A MODERATE REPLY TO THE Citie-Remonstrance; PRESENTED TO THE HIGH COURT OF PARLIAMENT the 26 of May, 1646.  
Containing several Reasons why many well affected CITIZENS cannot assent thereunto.  
Published according to Order.  
LONDON, Printed for Matthew Simmons, and Henry Overton in Popes-head Alley. 1646.   

A MODERATE REPLY TO THE CITY Remonstrance.  
THE City Representative; as it is made up, and chosen by the City collective; so should it act for the good of the same; but it is more common than commendable, for men betrusted with other men's good, to behave themselves to their trusties hurt.  
There are four cases wherein the City collective is not bound to the City representative, but aught in duty to descent from it, if not to protest against it.  
1. When the City representative acts in a direct, evident, and obvious manner, against the express will and word of God.  
2. When in the like plain, and direct manner, it acts against the apparent welfare, peace, and good of the Kingdom.  
3. When it acts after the same manner against the proper end of its own being, the City's welfare.  
4. When it acts beyond the bounds, limits, and extents appointed, to the endangering of all its immunities and freedoms.  
All which granted (as cannot be denied) the serious examination of the late Remonstrance and City Petition presented to the Parliament, May 26. 1646. by the City representative, yields matter & reason sufficient for our utter dislike of, if not protestation against the same, & that will appear if we consider,  
First, the Narrative and Remonstrative part of it.  
Secondly, the Prayer or Petitionary part of it.  
Thirdly, the probable tendency, & dangerous effects of both. First, for the Narative and Remonstrative part of it.  
First, we observe the Phrase, Style, and Dialect thereof, carrying a full compliance with his Majesty's wont Declarations against the Parliament, and (as if indeed) drawn up by the same hand, framed by the same head, insinuating into the people, that all manner of heresies, schisms, and blasphemies, are tolerated, and the fomentors thereof, with all swarms of Sectaries, are encouraged, emboldened, yea, admitted into places of profit and trust, in Marshal and Civil affairs by the Parliament, and that under a pretence of a Christian respect unto tender consciences, (evidenced in their late Declaration) they design a toleration for all these. All which are dangerously insinuated, page 2.  
Secondly, a close, but clear intimation to the people, that a sacred obligation lieth upon them from their solemn League and Covenant, unto a downright suppression of all those who cut either of weak or tender consciences, cannot fully submit unto Presbyterial government, though it is notoriously known, that the Parliament did promise in several Declarations, a gracious respect unto tender consciences, & did act accordingly in the beginning of this Parliament, releasing many poor men of different judgements, from their heavy pressures, under the cruel tyranny of the late Prelates (to the general contentment, joy, and acclamations of all the people) for nonconformity unto their government, though established by the Law of the Land: and most evident it is, that the end of the Covenant was not at all a rigid exaction of a forced uniformity unto Presbyterial government, upon the subjects of England; and the truth is (all things considered) it is a most putrid and irrational thing, once to conceive, that any such thing was ever intended by our present Parliament in the imposing thereof. For  
First, could any suppose it could consist with the Parliaments wisdom, to swear themselves, & enforce the people to covenant a subjection, unto that Church government which they, nor the people, did not at that time understand? Can it enter into their hearts, at least to imagine that such a blind Sacrifice would ever atone the wrath of the Almighty for our former abuses in matters of Church government, to lay the first stone of a blessed Reformation in blindness and ignorance, and so to destroy Prelacy by Popery?  
Secondly, if they did understand this platform of Church-government, to what end hath the Assembly been searching out the will of God about Church-government ever since the imposition hereof? Was it to frame their Reformation according to the Word, or the Word according to their resolutions? Did they first resolve and then inquire? First conclude, and then debate? If any reformed Church must be the exact pattern for us to walk by; what need any further expense of toil, and time, to find out the mind of God herein, when the resolved pattern is before our eyes?  
Thirdly, it is notoriously known that the dissenting brethren in the Assembly, City, Country, have taken this Covenant, and were as forward in the promotion hereof by all due means, as well as others; knowing full well the true intent and meaning thereof: and could we think they were so fare at variance with their own peace, and future welfare, as thus freely and voluntarily to contrive and promote the ruin hereof, as it necessarily must follow upon the aforesaid interpretation?  
Fourthly, the Parliament did never yet give any such interpretation of the Covenant, and who ought to explain the meaning but the makers thereof? Is it not most absurd, that they shall compose and enjoin the Covenant, and others shall put their sense upon it, and endeavour the enforcement of their own sense both upon them and the whole Kingdom; for no less is insinuated in this Remonstrance, page the 3d.  
But you will say, the very express letter declares the sense, it is the very Text, and not the interpretation which they plead, being plain and obvious to every man's eye: We reply,  
The letter thereof doth not tie us to a perfect conformity to Presbyterial government already established in any reformed Church in the world; for we are tied by our Covenant unto a sincere, real, and constant endeavour in our several places and callings, the reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline, and Government, according to the Word of God, and the best reformed Churches. So that here is no positive determination of any thing; but an engagement unto an inquisition after the best; and the word of God to be our chief informer, and director herein; and we are tied likewise to the like endeavour of our nearest conjunction and uniformity in Religion, confession of faith, form of Church-Government, Directory for worship and Catechising, viz. according to the word of God, that possibly we can, so that if our Brethren of Scotland have taken the same Covenant with us, they are bound as well to hearken to what this Kingdom shall propound unto them, as this Kingdom is to consider what is tendered from them to us; and if they have not taken the same Covenant with us, yet we are bound by our Covenant (in case this Kingdom find out a more perfect way of Church-Government, according to the word of God, than that Kingdom of Scotland hath done) we are bound (we say) more to persuade, and reason them over, to conformity with us, then in such a case, to conform to them. But  
Lastly, It's as clear as the Sun, that the true intent of the solemn League and Covenant, was a more plain discovery of the Parliaments enemies, and not for a snare to the Parliaments friends, and (as touching reformation in matters spiritual and ecclesiastical) to root out Popery, Prelacy, Superstition, Heresy, Schism, and profaneness; and God forbidden, but that all these in a due, and Christian way, should be endeavoured against; But are we bound by this, to ruin the Parliaments friends, who loveth not their lives unto death in the Parliaments cause? Men cordial to the State, conscientious in Religion, yea, holy, godly, learned, and that by the testimony of their hottest adversaries, and for no other reason, but their non-resolution, to swear subjection to what they know not; as if the tender conscience was the troubler of Israel, when the want hereof is the only plague of this wicked world, the naming whereof is an evident offence, yea no less than a provocation unto these angry Remonstrants, who can hardly bear it, even from the pen of the Parliament of England. This is the second ground of our utter dislike of the narrative part of this Petition.  
Thirdly, You tell the people in print, as well as the Parliament, by your written Remonstrance, what Vows you have made in the Covenant as well as in former Protestations, to preserve the Rights and Privileges of the Parliament, and the Liberties of the Kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the King's Majesty's Person and Authority, in the Preservation and Defence of the true Religion, and Liberties of the Kingdoms, that the world may bear witness with your Consciences, of your Loyalty, and that you have no thoughts or intentions, to diminish His Majesty's just power and greatness, and do humbly rest in the assurances you have received in the many former Declarations of both Houses, concerning their intentions towards his Majesty, his Royal Posterity, and the Peace of this Kingdom.  
But to what end is all this? is it to call for the popular testimony of your constant care, you ever have had, of the Parliaments Privileges? if it was meet for us to remember, what the Parliament have forgotten, to unveil for detection, what in love, they have buried in oblivion; you very well know, what truth can say to this particular; Is it to call for a popular observation of the Parliaments neglect, of their obliged care, not to diminish his Majesty's just power and greatness? As for the Parliament, let envy herself disgorge her poison, and speak her worst; nay, in this case, speak Malignants, speak the Oxfordian Aulicus; but first consider a word or two, what an unnatural war hath been raised amongst us? how managed on the King's side? how maintained? how much innocent blood split in the three Kingdoms? what slanders have been cast upon the Parliament of England? how they have been written, remonstrated, and declared again and again, Traitors, Rebels, a pretended Parliament, and what not? how the 
* The Author of Truth it's manifest positively affirms that his Majesty himself sent a Commission from Scotland, sealed with the S●ots broad Seal, unto the Irish Rebels, to authorise them in that bloody work, Page the 20.  Irish, Scottish, and English wars did rise, what murtherings, killing and slaughtering the poor subjects? what tearings, rendings, and crippling the poor people? what burning, wasting, and plundering men's estates? how many poor, distressed, and afflicted fatherless and widows are made? what woeful, bitter, and sad complaints, and showers of tears are shed in corners, and secret closerts by many men, whose former quality, with the remembrance thereof, makes them wipe their eyes, and counterfeit cheerfulness in the sight of men? What tamperings with foreign Nations, for the utter ruin, and perpetual enslaving of the three Kingdoms, to an arbitrary power? what evident, plain, and palpable detections, to the perfect discharge of all doubts, and scruples; from whom, and whence all this hath been, the relating whereof will fill volumes, and will be the affecting subject of the Readers heart, in another age; and yet, how tender hath the Parliament been still to maintain his Majesty's honour, by charging all upon his evil Counsellors? making him merely passive, and only seduced, as if altogether innocent, notwithstanding all this, almost to the very regret of charity itself. And as for their care, of his Majesty's royal posterity, blood, and family, how careful have they been for the princely education of his Majesty's children within their quarters? their bountiful provision, and noble respects, for, and to his Majesty's Sister, and her royal family? All this considered, and many things more, which may be asserted, I challenge again the desperatest Malignant, in City or Kingdom, on this side the grave, to let his tongue articulate his Consciences thoughts, and give an answer, whether the Parliament hath not had a tender care to his Majesty's honour, his blood, and family. Do you rest in the assurance you have concerning the Parliaments intentions about the peace of the Kingdom? why are they then interrupted in their work? are not they in the fairest way to a happy peace, that ever they were in since the wars began? and will you now obstruct them herein? doth this course of yours, promote in the least the public peace? what now to discourage the Parliament? now to press them in all haste unto a sudden enfeebling their strength by crushing a considerable party of as cordial friends as ever they had since the wars began, and that because they will not swear a submission unto that Church Government, which neither they nor yourselves yet understand? Presbyterial Government, the Model whereof is yet unseen? Is this your requital for their winter's work? have not you lived (shall I say by the sweat of their brows?) nay by the expense of their blood? is this in lieu of their promised arrears? what, have they been walls and Bulwarks to you, and will you prove briers and thorns to them? have they watched whilst you sleep? hazarded danger for your peace? undergone such separations from their wives and children, friends, and Families, such hardships of hunger and thirst, cold and nakedness, lived in the valley and shadow of death, for yours and the Kingdom's sake? and shall London be the unworthy pattern of inhuman unthankfulness to the whole Kingdom? You rest satisfied in the assurance of the Parliaments respects to the King; but do you rest so satisfied in the like assurance of the King's respects unto the Parliament? Let your Consciences speak, are you so satisfied? if so, what is the ground of this persuasion? is it because of his late good words, fair, sweet, and pleasant lines he hath written to his Parliament of England, sitting at Westminster? or to his right trusty, and well beloved the Lord Major, Aldermen, and common-counsel of London? how can London be thus deluded? is the word of a King now so taking in London's thoughts? If you have not pledged a health of the waters of forgetfulness, to his Majesty's success in his Prerogative designs; look back a little to former times, surely it was not in the former age that you have, (or at least seem to) forget, how his majesty hath writ to his Parliament, sometimes calling them his Parliament of England sitting at Westminster; suddenly after in his printed Declarations, the pretended Houses; anon after his Parliament at Westminster, within a while after, Rebels, Traitors, men that seek the ruin of him and his; and as for London, is it not notoriously known, how he hath called it that rebellious City, prohibiting all trading with it throughout his quarters, endeavouring the utter ruin, and spoil of it? how many times hath he offered the spoils of London as the wages of those who would help him on in his design, which his soul so longs for? How many stories to this purpose may you read, in a late Book called Truth its Manifest, which as some say, calls a Scotch brother the father thereof, which affirms, that once he, viz. the King, plotted with his Army, which he raised against the Scots, to come and destroy the Parliament of England, and to take the spoil of London, for their reward, p. 17. line ult. and after that, tempts the Scots to comply with him in his designed work, and offers unto them for recompense, not only the spoil of London; but also the four Counties near adjacent unto their Country to be adjoined hereafter to it, etc. pag. the eighteenth, line 4. and can a Court Compliment so strangely intoxicate the chief City of the Kingdom of England, as now to be ensnared and entangled thereby?  
But you will say, we have now deeds as well as words, his Majesty is come to our Parliaments Quarters, hath committed himself to our own Armies, is in safe Custody with our faithful friends, our Scotch Brethren.  
This must be premised, that we will not question the love, and faithfulness, truth and integrity of our Scotch Brethren, for although,  
First, seldom ever any Nation came in to the help of this Kingdom in its necessity against the Enemies thereof, that did willingly departed the same upon terms of love, amity and friendship, (the milk, and honey of this Land of Canaan) I mean the riches, and treasures thereof being a snare upon them: and although,  
Secondly, we have been often upbraided by the malignant party (formerly vexed at the Scots forwardness to help the Parliament) that we should boast of their love, when they departed from us; and that they would at last prove our dear Brethren indeed: and although  
Thirdly, further jealousies are still fomented by the common people from several passages from our Scotch Brethren, as the continual rumour of their keeping our English garrisons in their own hands, sore abuses of the English people by the Scotch soldiers, the keeping back of Ashburnham, and the escape of Hudson from the Scots hands; the increasing rumour of many Scots come into the Kingdom, whether true or false we know not, with several notions of this nature, although these are jealousies of the fearful people, yet can we hardly suppose, that our dear Brethren after so many Protestations of their brotherly love; such an obligation, by so sacred, and solemn a Covenant; such a profession of piety, and holiness; such zeal for a blessed reformation; that after all this, they should prove our enemies, false, deceitful, self-seekers, making Religion and zeal of reformation, a mere pretence, for base designs; no doubtless; they very well know, that, that God, which hath beaten the profaneness of this Kingdom with rods, will scourge such hypocrisy with Scorpions, that they will then prove the firstborn of abominations, both to God and man, the scorn and odium of all Nations; we are full of hopes, that it cannot stand with many things we have seen in them; therefore this premised, though we do not question our Scots brethren's love and respects to the Parliament; yet have we the same reason, to think so well of his Majesty's love, as of the Scots? Let our reasons, and judgements give an answer to this question, Had his Majesty no fine design in this? was he as cordial to the Kingdom's good; as we hope our Brethren are? If so, why then doth he not give present order to all his Garrisons, in all the Kingdom, for their present surrender unto the Parliaments Forces as he did to the enemy in Scotland, without any conditions? You will say, He hath done so. We answer; Not so absolutely, but upon honourable terms; and what is this more than a delusion, a casting a mist to amaze the the people? What means he by honourable terms? There is no doubt, but that all the Garrisons in his Majesty's quarters, might long before this have been surrendered, the wars concluded, and all ended, upon that which his Majesty calls honourable terms; do not his poor subjects still lie a bleeding? If his Majesty be so cordial to the Kingdom's peace, how is it that the Malignants every where, and our professed enemies in the King's Garrisons rejoice hereat, will not surrender, stand upon their terms, professing themselves in a better capacity to keep and maintain his Majesty's cause, against the Parliament, than ever they were in since the New Model began? Can his Majesty's going to the Scots (all things considered) be so full satisfaction to reasonable men, of his real intentions for the Parliaments cause? Hath he not addressed himself by many attempts, secret insinuations, frequent tamperings, to Danes, Dutch, French, Irish, English; to Papists, Prelates, Protestants, Independents, Presbyterians, to accomplish his design? What stone hath he left unturned, what means unattempted to promote the same? Do not you think his coming to the Scotch Army was a new design, a last cast, one game more, which if it miscarry, all is lost? Alas, alas, what security doth his Majesty give you more than his word? And is this so forcing in London's eyes? Do you hear of any real remorse upon his heart? any relent for the innocent blood that hath been spilt by his means? Have you any hear-say of his personal reformations? What's become of London's reason? Had you not as good words concerning the bleeding condition of his distressed subjects; and his hearty endeavours for the peace of the Kingdom, in the midst of his hottest violence against the Parliament, as he hath given you now? Call to mind your former experiences, the several transactions in the Scottish, Irish, and English wars, have not the deepest designs, and fairest words, the most desperate and horrible actions, and the most zealous professions, deepest imprecations, and strange protestations, been always discovered at the same time? Shall London now be charmed by these into its own misery, perpetual slavery, and utter undoing, as most undoubtedly, the truth will be, if England's Parliament should now be discouraged? Shall London, that hath stood out so nobly, been a special instrument in the Parliaments hands, to save the Kingdom, spent so much treasure, lost so much blood, stood so fast in the liberty that God hath given them, and would not be entangled with the yoke of bondage, be now bewitched as it were into its own misery, and utter undoing? Shall the glory of your former fame be thrown in the dust? your gallant resolutions, and unparallelled transactions, be all buried in the grave of oblivion? and at the last gasp (as it were of our enemy's hopes) London should revive their fainting spirits, and put life into their dying hearts? Shall the whole Kingdom, that was almost ready, in all its quarters (consulting of tokens of thankfulness) to congratulate with London, for all its love, and care, pains, and purses, and their general safety (through God's blessings) the fruit hereof, throw by these thoughts? and with sad hearts, and pale faces, wring hands, and running eyes, tell their wives, and children, friends, and neighbours, Woe, and alas, London will ruin us, London gins to decline the Parliament, London gins to close with the King, London is filled with the Malignant's language! London Remonstrates, to the Parliaments prejudice! Will not this prove the perpetual language of succeeding ages, that (if London should now desert the Parliament, and tyranny once get up in the throne by means hereof) London's City is England's woe?  
Fourthly, You further acknowledge the particular assurance this honourable House hath again given the whole Land, in their late Declaration, to lay hold on the first opportunity of procuring a safe and well-grounded Peace in the three Kingdoms, which you doubt not but this honourable House will pursue with all speedy dispatch of Propositions to His Majesty, now whilst God doth so mercifully and miraculously go along with your Armies in all the parts of the Kingdom.  
That Declaration, that gave you this assurance, assured you likewise, whence it was, the thing was not done, but suppose, that (providence quite altering the state of affairs) the Parliament judge Propositions for Peace are not now so suitable, so seasonable, as than they were, when they promised the same; must not they judge, what is most meet to be done in such a case? Propositions for Peace, are to be tendered to enemies, not to friends; doth his Majesty continue the Parliaments enemy? if so, his coming to our Quarters, is evidently then, a design of mischief, and not of peace; and the truth is, an enemy will do more mischief in his adversaries quarters, then in his own; but, if he be our enemy, and yet in our hands, such Propositions, as before were tendered, may not consist with wisdom, and policy, to tender now, the case is altered, the Market is fallen▪ men will not give for the commodity thereof, as they would before; now you see his Majesty is in our own quarters, and God doth mercifully and miraculously go along with our Armies in all the parts of the Kingdom.  
Fifthly, You mind the Parliament of our brethren of Scotland, how they were first invited to engage with this Kingdom in God's cause, when yet they were at peace at home, in what Covenant this Nation is mutually linked with them, at what time, in relation both to the weak condition of our Forces then, and the season of the year, they adventured upon an Enemy warmly lodged, and well armed, and prepared; what they have since suffered for this Cause in their own Kingdom, how successful ever since God hath made our Forces in suppressing the Common Enemies of both Nations, and what present hopes we have of a well-setled Peace, while we continue in this mutual Amity; And then cannot but lament the many jealousies which the Enemies of our Peace, Union, and good Government, do now strive to beget between both Nations, and tremble at the sad effects thereof, if not timely prevented by the wisdom of the Parliament of both Kingdoms.  
It is most true, their love, and kindness, is never to be forgotten; for although it is true,  
First, that both they, and we, are embarked in one and the selfsame vessel, and we sink and swim; stand and fall together, and England's misery, will be Scotland's woe, so that what ever they have done for us, it is virtually for themselves: and although,  
Secondly, these miserable wars, and bloody blows, which fell upon us, were first attempted for our Scotch brethren, but England's Parliament (than in being) would not consent to such unnatural wars, and by that means kept off the blows from our Scotch Brethren, as all can witness; and although,  
Thirdly, this Kingdom hath been likewise ready to help the Scots, in a former case, of their like necessity, against their enemies; as is most apparent by authentic Histories, and a form of thanksgiving, formerly appointed by the Church of Scotland, for the good success of their English aid, (a Copy whereof is added at the end of this Book) that we may ever observe the due care both Kingdoms should have for the mutual peace and prosperity of both Kingdoms; and although,  
last, we must not look so much on our brethren's successes, as their good intentions, measuring their love by their endeavours, and not events; yet let that mouth be for ever shut up, and that hand whither, which shall maliciously speak, or write the least word, to foment jealousies between both Kingdoms; and confident I am, that this heavy curse will fall upon none, but that party who join issue with the old design, of promoting their personal Interests and base ends, of Honour and greatness in the public misery.  
Sixthly, you say you cannot but with reverence look upon this Honourable House as trusted with a great share of the supreme power of this Kingdom, and as it is the representative of the whole Nation, out of which and by whom, the Members thereof are chosen, do fix your hearts the more upon the same, and do by the mercy of God, so long as this Kingdom doth adhere to our Covenant, promise yourselves now and in all future ages, great blessings and assurances from the endeavours and labours of this Honourable House; and in regard of this dignity of Trust, you have and do submit to all Privileges of Parliament; yet because it may now become a Tenure for life, if this privilege should be so made use of by such Members of Parliament as owe great sums of Money, and protect divers under them as Servants, Attendants, Officers, yea, and their Servants, if all these should be exempted from course of Law, how many Citizens of London, and other Subjects of this Kingdom may be undone? you do therefore with all Duty and Thankfulness put this Honourable House in mind, that in a Remonstrance to the Kingdom, 15. December, 1642. you find this expression; viz. That for the matter of Protections, the Parliament is so sensibe of it that therein they intent to give whatsoever ease may stand with Honour and Justice, and are in a way of passing a Bill to give satisfaction concerning the same.  
Is it the great share this Honourable House hath of the supreme power of this Kingdom, which makes you look with reverence upon it, or an opinion, that it hath but a share of the supreme power of this Kingdom that you have no more reverence unto it? will you not allow so much unto the representative Kingdom, in reference to the whole Kingdom, as the representative City will assume unto themselves in reference to London? Is not the Parliament of England the representative Kingdom? And doth not the whole Supreme power of this Kingdom reside therein? And if so, why say you they have a Share? Unfold your Riddle, and speak it out; if our judgement deceive us, we are willing to be informed. Was the like insinuation, and dividing principle ever suggested unto the common people; except it was from his Majesty's Declarations? there is little doubt, that (however the City is blinded herein) the rise of this business come from Court, let the Author of a little book lately published, entitled, A full answer to the Plea for the Commonalty of London, (except he himsel is become enervatus in his judgement and reason) stand up like a man of right Principles, and true thereunto, and plead the just power of the Parliament of England, as he hath well done of the Commons of London, and thereby he will show himself the Parliaments friend, as he hitherto hath done: But what do you mean, when you say the Parliaments privileges may now become a tenure for life? Surely had this passage been found from one of the old Declarations from Oxf●rd against the Parliament, it could not be judged any thing else, but a malignant scorn, & a notorious jeer, being of the same affinity with the like passages found therein: viz. a perpetual Parliament, and an everlasting Parliament. If any Members of that House do own great sums of moneys, and protect divers under them as Servants, whereby they plead exemption from the course of Law; and so Citizens or others are undone, or endamaged thereby; let the parties aggrieved frame their Petitions and complain of the men, and let not London remonstrate this to the Parliaments prejudice: it is very true, the intention of the Parliament is the good of all, the butt of none; every man's benefit, no man's undoing; yet remember your Covenant, the preservation of the Parliaments Privileges is a main Article thereof, if any privilege proves prejudicial to the Subjects benefit; you yourselves say, they did anticipate your desires, by that Remonstrance of the 15. of December, 1642. Yea were then in a way of passing a Bill, to give satisfaction concerning the same, and have any Bills been past since that time, and that neglected? and is the case now, with the faithful Members of this present Parliament, as it was then? Is it not notoriously known, that their faithful sticking unto the Kingdom's Cause, hath been the utter undoing of themselves, and their Families? whilst they have been here in the Kingdom's service, the common enemy hath wasted, spoilt, burned, plundered, and ruin'd their Estates, but the truth is, this kind of Dialect concerning the Parliament, in Print (for the people's view) doth import no less than an evident charge, that Parliament men are now mean men, of broken Fortunes, men that cannot, or else (which is worse) men that will not▪ pay their debts, but live upon the people, and make a trade of it, and the same shall be a tenure for life.  
Seventhly, you proceed further, and tell the people the Kingdom is almost reduced, by which means the Revenues of the Kingdom will be unburthened, and the Customs and Excise increase, and the public charge of the Kingdom decrease, now that Delinquents do daily come in and compound, and now that the Enemy hath but few Holds left, we hope that the great and extraordinary Taxes and burdens on this City and their Trade, shall be in the future abated; that the Debts owing to the City and Citizens of London, either by particular Assurances of the Parliament, or upon the public faith of the Kingdom, be taken care for and discharged, as well as those assigned upon the Excise, and may not be diverted from the uses appointed by former Acts and Ordinances.  
If so; have a little more patience, your debts owing you, are coming apace, eight per. cent. shall reward you for it, you cannot but see extraordinary charges do still appear, the payment of our Armies; long in Arrears, though sufficiently active in the Kingdom's service; the vast sums paid to the Scotch Army; the relief of Ireland; and many ways more, so many Garrisons, so many Parties, so many Sieges do pray your patience a little longer; but must every particular have a charge in the bowels of it? What sums of moneys are by the Parliament diverted from the uses appointed by their Acts and Ordinances? if none, what is the ground of this particular thus remonstrated? is it because of some few gratuities lately conferred upon deserving men, for their valiant, painful, and faithful services for the public safety? are not such sums employed in the uses appointed in their Acts and Ordinances? must the Parliament of England advise with London, about the disbursements of the public stock?  
Eightly, you complain of the Committees work at Haberdashers-Hall, as a grievance to the City: viz. that any more Malignants should be detected, or further course taken, to find out Delinquents, which have not as becomes them assisted the Parliament: surely they little thought the times would so face about, as that London should turn Delinquents advocate; we say no more to this, but remember your Covenant.  
Ninthly, you further proceed, and profess your zeal for our bleeding Brethren of distressed Ireland, etc. It is a good motion, and for God's sake do not hinder so good a work, by weakening the Parliaments Party, by any more such Remonstrances, as these.  
Tenthly, in the last place, you heap up your deserts and your grievances together: to the first, we confess you did run well; Suffer not your Crown to be taken away by your discontinuance in your work begun; but yet consider, have you done more, than the Law of God, of nature, of Nations engaged you? Hath all this been for the Parliament, or for yourselves? was not your Estates, your Liberties, your freedoms the grand price of your Enemy's race? the Crown they strive for? the spoils they fight for? Speak your Consciences; what had become of you by this very day, if the present Parliament had not stuck to you? what of your Religion? what of your Estates? what of your Liberties? Hath it not been in their power every day to ruin you, yea, and (perhaps) by their personal preferments to advance themselves? Have not the Subject's Liberties been dear in their eyes? have they not lain under many temptations, many discouragements, to continue constant under them all? were all able to abide the same? why then did many desert the House? How often have they protested by word of mouth in your common Halls, and many Declarations, in the public view of Heaven and Earth, that they would live with you and die with you, stand, or fall with you, that they would never leave you, till they had made you free, and have they not been faithful in their promise herein? Is not their preservation your security? their glory your Crown? their freedoms your Liberties? As for your grievances, we consider them as they lie.  
First, you complain, that the Letter sent you from the Parliament of Scotland, should still be detained though petitioned for, as if this Honourable House were doubtful of your fidelity: We suppose the House is not bound to be accountable to you, though you are obleiged to account to them in this particular; and whether they be doubtful of your fidelity or no, we cannot tell, only we wish they may have no cause. Your next complaint is, that in the last Propositions to his Majesty at Uxbridge the power of the Militia of this City was fully represented, that it should now be reassumed, and endeavoured to be altered, to the endangering of this City, and parts adjacent: as if you now deserved less trust from this Honourable House, than a twelvemonth ago: We think it not safe to tax the Parliaments wisdom, in their ordering and disposing the power of the Militia, of City, or Kingdom, as they shall see cause: and it cannot be asserted, that their reassuming the Militia of London, into their own hands, is matter of danger to the City of London, and parts adjacent; without an unworthy aspersion upon that Honourable House; such, that will say so, give just cause to think, that they deserve less trust from that Honourable House then a twelvemonth ago, when they were better affected then so to affirm. Thirdly, you complain and remonstrate, that some late Petitions of this City, presented to this Honourable House, should lie yet unanswered; If the Parliament were bound to answer all your Petitions, and that forthwith even in your own time, why did not you rather enjoin then petition? and if all your Petitions should be answered to your own content, we well perceive how the case would stand with this poor Kingdom; the Parliaments love both to City and Kingdom may cause them to deny the Petitions of the City; as the case may stand. Your fourth complaint, that Quarterman a notorious Sectary, one whom the City not long since cast out for his misdemeanours, should presume, in the contempt of the privileges and Government thereof, to enter the City, and to make Proclamation with Trumpet, without acquainting the Lord Major therewith; the like of which (to our best knowledge) in no age, when the City was most neglected, was ever so much as attempted.  
What Quatermain do you mean? there are many in the Kingdom, for all that we know, but we presume you intent Roger Quatermain, late Marshal to the City. That this Quaterman is a Sectary, lies upon you to prove, and him to defend; and herein you will befriend our intellects, and help us to understand, what you mean by your Sectaries, against whom you so much stickle in this Remonstrance: That the City cast him our (viz. from his Martialship) for so we presume your meaning is, (though you speak as disturbed, that the Reader must study to find out your meaning) will be denied by one of the chief promoters of this Remonstrance, except he hath changed his judgement in the Government of the City, (as sometimes it falls out, men continue not their judgement, especially in matters of government both civil and ecclesiastical) for it was neither the City representative, or collective, but the Lord Major, and Court of Aldermen, that put him out of the place, and surely, they are no more the City in that act (except the Common Counsel gave them power herein, as we cannot understand they have) than any other City Justices, or Officers in the City are so. As for his misdemeanours, none were urged as the causes hereof, except this was his crime, that one Marshal should serve the City. And though it is a crime circumstantiable to a great aggravation for one man to wrong a whole City; yet it is more strange (because less usual) that a representative City should wrong a poor man, by taking away his good name, and so his livelihood in his present employment. As for his great transgression herein specified, we dare presume, the poor man is ignorant of the City privileges, i● this be one, that the Parliament of England cannot make Proclamation, in the City of London, with Trumpet, or otherwise, without licence given by the Lord Major of London. If the case be thus, well may you say, that the Parliament of England is betrusted but with a share of the supreme power. Custom is one thing, privilege another; that it is a custom to acquaint the Lord Major in such cases, is quickly granted: and if he did willingly, and wilfully, in contempt of the Major, or customs of the City, perform that work, he is blame-worthy, and not to he pleaded for; but when such customs, of single Corporations, shall entrench upon the power of Parliaments, and change their names, and call them Privileges; it is high time, to change those customs. Many customs, in former times, had almost undone the Kingdom; we would not now meet with any that raze our foundation, and strike at the Parliament.  
And lastly, You complain that after the present Lord Major had so faithfully behaved himself in his Office, and with the testimony of the City, so carefully discharged the same, that yet he should be suspected and questioned upon general informations, which (it may well be doubted) might be designed to divide between the Parliament and the City.  
If general informations that do greatly concern the public danger of the City, or Kingdom, should be so far neglected, as not so much as to make an enquiry, according thereto; how could they, to whom they do come, discharge their consciences, and Covenant, to God, or the people? The Lord Majors faithfulness can never hurt him; and a faithful man, may lie under suspicion, but will take no offence at a through purgation; as we hear his Lordship himself is sufficiently satisfied; and if former faithfulness should for ever discharge all future jealousies, (though but general informations be given of danger) the two hotham's, and many more, might have now lived, and by this time seen the Parliament and City weltering in their own blood.  
More you could add, but you have done enough, if not too much of this nature, and more, I presume, than was ever expected from this City. You presently slide from your remonstrative part, into the prayer or petitionary part; and so shall we, and give you to understand, wherein we can, and wherein we cannot join with you in your desires to the Parliament; with the reasons thereof, which is the second general head of our present method; you resolve your complaints into prayers.  
1. That some strict and speedy course may be taken for the suppressing all private and separate Congregations.  
We know not your meaning by private and separate Congregations, if your meaning be the private meetings of Christian people, for prayer, exhortation, repetition of Sermons, or any other laudable and Christian duty amongst the Saints, in their private assemblies, as sure we are, your words do import, abhorred be your request by God and good men, and the Lord prevent the Parliament from ever stumbling at that stone. What you mean, we cannot tell; we would not desire, we do not know what; we cannot join with you in this Petition.  
2. That all Anabaptists, 
This is the self same et cae●●ra that was in the Bishop's Oath, and doubtless the Episcopal party cannot but look upon this as the resurrection from the dead, only herein it differs, they enjoined men to swear to what they knew, this would have men resolve upon what they know not; and so it is a step nearer to Popety.  Brownists, Heretics, Schismalicks, Blasphemers, and all such Sectaries as conform not to the public Discipline established, or to be established by Parliament, may be fully declared against, and some effectual course settled for proceeding against such persons.  
First, Anabaptists, Brownists, etc. in the King's Declarations did always intent the Parliaments friends; and besides these, whom you mean we cannot tell.  
Secondly, if all such Sectaries as conform not to the public Discipline established or to be established by the Parliament, must be fully declared against, and some effectual course taken for proceeding against such persons; What shall become of our Presbyterian brethren, which hold Presbytery to be jure divino, and cannot submit unto Commissioners over the Presbytery, though established by Ordinance of Parliament? Surely the Remonstrants are not of that opinion, but if they be, their feet are taken in the same snare they laid for their brethren. If this Petition should be granted, our Presbyterian brethren as well as others, must be suppressed: and for that cause (though no such allowance is given by them unto their weak brethren) we cannot join with you in that Petition.  
3. That as we are all Subjects of one Kingdom, so all may be equally required to yield obedience unto the Government set forth, or to be set forth by the Parliament.  
To resolve to submit to what we know not, in matters of Religion, and to Petition the suppression of all that will not subject thereunto, is against the principles of Religion and Reason; we cannot conceive, a Parliament so religious, so rational, will prove so irreligious, so irrational, as to enforce the Subjects to stifle the light of their own Consciences; and let God and conscience say what they will, to swear conformity to the will of man, in matters of Church-Government we cannot join with you in this Petition.  
4. That no person disaffected to the Presbyterial Government, 
The Bishops to our best remembrance did never so publicly make the like motion to the Magistracy of this Kingdom.  set forth, or to be set forth by the Parliament, may be employed in any place of public Trust.  
We judge ourselves bound, to leave that business to the Parliaments wisdom, as supposing them best able to judge what is meet to be done in that particular. If men prove faithful in their trust, intamperable by their adversaries, successful in their work, untainted in their integrity, courageous in their services, etc. such men are not usually after many experiences of such particulars, put out of their public trust (though they should be an Army of Turks) and why men should be discharged from their public trust for so small a punctillo, as difference in judgement about Church-Government; nay, so much as disaffection to the Presbyterial Government, for that's your expression, we see no cause; and truly, if this desire should be granted, as the case now stands, the Parliaments strength would be much abated, and the Malignant Rovalists very much pleased, we are none of them, we cannot close with you in this Petition.  
5. That this Honourable House will please to hasten Propositions to his Majesty, for settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace amongst us, after so long and unnatural a War.  
A well grounded peace is our hearty desires as well as yours; but whether to be sought for by tendering Propositions from the Parliament to his Majesty, the wisdom of the Parliament, not we, must determine. When a man meets me to take away my purse, my life; if the combat be over, and the party disarmed, and his weapons in mine own hands, I will not indent how much he shall have to do no more; when the truth is, he hath done his worst; A well grounded Peace we desire with you, the means hereunto we leave to the Parliaments wisdom, we would not offend them, we therefore wave this Petition.  
6. That this Honourable House, according to the Covenant and Treaties, will please to study all means to preserve the Union between the two Nations of England and Scotland, and to remove all jealousies which may endanger our mutual agreement.  
We close with you here with all our hearts, and hearty pray that wisdom may be given to them from God to direct their studies to so good a work.  
VII. That this Honourable House will please to consider of some means whereby the privilege which its Members their Servants and others enjoy by being protected and exempted from being proceeded against for their Debts, may be sa qualified, as that the Subject may be able to recover his own in some due time.  
This Petition implies a charge; we will not at all intermeddle herein.  
VIII. That all public Revenues and Receipts may be employed to public uses, that so the Taxes of the City may be abated.  
We know no public Revenues employed at all by the Parliament of England, for any other then public uses; and if this Petition may be altogether clear from secret aspersions of our worthy Parliament, we can fully join with you in this particular.  
IX. That the Estates and Compositions of Delinquents, may, according to the engagements by Ordinances of Parliament, be applied to discharge the great sums owing to this City and Citizens.  
The public Faith for the public debts will be valid (we doubt not) and in due season will so appear; we hope they mind the main what ever becomes of particular cases, due time will be time enough, we durst not engage (as the case stands) with this Petition.  
X. That the Plymouth Duty may be taken off the Trade, especially now the West is reduced.  
That poor Garrison is still to be encouraged: Surely these are the last times when mercy and charity waxeth cold, we utterly wave this Petition.  
XI. That the Committee at Haberdashers-hall may be presently dissolved; or at least so limited and regulated, as that the City may have no cause of complaint.  
This Petition seems, in the first part of it, to favour Malignants, we remember our Covenant; we cannot close with you in this, the later is ours as well as yours.  
XII. That the reducing of the Kingdom of Ireland may be taken into consideration, before the good party there be too fare wasted and discouraged.  
This is our Petition and prayer to God, we join with you here with all our hearts.  
XIII. That the Original Letter of the Parliament of Scotland to this City may be returned.  
We leave this to the Parliaments wisdom, and shall not at all intermeddle therewith.  
XIV. That the City may enjoy the Militia fully, as it was presented at the last Treaty at Uxbridge.  
We leave that unto the Parliaments wisdom, and God direct them what to do therein; we neither join with you nor against you in this particular, but only wave it.  
XV. That Quarterman may be brought to some exemplary punishment, for the affront done by him to the Privileges and Government of this City.  
When we are convinced of Quatermains affront to the privileges and Government of this City, we shall desire with you his exemplary punishments; to condemn the innocent, is a great abomination, we judge Quatermain so, till the contrary appear; we cannot join with you in this Petition.  
XVI. That the Lord Major of this City may be fully vindicated.  
When we once understand how, wherein, and by whom his Lordship was wronged, we would Petition with you for his vindication; in the mean while we wave this Petition.  
XVII. And lastly, and above all, That this honourable House will please not to look upon any expressions of this our Remonstrance and Petition, as charging any thing upon this Honourable House, or as intended to entrench upon any privilege thereof, but favourably to accept thereof, and so to interpret the same, as from a single and humble heart it is sincerely, and without any by-ends, or to comply with any Party whatsoever, intended and breathed forth from the sad heart of the Petitioners, who are overwhelmed with many fears on all sides. And who call God, the Searcher of all hearts, to witness, that according to their Covenant and duty, their zeal, devotion and obedience, is as fervent and prostrate as ever to serve the Parliament with their Lives and Estates, against all the Enemies of our Peace, to conjoin the City more and more to the Parliament, and to maintain the Union of both Nations against all opposers whatsoever.  
This is an Apology for the whole business, and the truth, is, you have cause sufficient, and we verily believe the like Remon-pray that wisdom may be given to them from God to direct their studies to so good a work.  
VII. That this Honourable House will please to consider of some means whereby the privilege which its Members their Servants and others enjoy by being protected and exempted from being proceeded against for their Debts, may be so qualified, as that the Subject may be able to recover his own in some due time.  
This Petition implies a charge; we will not at all intermeddle herein.  
VIII. That all public Revenues and Receipts may be employed to public uses, that so the Taxes of the City may be abated.  
We know no public Revenues employed at all by the Parliament of England, for any other then public uses; and if this Petition may be altogether clear from secret aspersions of our worthy Parliament, we can fully join with you in this particular.  
IX. That the Estates and Compositions of Delinquents, may, according to the engagements by Ordinances of Parliament, be applied to discharge the great sums owing to this City and Citizens.  
The public Faith for the public debts will be valid (we doubt not) and in due season will so appear; we hope they mind the main what ever becomes of particular cases, due time will be time enough, we durst not engage (as the case stands) with this Petition.  
X. That the Plymouth Duty may be taken off the Trade, especially now the West is reduced.  
That poor Garrison is still to be encouraged: Surely these are the last times when mercy and charity waxeth cold, we utterly wave this Petition.  
XI. That the Committee at Haberdashers-hall may be presently dissolved; or at least so limited and regulated, at that the City may have no cause of complaint.  
This Petition seems, in the first part of it, to favour Malignants, we remember our Covenant; we cannot close with you in this, the later is ours as well as yours.  
XII. That the reducing of the Kingdom of Ireland may be taken into consideration, before the good party there be too fare wasted and discouraged.  
This is our Petition and prayer to God, we join with you here with all our hearts.  
XIII. That the Original Letter of the Parliament of Scotland to this City may be returned.  
We leave this to the Parliaments wisdom, and shall not at all intermeddle therewith.  
XIV. That the City may enjoy the Militia fully, as it was presented at the last Treaty at Uxbridge.  
We leave that unto the Parliaments wisdom, and God direct them what to do therein; we neither join with you nor against you in this particular, but only wave it.  
XV. That Quarterman may be brought to some exemplary punishment, for the affront done by him to the Privileges and Government of this City.  
When we are convinced of Quatermains affront to the privileges and Government of this City, we shall desire with you his exemplary punishments; to condemn the innocent, is a great abomination, we judge Quatermain so, till the contrary appear; we cannot join with you in this Petition.  
XVI. That the Lord Major of this City may be fully vindicated.  
When we once understand how, wherein, and by whom his Lordship was wronged, we would Petition with you for his vindication; in the mean while we wave this Petition.  
XVII. And lastly, and above all, That this honourable House will please not to look upon any expressions of this our Remonstrance and Petition, as charging any thing upon this Honourable House, or as intended to entrench upon any privilege thereof, but favourably to accept thereof, and so to interpret the same, as from a single and humble heart it is sincerely, and without any by-ends, or to comply with any Party whatsoever, intended and breathed forth from the sad heart of the Petitioners, who are overwhelmed with many fears on all sides. And who call God, the Searcher of all hearts, to witness, that according to their Covenant and duty, their zeal, devotion and obedience, is as fervent and prostrate as ever to serve the Parliament with their Lives and Estates, against all the Enemies of our Peace, to conjoin the City more and more to the Parliament, and to maintain the Union of both Nations against all opposers whatsoever.  
This is an Apology for the whole business, and the truth is, you have cause sufficient, and we verily believe the like Remonstrance was never known from the City of London to the Parliament of England. You would not have them look upon any expressions in this Remonstrance and Petition, as charging any thing upon the honourable House; that is, you desire them to throw by their understanding when they read your Remonstrance. Though we cannot join with you in this Petition, to accept your Remonstrance, and grant your Petitions; yet we humbly desire this honourable House, to pass by all provocations herein, and to measure their respects to this famous City, not according to some few weaknesses, which through some powerful insinuations may surprise the same, but to the constant, settled, and resolved practices of the Inhabitants thereof, of which we are confident there are many thousands, that are still ready to sacrifice themselves to the service of the Parliament: the only means under the Almighty to preserve both us and our posterity from slavery and misery.  
You have done with your Remonstrance; but have you understood what you have done? Let us propound two or three Queries.  
First, is it proper for one single Corporation to Remonstrate to the people their grievances, or indeed rather complaints against the Parliament? do you not know the nature, the majesty, the power of a Parliament? do London's Magistracy no better understand the Parliaments Authority? are you become the primary pattern, and popular example to all the Kingdom of an unparallelled Remonstrance? are you the chief Magistracy of London, and give such a precedent? We say no more, but make this use of it, that wisdom and weakness may have their habitation, (yea sometimes the latter may be predominant) even among wise and religious Rulers.  
Secondly, did the Commons of London give you authority in their name to do that which is not at all within their Charter? if you act as Subjects, you act for your own persons, and you have liberty of yourselves so to do, standing or falling to your own peril; but if you act in the name of the City, whom you represent, know your bounds, look to your rule, the City collective never gave you further authority, then to act within your sphere, the City Charter; and if you do otherwise, upon your peril be it, they'll not stand by you.  
Thirdly, who were the chief promoters hereof? doubtless Royalists, (to give it out in the softest language) the stile, the dialect, the matter, do not these insinuate prerogatives advance, not a word throughout for punishing Malignants, for requiring justice against Delinquents; (a main article of our solemn League and Covenant) men would think that doubtless some of the old Patentees, or men that builds their houses by the subjects bondage, were the chief framers of this Remonstrance. Surely, if that heart was right for the Parliament that framed this Remonstrance, he hath an unhappy hand that transcribed his thoughts in so strange a dialect; for the truth is, if this Remonstrance had not been presented by the City of London, our after-ages would ever have known it by the black Character of the Malignant Remonstrance; it is not to be doubted but the City, though well affected, may be overtaken in an act unworthy, (for even Parliaments have slipped, for they are but men) and therefore it is this one act, and not the persons are here found fault withal.  
But now to come to the last general head, we desire this honourable City seriously to consider, what are the dangerous tendencies, and effects of such kind of Remonstrances, and that in few particulars, very briefly, for we are unwilling to harp too much upon this unpleasant string.  
First, it tends to the manifest grieving of the hearts of our faithful Parliament, who for our sakes have suffered more base affronts, injuries, and losses, than ever any Parliament did before them; Have we not often acknowledged them again and again to be the only means (under God) of all the peace and liberties, estates and comforts that we do enjoy? suppose their failings appear before us, have we never a garment to cover their nakedness, but Ham-like we call for the eyes of brethren and fellow-subjects to behold the same? was it not of God that the Parliament and London were joined together, hand in hand, and heart in heart? and whence is it that this knot gins to be loosened? have they not brought us (through the mercy of God) to the sight of our Inheritance, our liberties and freedoms, our Land flowing with milk and honey? shall we now begin to murmur against our deliverers? is it not likely that God for this should bring us back again into the troublesome wilderness, more wars, and the bitter, bitter effects thereof? the clouds condense & thicken again, let us not grieve our God and our friends, the Parliaments faithfulness God will not forget, and our unthankfulness he will not put up.  
Secondly, Consider whether such kind of Remonstrances as these do not weaken the Parliaments strength? confident we are, (how ever London comes thus to be deluded, which cannot but be the amazement of the Kingdom,) that the first original of this Remonstrance must needs be bred in a Malignant's breast, such complaints for the people's view, such petitions, to suppress the Parliaments friends, to remove faithful, valiant, untamperable, and successful Officers from places of trust, to take away those ways and means, whereby moneys are procured to maintain the wars against the common enemy, to press them in all haste to the payment of their debts; what are all these, but the direct desires of the Parliaments enemies? and do not all these things weaken the Parliaments strength?  
Thirdly, Consider how this doth rejoice the Malignants hearts, observe their faces, their discourses, look into the prisons, where Malignants are, what is their dialect? all will be well, the day is ours, the times face about, roundheads must fall, this Parliament must down, the City declines them, their armies must presently be disbanded, the King's friends exalted, their services rewarded, all things work well, the City Remonstrance speaks our minds, it strikes at the root of the round heads prosperity, we see now how the game goes.  
Fourthly, consider the probable tendency of this Remonstrance in the opinion and judgement of the most considerable both of the Parliaments friends and enemies, the fear of the one sort, the expectation of the other, and that is, implaine terms, the disbanding of our Armies, the discouraging of our friends, the utter disenabling of the Parliament against any adversaries either foreign or domestic, that shall appear against them, the advancing of prerogative and arbitrary power, the exalting of all those bloody oppressors that in all these wars have sought our ruin. Do not say these are the irrational notions of a melancholy mind, the groundless conceits of a crazy brain? no certainly, that kind of reason that draws natural conclusions from undoubted premises, or which judgeth of the proper effects from proper causes, steers the judgement in these assertions; let your own reason decide the matter, if the Parliament should be disabled in their Armies, in their moneys, in their friends, as the granting of your petition would quickly effect; what would hinder the things we affirm, take away the Parliaments strength, and then the promise of settling the Militia to your hearts desire, would secure you from slavery, as the settling of Presbytery would preserve you from Popery; but the word of a King, and the faith of a favourite, will be all your security for the one and the other; is this a time to weaken the Parliament? is there no fear of incursions from a foreign adversary? hath not the French the sword in his hand? do we not know, that the Quondam factors for England's misery, and those that almost had ruined the Kingdom, have been tampering there for the old design? is there no fear of incursions from Ireland? are not they as ready to advance prerogative as ever they were? is our own nation settled in peace? is not every County almost disturbed? and a party appearing upon any advantage in prerogatives quarrel? We say no more, we have discharged our Consciences, it is not disrespect to authority, but conscience of duty; not contembt of Magistracy, but love to the City; not private interest, but public good which was the real cause of what we have written; if London must taste of that cup of trembling with the rest of the Kingdom, it will be bitter indeed, when this will be minded, that London's folly is London's misery; that God sent Saviour's for London, and would deliver it, & they would not be delivered, but rejected the means of their own good, would none of his mercies, despised his counsels, discouraged his people, did shut their eyes against as glorious visions of kindness and goodness, as ever was seen in all the world; Moses, and Aaron, Josuah, and Gideon, were not instruments of more glorious victories for Israel of old, than those deliverers, whom God sent London, have been of late, the despifing whereof may bring down wrath, but God will find a way to save his people.  
In the last place consider this for the conclusion of all, which might rather have been a Preface.  
It is the great unhappiness of well meaning and plain hearted men, to be still made instrumental to the masked and disguised designs (and to have their innocency imposed upon by the craft and practice) of those that dare not own their own endeavours, lest they should alarm those whom they would deceive, and hinder the concurrence of those multitudes without which their ultimate end cannot be attained: There were two hundred in Jerusalem (that never wished ill to David) went along with Absolom in the simplicity of their spirits, (knowing nothing) who yet gave the beginning to that horrid Rebellion, in which he endeavoured to dethrone his Father, and deprive him of life, who several ways gave him his, which practice (with the parellel in hand) although it be so ordinary as a Design can hardly be instanced (that must be acted openly) that hath not first obtained credit by the patronage of abused simplicity, (appearing in it) yet it still takes as often as it is attempted, like Stratagems military, where those of curious contrivance are many times abortive: Those that are every day practised, do notwithstanding every day take effect. For the sake of such as are so abused, it were a work worth the charity and labour of a free leisure, and an able pen to undeceive the world in this particular, to set open the windows of this dark Cabinet, to discover the Methods of these impostors, to let simple integrity see how these approaches are made upon it, and to unlock those cyphers in which (unknown to themselves) they maintain a dangerous intelligence & correspondence with their enemies; In which employment, if some happy Genius had before this time disposed itself, it might have proved an Antidote to this spreading plague, and might have prevented the birth of that Mulate conception which now calls itself the Remonstrance of the Common Council of the City of London. For it cannot be imagined, that so many honest pious men (as the major part of that Council are known to be, who have hitherto showed themselves in all these troubles so faithfully devoted to serve the interest of freeborn Englishmen, in adhering to, & defending the Parliament of England) should now be brought (by putting forth & pressing this Remonstrance) to serve the implicate designs of a triple (if not quadruple) faction, were not they deceived & abused by the finenesseand artifice of these Impostors, wooing them from their duty, and into ruin, under specious and pious pretences; themselves the while propounding several ends, though agreeing in one common (the destruction of the liberty and freedom of the English Nation) though in several and differing degnees. And although the times will not now presently bear such an opening this mystery of Iniquity, as might convince those whose malignity, prejudice, or (perhaps) good opinion of some promoting it, have sealed their eyes and muffled their own understandings, yet those whose confidence hath been abused, and whose facile dispositions carried down in the general crowd, or whose piety taken with the specious show of Reformation, & Uniformity, are desired seriously and maturely to weigh these few lines by way of Animadversion upon that Remonstrance, until the times shall give leave to one more complete, and we doubt not but such as shall remember their covenant (to maintain the privileges of Parliament, and continue still in a sense of duty to it) which God hath thus far honoured, owned, & carried on in delivering the Kingdom from the attempts of tyranny, & which (in probability by the concurrence of the same blessing they are like to effect) if it be not hindered and endangered) will be so far satisfied thereby, as to esteem it as little for their reputation in this civil Schism, as in that religious to be called Remonstrants.   

A Form of  used by the Church of Scotland for their deliverance from the French by the English, Anno 1575.  
NOw, Lord, seeing that we enjoy comfort both in body and spirit, by reason of this quietness of thy mercy granted unto us, after our most desperate troubles, in the which we: appeared utterly to have been overwhelmed; we praise and glorify thy mercy and goodness, who piteous looked upon us when we in our own selves were utterly confounded. But seeing, O Lord, that to receive benefits at thy hands, and not to be thankful for the fame, is nothing else but a seal against us in the day of judgement; we most humbly beseech thee to grant unto us hearts so mindful of the calamities past, that we continually may fear to provoke thy justice to punish us with the like or worse plagues. And seeing that when we by our own power were altogether unable to have freed ourselves from the tyranny of strangers, and from the bondage and thraldom pretended against us, thou of thine especial goodness didst move the hearts of our neighbours (of whom we had deserved no such favour) to take upon them the common burden with us, and for our deliverance, not only to spend the lives of many, but also to hazard the estate and tranquillity of their Realm and Commonwealth; Grant unto us, O Lord, that with such reverence we may remember thy benefits received, that after this, in our default, we never enter into hostility against the Realm and Nation of England. Suffer us never, O Lord, to fall to that ingratitude and detestable unthankfulness, that we shall seek the destruction and death of those whom thou hast made instruments to deliver us from the tyranny of merciless strangers. Dissipate thou the counsels of such as deceitfully travel to stir the hearts of the Inhabitants of either Realm against the other. Let their malicious practices be their own confusion, and grant thou of thy mercy that love, concord, and tranquillity may continue and increase amongst the Inhabitants of this I'll, even to the coming of the Lord. Jesus Christ, by whose glorious Evangel thou of thy mercy dost call us both to unity, peace, and Christian concord. The full perfection whereof we shall possess in the fullness of thy Kingdom, when all offences shall be removed, iniquity shall be suppressed, and thy chosen children be fully endued with that perfect glory, in the which now our Lord. Jesus Christ reigneth. To whom with thee, and the Holy Ghost, be all honour, praise, and glory, now and ever. So be it.  
FINIS.