And we know, to be enabled, is just the same as to be rendered able; and to be rendered able, is to receive a capability; which is clearly also imported by a sufficient measure of Grace, as the word sufficient is distinguished from effectual. And if this is the meaning (as I conceive it needs must) than the contrary to 
* p. 4, 6, 8, 10, 16, 31, 35, 36, 38, 39 and p. 64.  this is often asserted by the Primate in your account of his judgement of the true intent and extent of Christ's Death. Again you say in your first printed letter, (p. 45.) That there is one Doctrine of calvin's, which must be exempted from my universality, and which will not be found to have been rejected by the Primate, viz. that Massa corrupta was the object of predestination. Which how it can consist with the Primates words to my three informers (mentioned before in their Certificates) as I cannot possibly discern myself, so I conceive that no man living will ever be able to demonstrate. Nor indeed can it consist with that Account which you have given in the 
* ibid.  abovecited pages. For if Christ did die for all mankind, to procure for all a salvability, to make the sins of all venial, to put them all without exception into a possibility of being justified, and so by consequence of being saved, of which they that fail to reap the benefit do only fail for this reason, because they have no will to take it; (which are the Primates expressions) if, I say, Christ died for all the sins of the whole world both actual and original (as saith the Article of our Church, to which the Primate hath subscribed) how can the greatest part of mankind be absolutely reprobated, or but passed by in massa, without respect unto their Actual sins? For if that can be true, Christ died not for them; the passing by being contrary to the giving of Christ for their Redemption. In stead of which, the Calvinistical writers do solemnly use Gods offering of Christ, not for them, but to them, who were passed by in that mass. And this they labour to reconcile with the full intention of God Almighty, that they to whom he is offered shall not possibly enjoy him. Of which what reason can they imagine but only this, that they think he was not offered for them, so as to make their sins pardonable, and their persons capable of Mercy?  
I will not here take a view of what Infusions have been received by such Mistakers as Mr. Barlee, from his Lordship's History of Gotteschalc, and from his celebrated Catechism, whether printed with, or without his leave, (nor was it, you know, till very lately, that you proclaimed the difference between his reputed and real works.) And as I will not do that, so will I not make any comparisons betwixt the Doctrines of Bishop Overal, and those of Gotteschalc: I having already made it apparent, that as my Certificates were helpful to me for the making good what I had published of that great name, so you and I (thus put together) have also been helpful to those Certificates, for the making good of those things, whereof they have certified a Threefold knowledge; which as a threefold Cord being not easily to be broken, I shall hope will be so happy, as to draw your suffrage to make it stronger. I know not what should scare you from a concurrence, except a show of dishonour which a change of judgement may seem to carry along with it. But that I am sure hath no place here; for to change one's judgement upon just Grounds (as well from good to better, as from evil to good) is the most honourable mark of a man's mortality, and I think peculiar to the True lovers of Truth.  
Before I am able to let you alone, Sir, (how much Business soever is at my elbow to pluck my pen from my paper) I will tell you what I read lately in the life and Death of Dr. jackson, composed by the strict and impartial hand of Mr. Vaughan, than whom I do not believe there lives a more conscientious and punctual speaker, as being one who might have written Dr. jackson's life from his own, had it been possible for a man of his singular modesty to have understood his own merits: which I say to this end, that you may certainly believe what he relateth, concerning the Care which the Primate took (being a Mourner at the Funeral of that Rare Man) to have the writings of Dr. jackson very religiously preserved; that such inestimable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might not be wanting to posterity, but might perform their proper work of bringing Religion into its wits: whereas had his Lordship been Calvinistical (as Mr. Barlee would fain have made him by his notorious creative Faculty) he would rather have taken care that such books might have been buried with their Author's Body, and in a Grave ten thousand times deeper. For Mr. Barlee doth somewhere tell us, that Doctor jackson was the Father of English Arminians, (my Lord his Grace of Armagh it seems was one of his children) and miserable is England, if such men's writings as 
c. 2, p. 46, 47.  Dr. jackson's and Castalio's are become as pleasing to the dainty wits amongst us, as ever Titus Vespasian was, who was styled Deliciae humani generis. So zealous was the good Primate (if Mr. Barlee hath any Truth in him) to contribute his care to our undoing.  
And now as soon as I have told you, that I meant Dr. Godwin, the Author of the Roman and jewish Antiquities, (whose Christian name I think was joseph) who was converted by reading the Remonstrant writings, as Dr. Christopher Potter of pious memory had been a little before him; that I am not the Author of Tilenus examined before the Triers; that if ever I go to London (which I have hardly ever done willingly) I shall gladly make an acquaintance with you; and that if I punish Mr. Barlee, it shall be merely in my defence, and very much less than he deserveth; I think there is nothing in your Letter, to which any more can be expected from  
Your most assured Friend and servant Tho. Pierce. Brington, Jan. 28. 1657.   

A Postscript.  
A Postscript to this last Letter sent to Dr. Bernard together with it.  
ONe thing comes into my mind since the subscription of my Letter. You say in your first printed letter to Mr. Barlee, That 
* P. 45.  the Doctrine of S. Austin was it which was confirmed by the Primate, and so elsewhere (I think) to that purpose. But Mr. Baxter 
† Account of the Controu. about perseverance, etc. in setting down the fourth opinion p. 4, 5.  hath publicly avowed, that S. Austin's opinion was for the final falling away of some effectually called, regenerated, justified, and sanctified. And because some are so immodest as to deny it, he saith, he asked the Reverend Bp. Usher, in the hearing of Dr. Kendal, whether this were not plainly the judgement of Austin: who answered, that without doubt it was. Then he adds many places out of Austin by which this appears. And whereas he judgeth this opinion of Austin to be 
* P. 15.  unsound, nay contrary to many Texts of Scripture, he doth obliquely in so doing defame the judgement of my Lord Primate, in case he concurred therein with Austin; as I cannot but think he did, both by what was spoken by his Grace to Dr. Walton, and by what you have affirmed in the place abovecited.  
Thus, Good Reader, I have accounted for what I spoke in my former writings, touching the judgement of that Venerable and Learned Prelate. Not out of any the least design▪ of breaking Peace or Friendship with Dr. Bernard, (whose public Letters notwithstanding had made it necessary for me to do some justice unto myself, in a way as public:) but partly to perform what I had publicly promised to make appear; partly to gratify the importunities of some, who would needs have me publish what I could say of this Business, that they who had met with my Report only, might be acquainted with my Grounds too; and partly to demonstrate to the most contrary-minded, that I durst not be thought a Raiser of false Reports. If now our Readers will be pleased, to put the Reasons of my affirmative into one scale of the Balance, and Dr. Bernard's probabilities for his Negative into the other, (allowing either none, or equal Grains) I hope that He, and I too, shall be well content with the Decision.  
The End.   

The ERRATA.  
PAge 4. in marg. line 3. read Travers. p. 15. l. 20. for giving, r. given. p. 34. l. 5. from bottom, r. That. p. 35. l. 12. after at●ain deal to. p. 35. l. 31. for shalir. shalt. p. 56. l. 2. from the bottom r. word. p. 82. in marg. l. 3. after Dedar 9 r. April. p. 67. in marg. l. 2. for praed. r. praet. p. 98. l. 19 for Carmelites, r. Carme●. p. 99 l. 5. from the bottom, for made r. need. p. 103. l. 20. r. (ch. 1. v. 4.) p. 103. in marg. l. 14. 5. r. Tit. 1. 4.   


Books written by Mr. Tho. Pierce Rector of Brington.  

THe Sinner impleaded in his own Court, wherein are represented the great discouragements from sinning, which the Sinner receiveth from Sin itself.  
2. Correct Copy of some notes concerning Gods Decrees, especially of Reprobation. The 3 Edition with some Additionals, in 4.  
3. The Divine philanthropy defended, in answer to Mr. Barlee, in 4. 2 Edition.  
4. The Self revenger, to which is added an Appendage touching the judgement of the late L. Primate of Armagh. in 4. new.  
5. The Divine Purity, defended in answer to Dr. Reynolds, in 4. new.    

Books written by D. Hammond.  

A Paraphrase and Annotations upon all the Books of the New-Testament by H. Hammond, D. D. in fol. the second Edition now in the Press.  
2. The Practical Catechism, with all other English Treatises i● two volumes ' in 4.  
3. Dissertationes quatuor, quibus Episcopa●us Jura ex S. Scriptures & Primaeva Antiquitate adstruuntur, contra sententiam D. Blondelli & aliorum, in 4.  
4. A Letter of Resolution of six Queries, in 12.  
5. Of Schism. A defence of the Church of England against the exceptions of the Romanists, in 12.  
6. Of Fundamentals in a notion referring to practice, in 12.  
7. Paraen●sis, or a seasonable exhortatory to all true sons of the Church of England, in 12.  
8. A Collection of several Replies and Vindications Published of late, most of them in defence of the Church of England, now put together in three Volumes. Newly published, in 4.  
9 A Review of the Paraphrase and Annotations on all the Books of the New-Testament, with some additions and alterations, in 8.     

A Catalogue.  

Books and Sermons written by jer. Taylor, D. D.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A Course of Sermons for all the Sundays of the Year; together with a discourse of the Divine Institution, Necessity, Sacredness and Separation of the Office Ministerial, in fol.  
2. The History of the Life and Death of the Ever-blessed Jesus Christ, third Edition, in fol.  
3. The Rule and Exercises of holy living, in 12.  
4. The Rule and Exercises of holy dying, in 12.  
5. The Golden Grove, or, A Manual of daily Prayers fitted to the days of the week, together with a shot Method of Peace and Holiness, in 12.  
6. The Doctrine and Practice of Repentance rescued from popular Errors, in a large 8. Newly published.  
A Collection of Polemical and Moral discourses, in fol.  
8. A Discourse of the Nature, Offices and Measure of Friendship, in 12. New.  
A Collection of Offices or forms of prayer fitted to the needs of all Christians, together with the Psalter or Psalms, of David after the King's Translations in a large octavo newly published.  
The mystery of Jesuitism, discovered in certain Letters, written upon occasion of the present differences at Sorbo●ne, between the Jansenists and the Molinists. Displaying the Corrupt Maxims and Politics of that Society. 2 Edition  
The Law of Laws, or, the excellen●… of the Civil Law, above all other human●… Laws whatsoever: showing of how great use and necessity the Civil Law is to this Nation. By Robert Wiseman, Dr. of the Civil Law.  
Sold by R. Royston at the Angel i● Ivy-lane.  
The Grand conspiracy by Mr. John Challington, in 12.  
The History of the Church of Scotland by Dr. Spotishwood Archbishop of S. Andrews, in fol.  
Etymologicum parvum, in 8. by Mr. Gregory Schoolmaster of Westminster.  
The Contemplation of heaven with a descant on the prayer in the garden, in 12.  
The Magistrate's Authority, a Sermon by Mr. Lyford, in 4.  
The Quakers wild questions objected against the Ministers of the Gospel by Mr. Richard Sherlock, in 4.  
The Communicants guide by Mr. Gove, in 8.  
The plain man's sense exercised, by Mr. William Lyford, in 4.  
Anglicisms Sattinized, by Mr. Willis, 8.  
The persecuted Minister written by Mr. Langly, in 4.  
Lyfords' Legacy, in 12.  
The Cateschism of the Church of England paraphrased, by Richard Sherlock. 2 Edition.  
An Apology for the Ministry by William Lyford.  
The Examination of Tilen●…s before the Triers in Utopia in 12. newly published.   
The end of the Catalogue.