THE MODERATOR EXPECTING SUDDEN PEACE, OR CERTAIN RUIN.  
Directed by Reason, Arising out of the Consideration of what hath already happened, Our present Condition, and the most likely Consequents of These.  
— Tales Casus Cassandra canebat.  
— Quem tum vates Cassandra moveret? 
Virgil. Aeneid. Lib. 3.   
Cedamus Phoebo, & moniti meliora sequamur.  
LONDON, Printed Anno Domini, 1642.   

THE MODERATOR EXPECTING Sudden PEACE, OR Certain RVINE.  
A Amongst the many complaints posterity may justly take up against us, it shall never be said, that we did all wilfully blind the eyes of our reason, and would not see the Evils, which with an unveiled face showed themselves, in their full horror, before they came upon us. For my part, if I must perish, my fate and want of prevention not of foresight shall betray me to it; whilst the results of our designs, and the miseries that must necessarily befall us, offer themselves so easily to our apprehension, before we feel them. But it is not our mere contemplative providence, but a discreet exercise of it, that can be able to rescue us from the ruin that attends us. And though it is not the pious care of a few single men, that can save even themselves, much less the perishing state, whose decayed Fabric is on every side undermined, and ready to fall in 〈◊〉 yet surely it is every man's duty to lend his best assistance to the common safety, because if we perish it must be by our own hands. And since it is at out own election what shall become of us? Let us call reason to advise with, let us throughly look into our condition: And these sad and serious considerations, may perhaps reclaim many of us from the eager pursuit of things, which we have too violently fancied to ourselves, out of conveniency, necessity, or some other politic reaches, to advantage ourselves or the public. We are now arrived almost to the extremity of ill; and yet some believe that there is a way to grow better, by growing worse. I pray Heaven this Paradox may not undo us.  
But before we set one foot forward, and march on to the considerations which are before us, let us make a stand, and take a review of the actions and success, which we have already had, in the high contestations between Prince and People.  
Wars, like diseases, are a long while working upon the humours, before they discover themselves: And there are indeed many things of consequence, that did secretly fore run and usher in this War, which I shall at most but touch upon. The curious searching into these things may perhaps inflame, cannot qualify our distempers. Our proper interest now is to get out of these miseries, to which we seem to have been unhappily betrayed, by endeavouring without success, (saith one,) or providence, (saith another,) or enough of both (saith a third, for thus boldly men discourse now) a high and Imperious refo mation; which by the cunning use that Delinquents, the Prelacy, and the Agents for Prerogative have made of it, hath in stead of removing, created new opposites: and those have so fasted themselves, that they cannot be overthrown without more than endangering the very foundations of the Commonwealth. And we are making so much haste to the Ruin, which that grand Engineer the Jesuit hath this many years been designing for us, that we have two Armies fight against themselves, for the common good: and they are now grown both so considerable, that it is almost impossible that any good can be effected by them, until very many thousands more shall fall by the Sword; and, how we shall call any thing good, that shall be bought at so bloody a price. I know not. Let us but trace the footsteps of our misfortunes, and we shall see by what degrees we are grown into these extremities. And how we have (is it were by inches) engaged ourselves into new and desperate mischiefs. How one extreme hath begot another: And whilst we have had one design to overcome a prevailing evil, we have by that raised up a worse. I have heard that Poison hath sometimes been wrought out by a contrary poison; but the wary Physician holds the cure but desperate, and scarce can tell, which is most destructive the Medicine or the Disease: For where the contestation is so violent, it seldom happens that it doth not destroy the Patient. To come closer: It seems our peace was so corrupt, that it was held requisite it must be lanced with the Sword. I pray Heaven our Surgeons cut not so fare, that instead of letting out Putrefaction; they let not out our very Vitals, by too deep, too wide a wound. But I shall make haste to my promise, which is to make it evident, how destructive this kind of Decision hath been and must be to us; which will appear from the first Overtures of it, and in every thing that hath happened since.  
When the Militia, the Navy, and the Ports (which were the common strength of the Kingdom) were first put into new confiding hands (whether out of prevention or preparation) I looked upon this action, as like to that Cloud, which first shown itself to the Prophet's sanvant, to be as big as a man's hand; and I feared that I should afterward see it darken all our Heavens, all our happiness: and at last fall into fatal and bloody showers. jealousy of this nasure is the Forerunner and Inflamer of all Mischief; when this discovered it self so plainly in the King; and had so divided not only the Head from the Members, but the Members amongst themselves: he that did not then fear consequences of a high and dangerous nature, was too secure; and surely never considered, that a Parliament is the Genius of the State; and when that was poisoned with jealousy: it subtly mingled itself with every County as deriving it from the Representatives. Here the people might take the first notice of the contestation; And from that time they encountered each other with invective Declarations (worse than Gun-shot) which heightened the quarrel, and invited the amuzed people to lay aside their peace; and show themselves, on which side they would rather choose to hazard their fortunes. Here began the first eager Division: for by this means, the discountenanced Gentry (who were removed from their Commands, and so, from the usual respect they had in their Country) fastened themselves in opinions opposite to the Parliamentary proceed: And the common people, disputing over earnestly of these things) did at last, according to the reason they were able to see, discourse themselves into a resolute conceit of things, which as their passions and humours led them) they have all this while prosecuted.  
The Subjects being now stirred, and divided: The great Gamesters of the State go higher; The more active of the Parliament are accused by the King of Treason: The King's Advisers, to whose Counsels He seemed most to adhere are impeached by the Parliament for Traitors. And now they hold themselves concerned to stand, or fall, with those that both sides aimed at. So that it is time that they be further asunder: for distance affords many advantages to work a Design higher, or else may be a means to compose those differences, which are still renewing, whilst the Antagonists are together. The King therefore removes Northward, to find out that safety, which (he saith) is denied him here: and to gain a party to balance those, whom already he accounts his Enemies.  
Thus the Scene gins to alter; and instead of reforming (the proper work of Parliament:) we shall see it busied and almost puzzled in saving (for so they call it) a distressed Church and State. And from henceforth, we must look upon it as a Council of War, and must not expect to find it punctual in the observance of any fixed Law: but that Common Law, called Salus populi, must be produced as a general warrant for all their undertake: And that Statute Law enacted even by Nature itself, called Lex necessitatis; must be made to justify all manner of severity and violence. And this must be all the satisfaction, the complaining Subject shall be able to obtain.  
The most eminent discovery of this War; which openly offered itself to the consideration of the People, was that great contention about the Town of Hull. And although it cost not much blood; yet was it made an occasion to engage the business very far. The War was sooner seen to the people, than the Reasons of it: and though they could not define what the quarrel was; yet they begin to find that they must end it, and seel the effects of it. And, to startle them the more, their doubts are nourished and increased by the well penned papers from the North: and in a few months, are persuaded to unbelieve that, which the Actions, and the sense of many years before, had almost confirmed in them. Thus, the King perceives, that to defend the property and liberty of his Subjects, (though but with the shadow of them) with promises and protestations, catches the affections of his credulous People; and almost recovers and fixes them in their obedience. How much then, will they be his, when these promised blessings shall be theirs in earnest?  
And what advantage have we had by any thing hath yet been acted by the sword? what present reparation or what likely hopes, hath the abused subject for the expense of so many millions? for the loss of so much blood? and for dangerous hazard of their peace? that jewel which indeed we know not how to value, until it be lost? Some of the Malignant's blood hath been had, though bought with as much of the adverse party. Our Towns have been yielded and recovered on both sides; whole Countries have been plundered; thousands have been undone; Skirmishes we have had in many places. A set Battle (the wish of our Sons of Mars) hath been fought with almost equal loss and success; as if Heaven had told us we are both in fault; both worthy of an overthrow, but neither of us of victory: the best part of a year hath been made up happy whilst every day saw new Tragedies. And after all this, how much nearer, nay how much farther of, are we from the Peace, or from the Ends we seemed to aim at? The quarrel by all this, is but inflamed; jealousies grow higher; Malice grows stronger; Poverty comes upon us like an armed man: Humanity is almost turned to cruelty, and Nature and friendship, are not able to restrain our inconsiderate fury. The Sword must hereafter become chief Justice; and will dispense with and control all Law. From henceforth Robbery shall change its name, and be called no more a crime then borrowing: the killing of our Country men must be called valour, and a service to the State: the opposing ourselves against the chief Fort and strength of the subject, the great council of Parliament, must be called Allegiance and duty: disobedience to the commands of our Prince, must be called Loyalty: and in brief, (such is the tyranny of War) we must see an inversion of all order, Consusion in all our services to Heaven and Earth; and a Chaos, in stead of that admirable composure which many years of peace had ere now fixed this state in; if those that have of late times been over us, had done their parts: How like to these calamities the miseries we have felt already, are, the sad experience of too many may witness; who have drink deep of this bitter Cup: But the dregs are as yet behind; in which every survivor must have a share, if Heaven will have us to pledge its vengeance farther.  
Although such times as these will searce give us leave to call any thing our own; yet I hope they will let us enjoy the use of our reason still, which shall always lead my Faith, and expectation in such open affairs as these. And when that shall tell me how requisite the prosecution of this War is, and how it may advantage the state, I shall be convinced; but until then. I shall be obstinate in this opinion (hoping that it will not a●● out to to be against the sense of the Parliament: That a peace warily concluded by an Accommodation must be the happiest issue that can be given to these Differences.  
But, ere I lettled myself in this opinion, I enquired out (as far as possible I could) all the conveniences and inconveniences, that W●r or P●●ce may beget, and as well as my reason would give me leave, have weighed, which are likely to be the heaviest. And I hope I shall be excused by every one, that shall descend into these following Considerations.  
First, what probably this War aims at, in this conjecture, it will befit us to be very modest, and rather to think, then to speak out: we shall not therefore examine what all yance (I mean in the birth of it) there is betwixt this, and that with the Scots. Now whether the prerogative commenced it, to protect itself against an invading power, which seemed to threaten it, (as some would have it) or to perfect the design of many years before, to be absolute master of the people, (as others conceive) or whether the Parliament begun it to secure themselves, and fetch in Delinquents, (as we are bid believe) or to confirm that by the sword, which no other assurance could ever make good unto them; and to bring the government somewhat near to an Aristocracy (as some have suggested;) Or whether indeed this reason of the War be a Miscellany of all these. But how justifiable, how necessary, and on which side this War was defensive or offensive, I shall not undertake to debate or determine. These are dangerous mysteries, not to be pried into. It will be enough for us to inquire how far it tends to the general good; by what hath already happened, and what must happen in the prosecution of it.  
We must believe (where ere this War began) that it was levied by well weighed policy, and upon considerate grounds; and we must not conceit but the design was only to secure the Kingdom, and rescue it, from some Enemies that are in the bosom of it, which have malignantly thwarted the long-looked for blessings of this Parliament. And it is confessed (though not agreed on) by both Armies, that our Religion, Laws, Liberties, and whatsoever is or should be dear unto us, lies at the stake; and that they wear their Swords only to defend these: and that these cannot be safe, unless one of them prove victorious.  
Thus our cause is much like a riddle; It were surely better for us, to have it understood by the deliberation and wisdom of a parley, then by such means as Alexander used to untie the Gordian knot, the violence of the sword. If Religion be the principal reason; how few hopes have we to see it rectified by War which is the nu●ce of barbarism. The Soldier the instrument of this kind of reformation (after he shall be a little more ve sed in his rude profession we shall scarce ever find devoted to any thing of Religion besides the pretence and noise of it, in their talk, only to set a gloss upon their quarrel: from them we must look for little else, but profanation and sacrilege. And suppose these men of War prove more civil and pious than all other Soldiers before them what religion shall we expect to be exercised during this War, which will be a continuing Holiday to all licentiousness? when as in this necessitated intermission of strict government how many new fancied religions boldly discover themselves? how little reverence, and how much profanation have we seen? Religion is a child of peace, and if an aged peace have the fostering of it, it will be hard to keep it clear from innovations, and superstition, (the endeavours of the idle Clergy) and that state that cannot, or will not remove these mischiefs without the sword, endangers the very body of it, whilst it would only lop off the extravagancies.  
Such effects as these, we can only look for, when a lasting War shall undertake to compose a divided Church: it may (some have thought) happen otherwise, if the design be so advisedly laid and so rigorously prosecuted that the execution of it shall be sudden.  
But, it will be told me, when the Parliaments Army hath gotten the victory, and all oppositions, shall be removed, so that they may without interruption reach their ends, such a Reformation will be effected, as shall recompense the disturbance in the gaining of it. Any man that consults with his  reason, cannot well promise this to himself: for we shall find such a victory and such a reformation very doubtful. But we will suppose them conquerors. It hath been the opinion of some; that success may somewhat heighten their religious designs; and suggest such things as easy, and convenient, which before their very imagination durst not reach at. Then they will have time to consider all their opposites, even those, who (before this reformation grew so violent) were accounted Puritans. Then it is likely, neither root nor branch, of our old Church order shall be left nor any sign where it grew And though perhaps themselves could be contented with a more even and moderate reformation; It may be seared that the loud people, delighting in change, and grown insolent with their success will call for a mutation in every circumstance and when they have found their strength, will think nothing enough if they have not all that their wild and unlimited Zeal approves of.  
And (if some mistaken not) the interest of the Parliament will then be, to settle a more tigid government (to say no more) in the Church, then will now satisfy them and all modest Protestants.  
And on the contrary, our condition cannot well be such as we could wish it, if the subjects of England make the King a Conqueror whether he will or no (nor is this impossible.) Do we believe the prelacy and the other ambitious Clergy, will then be any whit less insolent than they have been? will they not rather add to, then diminish their ceremonies? will they not pretend that preaching hath seduced the people, and begat heresies? that the Pulpit was the late in cendarie to the great mischiefs, and therefore take a pious occasion to be Idle, and make the abused people believe, that the Common Prayer tends more to their salvation, than the frequency of preaching? will these men of the cassocks be less vicious in their lives? less corrupt in their Doctrine? less exacting in their Tithes and pretended deuce, then heretofore? And, to conclude, will it lie in the interest or the power of the King, (when he shall be busied to settle the confused Commonwealth for his best advantage,) to bridle his Clergy, which ever were, are, and will be the most considerable sticklers when any bustle or mutation happens in a state; we must then look to find these sort of men still like themselves, so busy as if their employment were rather to improve prerogatives, than salvation. Their predecessors (History tells us) were almost always opposers of their Prince. And, (some are of opinion) that they do otherwise now not because their Religion, but their interest is altered. And (it hath been always unhappily observed) that, their conscience follows their dependency; and that they put their cases, and state their questions, as much by the motions of the latter as the former.  
And if there were ever any reason to be jealous of the encroaching power of papists, it will be then: for if the King (for his preservation, and through necessity, the reasons now urged upon this occasion) be driven to make use of them to do his business and by their help become victorious; the Common people may sear that they shall hereafter see as much popery mingled in their worship as in their Armies: and those of better judgement, cannot but conceive, that when Papists have merited so much from the King that they will be more modest with him, then with God, from whom they dare challenge a requital for their merits: and upon such a turn as this, it will be to their great advantage that the people (to whom the reputed Puritans and Roundheads must by all means be made ●dioas,) will be less troubled, if some of those severe statutes against them, be repealed, or dispensed with, and some other things be done in their favour; for being Bustier Subjects to the King of England (the first time, it was ever thought they could be so) than many of his Protestant Subjects.  
Such consequences as these we must look for on both sides, if the partial sword, and not the indifferent Synod must be the Ecclesiastical reformer.  
The Religion which all moderate men (and I think most, and best) desire, is that which both sides promise; and yet that which we cannot well expect from either side, should it become absolute. It is such a one as may be found out betwixt them both; and (we may hope) may make all men happy, if it be tempered with a reasonable yielding on both sides. But if the decision must be by blood and victory, the prevailers are then bound, and perhaps, necessitated to gratify their party with that kind of discipline which their humours call for; they must look to fasten themselves by that power, and those principles, by which they gained it. When as it is like to be quite otherwise, if peace suspend these differences; both sides must then go on in an even and well tempered course, that they may politicly hold fast that party, which their promises and fair protestations won to them. It will then be hoped, that the contention will be, which shall be most plausible; and it will be better for the people to have their affections invited then forced.  
Thus we find that Religion will look most comely, dressed in the white garments of peace, rather than the purple robes of war. And seeing Religion is many times but a servant to other designs, and goes before, only to usher in some great affair of State, in the same order it shall be followed now; and we shall in the next place examine how the State shall be bettered by a mastery of either side.  
Would we have the Laws better exercised which our Predecessors left to us? how much out of countenance Law is, when the sword domineers, we need not be informed by History. And when this war shall see an end, with how much difficulty shall we be rendered capable of the usual course and benefit of it? And we know not who by that time, may become Patron and Master of our Law and Nation: or would we have new Laws to serve our turns now? or confirm those we have gained this Parliament? If that the sword shall draw up new Statutes; it is likely they would be but short lived, or useless: for no politic ties; no, not the most sacred assurance of an oath, could ever make Princes observe the execution of them.  
And it may be feared, that such violent gaining upon the Crown, may be an occasion hereafter, to wrest from us all those advantages which the Subject hath dear bought this Parliament, under pretence that violence was the mother of them all.  
Our liberties are not like to be much enlarged or secured by it, martial Law will ere long disseise us of our Possessions, our Estates and Lives; and what Judge shall be able to redress us? and we must run a hazard, what kind of freemen or slaves we must be hereafter.  
So that upon all this enquiry, it is hard to be satisfied how our Religion, Laws or Liberties shall be improved by such a war as we are engaged in, unless the more pious and well-meaning party will promise certain and sudden success, both of which will be necessary to make it any thing likely; but of these more in the close of all.  
But when we have supposed, that we shall be bettered in all these when the war is ended; let us with an intentive eye, look upon the miseries which must be our entertainment whilst the war continues: That which we have seen or heard already of it, is no more than a sad Prologue to an ensuing Tragedy, which only tells us what we are to expect; but the following acts thew us those bloody passages at large.  
As yet the Soldier hath not devoured the Husbandman's store; but, without much trouble finds Bread for himself, and Provender for his Horse; but where will he seek it, when he hath spoilt the springing grass, and trampled down, or eaten up the growing corn? The Husbandman will be afraid to venture his seed in the ground, not knowing who shall reap it; or, if he would be so hardy, perhaps, he wants his Horses to plough, or his Hinds to help him.  
And such will be our grief, that we must not look for secure from our neighbour Counties: for every one of them is like to be the Seat of war; and so many Armies must needs consume Cattle and Sheep, and the Farmer's stock, and so beget a famine. A famine never comes without sad companions; as the Plague, small Pox, Flux, and many more such servants of death.  
Thus Provision, the chief support of this populous Kingdom, will be suddenly wasted; and thus, those whom war spares, want or violent diseases will devour; and so we shall many ways perish without the sword, yet by it.  
It is to no purpose to demonstrate how the treasure of this Land, heaped up by a long lived peace, will be suddenly poured out, and be seen no more: thus many times doth a careful and aged father leave a hard gotten Patrimony to a scattering son. And, how certain the utter decay of trade (the livelihood of the State) will be; how Art that was coming into such a perfection amongst us, will be lost, and, as it were, unlearnt; how learning, the glory of our Nation, will be disesteemed and useless, and changed into martial Discipline: how poverty will so generally seize almost upon all; that the violence of it will every where create us new enemies (if the Soldier spares us) which will take away our goods by the authentic Law of necessity, and snatch away the meat from our mouths, making hunger their warrant.  
But I will pursue this common place no further; these are the general consequences of war; we will therefore reflect more closely upon our own more peculiar mischiefs.  
If we must put off Peace until another time, how desperate are we? For, those that engage us in a war, are not able to tell us, when, where, how, and by whom it shall end, (this the late and sad experience of other people may tell us.) The question hereafter will be, not so much, where is the Right? But where is the Power? For the Right of Power must carry the business. And then it will be beyond Probability that this Kingdom ever recover the purity of its Religion, its Laws, its Customs, it's Government, which have been settling about five hundred years; nor let our present Superiors be angry at the conjecture; for I cannot assure myself, who shall live to strike the last blow. And it hath in all ages been observed, that designs in war change like Scenes in a Masque, where we see new apparitions ere we are ware of them: And the events of one year, may, beyond all expectation, vary, or heighten the quarrel. And it is always found, that success lifts men up above themselves; for a prevailing power seldom knows any bounds or modesty, the Subject will want his old sanctuary then, which our Predecessors provided; for, Laws are but the ligaments of Peace, and the Soldier will break them like threads.  
But I shall be asked, why my bold imagination hath fancied such terrible things as these? We will therefore see now gradually we must come to such a condition as this.  
And first, because we will not undertake to define the quarrel as it now stands, largely, nor saucily; we will conceive it thus: A working jealousy, fixed in a divided Kingdom, both sides choosing rather to die then to trust one another. From this root must necessarily spring these inconveniences.  
The most uncharitable mischief that a Commonwealth can be engaged in, is, That we must execute the designs of our enemies upon ourselves; that the King may receive his death from the hand of a Subject whilst it is reached forth (if you will believe his Vows) for his good and safety: that the father sending his bullet at a venture, may kill his son, or the son his father; this is probable enough: but it is impossible, that brothers, kindred and friends should not mingle in one another's blood, (and, perhaps, purposely) we see such an eager division in all Families. And it is so universal, that no County, scarce any City or Corporation is so unanimous, but they have division enough to undo themselves. And it is evident enough, that this Rent will increase until we shall be quite torn in pieces: For, when the fatal sluice of blood shall be drawn up higher; in all probability, the veins of the remaining People (swelling with revenge for their battered party) are likely to be drained dry throughout the Kingdom. If we will leave our, differences to the dispute of the Sword, we shall not want an Umpire; one that will come in to part us, or part stakes with us. Let this Mediator chance to be of a Religion like ours, or of one quite opposite unto it; who shall pay the Soldiers for their journeywork? Must money be raised for them? It must be digged for them; I believe little will be found above ground. Or must promises serve the turn? The Soldier seldom returns with such pay. Or most plunder satisfy them? This may stay their stomaches, although it be but the Relics of our own men of war; but will not be able to send them back again. No; we shall find that the interest of that State must be satisfied either with our Ruin, or with mingling themselves in our Estates and Government.  
Or suppose our neighbours will wink on purpose, and neglect their advantages, though it were mere sottishness to conceit so; upon whose purse shall our enemies at home, our own Armies live? Must the Countries maintain them? It must be then by the Farmer: but he can neither sow, nor reap, nor breed up, nor repair his stock, in the heat of such a war as ours. Else must the Clothier do it? whence shall he have his many necessaries, and how shall he vent his clothes? If these fail, the Countries cannot be long considerable, in enduring the burden of Armies? Is it expected the City must do all this? That little which they have got before hand, and make their store, is so impaired, that it will scarce maintain themselves, unless it be by a continued course of trading; which, as it is now languishing, so it will be, ere that time, quite dead and buried. The City is as it were the stomach, which digests the trading of the whole Kingdom; and afterwards returns to every several part of it, that nourishment which supports it: if weakness and obstructions be found there, a consumption soon steals upon the whole body. But suppose it were rich, and full enough to serve the turn; yet they will not let down their milk to a violent hand: they must be stroked and humoured, else they will be stubborn. If they chance to be at discord, it will be hard to collect any considerable sums; and if that discord be heightened (by the cunning practice of any) into a mutiny amongst themselves, they will be able to undo one another, without the help of a draining Army. Thus we may see, our necessities will encounter and overcome us, if we must live and die (and living thus is worse than dying) in this lingering war. And after all these horrid executions of Fire, Sword, Famine, Pestilence, and those many other sad consequences of war; what face at the best will this Kingdom have? what a ruinous Nobility, what a decayed Gentry, what a beggarly Commonalty will it be peopled withal? And what age shall ever see those Feuds eaten out, which these Civil Broils will beget? For we shall find, that as Jealousy was the mother of them, so Malice, Hatred, and Revenge, will be the issue. And when shall a State so distempered, look for a quiet, or a safe composure? For War, like a strong disease, leaves many dregs and relics behind it, which (though the main Forces be disbanded, and it be no more an Army, a Fever) will punish the uncleansed body with several fits and distempers.  
We shall find that men nursed up in war grow sick of peace, and are like Tinder, ready to be inflamed into sedition, or high attempts, by every spark which Ambition, or any other exorbitant desire let's fall. And if it shall be held a necessary policy to hold up a war in any other place, to spend their fiefie spirits, the State will be as good as beggared to be thus rid of them: And it may be feared, that the meaner sort will forget the usual toil of their former professions, by the licentiousness in the war; and will never after be brought to endure order, or labour: and so will return to corrupt the Commonwealth, with their lawless manners.  
I could add many more Instances; but I think there needs no more to be urged, to show us how miserable we must necessarily be. Yet I must not omit the Motive which distressed Ireland offers unto us: which now represents the very Condition we must look for; if a sudden Peace do not happily prevent it.  
If we could look upon it, as ready to be undermined, and falling into the Ocean, so that no footing would be left there for our Adversaries, though we could not but pity it, and ourselves; yet than all our fears would be drowned with it: but we must consider it, as one of our main Bulwarks, gained and fortified not without infinite expense of the treasure and blood of our Ancestors: and that it is now ready to be possessed by a dangerous enemy, who from thence will for ever batter our Peace; and it is likely, may make such breaches, as may let in hereafter (if we escape them now) as many miseries as Ireland now groans under. Nor are all these mischiefs which I have summoned up, more certain, than the success of either side is doubtful; so that if we do grant to satisfy such as will on both sides have it so, that nothing but the good of the State is intended; How shall we be assured, that that pious Party (which truly hath the most right) shall have the success? and how soon they will be able to accomplish it. For as I have proved, there will be nothing left us to be preserved, if it hold out long. But upon consideration, we shall find that both the success, and the conclusion of it, are very uncertain. We know that God many times useth the Sword, as well to avenge himself upon his People, as his People upon one another: and, that neither side have deserved so well, as to promise themselves the mastery; although they dare aver, their Cause is best. So that I shall rather direct my judgement by Reason, than Presumptions; and shall therefore weigh these great Opposites, to find out which of them hitherto hath had the greater success, and which hath the most probable advantages at this time.  
It is scarce a year since all affairs, of what nature soever, received their enlivening Influence from the King, through his Parliament: which like a Burning-glasse contracted the Sun beams into itself, and was able to give fire to almost any Design it pleased to reflect on; but those Rays which did then display themselves beside it, did spend themselves in vain. During this full Authority, they furnished themselves with all means that might defend them from the Counterplots of those, who they had reason to believe, could not endure the strict Reformation which was suddenly intended.  
Therefore, ere the People are ware, or know why, they see all the considerable Ports and Ports of the Kingdom, the Navy, the Militia, and all the strength of the State sequestered from the immediate commands of the Prince. And because there is little strength in these things, unless they be manned and maintained with the affections and assistance of the People, such courses are taken as may incite the most.  
Therefore the first Remonstrance (the unhappy History of the foregoing times) opened the eyes of the People (not used to see so far into such Mysteries) and discovers enough to heighten a dislike against such, as must own those mis-carriages, and a fear, that those that heretofore contrived so many mischiefs against the State, had not yet laid down their Design. And that this danger should be more apparent, a concurrency of plots and conspiracies, both from abroad and home, is discovered by many several Intelligencers: so that scarce a day passes, in which the State seems not to be delivered from some eminent treason.  
By this time their Fears are not less than their Dangers, and their Resolution grows as great as their Fear: so that any reasonable man could not believe that the Enemy that must do all these foretell mischiefs, could lodge within us and rise against us, without being suppressed in the very infancy of the Design. Yet we have found, that notwithstanding all these Politic Groundworks, and Preventions; the Prophecy of the Parliament is thus far come to pass, that we are likely to be destroyed; but it wounds us deep, when we consider, who seem to be partly the occasioners of it.  
He therefore that shall consider all circumstances, cannot but think it almost impossible, that the King, lately so much out of favour with the People; so divested of all things that conduce to the making of a war (but Resolution, and the discontents of a few others) should be able to get together so considerable an Army, and such a party as dare show themselves in every quarter of the Kingdom: Nor had he done it, had not his agents gathered infinite advantages which were let fall to them by some whose interests should have made them more wary. Some do infer out of this, That the King of England cannot complain (though but in mere policy) but the passionate people will pity him, though they sight against themselves. If these find themselves oppressed with the effects of such a war, they are easily invited to change their party (as discontented men do the air, and sick men their beds) though they be never the more eased by it; and had rather submit themselves to the natural obedience of their Prince, then to the severe and unusual commands of any other power, though they are told, that they tend to their preservation. Thus, by weighing these passed considerations we find that success doth often cousin out experiences; and will not always follow humane designs, though they seem to be grounded upon the most right and certainty; and after all this struggling and weakening of the Kingdom the opposion grows stronger, and the event still more dangerous and doubtful. Yet we will see as fare as we can at distance, on which side advantages lean most.  
The ground of such a war as this, is the affections of the People; and upon this, both Armies are built, and kept up: we will therefore guess which of them hath the surest foundation. It hath been observed, the Parliament hath made little difference, (or not the right) between the Gentry and Yeomanry, rather complying and winning upon the latter, then regarding or applying themselves at all to the former. And they may be thus excused; they did not think it justice to look upon any man according to his quality, but as he was a Subject; I hope this was all the reason: but howsoever, it appears not that they yet have, or are likely to gain by this policy. The common people, could they be fixed, were only worth the courting at such a time: but they are almost always heady and violent, seldom are lasting and constant in their opinions; they that are to humour them, must serve many Masters; who, though they seem, and indeed are, their inferiors; yet grow imperious, upon many occasions: many actions; of merit, how eminent soever, shall not prevail with them to excuse one mistake; want of success, though that be all the crime, makes them angry, murmuring and jealous: whereas a Gentleman is better spirited, and more resolute; and though he suffereth by it, had rather stick to that power that will countenance him, then to that which makes no difference betwixt him and a Peasant. The Gentleman follows his Resolution close, and wins of his silly neighbours many times, either by his power, by his example, or his discourse, when as they have an easy Faith, quickly wrought upon, and upon the next turn will fall off in shoals.  
They are a body certainly of great consequence, when they are headed and ribbed by the Gentry; but they have a Craven or an unruly courage, (which at best may rather be called Obstinacy then Resolution) and are far less considerable, when the most part of the Gentry, or chief Citizens divide themselves from them.  
We shall find the Parliament hath nothing to cement itself, to increase and fix their party, and keep it from staggering, but a little temporary reputation, and a resolution to hold fast to the public good; and this (if things run so high as they do now) will be called rebellious stubborness, and be branded with the foul imputation of Treason. Whereas the King (as the chief Master and Dispenser of the Commonwealth) is able to fit the humour of every man that he hath a mind to take of: he hath honour for the proud, places of trust for the ambitious, inferior offices for the busy man; favour and promises, and a possibility of several preferments, to invite all sorts of men to him: He hath the power of a Pardon to hold out like a Lure, to fetch in such as have turned tail; yet, perhaps, would come in again, but dare not stoop till that calls them in.  
The humour of changing is epidemical; as infectious to the next neighbour as the Plague; and if it should spread forth about London, whence shall the supplies come? A Prince by his Agents will keep off the aid of foreign States from them, but is seldom denied some contribution towards his own defence. And if they contribute any thing, it will be just so much as shall serve to hold up the war; and will give it as fuel to maintain the fire, not as water to suppress and quench it: For they never yield assistance where their advantage shall not largely recompense it. And if it so fall out, that the interest of an adjoining State shall chance to be mingled with the actions of their neighbouring subjects, their Prince will use all arts (having the most expert instruments for it) to disable or take off that party: he may qualify that State before hand by parting with some thing he hath right unto; or may do it, by corrupting some eminent Engineer there; some great officers, and some of the most popular men; or by kindling some divisions amongst them, so to busy them at home, that whilst their own house seems to be on fire, and like to burn further, they may not be at leisure to quench their neighbour's flames.  
There is a Precedent that seems to encourage very much the prosecutors of this war; and that is the late success of our brethren in Scotland. But, I fear, if we parallel our present condition and theirs together, we shall find, that we shall differ pointblank in most circumstances, but the war of the cause.  
1 When their great work first began, the three Kingdoms were generally discontented; and they all did as it were conspire to its assistance, either in secret or openly, conceiving it to be their own business, their own quarrel.  
Secondly, amongst our great men here, there were very few stood near the stern, and those not at all plausible with the people. And our chief Nobility and Gentry had no countenance showed them at Court, and could not on the sudden be so fare engaged on that side as the service required, but joined together at the Treaty in the North to get easy conditions for them.  
Thirdly, though the King's Counselors had been long practising to make their best advantage of a Peace, yet they knew not how to bestir themselves properly in a War. Very few of them being fit to be Military statesmen. Because until then, Soldiers had never been countenanced; A man in Buffe was a rare sight in Court.  
Fourthly, the Papists (although their Agents and their Purses were busy) never shown themselves in a body.  
Fifthly, the Cavalry, both at home, and from abroad, (whence many came to a more uncertain service,) did believe, that they fought for their Country, and not against the King, whilst they opposed themselves against his Army.  
Sixthly, they fought against another Nation (an old Enemy scarce quite reconciled) and had no Reluctancy, no fear of killing a Father, a Brother, a Kinsman (scarce a Countryman.) They (being always as politic as charitable) would hardly have accounted us as Brethren, had we thwarted their Designs, we being to be thought so fare dear to them, as they may be benefited by us.  
Seventhly, The seat of the War was out of their own Confines; and they had so ordered it, that if their business could not be done without the prosecution of it: It should be acted in another Country, the spoil of which would make no tender conscience amongst them to recoil, they being to make their advantage both by enriching themselves, and weakening us.  
Eighthly, they had not the controling presence of lawful Majesty, which takes off, prevents, and counterplots the Designs of any that are working near to it.  
And lastly, (not to look into more private Reasons which perhaps might be urged) we shall find that the condition and temper of the People and Government of Scotland, well weighed with ours (at this time) will be very different, and may well divert us from levelling at the same ends. And this also may be a general answer, they being a People watchful for their own advantage, had the luck (with the Diseased in the Gospel) to step first into the waters after they were troubled, and found the benefit of it: Whereas those that came after tried the Cure in vain.  
But to go on in our Argument of Advantage or Disadvantage: When once the people show themselves to be sensible of the smart of War, nothing can so much wipe away the remembrance of former injuries, and ingratiate any party, as to be forwardest (though but in mere show) to an Accommodation. The People (not being able to see far into the secret consequences of War, and Peace) will begin to look upon those as their enemies whom they shall find most averse to Peace. And therefore though a Treaty may bring many weighty Inconveniencies to one side more than the other; yet the humouring of the people is of so much consequence that it is too great an advantage to let it be often pressed and not received with the same seeming eagerness. Who hath made the best use of this policy, may be seen by the effects of it.  
The King is the more likely to draw to him the affections of the people, in that the pressures and miscarriages of his late Government are passed, and almost expiated by his acknowledgement of them, and a promise of redress, and are as it were forgotten by them, who resent more their present Grievances (not considering the difference and the quality of them) than a thousand overpassed transgressions, which are driven out of their Remembrances by aggravating every mistake, every circumstance of injury and violence, which the Parliament, either against their will or upon necessity (the common excuse of Statesmen) doth commit.  
The King (a Syllable, of as much advantage as another Army) in his very Name is sacred and powerful, and shakes the consciences of many, who would else have willing hands, and ready Purses to oppose his Army. He hath the advantage of the written Law, which he can use now, in his defence; and by the Authority of it, joined with the Power of his Sword, can thunder out Accusations, and perhaps the Penalties of Treason against those whom he shall call his opposers. He hath a Counsel so well mingled, that he hath some versed and cunning in the Law, and that know how to turn it to the most necessary use: Some crafty in all the wind of State; some experienced in all the Designs of War. His Intelligencers are in the very Bosom of his Antagonists, or else his Agents conjure: and his own counsels are secrets, till he thinks fit to divulge them. The Commanders of his Army are many and expert, and are not clamorous for pay, as if they served him to make him great, rather than themselves immediately rich, and seem to be fixed in their Faith to his service: The Nobility and Gentry about Hirn, bear their own charges, and assist his: His Army is big enough to defend itself until the Spring, the time of Action appears: and what it is likely to be by that time, let every man judge that considers His party abroad, and almost in all Counties. And it is a fond thing certainly to think his Army can want Ammunition, having any Port open: or that it will want Money more than the other; If the Kingdom hath it, the Soldier will not be without it: if it have not, they must feed on free-cost.  
Thus we find by these many Circumstances, that the Parliament hath a considerable opposite. It will now be in vain to sum up all the strength and advantages which surely are very many, that the Parliament hath got together for its defence, and to go through with its Designs; We hear so much of them every day, of their power, of their success, that I shall not need to enlarge them. My endeavour is not to magnify the Powers of one above tho other, but to show how considerble they both are to undo one another, and the whole State. Our Bells and Pamphlets have told us of Victories that have been given at Winchester, at Chichester, in Yorkshire, and all this while I cannot see any reason to rejoice, or to hope the business is any whit nearer an end: for by all this it only appears, that they are able to maintain the War, not finish it. These petty conquests do not so much improve the affairs of the Parliament; as the certain noise of the thriving forces in the West, and that yet dangerous Army now in the North, doth shake them. Which may be feared (as things are now every where) may grow able to master those parts of the Kingdom, and we know not how soon may be ready for any other service that emergent occasions shall require.  
The Result then of all that hath been said, is but this, We have seen that our Peace hath been abused, that the abuse of it hath begot a War; That the War hath already brought in many Miseries, that those miseries are ready to increase, even to our Ruin: And that this Ruin will be certain, if a sudden Peace interrupt it not. Thus we now seem to have before us a Fatal choice, Peace or Ruin. It is time then that we look about us: and although we hear these struggle to be called Sedition and Rebellion on the one side, and Malignancy and Treason on the other, yet I hope it will be none of these, for the subject to look after, and secure his endangered Being. It will surely be somewhat excusable, if we deal a little familiarly with both sides, whilst we judge of our conditions according to the light we have, from the Results of their Actions, and their many Declarations, which we have reason to look upon as so many appeals to the people, who (as matters now stand) are like to be the Judges, the executioners, and sufferers in this Bloody Trial.  
And whilst we are to consider our own Interests, let us lay aside partiality, and those passions and conceits which will not give us leave to seek Peace the nearest and the best way: Let us own Reason, on which side soever we shall find it. It is worth a man's wonder to see on both sides men that have been always reckoned (and deservedly) amongst the most wise and sober; to see these bent to such extremes, that they will justify their Party in every circumstance and so fix their opinions to one side, as if infallibility were inherent to it, and, as if they were not at all concerned in the Actions of the other party. I shall for my own part rejoice, that I am not so wise as these men, and shall be glad if I shall be of their Form, that have indifferent wits, and middle judgements. And shall argue (as I have hitherto done) if Reason offer itself on both sides, unless some mighty Politician shall be able to persuade me that this State may subsist in its wont Glory and Eminency without a King, or in its happy temper of Freedom and Subjection without a Parliament. When either of these Paradoxes shall be proved. I shall silently hear extremes maintained without a reply. But I look presently to be cried down as guilty of that heinous crime, which this exorbitant Age calls Moderation. Yet ere I be condemned, let us go to Issue, and we shall find upon the Trial, how justifiable my how necessary this kind of Transgression (if it must be so styled) now is.  
The true Character of a Moderate man I conceive to be this; He is one that loves his Country so well, that he grieves to see it destroyed out of a saving policy, one that is not a friend to this War, not because he is afraid to die, but because he would hereafter live in an even and well poyzed Temper. One, that could never be so well satisfied of the necessity why this War began, as he is now, why it should see an end; which though he longs for yet knows not how to pray for a Victory. One that in earnest loves the King, and thinks him Essential to the Being of a Parliament, and the life of this, to the well-being of all hereafter. One that honours, not adores the Parliament because he sees they also are but men: & rather wishes them safe, and what they should be, then Omnipotent. One that would have his Religion nor gaudy nor stripped starknaked. One that loves both Law and Gospel, and would gladly have those that meddle with either, to hold themselves closer to their Text. One that is equally as much afraid of the meddling severe Clergy of New-England, as of the Ambitious pragmatic Clergy of old England. One that is sorry to see it more seasonable than safe, to speak truth. One that would have Peace not as an effect of War, but of an Accommodation. To conclude he is one that is yet an admirer of Peace, and is earnest to see a farther Trial who avoids it most & so hinders him of it: you shall then perhaps have him leave his Centre, and betake himself to one side, as if by that he had found out his enemy.  
We might take this man in pieces and examine in how many circumstances, he can (is yet) be hurtful to the State, but we will not tie ourselves to any particulars, yet we shall find all or most of these Notions to be requisite in every one that will consider and follow his Interest as he is an English subject.  
Our contention in general seems to be like theirs that have gone to Law for some Royalties, some Privileges in a Manor, and have consumed all the Demesnes to maintain the suit, & at last after great expense, & with much ado, have perhaps left to their posterity an enlarged title, but an empty estate.  
We can laugh at such folly as this in others, and yet will not see it in ourselves. It will ere long be our own case, if we will not come to composition.  
If we could have thought it safe to have closed, when the King seemed to open his Arms, by his offer the twentieth of January, 1641. (or since when He invited to a Treaty by his Message from Nottingham) or to have gone so far in a Conference, as to have known what was really the Difference on both sides: It is very likely our Divisions now had been less and fewer: and though perhaps some scars would have yet been left unworn away, which must be the Work of Time; yet our gaping wounds, the wide breaches which now make us Miserable, had certainly been better closed, than we can ever hope to see them hereafter. Heaven hath given us leave to see another january, another offer to a Reconciliation: Let us consider how many Mischiefs have thrust themselves upon us since the last year; and how many worse than those, will crowd in, if another year must go round in such Distractions.  
To the earnest prosecutors of this War, that had rather lose themselves then their expectations, this may be said. When the General marched out of London, there was some Reason to hope that he might be able to perform those Instructions which the Parliament furnished him with. And although if success had gone along with the Design, if some skirmishes, or a battle might have finished his employment, it might perhaps have turned to the quiet and advantage of the estate; yet seeing that without infinite and dangerous difficulties, that which was aimed at cannot be reached by the sword; it is good reason that it should be sheathed; and this Rule is sometimes worth-holding unto; seeing we cannot have what we would, let us have what we may: for perhaps even that which might now be obtained, may be denied us at the next parley. For some are persuaded, that more favourable conditions might once have been agreed on then can now be gained.  
But let me not be mistaken: I cannot find yet any considerable number of men to be so far in love with peace, as to entertain it on any conditions. For most men know, that such a Peace may cut our Throats; or if it be soft, and want an edge to undo us so quickly as the Sword: yet it may stifle all our Liberties; we may be murdered with a Featherbed, and smothered with Roses. Nor would I believe, that such an overreaching Peace as this, is urged upon us. The subject is told that nothing is pretended to, which may make for his good; but it shall be granted. And I am drawn to hope the best, for these following Motives.  
No Prince ever gave such engagements to his People of a succeeding happy Government, as he hath done by his several Remonstrances: And if experience had delivered half that to us, which Eloquence would now persuade us to believe: He were envious to himself that would not make Bonfires for every Declaration: yet some, (and wise men to) advise us, that whilst we are showed these fetters of Gold, we should not so admire the glistering of them, as to desire to be bound by them: but though we may thank them for their advice, yet it is hoped we shall not need it: For, besides the many Vows registered with Heaven and Earth, we have other assurances offered to us: the first, are only to inform and win our Reason, or our Affection, not to lead our faith; which shall be more really convinced, (as 'tis good reason it should) when he shall agree to such propositions, as all reasonable men shall be satisfied with. This (if I mistake not) we are promised. And besides; I would not be such an utter opposite to the Cavaliers, (I mean to the most disengaged Nobility and Gentry of the King's party;) as to believe that they can be so far transported with vanity, as to sell all the rest of the Kingdom into slavery; to purchase to themselves some strange immunities: seeing their children if not themselves must be slaves, as well as the issue of the Roundheads; surely these will join (laying aside all Malice & Passion) because Posterity is concerned in it, to get safe conditions for this Parliament; and easy conditions for the Subject in general. This I hopefor, although we have seen in many the metamorphosing power of a little private interest. But if it so unhappily fall out, that any very high things be proposed, and stood upon, on the one side, without complying a little with necessity (which our Statesmen have hitherto been contented to make their Mistress, and have obeyed very far) or that reasonable and necessary things, shall not be granted on the otherside; so that, that peace, which is prayed for by so many, must be still held from us: how wretched a condition will this State at the best be reduced to? For though his Majesty make us gracious Promises, and hath perhaps contrived in his just Thoughts, an equal and easy Government, yet if this War continue its Revels, He may not be left in a capacity to make us so happy, as he would do: For the most constant men, must be contented to change their Resolutions with the alterations of time. And, what unexpected effects attend on War? Suppose the lengthening of this War, so shake the Estates of the Nobility, and Gentry about the King, as that there will be little left to maintain them like themselves, when the War is ended: Who do we think is, as it were, bound to repair their fortunes? And whether will not they (reduced to such Necessities) be contented to enlarge that Power; that may be so enabled to Revenge, and requite them, making the Public Interest, to bend a little to theirs? And that amongst these, there will not be some Chiefs, some that unseen; and closely will wind up Prerogative, to make themselves greater? And do we believe that the Nature and Disposition of the People will not be altered; who being tired and almost, worn out with the Contentions of the King and Parliament, will more easily undergo such things, as they would heretofore have called Slavery. And although the Prince have no aim at it, yet before he shall be ware, he shall find himself engaged, (by the Concurrencies of so many Circumstances that conduce to it,) in a higher and more absolute Government: so that the Constitution of this State, will become a little unlike itself: and th●n, we must know that Princes, and all such as have the Government of a Commonwealth, are compelled sometimes by a kind of Necessity; to disence wit●●…he settled Rules of Law, for Reason of State; and it cannot be expected th●● a Prince, if he be wise, as well as Pious; shall be so superstitious to the strict sense of any Protestations, as to neglect his Interest, and the present condition of his State; which may (as it may happen) suffer very much whilst he makes a conscience to do things fit and requisite: And there will not then want Men of both Cownes that will prove, that conveniency and necessity shall excuse the conscience in such a case. Would we avoid these inconveniences? Let us not then run the hazard of them. Let us prevent a delayed Victory by a sudden Agreement.  
But, I seem to guess too confidently of the Success so far off; for there is another considerable Army in the Field; and after infinite bloodshed, it is possible enough that this may be Victorious. What must we then expect?  
It is likely the nineteen Propositions will be very reasonable things then: It will seem requisite then, that Monarchy, or that which is called Prerogative, should be circumscribed within more popular Limits. That some Wiser, some Honester, some more Pious Men, some that are Unbyased with private respects or opinions; some that have hazarded themselves (and more) for the common good, should be Supervisors of the State; and settle it in such an order as should better please and benefit the People (such rare men as these are, the State hath had need of; I pray God a competent number of them may be found, if such an occasion should call for them.) And who knows, whether they will be able to stay here? For, it may perhaps so fall out, that some other Politic security (not to be guessed at) may seem necessary to be innovated; (which this State hath wanted: yet perhaps not needed for many hundred years.) And Innovations come not alone: Rules of Government are like links in a Chain; they hang one by another, and require proportion, and Evenness; if a new one be added; it must be warily fitted to the rest; or the rest reduced as near as can be to the Resemblance of the other. And what do we believe will satisfy the numerous Victors, the People? Will not their ends and desires be as various, as their humours are now? Will they submit in their Opinions to that, which the Judgements of those in the Parliament (as many as the War and the consequences of it, will leave) shall agree upon? Or, will it lie in the Power of the Parliament, when the State shall be in so general a confusion, as an expiring War must leave it in, to order the government so, that the King may Rule; and the People obey, as beseems them? I would fain assure myself that they might be able to perform all the good that they intent and promise; but, some thing like Reason, will not give me leave. I have considered, that those that undertake to stand at the Stern, though their wills, and their Ends direct them a strait course; yet they must be contented to steer according to the weather, the Wind, and Temper which they shall find the Seas in.  
Good God● will it not then be madness to fight on, if such as these are like to be the Effects of Victory? But Victory is such a word, as I know not how to use it in such a Discourse; for there can be truly no such thing in this Action: Loss will be all the gain we can expect from it: and we find that the prevailing Sword must wear such a Power, as can scarce be prosperous to the State: and our next Government must have a Tincture at the least of the humours of those that shall become Masters of the Field; which may perhaps be of our own Nation, or of another, so uncertain are the issues of War, It being an observation that the diffention of any people hath always been an invitation to their Neighbours. If this War be defensive on the King's part, and if his Council hath no other Design in the holding it up, then merely his Safety, and so much honour as may reach to the good of the People; and so far only the Affairs of the King: We have good reason to believe that a Peace would be welcome to him: And to hope that as he is resembled to Divinity, so he will reflect upon his Mercy as well as his Justice: and believe that he may be as much honoured in forgetting the injuries of any; as he can be in the Revenge of them; especially, seeing he shows his Grace to his Subjects, whose Ruin would indeed be his weakening; though I believe this be none of Machiavils Principles. I would say more, but that I would not be so bold, as to give Instructions to a King: yet the affixing this line here in the middle, to look both ways, can surely do no harm.  Arma Tenenti, omnia dat, Qui Justa negat. 
Nor shall I undertake to be wiser than my Teachers, and give Rules to the Parliament. I shall only advise them to remember what they are; of whom they are made; and why they are met. And because they want the wind (the Auspicious Gale of Complying Majesty) and enough of the Tide (the full stream of the People's affections,) and seeing the storm grows high; and it is fowl weather, it may be better to hale-in, and betake themselves to a Harbour, lest the State suffer Shipwreck, whilst the Helm seems to be in their hands.  
But I may be a little bolder with my Fellow Subjects, and shall inquire what truly is their Interest now, whilst their safety is thus fare endangered.  
Slavery (the fear of which is accounted worse than death, by such as have been born Freemen) could never befall us, if we did not help to bind ourselves by our own hands, and admit it by our own Divisions; The People while they hold together, are like a cast Ocean; an absolute Power cannot possibly wade through to its ends, unless they fall back one from another, and become like those wonderful Walls of Water, which gave the Israelites leave to pass through on dry Land: Should then fond English thus fare severe themselves, we should also be a wonder to Posterity. This is feared on both sides, and avoided rightly by neither. We fight to make one side Great; which being done, the other must needs be too little: If the inferior parts of the Body, the Members of it, be made to swell beyond their due proportion, we presently dislike the Symptoms, and fear a Dropsy; And that body whose head is swelled, and made greater by ill humours, than it should be, is of a diseased Constitution, hath but weak Limbs; and almost nothing but leanness every where else.  
There may be Reason to be as well afraid of an extravagant popular Power, as the exorbitancies of Monarchy. But, whilst we endeavour to avoid the one, Let us be careful that we do not engage ourselves in the other: It were well therefore, That when Propositions shall be tendered to His Majesty, That the Nobility and Gentry, (for I hope the former Delinquents, and Papists do not advise, though they assist) which have separated themselves from the Parliament, should discover themselves without Passion, according to their true Interests, how fare they would have it stoop in their Requests: Let them consider how great, or how little they would have had the Power of Prerogative to have been, when they groaned under the large Extent of it, and when they had nothing in their Eye, but the mere good, and safety of the Commonwealth, which is now in the same, yet in more danger, than ever they saw it. How fare they would then have had, the abusers of their Prince's Power; The destroyers of Law and Justice; The cutthroats of the State (the Monopolizers;) How fare I say, they would then have had these punished, and made Examples; How much of the insulting Clergies wings, they would then have been glad to have clipped. Let their zeal for a Reformation both in Church, and State, be such, in every circumstance, as it was then; and more need not be desired. Let them not, Because they are angry with themselves, (I mean with their Fellow Subjects,) Revenge themselves upon Posterity, by setting up against themselves, not only a larger Power, but an Authority also, even by their own Grants, by their own Swords. It lies not in the Power of the Subject to confer more toward their slavery, then to pull down a Parliament (upon what necessity or pretence soever) with their own hands: This shall be a lasting Precedent, and Disparagement in all Ages; and a warrant to all Princes to discountenance them, since they work not better effects upon the State; and that side must be sure to own all the guilt, which shall be overthrown. A Parliament will be said to be the sole Author of these Miseries; Thus, It will become the disdain, which was always hitherto the Darling of the People. Thus a perpetual Prejudice shall stick upon all hereafter; and than what use shall the overborne Subject have of his Sanctuary? If it want Reverence, it will want Power; If it want Power, it will only serve to give away our Estates, not amend them. And is it not likely when the Improvident People shall inflame their Prince in a Contestation, where themselves are so nearly concerned, That it will instruct such a one, as shall by Himself, or His Counsellors hereafter, have an aim at an absolute command; to struggle with them, at any time, when they ask in Parliament for things convenient, or necessary; and to call it a Beam of His Prerogative, though it be indeed but a false Reflection of an Usurped Light? Let them seriously consider, to which side they ought in right Reason to give the most advantage, in these Propositions. When a Prince wins any thing from His People (much more when they urge it upon Him) He will be sure to hold fast what He hath, and many times Improves, never diminishes it; whereas, if the Subject gain any extraordinary thing from the Crown, (how necessary soever) with what difficulty is it enjoyed? How many Tricks and Invasions have the Instruments of State to cousin the People of the benefit of it?  
Our Predecessors have been as much afraid of the greatness of their Sovereign, though over other Nations, as of the Diminution of their own Estate; and therefore did their best to diminish His Power, or Fortunes, lest by enlarging Himself upon a Neighbouring Adversary, He might forget Himself, and become too high for them. Surely then, some such care is due to the Affairs at this time; yet it must be averred. That he that robs his Prince of His honour, impairs the reputation of his Country; and he that would fix any honour in Him, which cannot be communicable to the Commonwealth, sins against both.  
The Punctuality and Nicety of the Honour and Greatness of the King, hath seldom been enough to hold up a War, with wary Subjects, especially among themselves; Let them take care to do things safe and honourable for the Commonwealth (of which He is chief,) and it will be impossible, That the King's Honour, and safety, should not be mingled with it. I hope He will find as much Honour in saving a perishing Kingdom, as if He were gaining a new one. And whilst He thus makes a Conquest on His People's hearts. He renders Himself greater, than His driving Councillors could make Him, were they at the end of their Designs. It were worth our joy to see Him return triumphing, with, but not over His People.  
And as that Party should do their duty; so is there Reason, That they on the other side should do theirs. Let them remember that they have a King; That whilst He is in a Cloud, we are in the shade, and want that Influence which may revive the State, and make it flourish. Let no man so dote upon a Parliament, as to think it wants errors; nor conceit there can be any Government contrived so proper to the Nature and Constitution of this State, as Monarchy, so circumscribed, and qualified as ours is, by the Wisdom and care of our Predecessors, the providence of this Parliament. Let them lay aside violent conceits, and expectations; and let them believe, (having so good Reasons for it) That they will sooner reach, their Destruction, than that thorough-Reformation, which by many is aimed at. 
The Speech of the Chan: to Hen. 5.  Let every man value the blessings of Union, by the Miseries we have undergone by Division; Let us seek Peace earnestly, but let it not, as yet, be by this Argument; Bellum faciamus, ut Pacem habeamus, nam finis Belli Pax est: but, here it will prove too true, That Finis hujus Belli Ruina erit. Yet, let us know, That Peace (lest we be overreached in the match) must now be wooed with circumspection: That the Managers of Treaties, are State Jugglers; and that the most Interessed men are likeliest to be employed in it: That those therefore that never had any mind to the War, have Reason to be careful how the Peace be concluded: That it is requisite, both sides should make themselves as considerable as they can at such a time: That to pay the Army now, is to improve the benefit of a Peace; which, at best, by this kind of conclusion will yield less advantage to the Subject, then to the King; though it be now absolutely necessary for both.  
And we have Reason to make the best use of this nick of Time, and not defer it an instant farther.  
For after all this endeavour of both sides: after every one hath done his best, toward the great cure of this languishing State; the disease hath been let run so fare, That it will almost be beyond all hope, that we shall ever see a recovery: Into so desperate a Consumption are we fallen, partly by their fault, that should have had more care of our health; in whose Power we all thought it once lay, to prepare such Preservatives for us, that we might have been settled in such a healthful Constitution, that none of these evils could now have vexed us. Our sad Case is now such, That we have an Incensed God; an angry King; a threatening Council; a heady Clergy; a divided Nobility; a discontented Gentry; a distempered People; a distracted Religion; an unhinged State; a confused Government; undermining Adversaries; a Civil War; an increase of Soldiers; consumption of Treasure; dis-union in united Kingdoms; lost Reputation; an unniversall Jealousy; a defection from the Principles of sound Policy; a Parliament which should be the Redress of all these, made quite otherwise, to us, by some that have abused it: and generally such a conspiracy; such a complying of ill Symptoms; that even Miracles must be wrought, or else we perish. In a word, Such is our doubtful condition; That even a Peace, may destroy us; But a War, must. We had not need then, neglect any opportunities of being happy, seeing we are so beset with misery. And we shall find now, That both sides are somewhat evenly balanced: And it concerns the Subject on both sides, (especially one fide) to keep them so, until the Parley shall be concluded; which if it shall now take no effect, may justly make us despair of such an other Hint to a Reconcilement; For we shall scarce ever again see them so well poised, so fit for a composure; seeing now their equal Powers may make them afraid of each other. It may be now hoped (if ever) (so that both sides will do their parts, according to their Interests;) That Truth, and Peace may conclude the Treaty. I do not mean such a Truth, as the Rigid Antagonists of both sides, intent.  
Nor am Lable to give you the Character of this Truth; since it is yet to be agreed on: Yet I thus conceive of it. It is a Medium betwixt the two Extremes, which both sides seem to aim at, whilst they are at this distance: by which (if we are not decreed to confusion) Religion may be so settled, That our Clergy may no more be Statesmen, and better Churchmen; That our Laiety may not intermeddle with ecclesiastics; That our Formalities and Ceremonies in Religion, may not drown the substance of it; and that we may not quite lose the substance, to make sure not to be any more troubled with the shadow; That to Preach often may not be counted an offence; and that to apply themselves to schism and sedition, may not be called Preaching: that the resolved Protestant may not see his Religion so altered, so meanly dressed, as not to be like itself; Nor the weaker Protestant, see it so Gay, so full of Trim, that his humble Conscience dares scarce own it: Thus we may provide, On the one hand against the increase of Papists, And on the other for the regaining of Separatists.  
And for that other Truth, which we would have in the State: I think we can make a nearer approach to it, by no other way, than an Accommodation. State-Truth is the Brat of Imagination, and never had any real being: no Government was ever so refined, by an innovating Reformation, but it had defects, or extravagancies; and by the miscarriage of the succeeding Statesmen, quickly settled into as much (though not the same) corruption: when Ambition, and Interest shall be weeded out of the hearts of men, I will look for this Purity, this Truth. But we have heard long since. That Terras Astraea reliquit, Therefore I shall hope only to find it in Heaven: In the mean time, we shall in vain look for Purity, in that which we call Truth, if it must be died in more of our Blood. I had rather see a little, contributed to the Weal of the State, by the hands of both; then a great deal accumulated by a single Power: the one I shall hope to enjoy with Peace; the other will never be kept without strong contention.  
But if both sides will obstinately keep their distance: If the one cries out for Peace with Honour; the other for Peace with Truth; and scorn to entertain Peace, unless they may have so much of both as they demand: Surely, this unhappy Nation, betwixt these their great Champions is like to lose its Peace, Truth, and Honour.  
I will now Ramble no further into their contemplations; I was big of these Thoughts, and could not be quiet until I was delivered of them, though in my private Papers. Thus, many times doth a mind filled with grief, find ease by emptying itself in Complaints, though it can meet with no other Redress.  
This Discourse, being grounded upon our immediate condition (if things must run on in their old Career,) may in many things, perhaps be out of date, ere a few days pass, and be like an Almanac, calculated for the last year; and it is very possible, (and yet not out of Levity) that ere long, I may also vary from some things, that seem now to be my opinion: For, where Reason discovers itself, I am resolved to go along with her. And there may be many Respects, to make an uninteressed man, to change his opinions; and the party, to which he seemed nearest in his Affections. The discreet, or politic carriage of a business, may make it worse, or better.  
That cause which was the most dangerous at the first, and had the least merit in it, may through the extremities of the contrary Party, be safest, and most deserving at the last. And though an Even, and Moderate Man be unwilling to engage himself in War, on either side; yet, if it shall appear by the Perverseness of any, That no hope, No possibility of Peace be left him, but by the Sword: It will then be held the best Piety to be a Soldier. Nam Pia Arma, quibus nulla, nisi in Armis, Spes est.  
Difficile est Satyras non scribere.  
FINIS.