Popular Errors. OR THE Errors of the People IN PHYSIC, First written in Latin by the learned Physician JAMES PRIMROSE Doctor in Physic.  
Divided into four Books. viz. 

1. The first treating concerning Physicians.  
2. The second of the Errors about some diseases, and the knowledge of them.  
3. The third of the Errors about the diet, as well of the sound as of the sick.  
4. The fourth of the Errors of the people about the use of remedies.    
Profitable and necessary to be read of all.  
To which is added by the same Author his verdict concerning the Antimonial Cup.  
Translated into English by ROBERT WITTY Doctor in Physic.  
LONDON, Printed by W. Wilson for Nicholas Bourne, at the South-entrance of the Royal Exchange. 1651.   

The Explication of the Frontispiece.  

Lo here a woman comes in charity  
To see the sick, and brings her remedy.  
've got some grievous cold, alas! (quoth she)  
It lies sore in your bones, no part is free.  
His pulse is weak, his urine's coloured high,  
His nose is sharp, his nostrils wide, he'll die.  
They talk of Rhubarb, Seine, and Agaricke,  
Of Cassia, Tamarinds, and many a trick,  
Tush, give the Doctors leave to talk, I've brought  
A pepper posset, nothing can be bought  
Like this i'th' Pothecaries' shop; alone  
It cures the Fever, Strangury, and Stone;  
If not there's danger, yet before all fail,  
I'll have a Caudle for you, or Mace-ale:  
And I'll prepare my Antimonial Cup  
To cure your Malady, one little sup  
Will do more good, and is of more desert  
Than all Hypocrates, or Galens Art.  
But lo an Angel gently puts her back,  
Lest such erroneous course the sick do wrack,  
Leads the Physician, and guides his hand,  
Approves his Art, and what he doth must stand.  
'tis Art that God allows, by him 'tis blest  
To cure diseases, leave then all the rest.    


POPULAR ERRORS OF THE Errors of the people in matter of Physic.  
London Printed, by W. wilson for Nicolas Bourne at the South Entrance of the Royal Exchange 1651  T. Cross sculpsit   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE The Lady FRANCES STRICKLAND, Eldest Daughter to THOMAS late Earl of Winchilsey, and wife to Sir William Strickland, one of the Honourable Members of the Parliament of ENGLAND.  
Madam,  
IT is as much beyond the height of my ambition to requite, as the extent of my abilities to deserve, that  eye of respect, your Honour hath been pleased to cast upon me, ever since I was first known to you. A thankful acknowledgement whereof (I know) is all your Honour doth expect, or I can pay. And now it fares with me, as with some Tradesmen that prove bankrupt, who when they have run so fare in debt, that they needs must break, their grand design is to get still further into debt, not caring then how much they own, since they can never pay. If therefore your Honour will be pleased to add unto the former score of my engagements, the acceptance of this tender of my service in this Translation, and call it yours, you much oblige me in bond, which I shall never seek to cancel. I know its first admission into your Honour's closet, and welcome there, will so credit it, that it will find the freer access to all my Country's Ladies and Gentlewomen, for whose sakes especially I undertook this task. I thought it pity that so learned, judicious and useful a book, for the information of their judgements, & amendment of their Errors, should pass without their cognizance. In trivial matters an Error is less dangerous; But in Physic, being a noble Science, conversant about such a noble subject as the body of man, Errors are more palpable, especially when they are grown vulgar and popular, tending to the general harm of the Microcosm. I here present your Honour with a literal interpretation of such of them, as have been already observed by my learned Author, wherein he hath so elegantly discussed them, that he hath deservedly gained much credit among the Learned, although indeed the book doth more concern the vulgar and unlearned, whose Errors it doth detect. Pardon, I pray my boldness, and accept this offering, from  
Madam Your Honour's most humble servant Witty. Novemb. 30th 1650.   

The Translator to the Reader.  
Courteous Reader;  
IT is above eleven years since this Translation was finished, and in the Printers hand; the Distractions of the times having hindered the printing, and withheld from thee the benefit I intended. My desire of profiting those that cannot understand the Latin, first prompted me to this Work; as for others, I refer them to the Original. But my especial aim was to do an acceptable service for my country's Gentlewomen, to whom this subject will be exceeding useful and delectable; and therefore I have endeavoured to be as plain as the Nature thereof, and my task would permit. I do here present thee with a Catalogue of the gross, yet common Errors of the people in Physic, as they did occur to my Author in his practice, and are obvious to all men, the which he hath excellently confuted with solid and convincing arguments grounded on sound reason and authority. I need not commend his Labours herein (mine own I cannot) let the Work speak for itself: I am confident thyself after perusal wilt save me the labour. I have only inserted herewith the judgement of Lacutus one of the most famous writers of our age, as I find it printed before an Impression of the Latin in Holland, which I have faithfully translated into English, omitting the rehearsal of the high esteem and welcome it hath found among the Learned throughout Europe; which I have endeavoured to use as a forcible argument with my much honoured and intimate friend my Author, to increase this volume with a confutation of some additional Errors which he is also resolved upon, as also that he would make public his other labours upon the whole body of Physic, with several other pieces relating thereunto, which I have had the happiness to see, wherein (if I mistake not) he comes not short of our best modern writers. One thing here I must not omit to inform thee of, to wit, that most of the Errors that are rife among the people at this day, are upheld by the ignorant runagate Quacksalvers and Empyricks with which this Nation abounds, who having not patience to keep to their honest Trades at home, do wander abroad with foolish Receipts, claiming Kindred, or some other relation to some eminent Physician, hereby cheating the over-credulous people both of their Money and Health. It is admirable to consider with what impudence most of these fellows claim kindred to Dr. Butler, whom for honour's sake I mention, who lived in Cambridge, and died about 35 years ago, a very able and learned Physician as was in his time. Many also claim relation to him, as having served him, and learned much from him: & this is enough (forsooth) to beget them credit among the vulgar, and make them Doctors, which title they willingly embrace. But that I may undeceive the people, I shall here insert what I have from Mr. Crane a Gentleman of very good credit and repute in Cambridge yet living, who was his Apothecary; Dr. Butler was borne at Ipswich, had two Brothers, the one a Dr. in Physic, the other a Goldsmith, who died both without Issue; He had three sisters, who all died before him without Issue; so as that relation of Uncle and Nephew is false. As for men he never kept any, our Apprentices serving for that business; nor any maid but a fool.— And yet notwithstanding, there are so many men (yea I have met with some women too) that pretend to have served him, that he had need had a Nobleman's estate to have maintained them all. Many of them do by Ouroscopie or chiromancy undertake to tell Fortunes. But no more of these. There is added hereunto by my Author in some few places something that was not in the Latin Copy for thy better understanding, and two errors concerning the choice of Nurses, as also his verdict concerning the Antimonial Cup. If my labours herein he advantageous to thee, I have my desire: Accept them kindly, as I bestow them willingly, and thou shalt encourage me to do thee any further service to my power.  
From my house at Hull, Decemb. 2. 1650. R. W.   


Ad charissimum suum JACOBUM PRIMIROSIUM Medicinae Doctorem, in librum ejus de vulgi Erroribus.  

Errores vulgi dum corrigis, ipse peritum  
Paeoniae populo porrigis artis opus:  
Ast ita si speras Errores vincere vulgi,  
Iste opere in toto hoc unicus Error erit.   
Rob. Leedes Armiger.   

Praeclaro Medicinae Doctori JACOBO PRIMIROSIO tetrastichon Graeco-Latinum.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Primula-veris habet virtutes arte medendi:  
Quantillo Hoc virtus quantaque Flore patet.   
Anth. Stephanson in Artibus Mag.   

Praecharo suo, & intime habito ROBERTO WITTIE, Medicinae Doctori, vulgi Errorum Interpreti vero dôdecastichon.  

ERrantis morbi medicis symptomata constant,  
Quo trahitur vulgi corpus ubique rudis:  
Doctor adest, praescribit, habet sua pagina salvam  
Docta dofin, peccans, quâ vacuetur onus.  
Hanc legit Interpres solers, paret arte, dolenti  
Exhibet, ex imis hauriat aeger eam.  
Si faciat, morbos curet dosis unica plures,  
Quàm vel Galenus, Côus & Hypocrates.  
Sin minùs errorum nondum curatio fiet,  
Doctor sit patiens, Plebs erit & Medicus.  
Ergo  
Est Error morbus, Rosa Doctor, Vulgus & aeger,  
Ingenium Interpres, sit medicina liber.   
Anth. Stephanson.   

To his kind friend Dr. WITTY, upon his Translation of the Popular Errors.  

HE that at first so quaintly did thee pen,  
Spoke to the Learned, not to Vulgar men:  
Now in their proper Idiom they may see  
The popular Errors which in Physic be  
So thou'rt the people's guide, and foe to all  
Who do seduce by th' Art empyrical:  
For now the strange delusions of that sect  
In English to all eyes thou dost detect.  
Ergo Abite Turba indoctorum,  
Ergo Jamque pudeat vos Errorum.   
Yours assuredly, Rich. Roper, Mr. of Arts.   

Amicissimo suo Doctori WITTIE de suâ Vulgi Errorum Interpretatione.  

BEllua multorum capitum leve Vulgus habetur,  
Qui sanum his cerebrum redderet, ipse sapit.  
Hic unum, ille aliud, neutrum horum tertius addit  
Utile, sed Medicus quis moderator erit?  
En Rosa: cujus odor cerebro bonus atque saluber:  
Nec suavem vulgi est error amare Rosam.  
Pande Rosam, & vulgi hanc indoctis naribus aptans,  
Has referas laudes, Ingeniosus eris.   
Rich. Rakes in Art. Mag.   

Dignissimo suo amico Doctori WITTIE, de Translatione Vulgi Errorum.  

NEmpe sic innumero succrescuntagmine libri,  
Saepia vix toto ut j●m natet una mari.  
Fortius assidui surgunt a vulnere praeli:  
Quoque magis premitur, auctior Hydra redit.  
Heu quibus Anticyris, quibus est sanabilis herbis  
Improba scribendi pestis, avarus amor.  
India sola tenet tanti medicamina morbi,  
Dicitur & nostris ingemuisse malis.  
Utile Tabacci dedit illa miserta venenum,  
Acci veratro quod meliora potest.  
Jamque vides olidas libris fumare popinas:  
Naribus O doctis quam pretiosus odor!  
Hâc ego praecipuâ credo herbam dote placere,  
Hinc tuus has nebulas Doctor in astra vehit.  
Ah mea quid tandem facies timidissima charta?  
Exequias siticen jam parat usque tuas.  
Hunc subeas librum sancti seu limen asyli,  
Quem neque delebit flamma, nec ira Jovis.   
Andrew Marvell. A. F.   

To his worthy friend Doctor WITTY upon his Translation of the Popular Errors.  

SIt further, and make room for thine own fame,  
Where just desert enroles thy honoured name  
The good Interpreter. Some in this task  
Take off the Cypress veil, but leave a mask,  
Changing the Latin, but do more obscure  
That sense in English which was bright and pure.  
So of Translatours they are Authors grown,  
For ill Translatours make the book their own.  
Others do strive with words and forced phrase  
To add such lustre, and so many rays,  
That, but to make the vessel shining, they  
Much of the precious Mettle rub away.  
He is Translations thief that addeth more,  
As much as he that taketh from the store  
Of the first Author. Here he maketh blots  
That mends; and added beauties are but spots.  
Caelia whose English doth more richly flow  
Then Tagus, purer than dissolved snow,  
And sweet as are her lips that speak it, she  
Now learns the tongues of France and Italy;  
But she is Caelia still: No other grace  
But her own smiles commend that lovely face;  
Her native beauty's not Italianated,  
Nor her chaste mind into the French translated:  
Her thoughts are English, though her sparkling wit  
With other language doth them fitly fit.  
Translatours learn of her. But stay I slide  
Down into Error with the vulgar tide;  
Women must not teach here: The Doctor doth  
Stint them to Cawdles, Almond milk, and broth.  
Now I reform; and surely so will all  
Whose happy eyes on thy Translation fall.  
I see the people hasting to thy book,  
Liking themselves the worse the more they look,  
And so disliking, that they nothing see  
Now worth the liking but thy Book and Thee.  
And (if I judgement have) I censure right;  
For something guides my hand that I must write.  
You have Translations Statutes best fulfilled,  
That, handling neither sully nor would gild.   
Anrew marvel A. F.   

To his ingenious friend Dr. Robert Witty upon his Translation of the Popular Errors.  

APollo's sons have stripped him of his Bays,  
Impov'risht Daphne to enrich their lays  
With an immortal I strain, that so their verse  
May keep thy memory still green; no hearse  
May overtop thy fame; so that 've left  
No verdant branch for me, but have bereft  
Me of all hopes to find a Laurel forth;  
Yet in despite of them, I crown thy worth  
With Ivy. O disdain not for to tie  
Thy brows with such a wreath; for though it lie  
(If not supported) grovelling on the sand,  
It holds no dirt, 'twas could by a clean hand.  
I praise thy smooth Translation, that doth teach  
The Vulgar Errors in a Vulgar speech.  
Their Errors else the Vulgar had not known;  
In Latin Primrose was i'th' bud, now's blown,  
It's blown so fair too, that (all do confess)  
No wit can put it in a fairer dress.  
On thy Translation one may look an age,  
Yet find no Errors but i'th' Title page.   
John Burnsell in Art. Mag.    

The Judgement of Doctor Zacutus the Jew a famous Physician in Amsterdam, concerning this Tractate of the Popular Errors, which I find printed before the Holland's Impression, directed to the Printer.  
MY dearest johnson, I have perused this Book of the most excellent man james Primrose, wherein he discourses accurately concerning the Errors of the people in Physic. It is an excellent and pithy piece, full of variety, pleasant and profitable, and worthy to be prized by Physicians. This learned Author reasons strongly, answers objections acutely, and refutes wittily. Go too (Mr. johnson) print it without delay; no clear-witted man will slight this wholesome counsel, but it will be very much approved of, and delighted in by the Learned, and in their esteem it will like the Rosebuds, every day flourish more and more: For it detects the ignorance and Errors of Quacksalvers, who go about to enrich themselves by mischieving others, cheating the silly people with false and feigned promises of more than they are able to do; such as insolently oppose the known principles of Physic, and envy them that with admirable care and dexterity do make more safe and speedy cures. These, this Tractate armed with the most rational Method of Hypocrates, as it were with Hercules his club, levels with the ground, and utterly overthrows their erroneous opinions; it curbs the foolish vaunting and arrogancy of Quacks, and stops the proud attempts of those fond Babblers. For I abhor to think on this one thing, that a sort of silly Plebeians, and deboyst idle Empyricks, should dare to take to themselves the honourable Titles and employment of the Learned: Even as the country Curs seem to follow the sent as doth the generous Hound, and (as the Proverb hath it) the Goat would seem to be like the Rhinoceros. But to let pass these. You Mr. johnson whom I know to be an entire lover of Learning, make haste to print this gallant book; for it will be entertained with great applause in these Belgian Provinces, in Europe, yea throughout the whole world. Farewell, and love  
Amsterdam june 4th 1639. Your affectionate Friend Zacutus Lusitanus, Med. Dr.   

The Authors Preface.  
HIppocrates said well in his book De Lege, that Physic is of all Arts the most excellent, for the antiquity and necessity thereof, and the nobleness of its subject, to wit, man's body do sufficiently manifest the same. But be adds further; In respect of the ignorance of them that practise it, and of those that judge rashly of them, it seems inferior to the other Arts. In which words, he seems to point out two causes of all the Errors which happen in curing. The first concerns Physicians themselves, the second all others that judge of Physicians and Physic. Touching Physicians be saith that many of them are like to dissembling Stage-Players, who represent the person, which notwithstanding they do not sustain; so as indeed there are many Physicians in name, but in performance very few, which as in Hypocrates his days, so also in our age experience shows to be most true. The second cause concerns them that judge amiss of Physicians; every one wishes always the best for himself, but who is he that is able to discern well the good from the bad, for many do oftentimes make use of them whom either boldness, or the favour of some friend, or the proud bragging of a malapert tongue, not the sound knowledge of Physic hath set forth, which fault was also familiar in Pliny's time, Men presently (saith he) give credit to every one that calls himself a Physician, when notwithstanding in no one thing can there be a greater Error; for oftentimes a greater danger is like to happen by the Physician, than by the disease itself. From these two causes all the Errors of the people we have said do arise: For many of them that practise Physic, being ignorant of the rules of Physic have persuaded the people of many things, which stick so deeply in their minds, that they can scarce be rooted out by any force of reason. For there are very few Errors abroach among the people, to which heretofore some Physician or other hath not given a being, by reason of some Theorems and rules of Physic, by them ill understood. Nor ought any to marvel at it, seeing that among the learned and well created Physicians themselves, exceeding great difference & variety of opinions, not yet fully composed may be found. But it is not my purpose in this place to treat of the controversies of Physicians, but only to show forth certain Errors of the people, which disturb the right reason of curing. Of this subject but few have written. Laurentius Joubertus, indeed a frenchman hath meditated something like to it, but he hath left the work imperfect, and hath unfolded but a few Errors, and those not very gross, and in my judgement little concerning the people. When therefore I had observed here some Errors apparent enough, I thought good, briefly to declare my opinion concerning them. That old common custom of foretelling by urine, which also at this day many Physicians do foster and follow, first gave occasion to this work, of which, when a certain friend long since had requested my opinion, I gave it him in writing. But afterwards observing other Errors, I noted down some thing touching them for my own use especially; At length when I had perfected a Centurie, and this book had grown up to this bulk, I put an end to it; perhaps hereafter as occasion shall serve, I may note more especially if to good and learned Physicians; this tractate shall seem acceptable and profitable, for unto their judgement do I refer all. In this book I have compiled the Errors not of one Country only, but of many, that what is here written in the general, every man may fit for himself, if he find the same in his own country. And this shall be the order of this tractate; the first book comprehends the Errors about Physicians, to wit, about all those that cast their sickle into this harvest: The second is conversant about the nature and signs of some diseases; the third about the diet as well of the sound as the sick: The fourth and last doth treat of certain remedies of diseases, misconceived of the people. Now let us set upon the work.   

POPULAR ERRORS.  

The First BOOK; Which concerns Physicians.  

CHAP. I. Of Physicians in general.  
SEeing then, as we have said in the Preface, the number of Physicians is so Great, we must explain in the first place, who may lawfully practise Physic properly so called: for Physicians that are created in the Universities do practise, as also their servants, Ministers, 
Many sorts of Physicians.  Mountibanks, Runagate Quacksalvers, and women who are said to meddle in Surgery; of every one of which Something is to be said in order.  
Hypocrates would have a Physician to be an honest, diligent, and ingenious man, and in his Book de Art, he would have him to be instructed from his childhood in a fit and convenient place, and a lover of pains. Galen in a peculiar book saith, that he ought to be a Philosopher; and Hypocrates says, that a 
* 〈…〉.  Physician which is a Philosopher, is Godlike. Aristotle saith, that in a Geometrician, the knowledge of another Science which is divers from Geometry is not to be desired: And so it may be said of a Physician, only the exquisite knowledge of his own Art is to be expected. 
〈…〉  From whence a manifold Error of the people doth arise. First, That they call him a learned Physician, and a great Scholar, who can perhaps speak Latin, or understand a little Greek, but not him that is well experienced in his own Art; and this is it which some think is sufficient to fit a man to sustain the person of a Physician (As of late I knew one, who in that he professed himself to be a Physician, (although he was but lightly tinctured with the knowledge of Physic) yet was accounted so for a little smattering that he had in the Latin tongue). But there is a great difference betwixt these; for well said Celsus chief of the Latin Physicians, that Diseases are not cured with Eloquence. For although the knowledge of the Tongues (in the compass whereof the greater part of the Vulgar doth comprehend all Learning) doth make way for the understanding of all the Arts, yet they are not acquired without new labour, care, and industry. Therefore let the people from henceforth, think him a learned Physician, not that knows a little Greek and Latin, or some other Science besides Physic, but who being well instructed in the Rules of Physic, and well read in Galen and Hypocrates, understands throughly the Diagnostic, Prognostic, and Therapeutic parts of Physic; for he that is either wholly ignorant of these things, or understands them but meanly and in part, can scarcely be accounted a good Physician. But who is he that shall judge of these things? For they are not a few, who having gotten some fame among the people, and become renowned with a certain name of Learning, which never read Galen and Hypocrates, do study very little, no not when they are most at leisure, and follow some new Writers scarce worth the reading. But because there are also very many good diligent Physicians, learned, and laborious, we will add no more. Well therefore writes Aeschylus the Poet; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  He that knows profitable things, not he that knows many things, is wise.   

CHAP. II. Of Doctors of Physic.  
GAlen makes two sorts of ignorant Physicians, one of them which are mere Empyricks, the other of them that would have a name of knowledge, and yet are but meanly furnished therewith. Of this sort are very many, who, that they may acquire to themselves a better credit, for some small matter get the honours of Universities, which they call Degrees, and yet return home not awhit better learned than when they went up. 
Doctores non doctiores redeunt.  Now the approbations of Universities have been wisely ordained by our Ancestors, being indeed both proper and necessary, yet concerning them diligent heed is to be taken. But now adays great is the neglect herein; for on many, although but of mean learning, the Degree of Doctor is conferred, insomuch as from some Universities, they return Doctors, but little learned, fit for nothing less than to teach or practise Physic. And there are few Universities into which that abuse hath not crept; Therefore in Itlay and France the degree of Doctor procures not much respect, nor is it permitted to any, although Doctor, to practise Physic in their famous Cities, who hath not been first approved by the Magistrates of the City, being examined by Physicians, of whom also perhaps some are not Doctors. In like manner, he that is Doctor in one University, cannot practise in another, unless therein also he take his Degree. The same also was well and wisely ordained at London, that no Doctor of the University should exercise his Art there, before that after new examination he be approved by the College of Physicians. For in many Universities, although Physic be diligently taught in their public Lectures, yet in conferring those Degrees they are too careless, denying them to few or none. Therefore it were an excellent thing, 
It is most honourable to take degrees at home.  if it were permitted to no man to take those degrees and honours out of his own Country, that he might have his own Countrymen, among whom afterwards he intends to exercise his Art, to be witnesses of his learning, as they do in France. Andrea's Laurentius that famous Interpreter of Anatomy, when by the King's royal Writ he had obtained the office of the Physick-Lecturer at Monspelier, yet could not be admitted, until he had again commenced, first Bachelor of Physic, then Licentiate, afterwards Doctor, and had so often kept his Acts again in Physic, as was requisite according to the Statutes of the University. In like manner at Bordeaux where I was educated, it was not permitted julius Caesar Scaliger a man so learned and skilful, to reside, because he would not be examined by the Physicians of that City. He would not, not because he disliked that order of that City, which is also observed throughout all France, but because he would not expose his fame to every mean question of a young Physician; concerning which thing there were mutual Letters dispatched betwixt him and Manialdus, a very learned Physician of Bordeaux, which also Manialdus his son, the ancientest Physician of that City had lately in custody. These are the things, which because many do not take notice of, they so easily give credit to every one that professes himself to be a Doctor. To a learned man indeed these degrees do add honour, yet they confer no learning. For he that to day is no Doctor, but shall be to morrow, is not wont of such a sudden to become for that cause more learned, nor if he abstain from that degree, will he be more unlearned than a a Doctor. As therefore I do not speak against the constitutions of the Universities, but rather reverence them, yet so many abuses can no man approve. For many mongrell-Physicians, ignorant of this art, or at best but meanly skilled therein, having bought the title of Doctor in foreign Universities, or perhaps but feigning that they have bought it, and so become proud of that counterfeit honour, return home that they may be crammed with the blood and wealth of their Countrymen. But for the most part it is to be observed, that greater danger hangs over the sick by those practitioners in Physic, which have but little knowledge therein, then from that know nothing at all. For they become audacious, talkative, outbrave and resist their betters, and brag that they either excel them, or at least equalise them. I have observed in some, this evil custom, that whatsoever a Physician shall speak well, they contradict, that they may get to themselves some fame, out of the ruin of another man's name.   

CHAP. III. Of the servants of Physicians, and of Apothecaries that practise Physic.  
THis is an ordinary Error, that they that have been Physicians servants, although mere ignorant fellows, 
Physician's servants, and Apothe caries far short of the abilities requisite to make them Physicians.  after the death of their Master, or many times before, address themselves to the practice of Physic; of whom I have known many, and they are also thought by the people to have some knowledge, because for many years they have served a Physician, have written down his prescriptions, which they call Bills and Receipts, and have observed the success.  
The same may be said of some Apothecaries, whom some Physician hath long employed; but all this is not sufficient to make a Physician, nor can the Medicinal art be so easily learned. For Hypocrates, 
What is requisite to make a Physician.  in him that desires to be a Physician, besides a prompt wit, requireth instruction from his childhood, a fit place for his studies, labour, discipline, convenient time, and other things which these men want; as if to follow a Physician were sufficient to learn Physic, or as if those Physicians whom they serve, were more excellent than others, who have commended their learning and experience in their writings, to posterity. Not that I think it absurd for a poor painful Scholar to serve a Physician, and to learn from him what he can, but that it is too much sauciness, for such fellows and drudges adventurously and malapertly to imitate their Masters; for seeing that no man is such an exact Physician, to whom many things are not wanting to that perfection which should be requisite for a Physician, how can these fellows so easily become Physicians. And yet they as well as others are much extolled by the people.   

CHAP. IV Of Ministers that practise Physic.  
AMong men of Ecclesiastical order, that have dedicated themselves wholly to God, and the Church's commodity, there are many that do seriously, and greedily, and with much gain to themselves, undertake the cure not of souls only, but of bodies likewise, and strive to their utmost to get patients to themselves for the healing of their bodily diseases, even in such places where there is store of Physicians. I know this is disliked by many Physicians, especially by them that gape all for gain; but seeing that many Physicians of lighter note do scarce patiently brook others better than themselves, it is no wonder if they approve not that order of religious men. But this is no new thing, for Marsilius Ficinus, that great interpreter of Plato, was both Physician and Priest, and proves it to be lawful, because to the holy Priest all the offices of charity do belong. Wherefore he that to the Priesthood joins Physic, procures that a sound mind may be lodged in a in a sound body. But if in a Minister the knowledge not only of Theology, but of other sciences also be requisite, why shall Physic be excepted? How many of them are there, that are full well versed in the knotty questions of the Law, why not also in Physic? But some will object 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who is sufficient for these things? 
The study and practise of Physic requires the whole man.  For the Medicinal art seems to be so cumbersome, difficult, and long, that it cannot be throughly learned of any man, but it requires and exacts the whole man. Wherefore the Divine seems to be blame worthy, who leaving and neglecting the nobler science, to which he hath given up his name, and hath gotten to himself a character never to be blotted out, doth addict himself to another, so slippery, so hard, so unconstant: for it must of necessity follow, that a sufficient knowledge of another art must be wanting to him. But they have many things to object, whereby they can defend that singular charity, forsooth, towards their neighbours. And first, the curing and preventing of diseases is not contrary nor opposite to the study of Divinity, and to the preaching of God's Word; for even the Apostles and promitive Christians did heal diseases, and also preach. Now, though that kind of curing was miraculous, yet from thence we may gather, that the curing of diseases in itself, and its own nature, is not oppugnant to the Ecclesiastical office, but doth well and friendly agree therewith. If it be lawful therefore to achieve the end, it is likewise lawful to use the means that tend to that end, and such are remedies which God hath created to this use. But perhaps some will say, that curing of diseases in respect of the thing itself, doth not oppugn the office of Divines, but only because it doth suppose the knowledge of another Science, to which together with Theology, it is not easy to give diligence. But they may answer, all men's wits are not alike, and the gifts of God to every one are not the same: Some perhaps are so prompt of wit, able of memory, and such lovers of pains, that they can employ their minds in both arts with very much profit. Yea, at this day there are but few, that to the study of Divinity have not added some other Science, to which their Genius doth most incline. Some are conversant in the study of Mathematics, or of Astrology, or of the Laws, or the like, nor doth any man blame them for it. That the knowledge of both these Arts is possible, the example of some Physicians themselves doth manifest, of whom many study but little, and yet in regard that they are taken for Physicians, they desire to be preferred before any painful Divine, but for what reason it is unknown. For if a Minister do employ that time in the study of physic, which a mongrel physician doth shamefully spend, either in doing nothing, or in ill doing, or in playnig, as many do; what should hinder him to become a skilful Physician? Nor is it a new thing that some Physicians also are delighted with the study of Theology, and verily I see no reason, why in this our age, where abuse hath corrupted almost every thing, that some Divines may not be more learned than some Medicine mongers, seeing that many Physicians (or at least, such as would be accounted so) do so little bend themselves to the study of Physic, that it is an easy thing with a light labour, to know more in Physic than they know. Volaterranus reports, that Trusianus (who was called more than a Commentatour) whose admirable and most ingenious Comment upon the Art of Galen, is extant, was made Monk of the order of the Carthusians. If therefore any painful and ingenious Divine hath adquired so much knowledge of Physic, that he is able to make use of it, why shall he not practise with a good Conscience? It is therefore to be left to their conscience, whether they do well understand this Science or no, let them look to that.  
Benedictus Arrias Montanus, as Arceus relates, taught Surgery in Spain's, but few like Arrias Montanus doth this country bring forth. Neither hitherto hath it been my hap to see any Minister (and I have known many) practising Physic, that understood it well, yea that knew scarce the Tithe (that I may say no worse) of those things which are needful for a Physician to know. 
Not probable that Divines should be able Physicians.  Therefore (although the knowledge of both these Arts is possible, yet that seldom happens; for the practice of Physic doth wholly turn away the mind from the study of Divinity, and the study of Divinity (in them that preach especially) doth interrupt the practice of Physic; therefore it is very probable, that Physic cannot, with a safe conscience be exercised by any Divine who hath the cure of souls. Nor do the cited examples move me a whit. As for Marsilius Ficinus, he was a man more witty than learned in Physic, a busy man, nor doth his books of Physic argue any depth of knowledge in that art, and he busies himself more about trifles, and dreams of the Platonists, than about serious matters. And as for Trustanus, he grew weary of practising Physic, and therefore relinquished it utterly, and put on a Monk's hood. So likewise Arrias Montanus left Surgery, and meddled no more with it. And the order of the Decree is clear in this point in divers places. In general it forbids Ecclesiastical persons all negotiations, especially for lucre sake, which withdraw them from their sacred functions. 
The Decrees of the Church concerning Ministers that meddle in Physic.  They that in the Church of God are preferred to the order of Clerks, let them in no case be diverted from divine administration, nor let them be distracted with cares and Secular affairs, but let them serve day and night in heavenly and spiritual matters. And a little after it gives the reason. Because no man warring for God doth entangle himself also in Secular affairs. And in another place. Let the Laickes who have more leisure do these works one for another. But in particular concerning Physic in another place, speaking of the malice of Satan, etc. Namely thence it is, that transforming himself after his wont manner into an Angel of light, under pretence of consulting for the feeble bodies of their brethren, and of managing their Church business more faithfully, he persuades some regular persons to read the Laws, and to weigh out Physical confections, and so draws them out of their Cloisters. Therefore lest by occasion of their knowledge therein, Spiritual men be aga ne involved in mundane affairs, We make a decree, that no man after a Vow of Religion, and religious profession made in some place, be permitted to go forth to read Physic, or the humane Laws: but if they shall go forth, and return not to their cloister within the space of two months, that they be avoided of all men as excommunicate persons, etc. Where it teacheth that religious persons under pretence of Charity and Piety ought not to meddle in Physic, & that it doth proceed from the Devil, the Arch enemy of Mankind, if at any time religious persons employ their studies in Physic. But more clear is the Council of Yours related in the same place. 
Cap. 10.  Against religious persons going out of their cloisters to hear Law or Physic Lectures; Alexander our Predecessor made a Decree formerly in the Council of Tours, that except they return to their Cloister within the space of two months, they should be avoided of all men as excommunicate persons, and in no case he heard, if they would plead: And being returned, that they be the lowest of all the brethren in the Assemblies, at the Table, and in the Convocation house, and unless by the mercy of the Apostolical chair, to lose all hope of preferment. But because some of these, through the different opinions of some men, were excused, and found indulgence: We willing that for the future they do ipso facto incurre the sentence of Excommunication, do straight charge and command, to the end, that as well by the Diocesants, and in their Consistories, as by the Bishops in whose Dioceses they study, such excommunicate persons be publicly pronounced liable to the aforesaid penalties. And because we desire that the study of Divinity may be enlarged, that the place of its Pavilion being dilated, it may be further propagated, that the Catholic Faith may be environed with an impregnable wall of warriors, which may be able to resist those that oppose it, We will and command, that this be extended to all Archdeacon's, Deacons, Provosts, singing men, and others that have Ecclesiastical live, moreover Parish-priests (unless they desist within, the time limited) and that in the name subscribed it be firmly observed. And in the ninth Chapter it is forbidden, that any Subdeacon, Deacon, or Priest, exercise any part of Surgery, which concerns burning or incision, which notwithstanding is the easiest part of Surgery, as to let blood, etc. But if these easy things be forbidden, without doubt it much rather comprehends harder matters. But our Ministers that practise Physic more adventurously than is fitting, intruding it upon the people under covert of counterfeit Piety, will perhaps, but lightly esteem of the censure of the old Church; wherefore I leave them to the judgement of GOD, to whom one day they must be accountable for all their words and works.   

Chap. V Of Women that meddle in Physic and Surgery.  
HAving taken upon me to point out some Errors of the people, or at least the common Errors of many, I have willingly favoured Churchmen (as much as I could possibly) so I resolve also concerning Women. For it is not a thing of such consequence, nor ought any Physician of note, or Surgeon to think worse of Women, which are borne for the care and service of men, if they do their whole endeavour for the good of Mankind; for they know how to make a bed well, boil pottage, culliss, barley broth, make Almond milk, and they know many remedies for sundry diseases. But they especially are busied about Surgery, and that part chief which concerns the cure of tumors and Ulcers: Notwithstanding the cure of Ulcers and Wounds doth require very much art; 
The cure of Ulcers and tumors require much ar●.  as first all their differences must be known, to wit, whether it be a simple Wound, or corroding, contused, with putrefaction of the bone, corrupt, cancrous, fistulous, etc. Then the variety of remedies and circumstances in curing, makes the art to be fallacious, uncertain and conjectural. All which things, seeing they cannot be known but by a skilful Physician, women ought not so rashly and adventurously to intermeddle with them. Again, they usually take their remedies out of English books, or else make use of such as are communicated to them by others, and then they think they have rare remedies for all diseases. But Galen in his books of Method, 
The necessity of the altering of remedies makes the art more difficult.  teaches that remedies are to be altered according to the person, place, part affected, and other circumstances; for in some a deterging Medicine will draw unto suppuration, as Frankincense; in others the same remedy will generate flesh, and Galen gives an example of a Surgeon, who in an Ulcer where he saw great putrefaction, did daily apply a strong deterger, viz. Verdigrease, and the oftener he did so, by so much the more did the putrefaction increase, because the remedy was stronger than the disease. 
The same malady in different parts requires a different cure.  The same Ulcer in the Leg doth require a different remedy from that in the breast, or another part, because of the divers nature of the parts. If therefore they understand well all the differences and causes of ulcers, as also a right method, and a right use of suppurating, deterging, flesh-generating, and cicatrizing medicines, and the reason of varying them according to the nature of the parts, ages, temperaments, and other circumstances, I will easily believe that they may be able to exercise this Art. But seeing that these things cannot be attained unto without much labour and study, I can scarce be brought to believe that they are able to understand, or perform what they promise. But because a Physician ought to be but little solicitous, who, and how many they be that practice Physic, we will say no more of Women, it sufficeth that we have manifested their errors to the people: Therefore we will speak a little concerning others.   

CHAP. VI Of Mountibanks.  
THere is another sort of men sprung up for a mocking-stock of art, which call themselves Empyricks, the English and Italians call them Mountibanks; the French Chartalans, or Ceretans; one of which called England his best Nurse. And it is a wonderful thing that many should be so wary in the choice of Physicians, that if a Physician settle in some place, they dare not of a long time commit themselves unto him, and yet they presently trust themselves to a Mountibank, that comes to stay but afew weeks, & (as I have often observed) men of the meanest rank, that plead poverty to Physicians, can find money enough to give to these Mountibanks.  
First of all it is to be noted, that in other parts of the World they are men of no esteem; 
Mountibanks not capable of honour in foreign Countries.  and although they grow rich, yet they are not capable of any honour in the Commonwealth; but if they travail the Country here, they are accounted in great honour, and are sometimes equallized with Physicians, and are taken for a certain sort of Physicians. Secondly, it is to be noted, that though they call themselves Empyricks, yet they are not. 
Empyricks in former times were learned men.  For the Empyricks in times past were very learned and skilful men, whom Galen in one place acknowledgeth to have been his Masters, and they understood very well, not only the remedies, but also the rules of Physic, the diagnostic and prognostic signs of diseases, and they followed a certain method, or rather an order in curing, but did not search out the causes of diseases, nor the reason of the rules of Physic. It sufficed them that these things were observed of old, either of the Ancients, or of themselves. If we had such Empyricks, they might be very well endured: For even Physicians do not disdain Empire (the dogmatic part of Physic comprehending it.) But they have moreover added hereunto the reason, and knowledge of causes, not that they may absolutely cure, but that they may more certainly cure. 
Mountibanks are far from the learning of the ancient Empirics  But our Mountibanks now a days do show forth their tricks upon the Stage, and far are they from being Empyricks, for they know nothing but 3 or 4 remedies. If they had remedies for the Leprosy, Gout, quartane Ague, and other such grievous diseases, seeing the success, we would commend their experiments. But not any one of them, in Italy, France, and England, have more than three sorts of remedies; that is, the Antidote against poisons; the Balsam for wounds; and the Ointment for burn, 
They sell the common remedies at a dear rate.  to which sometimes they add a perfumed ball; and the common purging remedies which they buy at home of the Apothecaries, do they sell at a very high rate. Something I intent to speak touching these remedies, with this proviso, that I exempt from their rank those manual Operatists, that cut for the Stone, whom Hypocrates calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as also such as couch the Cataract, and those that cut for the Bupture, for they are lawful Artificers, although also some of the Mountibanks that wander about England, dare likewise to attempt the same.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Mountibanks Antidote.  
THeir principal and most highly extolled remedy is against poisons, of which they promise wonders. But first we will demonstrate the unprofitableness; secondly the abuse; and thirdly the facility of that remedy.  
The unprofitableness consists in this, 
The Mountibanks Antidote is of little or no use.  that of all the diseases which happen to man's body, those that proceed from poison, either applied outwardly, or taken inwardly, are most rare with us; therefore there is no great need of that remedy; but if they had medicines for the more ordinary diseases, as the leprosy, and the gout, they might be endured. Besides there is no part of Physic, which doth more abound with remedies, then that which treats of poisons. For if any man read the books of them that have gathered together the descriptions of remedies, what a number, and variety of them shall he find, in Wekerus, Andernacus, and others that have set forth whole treatises concerning poisons. Moreover there is no remedy that can resist all poisons: Yea, I dare be bold to say, that a draught of Cow's milk can do more against Arfenick and Sublimate, which are the most formidable poisons to us, than all the Antidotes of the Mountibanks. There are also many things much better than theirs to be had in Apothecaries Shops, as that ancient, and in all ages well approved treacle of Andromachus, as also the Mithridate of Damocrates, and Matthiolus his Antidote, which contains in it almost all the Simples which serve for this purpose. Again, it is an easy thing for any Physician that knows the matter of Physic, and the art of compounding medicaments, presently to prescribe such things. For first it is to be noted, that these medicaments are not taken out of those things that do resist all sorts of poisons; for neither butter, nor milk, nor oil, or other things which resist Arsenic, and Corrosives, are ingredients in their Antidote, but they are selected out of the medicinal matter of Cordials; to wit, they would only have the heart to be defended against the malignity of the drug, and not the violence of the drug itself to be repressed. As some learned Physicians write, that the poison of the plague is of such a nature, that its proper Antidote is not yet found out. Therefore whatsoever things are prescribed against the pestilential venom, they do only corroborate the heart against the force of the morbifical cause. Hence the deceitfulness of the Mountibanks Antidote may be observed, and that it is not universal, as they report. Any man may conjecture the same by the price; for how can they defray the expenses of their companions, and of their journeys, which are many times very chargeable, if the Antidote were of any price, 
A way to try the virtue of the Antidote.  which (as I have often observed) with the ointment and balsam, they sell but for twelve pence. That the efficacy of it may be proved (for here is a very gross deceit, in that they do usually forearm themselves with the Antidotes of the Shops against the violence of the poison) this caution should be observed. Let a dog be kept a whole night without meat and drink, and let neither milk, nor any fat thing, which may abate the strength of the poison, be given him in the morning, but give him some Arsenic, and after he hath taken it, let him have as much of the Antidote as the Mountibank pleases, and so the efficacy of the remedy shall be sufficiently proved. The same may be said concerning men, for they make experiment of the poison upon themselves, and take it in the presence of the people. If they will take the poison with the forenamed cautions, having seen the effect, we will commend the remedy. But they show themselves upon the Stage for the most part after noon, after meat, and after the use of fat things, and such as do assuage the force of it, as milk, and perhaps of Antidotes. For meat, especially that which is fat, and milk, do strengthen the stomach, and weaken the poison; therefore it is no wonder if they do then take it more boldly, which soon after they vomit forth at home, and so all comes to nothing.  
There is another experiment of theirs, which the people do very much admire, The Mountibank will apply a Viper to his breast, 
A deceit in their application of the viper.  about the left pap, and taking the Antidote will feel no harm. At this the people stand amazed, the very naming of it is wonderful. But here is a manifold deceit. For First, as Matthiolus saith, these fellows have sundry ways to tame their vipers and serpents. Secondly, the vipers in England, in respect of the temperature of the air, are not so venomous as they are in hot Countries. Therefore Galen gives strict charge, that in the composition of treacle the vipers be not taken in the height of Summer, which with them is excessively hot, for then are they most full of venom; but with us the vipers are less venomous by much, whose height of summer is not equivalent to the spring-time of the Italians. Thirdly, the people is deceived in thinking that the force of the Venom is sooner communicated to the heart, if the venomous creature be applied to the breast, because of the nearness of the heart. But that is false; for the venom is carried by the Veins and Arteries, as appears in that all the blood of them that have been bitten by a Viper doth turn into a pale greenness. And seeing that the veins in the paps, are so very slender, and do not come unto the heart, but with a great many long wind, I affirm, and it is more probable, that if the Viper be applied to the feet, which are farthest remote from the heart, it will sooner infect the heart, than if to the paps, but soon of all if it be applied to the arms. 
Cleopatra applied the viper to her arm.  And now the story of Cleopatra comes to my mind. Petrus Victorius blames the Painters, that paint Cleopatra applying the Asp to her paps, seeing it is manifest out of Plutarch in the life of Antonius, and out of Pliny likewise, that she applied it to her arm. Zonara's relates that there appeared no sign of death upon her, save two blue spots on her arm. Caesar also in her statue which he carried in triumph, applied the Asp to her arm. For in the arms there are great Veins and Arteries, which do quickly and in a strait way convey the venom to the heart, whereas in the paps the vessels are slender, which by sundry circumvolutions only do lead to the heart. And therefore in Saint Paul the miracle was so much the greater, in that he felt no harm from the Viper, which laid hold on his hand; for if it had assailed him on his breast, he had had respite enough to take some Antidote, which on his hand he could not do.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Balsam and Ointment of the Mountebanks.  
THey seem also to do wonders in curing wounds by the help of their Balsam. 
They cure only green wounds with their ointment.  Where it is to be noted, that they cure only simple wounds, for which union alone is sufficient without a future, therefore in old Wounds their Balsam is nothing worth. But this cure is not very hard; for oftentimes only binding up doth suffice for the cure of such simple and green wounds, Nature itself, by the means of the blood, as with the Balsam uniting the divided parts. Besides, there are many remedies of that nature to be found in Authors, whereof two excellent ones are prescribed by Riolanus. The very same also is described by Fabritius ab Aquapendente, as may be seen in his works, and is extant in the last print of London Pharmacopoëa. That the people may know that there is nothing admirable in those remedies of theirs, nothing that Physicians and Surgeons cannot do much better.  
They have likewise an Ointment for burn, 
Their ointment for burns.  for the most part made of Pomatum, or butter washed in Vinegar, with the salt of Lead. 
Their deceit in washing with flaming oil or lead.  But because some of them proceed so fare, that they wash their hands in boiling Oil, or melted Lead, something must be said of that likewise, lest the people think that these things be unknown to Physicians. Albertus Magnus hath sundry ways of doing it. First he takes Fish glue, and Alum, of each a like quantity, let them be poured (saith he) upon Wine-Vineger, and anoint any thing with this ointment, and it shall not be burned with fire. Secondly, take Lime quenched with the water of beans, and a little Mandrake, and Marshmallows, mix them well, and anoint thy hand, and let it dry, it is of that virtue, that a man may touch fire therewith, and not be hurt. Thirdly, take the juice of Marshmallow, the white of an Egg, the seed of Fleabane, Lime, and the juice of a Radid, mix them with the white of the Egg, and with this confection anoint thy hand, and the fire shall not hurt thee, not though thou shouldest kindle natural brimstone upon thy hand. Cardanus reports, that if one wash his hands in his own urine, the fire shall not hurt him. There are many other things, which by their clammy and cold substance do shed all over the hands, that Lead, or Oil, or any hot thing cannot make an impression thereon, but it presently slides off; otherwise if it should abide on, it would without doubt burn at length. Let us add to this the authority of Andreas Laurentius that famous Physician. They that touch live coals (saith he) without hurt, do first anoint their hands with certain Juices, wherewith they defend themselves from the fire for a little space. In the white of an Egg (says Pliny) there is such force that wood besmeared therewith cannot be burned; and wood anointed with Alum remains unconquered of the fire; an experiment of which did Archelaus a Captain of Mithridates make in a wooden Tower against Sylla, which in vain he endeavoured to set on fire. The clammy juices of Marshmallow, common Mallow, Purslane, and Mercury, prevail against the sire: And therefore Albertus writes, if one anoint his hands with the juice of Marsh Mallow, the white of an egg, and dlume dissolved in vinegar, he may handle fire without hurt. If one wash his hands in quick silver, quenched in vinegar, with the white of an egg, he cannot be hurt by the fire. 
Their deceit in drinking of poison.  They that drink poison in the sight and presence of the common people, do first as it were parget the inward tunicles of the stomach with oil and butter, or else use preservatives against poison; thus do these Impostors blind the eyes of the ignorant. Thus Laurentius. But because these Mountibanks do sell their remedies at a low rate, and they seldom or never come into use, though they be bought, and do not hurt Physicians, we will say no more of them.   

CHAP. IX. Of them that call themselves professors of Paracelsus his Art.  
THis makes me call to mind, that I have seen at London the Tables of some that profess the Paracelsian art, and they make promise of great matters, which they have learned by travailing, when notwithstanding an industrious man may fish out more at home by the diligent reading of books. But these men do cloak their wiles with Paracelsus his name, whose books perhaps they never read, much less (which I verily believe) understood; for truly never any man was an absolute follower of Paracelsus. At length the matter is come to this, that these men either are, or would be accounted Chemists. Therefore in few words I will lay open the difference between a Paracelsian and a Chemist. 
The difference betwixt a Paracelsian and a Chemist.   
Chynerstry is not an art of its own kind, but merely a preparation of medieaments, and therefore in proper speaking belongs to that part of Physic called pharmacy, and so ought not to be treated of but in pharmacy. 
Chemistry before Paracelsus  It was not at first invented by Paracelsus, but was practised many ages before him, by Raimundus Lullius, Villanovanus, and many others, whose many excellent Chemical remedies, waters, quintessences, distilled Balsams, and the like we have, who notwithstanding that, did profess the same art with the Galenists, Therefore Physicians do not dislike that chemical preparation of of remedies, although under that title do jurk many deceits, and almost all Impostors with this cloak do hid and cover all their knaveries. And the Pacelsian Sect, although it doth more frequently use chemical remedies, yet doth it not reject such as are prepared after the vulgar way, which is called Galens form, as may be seen in many places in Paracelsus, and in his counsels, wherein he often makes use of remedies not chemically prepared; yea sometimes he uses them without any manner of preparation; only mixed diversely one with another. So as concerning this part of physic, which belongs to the preparation of medicines, Paracelsus seems not to have affected one more than the other. Nevertheless he endeavours to overturn Galens method of physic, and brings in a new physiology of his own: he tells many strange things of the beginnings of things, and man's generation, produces new causes of diseases, which is his pathology, 
Paracelsus a conjurer  and a new method of curing, in which he spares neither spirits, nor words, nor conjuring tricks, for he teaches that diseases ought to be cured by any art whatsoever, whether by the help of Devils, or of natural means; whether the remedies be chemically prepared or no. For indeed Paracelsus was a Magician, as appears in many of his works. But in regard that art is long and hard to be understood, they shall scarce persuade me that they are Paracelsians. As for those things which Petrus Severinus, Danus, Quercetanus, and others have written of this art, they are not of Paracelsus, but the mere figments of foolish men. But enough of them.   

CHAP. X. That a Physician ought to be skilful in Surgery.  
I Know not how it comes to pass, that men do more easily give credit to a Surgeon practising Physic, than to a Physician professing Surgery. For in many places Surgeons are wont to arrogate to themselves the function and office of Physicians. 
A physician ought to be knowing in surgery  That a Physician ought to be skilful in Surgery, I shall easily show. But first this is to be distinguished as it is in itself, from what it is become by the use, or rather abuse of this age. There are three parts of the curing part of physic: One is that which cureth by Diet; the second by Medicines; the third is that which cures by the hand: They are called Diet, Pharmaeie, and Surgery. All diseases for the most part have need of these three. In a burning Favour, which by general consent belongs to Physicians, the chiefest remedy is letting of blood, yet this belongs to Surgery. The same may be said of other diseases. In tumors praeternatural, and Ulcers which are thought to belong to Surgeons, Purging, and the manner of Diet, without which they cannot be cured, do concern pharmacy and Diet, and so do belong to the Physician, not to the Surgeon. There is almost no disease inward or outward, which doth not require the Surgeon's art, and the physicians also. 
Surgery is a part of physic.  Here I speak according to the opinion of the Vulgar, who distinguish physic from surgery, when indeed surgery is a part of physic. Whatsoever is done by the hand is v, therefore in proper speaking only manual operations do make a Surgeon. And so it was of old; but now adays it is fare otherwise. For now Surgery doth challenge unto itself five kinds of diseases; to wit, tumors besides Nature, Wounds, Ulcers, Dislocations, and Fractures; whereof the three first in proper right belong to a physical consideration, and in them a formal method of curing is very conspicuous. Therefore Galen begins his Method of healing with the cures of Ulcers, and ends it in the cure of tumors. And although in times past surgeons were different from physicians, yet they did never vindicate to themselves these parts of physic. That they do belong to a physical notion it will appear, if we consider, that these diseases do not only happen to the external, but to the internal parts likewise. tumors besides Nature of all sorts, may be in the internal parts, the Frenzy is a phlegman or erysipelas of the Brain, the Pleurisy is a phlegman or erysipelas of the Membrane that covereth the Ribs; as also the Liver and Spleen may be troubled with a phlegman, erysipelas, or a schyrrous Tumour. In like manner Ulcers of all sorts do happen in all the internal parts of the body, among which notable is that in the breast, which we call the Consumption. They that have written Tractates of Surgery, do treat of Ulcers and tumors, without the determination of any part. Now if a physician know not the general way of curing Ulcers and tumors, nor their differences, causes, signs, and prognostics, how shall he be able to cure those that arise in the inward parts. It is needful then that he know those things. But if he know them, & that better many times than the Surgeon himself, 
Not improper for a physician to practise surgery.  in respect of his learning, which now a days is not desired in a Surgeon, why shall he not practise Surgery, after the same manner that he doth physic, to wit, by prescribing, not by applying remedies? Hence is it, that whosoever have written any thing of Surgery worthy of praise, from Hypocrates his time unto this our age, have been always physicians, except a few late writers, who have presented nothing to us, but what we had before. Yea a physician had need to be skilful in that part which concerns v operations, because without the advice of a physician, the Surgeon himself ought not to meddle with those v operations, as is usually observed in many countries beyond the seas. And in some countries no man doth practise Surgery, but he that is doctor of physic, which is a very good and laudable custom.   

CHAP. XI. Whether a Physician may make up his own Medicines, or no.  
FUrthermore, a physician ought especially to be skilful in * pharmacy, 
The art of curing by medicines  which consists in choice, preparation, and composition of simple Medicaments. For now adays many of our Apothecaries are to seek in this point, being altogether ignorant of the operations that belong thereunto, and yet are so bold, that they dare practise physic, because when they have served their Apprenticeship, perhaps under a Master ignorant enough too, they think well of themselves, and if they have reserved some of the physicians Bills, they use them too boldly. But some think it a thing unbeseeming the dignity of a physician, to prepare his Medicines, and that Apothecaries were therefore ordained by public authority, that they might ease physicians of that labour. This custom hath been in force ever since * Galens time. 
7. de med. secundum locos, cap. 3.  And Horace in his Satyrs makes mention of Pamphilus an Apothecary. 
● ejusdem.  The same * Galen doth distinguish a physician from Herbarists, such as let blood, those that make or sell sweet ointments, and others whom he calls a physicians servants. Nevertheless that in times past physicians have compounded their own Medicines, the history of Philip, King Alexander's physician, doth sufficiently manifest. Galen himself made a treacle: Pachius an * Hiera. 
A purging medicine.  Horatius Augenius doth highly commend that physician which makes up his own Medicaments. Plantius in the life of Fernel reports, that that great physician was wont with his own hands to compound his Remedies. Therefore, I think times and places are to be distinguished; for Galen did not compound at Rome, because there were there Workmen for that purpose, only at Pergamus he did. For whereas at first of old physicians did perform both themselves; at length for the multitude of patients, they left that care to their servants, as now adays Apothecaries do commit it to their servants, and Apprentices, and so by little and little it became a profession of its own kind. Yet nothing hinders, but physicians, when they please, may prepare their own remedies. And that it is not unbeseeming a physician, 
Physicians may make up their own medicines.  not only the forenamed examples, but even reason itself doth illustrate. For remedies do cure without a physician, but not a physician without remedies; therefore the nature of remedies is more excellent than the physician: wherefore it is no disgrace for the physician, who is only a Minister of nature, to prepare and compound them. But because something must be yielded to place and custom, which hath differenced Apothecaries from physicians, the Physician will have nothing for sale, but he may compound some special medicines for himself, the rest are to be committed to the care of the honest and diligent Apothecary.   

CHAP. XII. Of them that are thought to have some secrets.  
NOw because nothing is perfect in every respect, it may so fall out, that common remedies, and they perhaps ridiculous ones, may be extolled by many for great secrets, which they will reveal to no man, and wisely done too, because they have nothing that is worthy the name of a secret. Therefore let us say something of these secrets, for they that profess themselves to have them, may easily obtrude them upon the people, and if any man should lay claim to a common remedy, known to all, as proper to himself, he shall scarce be convicted of a lie. Therefore in the first place it is to be considered, 
3 things necessary to the curing of diseases.  that there is necessary unto a cure, the knowledge of the disease, the method of healing, and the use of indications, without which no remedy can be applied. For remedies are the finger of God, but as a sword in the hand of a mad man, they are good indeed to him that uses them aright, but dangerous, being administered by him that neither knows well the disease, nor the method of curing. Secondly, the diseases being found out, the physician ought to know the matter of remedies, and the method of compounding, that he may answer the Indications. If he know well these 4 things, the disease, the method of curing, the matter of remedies, and manner of compounding, he needs not these secrets, for he is able to prescribe as good remedies, yea perhaps better than those secrets are, which are so highly boasted of. I have read a story of Gapivaccius, in the Epistles of Scholtius, who being entreated by the Germans to communicate his secrets, answered very well, read my practice, and you shall find my secrets; in which book there is no secret, no hidden thing at all. I remember I have heard Varandaeus, the King's professor in the University of Monspelier, 
The best remedies are such as are no secrets.  say, that those remedies are the best which are no secrets, but best known, as being confirmed with more certain experience, and he said truly. But let us now pry into the nature of secrets: they are either simple, or compounded. I confess indeed all the virtues of simples are not yet perfectly known, as yet many lie hid. If therefore any man hath found out by experience the virtue of some simple medicament, 
What is properly to be called a secret  not yet known, that increase of art is to be commended, and deserves to be called a secret; as he that first found out the vomiting virtue of Antimony; he that invented the compounding, and found out the efficacy of gunpowder; he that first brought Jalap into use, had secrets greatly to be commended; such as these, if any man have, he is worthy of commendation, and I think no other secrets are to be admitted. For those that are compounded of the ordinary matter of simples, as usually they are, albeit a physician do keep them to himself, and desire not that they be known, yet they are not to be called secrets, for any learned and skilful physician can at his pleasure make the like of present materials. And therefore I have observed that no man is more unhappy than those physicians, that note their medicines out of books; and many ignorant fellows we see do cunningly conceal their remedies, lest if they should become known to other physicians, they should be laughed at. Hence it appears how much many, both men and women here in England are beguiled, where all do busy themselves in gathering receipts, (as they call them) when oftentimes those remedies are of no worth at all, and did at the first come from some physician, who himself had nothing that was secret. And what though they be good, yet they are not, nor aught to be called secrets. For as good, yea and fare better remedies can a learned and skilful physician provide out of the matter of physic diversely tempered, as different words are made out of the letters diversely joined. I once met with a man that had a receipt of a purge, which (as he said) a very learned physician lately dead had given him, which I perusing, I could not hold from laughter at the foolishness of the composition; he made it up for his Wife, but all in vain. I persuaded him to give it to the Apothecary, and that he should give her but the third part, wherewith she was sufficiently and abundantly purged. And I knew a Gentleman that accounted Electuarium Lenitivum to be a great secret, who told me he paid twenty pound for the receipt. Others I know, who have the pills of amber, aqua mirabilis, and many other such remedies, which are to be had in every Apothecary's Shop, and yet they account them as great secrets. So I have known others keep for precious secrets, the descriptions of Diet drinks, which many times they believe to be more efficacious, than those that are prescribed by physicians, although the matter is far otherwise.   

CHAP. XIII. Of Physicians that are thought to be lucky and fortunate.  
Many of them that practise physic, although sometimes they are not thought to be so learned, yet they are esteemed by the people to be fortunate and lucky. Indeed some of them are very fortunate, to heap together so great riches, by an art which they do not well understand. But they are unfortunate that trust to them; for by art, and not by fortune, are diseases cured; forasmuch as to the cure of discases, there ought to precede a certain understanding and foreknowledge of them, and their Symptoms; how can it be, that he that is but lightly tinctured with the knowledge of them, can ever perform a good cure, but that after the manner of the 
* They were a sort of people who were wont to fightblindfolded.  Andabatae, he wrestles with diseases. It may so fall out, that he may meet with diseases very easy to be cured, which nature itself is able to overcome without the help of physic; of which, if a Physician be but a spectator, they will be cured, and then he is a fortunate physician to whom such a thing doth happen. It may fall vut also that he may be sent for in the declination of the disease, or after the principal remedies have been administered by another more able. Aristotle calls fortune an accidental cause of those things that are done. Now diseases are cured by a due administration of remedies, which due administration doth not depend upon fortune, but on the learning and judgement of the physician. 
'tis a right administration of remedies, not fortune that cures diseases.  Otherwise, he that useth a remedy, and hath not a sufficient knowledge of the Art, undoubtedly he aims like a blind man at a mark, which if he hit, it is merely haphazard; from whence it comes to pass many times, that such men, by their unskilful application of remedies, make diseases, otherwise easy to be cured, to become a great deal worse. Hypocrates says well; 
Lib. de locis in homine.  If the remedies of diseases be certain, what need is there of fortune, otherwise as well remedies, as those that are no remedies, being exhibited with fortune, will do good. But some man will say, that which we call fortune, is none other than the providence of God, which directs the Physicians remedies, though he be not very learned, to the health of man. But that is not enough; for though all things depend upon God's blessing, and are to be expected from thence, yet he doth not use to work immediately, but by the use of remedies. For the most high from Heaven hath created physic; and he saith, that an honest, learned, and faithful Physician is to be honoured. So that it is not usual with him to give a blessing to naughty remedies, ignorantly, and unseasonably administered. But on the contrary, if any physician, whether a good man, or bad, know well the nature of remedies and diseases, 
God's covenant with nature.  and administer every thing discreetly, that is, in due place, time, order, and according to the rules of art, a happy event is to be hoped for, and God is wont to bless such means, in regard of the covenant which he hath made with nature. Otherwise, although one should misapply remedies, if yet a happy success were to be expected, what a miracle would it be, if bad means, which naturally cannot attain to the end propounded, besides the order ordained by God in nature, by his immediate benediction, should notwithstanding be directed to the right aim? Although God can do this when he pleases, yet he is not wont to work such miracles, or but very seldom, to his own greater glory. Therefore we conclude, that fortune is rather esteemed so in the opinion of the common people, and so it doth often happen, or else because the diseases in their own nature tend unto health, though perhaps sometimes at the first view they may seem dangerous; and such men are wont sometimes to say, that diseases are a great deal worse than they are, that the cure may procure to themselves a greater name, or if death ensue, it may be also known, that they foresaw it, and that the report may be, that the sick died not by the default of the Physician, but through the greatness of the disease. Besides they often times prescribe many unprofitable remedies for the curing of a very light disease, as if it were an exceeding dangerous one, to the great hurt of the patiented, who oftentimes might better endure the disease then the remedy.   

CHAP. XIIII Of Physicians which are thought to be men of experience.  
THere are some, who though they be not esteemed so learned, yet because they have been a long time practitioners in this art, are thought to have gained a great deal of experience, and therefore the people do sometimes more freely give credit to them then to others, yea though they be but surgeons, or Apothecaries. Experience indeed is very commendable, and exceeding conveninient for all that practise physic. 
Without learning experience hard to be gotten.  Nevertheless unless a man be learned and judicious, it is a very hard thing to acquire it. In so much as it is an ordinary thing to see men, that have practised physic a good space of time, to have notwithstanding no certain experience of any thing. Now experience is nothing else then the remembrance and observation of that which is often wont to happen after the same manner. Thus have the virtues of Medicaments been found out, as only experience teacheth that Agarick purges phlegm, and Rhubarb choler. But this not sufficient for the discharge of a cure; for besides this, experience is employed about the nature and signs of diseases, and order of curing. And therefore experience alone without learning and reason is uncertain, and merely conjectural. For he that knows that Rhubarb purges choler, is notwithstanding ignorant when, to whom, and in what disease it is profitable, except he be a learned and skilful Physician. And therefore Hypocrates said well, that it is a dangerous thing to make an experiment, in respect of the nobleness of the subject, to wit, man's body. All that writ of the matter of Physic, do teach that Frankincense doth generate flesh; but Galen says, that in respect of the nature of the parts, the virtues thereof are divers, that in one part it draws unto suppuration, in another it is mundifying. The same Galen writes, that a certain Empiric had a mundifying plaster, which he applied to an ulcer, and when every day the ulcer became more and more putrid, he always used a stronger, and so the ulcer became always worse and worse; now seeing he did not understand the reason of this, but only knew the force of the remedy, it was no wonder, if he was frustrate of his end. Therefore men should not trust to those Physicians, which being ill practised from the beginning, are only busy about remedies, neglecting the other parts of Physic; and it is sure enough such can never be experienced men, seeing that the experience of a Physician must be extended not only to the remedies, but to all other things which concern the right administration of them. It is also certain, that a learned and well grounded Physician, when he doth address himself to the exercise of his art, will get more experience in one year, than any unlearned fellow in a whole age. Which that the people may the better know, to wit, that experience cannot be gained but by a skilful and learned man: let them consider, 
Experience gotten two ways.  that it is gotten two manner of ways, either by history, when we give credit to other men's experience, following those things which they have proved, 
Ones own sight and view.  and this experience any man may acquire by study: or by * autopsy, when by our observation, we get a certain knowledge of things. 
Many things requisite to the gaining of experience.  The former without this hath no certainty in it. Now that we may gain experience, many conditions are requisite.  
First, the same thing ought to be observed not in one man only, but in many; for one Swallow makes no Summer, as we said before of Frankincense, which is not sarcoticall in all, but according to the diversity of parts and temperaments hath sundry virtues.  
Secondly, those things that be in act must be distinguished from those that be in power such, as also those things which act by themselves, from those that act by accident only.  
Thirdly, the application of the remedy ought to be made in a certain or determinate individual of some species, because what is poison to one, may be meat to another, and therefore because I speak here of experience which is made in man's body, I suppose remedies to be applied to it alone. Therefore they should first be applied to a temperate, then to an intemperate, then to a sick man: so that he that makes an experiment, aught to know the constitution.  
Fourthly, in the sick party the disease ought to be considered, whether it be simple, or compound, for experience must be made in a simple affect, not in compound, and therefore an exact knowledge of diseases also is necessary. For if there should be a Fever, with an obstruction of the bowels, and it be cured by medicaments, it is not yet manifest whether they were hot or cold, whether they cured the obstruction or the Fever first.  
Fiftly, the Medicament whose virtues we would experience, is to be exhibited alone; for by composition the virtue is altered. Spirit of Vitriol is exceeding hot, which nevertheless we use to cool hot Fevers, but mixed with other things; hence it comes to pass that they that note compound remedies out of other men's books, attain to no experience at all.  
Sixthly, in remedies these things ought to be considered, substance, quantity, quality, age, the place of birth, the goodness of the remedy, and the time of using it; for all these things do alter the virtue of Medicaments. From all which it doth appear, that certain experience cannot be acquired, but by a learned, skilful, and judicious man.   

CHAP. XV. Of many that peep into Vrines, handle pulses, and prescribe purges.  
HAving already spoken of divers sorts of men that practise physic, it will not be amiss to point out the error common to them all; for they observe the beating of the Arteries, peep into Urines, and prescribe purges. Yea silly women do it. And who is able to refrain from laughter, when he sees women feel the pulse. Where it is to be noted, that such observatours take notice only of one difference of the pulse, to wit, the swiftness and slowness; but there are many differences of the pulse necessarily to be considered by a physician, simple, compound, absolute, relative, in one only pulsation, & in many. All which if they were considered according to Galens mind, & the Ancients, they would be more than two thousand differences. But by us, who have rejected many superfluous things, there remain more than an hundred to be observed. Nor is it sufficient to know the differences only; for besides the causes of every one of them are necessary to be known, that the judgement touching diseases may be infallible. Again, the manner of knowing them is difficult; for every difference hath its peculiar manner of knowing it, which if one be ignorant of, he will never find out the pulse. If many should hear only the names of the pulses, they would of their own accord abstain from touching the Arteries, for like Magical terms they are able to affright the ignorant, as Pulsus arythmos, ecrythmos, pararythmos, mejouros in unâ vel pluribus pulsationibus, caprisans, imparcitatus, aequalis inaequaliter, equaliter inequalis, and many other differences there are, in this place needless to be rehearsed, out of which we take the knowledge, and prognostics of diseases. The same may be said of Urines, of which there are many differences, simple, compounds in colour, consistence, contents, and their causes are likewise to be known, but things that are so difficult, can scarce be dealt withal by an ignorant man, or by a woman. Besides they are wont to administer Cathartick and purging Remedies. Now they must know it is a very easy thing to lose the belly; for many both simples and compounds do it, but he alone is able to do it according to the rules of art, that is a good Artist. For purges are for the most part troublesome to Nature, and for that cause ought never to be administered but with great heed and discretion. Moreover they are much mistaken, that without making any difference, if their bellies be but abundantly loosed, do applaud it, while they consider not the remedy by which it is done. The same likewise is to be said of other remedies, whereof great store may every where be found. Not the plenty of remedies, but the manner of using them makes a Physician; which doth suppose a Physician to be exercised in knowing diseases, and that he is skilful in the nature of bodies and method of curing, which thing very many of these cannot promise of themselves, nor others of them. Would God also some whom the Universities have approved, fell not into the same Error, and did not at a venture collect their remedies out of foolish books. I do not here dislike the reading of many books, which set out unto us the wits of modern writers, and of those curious Artists, especially that have committed their observations unto writing. But I leave all to the judgement of the learned Physician, I chase from the hives the sluggish drones, and do here treat only of some mongrel Physicians, which by men's deaths make their experiments, and would indeed imitate good and skilful physicians, but cannot attain to them.   

CHAP. XVI. Of them that promise an easy cure of the French Pox.  
THe last Chapter of this book we will dedicate to that disease, which they, who are most troubled and vexed therewith, do always give to others; we will call it by the common name of the French Pox. A most filthy disease, accompanied with sundry and horrible symptoms, concerning which divers tractates of learned Physicians are extant, wherein they seek out the time, easy and ready way of curing the disease. But a certain sort of men are crept up, who gives out that to be most easy, which hitherto hath seemed very difficult to all Physicians, and in their Tables they profess themselves to have a kind of method, whereby within ten or twelve days (they say) they are able to root out this disease, although inveterate, nor do they strictly observe any manner of diet, but leave the sick to himself alone, this is indeed an easy, and pleasant way of curing. But how is it that Physicians now adays are thought unable to cure this disease, but it is believed to be the proper office of Surgeons and Mountebanks, when notwithstanding the right way of curing this disease hath proceeded from physicians, and requires a great deal of industry, as well about sudorificks, as ointments, suffumigations, and other preservatives against the poison of the disease. The curing of which although I deny not but it may be performed by skilful and learned Surgeons, yet many unskilful men in that art, perhaps against their wills, and ignorantly bring many evils upon the sick. Yea I am sure I know some, who being supposed to be infected with this pest, have been disquieted and tormented with many Medicines, who notwithstanding never had contracted any such disease; for though the knowledge of the disease be not so difficult, yet I certainly know, that many pains of the joints, head, and other parts, have been taken for the French pox by some unskilful fellows, but it was a gross mistake. And here all men are to be admonished, that first they beware of Whores, and then that they beware of such cozeners. 
This disease not easily cured.  For this disease is not so easily cured, and being left sticking to the body some while, it doth so debilitate and corrupt the bowels, that it breeds other incurable diseases, as the 
A sort of lepry.  Elephantiasis. I deny not but the cure of this disease in the beginning is easy enough, yet such as requires the care of the Physician, the obedience and patience of the sick, and heedful diligence to be had in his diet. Surely it must needs be a very light disease which any one can cure in so short a time, without regarding any course of living, with liberal and jocund feasting, walking abroad, and using other such recreations of the mind. 
It requires a strict regiment.  Nevertheless the remedies that are convenient for this disease do not promiscuously admit or what course of living men please; for it may perhaps be such as doth resist the remedies and abate their virtue. Again, as in other diseases, the diversity of temperaments is to be regarded, so also in this, and therefore a strict choice of remedies is to be made, which things if any man do not consider and weigh, it is no wonder, if he undo many sick persons. Wherefore he that is troubled with this disease, 
Cautions so such as are ●ll of the ●rench pox.  lethim not trust himself but to a Physician that is a skilful Artist, unless he desire to lose both his labour, and his money too, which many times men both promise, and bestow more freely on those knaves, then on a learned and faithful Physician. But enough of this, for it is not my purpose in this book, to handle the manner of curing this, or any other disease, but only to show to the people their Errors, that they may have always recourse to a Physician if they be sick. Although oftentimes greater danger is like to happen by the physician, then by the disease, and men presently give credit to every one that professes himself to be a Physician. I who writ these things, for my own part, reckon not neither who, nor how many they be, that practice physic, whether learned or unlearned, even as it is with them that be sick, if they do but consult with some Physician in name only, they care not what he be, if he can but stammer out a little Latin, and they falsely style him Doctor of Physic, though he be ignorant of the very principles of physic, and never read Galen, or Hypocrates.    

POPULAR ERRORS. The Second BOOK. Of the Errors about some diseases, and the knowledge of them.  

CHAP. I. Of the deceitful judgement of Vrines.  
NOw is the most common Error to be refuted, which first gave occasion to this Treatise: for he is scarce thought worthy to be a Physician, who cannot by Urines judge of diseases, and their circumstances, which Error even Physicians do too patiently foster. It was of old very ordinary with the Arabian sect, and it was a common custom also in France, in the times of Valescus, and Gordonius. Plantius in the life of Fernel, relates, that that most excellent physician was wont to look into urines that were brought from abroad unto him, which abuse not withstanding he approves not, but reprehends them, which like Soothsayers do prophesy many things of the absent sick party, 
Pisse-prophets.  by only looking upon the urine. That there was very great fraud therein, the books which Gordonius, and others have set forth concerning the cautions of urines do plainly show, wherein a Physician is taught how he may deceive the people, as also take heed to himself of their subtleties. Yea to this day among the Germans this custom is in force, even whether the Physicians will or no, of whom many do speak sharply against it, Heurnius, Foresins, Sennertus, and others, but most excellently Fuchsius in the beginning of his chapter of urines, he calls Physicians that peep into urines, asses, cheaters, pisse-drinkers, unworthy with whom good men should contend, seeing they more esteem of the gain they get by urine, then of truth itself. But now a days in France and Italy, the Physicians have quite abandoned this foolish custom of divining by urine. First, urine is the whey of those humours which are in the veins: Now the humours are causes of very many diseases, and therefore urine will show what humours are there. But diseases are not in the veins, they are all in the substance of the parts. 
Urine shows not diseases, but their causes.  They will not therefore indicate the diseases, but the causes of them only. But from the same cause there are many diseases: The burning fever, frenzy, jaundice, every sort of erysipelas, and herpes, proceeds from choler. If a very choleric urine be brought, can the pisse-prophet tell which of these diseases doth trouble the patiented, perhaps he will conjecture that choler is predominant. Secondly, as in divers diseases, 
Urine varies every day.  and sick parties (as we have already said) the same urine may appear; so in one and the same sick man it is various, and changes every day, that if to day a sick man's urine be brought to a physician, and again to morrow, unless by some other way he know the disease, he shall scarce judge it to be the urine of the same disease. Yea the water is of one sort in the beginning of the paroxysm, of another in the increase, and of another in the height. Thirdly, the same water may appear in contrary diseases, 
The same urine ●n contrary diseases.  even though they depend on contrary and altogether different causes. As for example, let the pisse-prophet resolve me. If a white and clear water be brought, is he well or sick that made the water? A man in health having drunk much wine, or beer and ale, may make such urine as is daily seen. A sick man may labour of a very violent burning fever with the frenzy, 
Diabetes is when whatsoever is drunk is pissed out again even as it was drunk.  choler being carried up to his head, he may be troubled with the Diabetes, or the obstruction of the bowels, or liver, or with the weakness of the stomach, or the stone, or some other diseases; but which of these diseases will he suppose it to be? Will he judge the frenzy to be of a cold distemper? Moreover a bilious urine may be made in phlegmatic diseases, through the obstruction of the passage, by which choler is carried to the intestines. Fourthly, diseases whose cause is not contained in the veins, cannot be known by the urine, for many diseases do not so much as alter the urine. Such are external diseases, luxations, roughness, or smoothness of the parts, yea, the quartane ague itself, which is an inward disease, although it be an effect of the melancholy humour, yet it holds forth no signs of it in urine, neither in the fit, nor out of the fit. Gilbertus' an English man in his praxis, in the chapter of the quartane ague, and Richardus a very learned man, as Arculanus reports in his Commentaries upon the first section of the fourth cannon of Avicenne, the second tractate chap. 65. did ingenuously profess, that by urines they could never know the quartane fever, not the epilepsy, nor a woman to be with child. O that in our times Physicians were so ingenuous and free. These are the words of Arculanus, that learned Physician, in whose time this custom of divining by waters was very rife. I do not believe (saith he) that a quartane fever can be known by the water alone, because of the great agreement of the quartan with the quotidian in urine; and especially in the beginning. Of which opinion chief was Gilbertus an English man in the first book of his praxis, in the chapter of the quartane, reproving some ignorant habbling fellows, that profess themselves to know all sicknesses by urine, as many Physicians in Lombardie even at this day, mockers of men, who (as they say) by urine know all diseases, even the putrid fever, who nevertheless when they are present, and consider all the signs, yet know but very little; For as master Richard the most learned and experienced of all the learned saith, (looking upon these pratlers, and boasters of their judgement in urine, that in their much speaking are eloquent, but in reason slender and mute, in his most excellent treatise of urines, whose singular learning to be compared with none, in many things he saith he followed, he blames them in these words.) Some prating (saith he) and arrogant fellows do exceed beyond all due bounds, and interlace learning with rules invented by their own authority; But I call God to witness, that neither by care, nor art I could find by urine alone a certain knowledge of a woman's conception nor of the epilepsy, nor of a quartane fever, for it is but a deceitful and equivocal messenger. Which things indeed do very much agree with our times. I have often seen that opinion, which by the urine the Physician had declared, to have been changed, when he saw the sick party: and which is more, many simple fellows that impudently meddle with Physic, being called to the patiented, by whose urine they had before fully explained the disease, not only to have changed their opinion, but to become less able to judge at all of the disease, although they had both the Patient and his urine before their faces. Fiftly the urine is altered by meats, drinks, exercises, air sleep, washing, and divers other causes, and so makes the judgement to be but conjectural; therefore Avicenne after six hours, others after two hours would not have an urine looked into. How grossly then do they err, that rashly judge of urines that be brought to them many miles. Hence it comes to pass that many that are no Physicians, but merely made to cheat the people, do promise more than good Physicians are able to perform. Nor can I except even ministers that practise Physic, who of all men should be most holy.  
Sixthly * Galen says well, that in urine there are no signs that do certainly portend the frenzy, 
2. proch. text 2.  or the affects of the head, for it only signify (saith he) the distempers of the liver, kidneys and bladder, but there be other signs and symptoms of the diseases of the brain. Yet Actuarius saith, that the diseases of the liver, brain, neck, breast, yea and of his joints also may be discerned by urine; and Hypocrates writes that when a man's urine is like to the urine of a beast, it shows a pain in the head. In like manner the excrements of the whole body have recourse (as Physicians say) to the belly and the urine, by which it may be changed; thus thin phlegm falling from the head makes a frothy urine, 
4 aphot. 73.  and Hypocrates thinks that the grievous frettings and gripe of the guts and hypochondres may be resolved by urine. But this belongs only to prognostickes, for the very gripe themselves cannot be known by the urine, & much less their solution. But the most witty Argenterius did deservedly laugh at Actuarius, for endeavouring to point out in urine the signs of diseases in the brain, the breast and the joints. For though the excrements of the whole body may be evacuated by the urine, yet that happens not always, for many parts although grievously affected do not alter the urine at all. Moreover the excrements are but the causes of diseases, and not diseases themselves. As for that which may be said of the headache, and the frenzy, Galen answers it: 
Text 4 Sect 1. proch.  * where he saith, that the signs of the frenzy are either those that are always in the phreneticke, and in them only; or which are always in them, but not in them only; or which are neither always in them, nor in them only; but sometimes are apparent, and sometimes not, and happen from other causes. From whence it is manifest (saith he) that neither in urine, nor in dejections of the belly, nor in spittle, nor in vomits are there any signs of the Frenzy: Neither do troubled Urines, nor such as have any elevation aloft, nor frothy Urines always betoken the aforesaid affects, but do likewise proceed from other causes, and if at any time they declare any of these, they do it with other signs; for the aforesaid affects may be without such Urines. From whence it may be concluded, that those signs which do not always accompany a disease, nor yet folely, cannot indicate any disease, but such are urines. For Galen teaches, that they by chance may betoken a frenzy, because they iddicate a windy blood, but not by themselves and properly. Therefore (saith he in the afore cited place) what hath been said of Urines, makes nothing to a judgement of the Frenzy, yet they do conduce to the discerning whether the sick be in any great danger or no. And therefore in all diseases it is not amiss to consider the Urine, that the danger may be discerned. Galen teaches in many places, that the excrements are signs of the parts affected, and of the disease; as that the dejections are signs of the belly; the spirtle of the breast; snot of the brain; and the urine of the liver and veins; to wit, that they are signs of the concoction which is made in those parts, but seldom of the diseases themselves. Therefore Urine cannot show forth all diseases; as for example the Pleurisy is known by a pain of the side, a Fever, a hard Pulse, difficulty of breathing, and cough, without the urine and spittle; for if these come likewise, they show the cause and prognostics of the disease already known by other signs. For though the Pleurisy and Frenzy cannot be known by urine, yet if the urine appear very much changed, it is an ill sign; for it hetokens a distemperature not only of the vital and animal, but of the natural parts also: And when many parts are out of frame, the sick lies in so much the more danger. Moreover, sometimes the Urine shows whether the disease be joined with a Fever or no, for Galen teaches, that in the affects of the belly, 
2. De Cris. cap. 7.  if they be without a Fever, only the excrements of the belly are to be looked into, but if with a Fever, than the urine likewise, not that we may know the disease itself, but that we may the better judge, what will be the issue of the disease already known.   

CHAP. II. That the sex, and being with child cannot be discerned by Urine, whereof a certain story.  
THey that bring Urines to Physicians, do often ask them, whether it be a man's or woman's water, and whether the woman be with child or no. It is admirable to see how cunningly some in this case deal with the people, But that neither the sex nor graviditie can be discerned, I will demonstrate. For although the Urine of a young man and an old man, of a man and a woman, be different each from other, yet that is only in colour and consistence, which seeing they may be changed by divers other causes, it will not properly show, whether it be a man's or a woman's; for a choleric woman after exercise, and the use of hot meats, will make higher coloured urine than a phlegmatic man. Moreover, she which hath a Fever, or some other disease, without doubt changes her urine according to the nature of the disease. How shall he therefore that looks into an urine discern the Sex, when he knows not the temperature of them that made the urine. Therefore if a healthful man be compared with a healthful woman, a choleric man with a choleric woman, and a sick man with a sick woman, and no external thing happen, which may change the urine, perhaps the woman's urine may be in some respect discerned from the man's, but otherwhiles not at all, when oftentimes it is unknown from whence the urine is brought to the Physician. And so it is to be understood, which some Physicians writ concerning the difference betwixt a man's water and a woman's; for because men are said to be hotter, and are given to exercises, they make thinner urine, and higher coloured, with fewer contents, but women because colder, make whiter urine, with a larger sediment. A whitish colour (saith Fernel) is a sign not only of crudity, but of the Sex likewise. But even the hottest man may make such urine, by reason of the causes that change urine. Therefore in this there is no certainty, and it is too much rashness to pronounce any such thing by urine.  
Concerning women with child, 
A woman cannot be known to be with child by urine.  it is a greater doubt, and it is ordinary with women for this cause alone to send their waters to a Physician. Avicenne teaches to know it by a sediment like unto carded cotton, and by some other marks. But seeing experience shows the contrary, he is deservedly to be rejected. It is not necessary for every urine of a woman to have a sediment, but that only which is well concocted.  
First, Hypocrates who hath exactly searched out all the signs of conception, never made mention of urines.  
Secondly, the urine is not changed by the graviditie itself, but only by the suppression of the flowers, which as cannot be denied, may alter the urine, by the reflux of blood and excrements into the veins. But that same change of urine may appear as well in Maids by the stopping of their flowers, yea in all diseases that arise from the like suppression, as also in the obstructions of other internal parts. Thus urine will manifest here no proper or peculiar thing. We see urines sometimes of a low colour, as happens frequently in obstructions, sometimes very high coloured, sometimes like to the healthful, when the woman with child is in health, sometimes thin, sometimes thick, such as may likewise be seen in other affects. But if the woman be sick, the urine is so changed by the violence of the disease, that all the signs of being with child, if there be any, are obliterate.  
Thirdly, that the knowledge of graviditie is not so easy, Hypocrates himself shows, who after he had reckoned up many probable signs of it, as if those were not certain, he betakes himself to some empyrical signs. 
Aphor. 41. lib. 5.  If you would know (saith he) whether a woman hath conceived or no, give her some water mixed with honey to drink when she goes to sleep, if she feeleth gripe of her belly, she hath conceived, if not, she hath not. And in his book of the Barren, he saith, Stamp Honey and Anise well together, dissolve it in water, give it her, let her sleep, if she feel gripe about her navel, she is with child, but if not, she is not. So that hence it may appear, how hard a thing it is to know if a woman be with child before the stirring of the infant, when besides many other signs, Hypocrates hath recourse to such empyrical signs. How foolish then are they that profess themselves to be able, so easily to divine that by urines. Avenzoar, a Physician of principal note among the Arabians, reports, that he was deceived in his own wife, although he had seen her urine, and had other signs whereby he could know a woman to be with child, if the knowledge thereof were so easy. Saxonia relates, that he was judged by Physicians to be a * mole, 
Or false conception  and that his mother did take many medicines to destroy the conception, which yet did not prevail. And to this opinion do all the modern Physicians assent, who have written of the diseases of women.  
Hither is to be added a certain fable, 
A merry story.  which hath been related to me as a story by men of good note; and this is it: A certain maid did carry her Mistress' urine to a Physician, and having by chance spilt it, not knowing now what to do, she catched the urine of a Cow, which at that time by good hap staled, and carried it to the Physician: he gave answer, that the patiented did eat too many salads. Indeed the Physician was worthy to be commended for his skill, who could divine that. I say this is a fable, because I have heard the same in divers places of sundry Physicians; as also because it is always ascribed to some Physician that is dead, the like to whom is no man living. And its true indeed, no man this day is living, or ever was, that could certainly know a beasts urine from a man's. If the urine be like to that of beasts that are accustomed to the yoke, 
Aphor. 70. l●b. 4.  pain of the head is either present, or will ensue, saith Hypocrates; noting, that a man may make urine like in colour, and consistence, to that of beasts. Therefore hitherto it hath been doubted, in what respects a man's urine might be discerned from other liquors. I know there are some rules and marks prescribed by Avicenne and others, whereby they may be discerned from each other, but they are all false and uncertain. And nothing is more easy then to deceive a Physician, though wary, by showing him him other liquours and urines. But if a man may make urine like to that of beasts, how can a Physician, not knowing from whence it comes, discern one from the other.   

CHAP. III. The Solution of the arguments that seem to favour looking into Vrines.  
SOme that too much approve Ouroscopie, or looking into Urines, do use the authority and arguments of Hercules Saxonia, a very learned Physician heretofore among the Italians, who desired to patronise a little Ouroscopie. For he would have not only the causes of diseases, but also their Ideas, magnitude, and states to be known by urine, not in general only, but also in particular, whose opinion we will briefly lay down.  
First, (saith he) urines show diseases in distemperature, without matter, and with matter. A hot distemper without matter, is either universal, or of a determinate part, and this is sometimes without a fever, sometimes with a fever. An hot universal distemper do these urines show, to wit, reddish, saffron colour, green, black, fatty; atomous, branny, or scaly sediments, and sharp urines. Nevertheless these do not show a distemper without matter, but with matter, for urine hath not these colours but by the mixture of humours; hence in a diary fever Galen writes, that the urine is made somewhat reddish through the mixture of choler. Moreover, 
1. ad Glauc. cap. 2. & 3. method. cap. 2. & 10. the crisib cap 12.  these do only betoken a hot distemper in general, not any particular sort of it; for a hot distemper may be Synochus, a burning fever, or a tertian; it may also be a phlegman, or erysipelas of some part. The same Galen doth aver, that a hot distemperature of the parts may be discerned by the very same urines: what therefore can the Diviner say, if urines do only show a disease in general, and not in particular, how will he know by the urine rather the heat of the reins, then of the liver, or of the whole body?  
Secondly, he objects that urine is as it were the whey of the humours, which are distributed into the substance of the parts, so that when the whey is severed, it carries with it the excrements of those parts, and thereupon it may show their affects. But I answer, the alteration of the whey is so divers, that it cannot be discerned, what part especially hath altered it. Again, the excrements of many of the parts are the same, and unless of the contents the urine be extraordinary, as matter, dregs, or the substance of some parts, the whey will show nothing in particular, or yet when these are apparent, except there be other signs, can we scarce know whence they come, unless out of the bladder itself, as bran doth argue an affected bladder.  
Thirdly, he teaches in my judgement a very vain thing, to wit, how the whey of the liver may be differenced from that of the veins, as if the liver had any whey proper to itself, or as if the whey of the veins be not first digested in the liver. Now this he teaches to know by the quantity, and substance, because the whey of the veins is more in quantity, and thicker in substance, than the whey of the liver, which is false, for the quantity of the whey is from the moist matter, which is taken in, which first passes to the liver, before it come to the veins; but if the urine be more in quantity then the drink that was drunk, it is necessary that some other thing must be mixed therewith.  
Fourthly, he says that Galen would have the urine looked into in a pleurisy, and the diseases of the lungs. But we said before, that in such diseases, 
Urine notes the event of the disease, and not the disease itself.  urines serve not for discerning of the diseases, but for the foreknowledge of the event. The same may be said of a cold distemper, which in general we grant may be discerned by urine, but never in particular; for in Diabetes, in the beginnings of fits; in an ill habit of the body, dropsy, lethargy, and other diseases, although urines may be crude, yet they do not show the affects of these parts more than others. Therefore he is mistaken, when he says that a cold womb may be discerned by urine, because in respect of its vicinity, the distemperature of it is imparted to the urine. Notwithstanding, why shall a crude urine rather show the womb than the liver? Again, if the urine distil into the bladder high coloured by some hot cause, the womb, although cold, shall not bereave it of the colour, which it hath from the mixture of the choler, and although the womb being somewhat hot, may give some colour to the Urine, yet being cold it cannot take away the colour, which it hath contracted some other way.  
Fifthly, he saith, that the humours may flow from all the parts in the bladder, and therefore the Urine will show the several diseases of them. I answer.  
First, the secondary humours do not return unless there be a melting of the whole body.  
Secondly, the humours once departed out of the vessels, do seldom return again into the vessels, but are purged out through the habit of the body.  
Object. But saith he, there is the same matter of sweat and urine, and the matter of sweat is without the veins. Therefore when through want of sweeting the urine is increased, the whey returns into the veins.  
Sol. I answer; it is false; for the matter of sweat is only without the veins, when we do actually sweat, but not when we are about to sweat. But no man sweats of his own accord, unless he be not well. Again, although the humours do return into the veins, yet they will not show the peculiar affects of the parts; as if a mattery urine flow out, it will indeed manifest that matter is purged out, but whether it flows from the breast, or from some other part, not the urine, but other signs of the affected part will show.  
Lastly, he uses the authority of Avicenne, who writes that urines which have in them a thick and clammy water, are signs of the pain of the joints, which notwithstanding is false, for a thick humour may proceed from some other cause; but enough of this.   

CHAP. IV A 
* Breaking of urine.  troubled urine in diseases is not always a good sign.  
NOthing is more ordinary, then to hear the people hoping well of the sick, when they see the urine which is pissed out bright and clear, 
It is oftentimes an i'll sign.  afterward to be troubled; which notwithstanding is not always true, but rather on the contrary it may be an ill sign; where it is to be noted, that urines are either pissed clear, and continue so; or they are pissed clear, and are afterwards troubled; or they are pissed troubled, and remain so, or else afterwards become clear, either being set to the fire, or by laying down some thick substance, which settles in the bottom; of the causes of which urines much may be said, which appertain not to this place. The best urine is that which is mean in colour and consistence, 
Best urine.  what recedes from this is evil. Therefore if it be thinner than right, it betokens crudity. But that which is pissed clear, 
A troubled urine betokens a disease coming on in those that are well.  and is afterwards troubled, in them that are in health notes some danger of a disease, because it indicateth a crude humour which nature sets upon to concoct it, therefore it is pissed clear, but the heat and spirit being lost, it is troubled, for heat makes all things equal. 
In the sick it shows an increase of the disease.  But in the sick it betokens an increase of the disease, especially if the substance, quantity, colour, and other signs be naught; now if in them that be in health such urine notes fear of a disease, how shall it show concoction in the sick? When any healthful man falls into a disease, his urine doth not necessarily become thinner than right, and then again thicker, and troubled, but it is rather troubled from the beginning, and shows a future disease. Therefore a troubled urine is never good, for from a thin urine to a mean, which is according to nature, the passage is not made by a troubled, for the thin comes nearer to a mean, then to a thick urine. If therefore a yellow and thin urine become yellow and thick, and troubled, it betokens not concoction but danger, because of the increase of corrupt matter, as Montamus well observes. Therefore they are to be condemned, that account thick and and troubled urine a good sign, because the obstructions seem to be opened, and the humour that breeds the disease to be evacuated. This happens indeed sometimes in the stone, in critical evacuations and by virtue of medicament. 
They betoken crudity.  But when such waters are made without a diminution of the disease, they argue a crude and stubborn disease, and heat, and crudity of humours, for all concoction makes clear urines. But they are the worst of all, which are pissed out troubled, and continue so, because of the very great agitation of the humours in the veins, and the great conflict that nature hath with the disease, and as Hypocrates observes, they foretell the headache, frenzy, convulsion, death; 
7. Epidem.  Polyphantus with such an urine was distracted in his mind, and died in a convulsion.   

CHAP. V That the consumption cannot be known by the urine.  
IT is a familiar thing also with many, when they bring their waters to Physicians, to ask them, whether they think the sick party is in a consumption or no. In which particular they err two manner of ways.  
First in that they do not distinguish the true consumption from other diseases, but call every wasting of the body, by what cause soever it comes, a consumption, as we shall treat more at large in the following chapter.  
Secondly, because neither the ulcer of the lungs, nor the hectic, 〈◊〉 which are properly consumptions, can be known by by urine. Nor have Galen and Hypocrates taken any sign of these diseases from urine: the reason is, because no proper nor unseparable sign of a consumption can be drawn either from the substance, colour, or contents, because urine is the whey of the humours that are contained in the veins, therefore upon the diversity of humours the change of of urine doth depend. But in them that have the consumption, the lungs especially are affected, and the whole body in hectics, and not the humours. We have said already, that the diseases of the lungs are discerned by spittle not by urine, and though it be good to look into urine, yet it helps not to the knowledge of the disease, but only to the prognostication of the danger that is like to ensue, for if it appear to be naught, it increases the danger; But the Arabians said that these urines are fat and oily, whom also many of our late writers do follow, although they do not agree among themselves; yet for the most part they grant that in the beginning of a hectic, nothing certain can be known by urines, but in process of time when the fatty humidity is consumed, such urines do appear as we have already said. But Alexander Trallianus makes no mention of fatty urines, but thin and fiery, and crude, for in regard that concoction is made by the solid parts, if they be distempered, the urine cannot be well concocted, but be thin, fiery and crude, as in a hot and dry distemper. Nevertheless from thence it cannot be concluded, that a Physician not seeing the sick can by urines know a hectic fever, for such urines appear in other affects, and may happen through divers causes, and therefore except other causes do concur they note no certainty. The same may be said of oily urines, of which much might be spoken, seeing that there is a divers acception of this word with Galen and other Physicians. But in this place those urines are meant, which have fat swimming aloft, which Hypocrates will have to be a bad sign. 
2. progn. tex. 35  If fat like to spider's webs float aloft, it is to be disliked, for it betokens melting. Yet it doth not from thence follow that these urines do show the consumption, for such urines are oftentimes seen in them that be in health, 
4. de sanitat. tuendâ.  as Galen observe. For seeing that grease and fatness are made of blood well concocted, it is no wonder if some portion thereof swim above the urine, as is usually found in cool broths. Moreover it may come to pass by much lying upon the back, the fat of the kidneys growing hot therewith; and these two cases are very ordinary, and there are few that cannot observe such urine in themselves: But those that come from causes preternatural, do appear in malignant and burning fevers, which we call 
* melting or wasting.  syntecticke fevers, seldom in a consumption and hectic, in which no such melting doth appear, but the humours are wasted by an insensible transpiration. 
10. meth. cap. ult.  Hence Galen puts this difference betwixt syntecticke & hectic fevers, that in these what is wasted is resolved in form of a vapour, but in them it flows down into the belly, for the heat of a hectic is but very little and gentle, so as the sick do scarce perceive themselves to be in a fever. Therefore neither Galen, nor Hypocrates; nor the ancient Physicians who observed these urines, did ever attribute them to hectics, but to burning and pestilential Fevers only. But if any fatness do flow out with the urine in hectics, it argues that another Fever is joined with the hectic, to wit a malignant or burning Fever; which case is exceeding dangerous. I have now, while I writ this, a hectic in cure, in whom such urine never appeared, which I have often observed in others that are not sick at all. And although we should grant that such urines appear in those that be in a Consumption, yet because they may also proceed from other causes, how can the Physician, that only looks upon the urine, and perhaps knows not the party himself, certainly find out the disease. But as we have said enough of the deceitful judgement of Urines, I will only add thus much, that it was wisely prohibited by the College of Physicians at London, that any Physician profess that counterfeit divination. These are the words of that order. It is a ridiculous and foolish thing by looking into Vrines alone, 
Judging by urine a ridiculous custom.  to go about after the manor of Witches and Conjurers, to divine any thing as certain and solid, either of the kind and nature of diseases, or of the state and condition of the sick; We admonish therefore all Physicians, that they behave themselves for the future in this particular much more warily, than hath been wont heretofore to be practised by many. And for this cause we forbidden all that practise physic, that they prescribe any thing in Physic for those idiots and silly women, that carry about the urinals of the sick, except they either first know well, or see the sick party himself, or at least be plainly, fully, and sufficiently informed by them that ask their counsel, of the whole disease wherewith the sick doth labour, and of the several circumstances thereof: For by this means we shall both better mainetain the dignity of the Physician, and also more fitly and skilfully bethink ourselves of those remedies, which shall be most profitable for one that is in danger.   

CHAP. VI Of the Consumption.  
BEcause in this Country the Consumption is an evil so ordinary and tremblable, we will speak something thereof, seeing of many it is not well understood, 
Every pining of the body not a consumption.  for the people under that name doth comprehend every pining away of the body. It is therefore to be noted, that if we retain the general signification of the word, there is almost no disease, which a Consumption may not succeed. But indeed the people do err when they speak of the Consumption, as of a disease different from others: For it is not a disease, but an accident following many other diseases, especially if they be long. For seeing that the substance of our bodies doth daily decay, unless it be repaired with food; if the strength of natural heat, and of the parts ordained for concoction be impaired by diseases, the body cannot be well nourished, and therefore necessarily the bulk thereof doth pine away. So that such Consumption doth happen.  
First, from external causes, 
Several causes of a consumption.  as a hot air, want, cares, troubles, watch, too much evacuation, and other emptying causes.  
Secondly, it happens through a decay by reason of age, in the Marasmus of old age; for natural heat is weakened in old men, and radical moisture is spent; the loss whereof is irrecoverable.  
Thirdly, leanness of body is natural to some, as in hot and dry bodies, which are easily made lean, by causes that are of a dissolving faculty, and such bodies live longer than gross bodies. They that are gross by nature, 
2 Aph. 44.  do sooner die than they that be slender. Which is to be understood of them that are very gross, whose veins are small, and blood little.  
Fourthly, it follows burning Fevers, which do by their heat waste their alimentary humours, and the substance of the body. Hypocrates writes: They that die of a burning Fever, 
Lib. 1. de morbis.  do all die through dryness; the extremities of the body, as the hands and the feet, are first dried up, and then the drier parts. And some Authors report that all the blood hath been consumed, 
Cap. 2. lib. ad Gla●●●.  as * Argenterius writes of Mutius Medici's Captain of the Castle of Pisa, in whose dead body not one drop of blood was found. And though the sick die not, yet it is usual for the body to consume away in a violent fever, whereupon it is called a hot and dry passion, and therefore Hypocrates prescribes a moistening diet, in the sixteenth Aphorism of his first book, that it may hinder that drying which the fever causes. Hither also ought to be referred those fevers which are melting fevers.  
Fifthly, it may follow the affects of the spleen, and tumors of the same: 
Febres syntectica.  Hypocrates in his book de locis in homine, and * Galen, and * Averrhoes, do affirm, 
Gol. 2. de facul. nat. cap. ult. Averrh. 4. Colliget. 56.  that when the spleen grows the whole body decays, therefore the Emperor did compare the spleen to the Kings excheques, for as the King's exchequer sucks up the wealth of the people; so doth the spleen the substance of the body. The same might be said concerning the liver, and other the inward parts, whose evil affects do consume the body. The dropsy 
* The watery dropsy.  ascites or 
* The tympany or windy dropsy.  tympanites doth often succeed a hard spleen, in which malady it is usual to see the belly swollen, when not withstanding the upper parts do very much pine away, through penury of good blood, and it doth much resemble a consumption, thus I have seen dropsick persons whom the people have thought to be in a consumption; and indeed one disease doth easily bring in another, for as we have said, the pining and wasting of the body is not a disease of its own kind, but an accident proceeding from very many, both external and internal causes. Therefore every wasting of the body ought not to be called a consumption. But coming closer to the business we affirm,  
Sixthly, that a consumption is properly taken for a hectic fever, 
Hectic fever is a consumption properly.  in which the substance of the body is wasted by little and little, and insensibly, for in this fever the heat at the first approach seems to be mild and gentle, afterward it is sharp and biting; the sick perceives neither a fever nor any other malady, and yet he feels his strength decay by little and little.  
Seventhly that word (consumption) doth agree with 
* A disease when the stomach receives meat, and yet the body is not nourished.  Atrophia, which likewise is the consequent of many diseases, and in general also by Atrophy, any wasting of the body may be understood. But now properly it is, when the body pines away neither for want of food, nor by immoderate evacuation, nor by reason of any other evident causes, nor by an acute disease, nor by a hectic fever, nor by the ulcer of the lungs, but when softly and by degrees the body is not nourished, though it take food; either because the nourishment is badly attracted, or badly retained, or badly concocted, or lastly, the superfluities of of it not well expelled, 
The causes of an Atrophy.  although many that have written of Atrophy, have produced all the causes of leanness in the body.  
Eighthly, and lastly, by the name of Consumption most properly aught to be understood Phthisis, 
Phthisis is most properly called a consumption hard to be cured.  which is an ulcer of the lungs, consuming the substance of the body with a gentle continual fever. It is a disease much to be bewailed and hard to be cured, yea perhaps impossible, for three causes alleged by Galen.  
First because an ulcer is cured by the voiding out of the matter; now it is voided out by coughing, and the ulcer is made larger through a cough.  
Secondly, because the virtue of remedies reaches scarce to the lungs, but being much weakened, for their virtue perishes in the stomach, liver, hollow vein, and other passages.  
Thirdly, because to the cure of an Ulcer there is need of rest, but it is necessary that the lungs do always move. Add also, that to the ulcer there is joined a fever, which requires cooling and moistening, but the ulcer drying remedies, for the cure of every ulcer is drying. Besides it is to be noted, that this disease is contagious, as * 
Hipp. 3. Epid.  Hypocrates, 
* Gal 1 de diff feb. cap. 2.  Galen, and other Authors have observed, and that augments the danger. Now, that the people may not be too much deceived, they must know that this disease is not so much to be feared in children and old men; 
Old men and children not subject to the consumption of the lungs.  for according to the rule of Hypocrates, in the ninth Aphorism of his fifth book; The consumption of the lungs is especially in those ages, which are from eighteen to five and thirty; and in his third book, the 29th Aphorism, Spitting of blood, and Consumptions do happen to young men: for seeing that young men have abundance of hot and bilious blood, and at that age the body grows but little, it comes pass, that both by the plenty and heat of the blood, and by salt fleagm arising from choler, the vessels are corroded and broken, as also by their immoderate exercises, and other defaults in diet. But they do seldom happen to children or old men; to them, because of their gentle and vaporous heat, unless the natural conformation of the body do incline to this disease, or the contagion of another, that hath the ulcer of the lungs, do hasten the malady: and to these, because in an old man's body there is but a little quantity of humours and heat. Therefore Celsus erred, who translating this Aphorism into Latin, corruptly placed the 12th for the 18th, as Mercurialis observes. 
Avicenne in an error.  Avicenne likewise was mistaken, who would have old men especially to be subject to the ulcer of the lungs, except it be understood of the Marasmus of old age, (which in a manner happens to all by reason of old age) but not of the ulcer of the lungs. For although incurable catarrhs, and distillations of rheum happen to old men, yet the humour is not so sharp, that it can exulcerate the lungs. Therefore he that hath not contracted this evil in his youth, in old age, by reason of his proper temperament needs not to fear it; although I deny not but it may happen some other way, as by the pleurisy, inflammation of the lungs, corrupt matter between the breast and the lungs, and other diseases, but not by reason of the proper constitution of old men. Which things I thought good to add, that if at any time some of the people ask a Physician, whether the party be in a consumption or no, he may know how to distinguish of the divers acceptions of a Consumption, and need not fear the principal kind thereof in old men and children. I know, Cornelius Celsus, among the several sorts of consumptions, reckons the cachexy, in which the habit of the body doth rather swell than fall; and I believe, if we look unto the nature of the thing, it is true; yet because to the sight it rather appears contrary, I was for that cause willing to omit this signification. If I had added here the causes of all these diseases, the signs diagnostic and prognostic, and manner of curing, which once I was determined to do, the book had grown into too great a volume; nor do I think that to be needful, for it is my purpose only to demonstrate the Errors of the people, and not to teach Physic: the people may for that advice with learned and honest Physicians. Let us now hasten to other things.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Plague, whether it be infections or no.  
SOme men are so froward, Stoical, and obstinate, as that they go about to take away from the plague all contagion and infection. Others, although they do admit of it, yet they think it an impious thing for a Christian to fear the evil, or to fly from it. Touching the former sort, experience shows, and the authority of great men doth confirm, that the plague is contagious. 
No plague if no contagion.  Yea, that is no true plague which wants contagion.; for though some diseases do kill like the pestilence, yet they are not the pestilence, if they be not contagious, but malignant and pestilential diseases without a plague. The scab, or itch, otherwise a very light disease, the skall, leprosy, madness, the ulcer of the Lungs, the Ophthalmie, or inflammation of the eyes, and the french pox do infect those that are near, why not also the plague? And unless it be contagious, it could not be conveyed from one City to another, which often happens, without any precedent fault of the air. Indeed Galen, Hypocrates, and the Ancients, made no manifest mention of contagion. Yet Thucydides affirms, that that plague which he described, was most contagious, and therefore he persuades unto an early flight, and a late return, of which counsel Galen being mindful, withdrew himself from Rome; and in his 1. book de differ. feb. 2. he observes, that it is not safe to converse with those that be infected. For seeing that whether we will or no, we must inspire air, there is no way to escape it, but by removing far from them into some place where the best air is, and by late returning. It matters not therefore what Petrus Salius, a Physician otherwise very learned, alleges to prove that there is not always contagion in the pestilence.  
First, that Hypocrates, Galen, and the Ancients, neither made any mention of it, nor feared it.  
Secondly, that the Turks, and other Nations think it to be an impious thing to avoid the company of them that are infected therewith.  
Thirdly, because many that converse among them that be sick of it, are not infected. That Galen and Thucydides knew the contagion of it, it is evident by what hath been already said. But yet we must confess, that they did not so exactly search out the nature and manner of it. Aristotle in his problems hath said something of it, but very obscurely. Galen also spoke a little of it, 
1. de differ. feb..  but darkly and covertly. The Ancients knew not all things, they have left many things to be added by them that come after; many things to be changed; many things to be more clearly explained. Nor ought the Turk's example to move us, 
Foelices errore suo, quot ille malorum Maximus haud urget lethi metus  they are happy in their own error, whom that greatest of evils, the fear of death, doth not molest. Therefore so often as the pestilence strays among them, it rages so cruelly, that sometimes in one City it destroys an hundred thousand men. Nor is that which follows of more power to persuade, that we see many men alive, who without harm have conversed with infected persons, who without doubt had perished, if there had been any force of contagion in it. But yet if so many thousands of men, whom this communicated disease hath swept away, and the families that have been wholly abolished, should return from death again, they would easily refute the opinion of a few survivours. To set on an action 3 things are required; the dominion of the agent over the patiented; the preparation of the patiented; and a convenient space of time, for nothing acts in an instant. To the dominion of the agent, not only the operative virtue of it, but also a due quantity is required, for even deadly poisons do little in a small quantity; a spark of fire burns but little. The preparation of the patint is either manifest, or occult, 
Marsi are a people of Italy, so called from Marsus Circe's son. Psilli are a people of Libya, whose bodies are venom to serpents.  from an inbred propriety of nature. Hence the * Marsi, and * Psilli were not hurt of serpents, and Pyrrhus his finger was not burnt by fire. And hence it is also that some even in a most raging plague, remain free from all hurt, and some are infected upon the least occasion. By the same occult quality it happens, that what is poison to one is wholesome, a remedy, yea and sometimes meat to another. Seeing therefore that the natures of bodies are unlike, & very different, thence it is that some are overcome, and infected presently, but others not without much difficulty. For no cause can act without a disposition of the patiented, otherwise all that dwell together under the same Sun, 
Lib. de flat.  should be alike sick of Fevers, or otherwise alike affected. Hypocrates saith, one body differs from another, one nature from another, and one temperament from another. And for that cause the same things are not profitable or hurtful to all. To this concurres also a moderate diet, a healthful body, void of corrupt humours, of free transpiration, temperate, dry, rather than moist, 
Lib. 7. cap. 50.  cold rather than hot. Therefore Pliny hath observed, that old men are not so soon infected with the Plague as young men, because of the coldness of their bodies, and especially if they use a moderate diet, and exercise.   

CHAP. VIII. Whether it be lawful to fly in the time of Plague, or no.  
THe second was, whether it be lawful to fly, 
The Turks fear not the plague  and withdraw a man's self out of danger, although the Plague be defined to be contagious. The Turks, as Prosper Alpinus relates in his first book of Egyptian remedies, do not regard the Pestilence, because they think that God hath destinated to every one his manner of death, so as he that must perish in war, cannot be killed with the Plague, of which opinion are some Christians also. It is the office of Divines to inquire more diligently into that, whether it be lawful for a Magistrate, or a Master of a Family, or Children, and such as be bound to others by a natural or civil right, to fly, and in what cases. I will only add thus much, that holy men seem to have feared death, because never any man hated his own flesh: for both Elias, and Moses fled; Abraham choosed rather to expose his wife's Chastity to hazard, than his own life. Yea and it is lawful to avoid all dangers. Though GOD send a Famine for the punishment of our sins, yet it is lawful, yea it is necessary to shun it; for he is guilty of his own destruction, who doth thrust himself into present danger. Who will not shun the raging enemy, who will not avoid flaming fire, who is he that in swimming, if he can will not save himself from present drowning? Ought no man with clothes and fire to drive away cold, because it is a punishment of God, or being wounded or sick entreat the help of the Physician? God promises long life as a blessing; it shall therefore be lawful by any means to preserve it from eminent danger. 
The end of reason.  Therefore reason is given to man, not that he may promise to himself the immediate help of GOD, but that he may wisely and discreetly make use of those means which he hath created and ordained. What man that is in his wits, will expose himself to a roaring Lion, and will not rather provide for himself by flight or some other means? But the Pestilence (as Galen teaches) is as cruel as a wild beast, 
L●b●de Theri. ad Pisonem.  sometimes depopulating whole Cities. Wherefore if a man's calling hinder not, no man will suffer himself to be persuaded to stay among those that are sick of the Plague. Which policy I see many do wisely follow, neglecting the rash piety of some. For that Christians ought not to fear death, is to be understood, that they must not be daunted in courage with the fear of death; nor yet are sins to be committed that death may be avoided. And lastly, in death, if by no means it can be avoided, they must not despair. And therefore Hypocrates saith it is the safest way, 
Hypocrates his counsel.  to fly soon and fare, and to return late. Yet it is not expedient for all to fly, for some are to be appointed to provide things needful for them that be sick: But they to whom it is not granted to fly, let them take heed to themselves by alteration of the air, and by Antidotes.   

CHAP. IX. What kind of death may be prevented by the help of Physic.  
THe Turks, as we have already said out of Alpinus, do rush adventurously into all dangers, because they are strongly persuaded, that there is destinated unto every man a certain manner of death, either by Famine, or War, or Water, or Hanging, or by a Disease, or by Age. Yea amongst us there are some so superstitious, 
A superstitious conceit.  and I have known many such, who would have a certain number of days assigned to every man, that it is not possible for the life to be prolonged beyond it, and if any man chance to perish by the default of the Physicians, or of the bystanders, they excuse them; because it is impossible to save him whom GOD calls to himself. Thus word by word I have expressed their opinion. Which absurd opinion doth very much favour some mongrel Physicians, who at hap hazard without any art attempt the cure of diseases. For thus the choice both of Physicians and Medicaments is taken away, nor matters it whether to a learned or unlearned, to an experienced, or ignorant man the life of man be committed, seeing of necessity he must have died, whom the rashness, or ignorance of Physicians, or bystanders, or some other mischance hath taken away. God can do whatsoever he pleases: But because he doth usually work by the help and means of secondary causes, except a man make use of them, he hastens his own death, as he that hanged, poisoned, or otherwise killed himself, made his life shorter, which might have been longer. The art of Physic doth not promise any man everlasting life; for at the length we must all yield unto Fate, as the God of Nature will have it, who therefore made the principles of our bodies passive, that at length by causes internal and external they may be overcome. Nor yet doth it excuse the Physician by whose default the sick doth perish, but it keeps off the eminent dangers of our life, lest it perish before the time, and before mature old age. Who knows not that the body is shaked, and weakened by the violence of diseases, and that it is patched up again by Physic, and that by the neglect, or unseasonable use of remedies, it doth at length sink under the burden? Who knows not that a man by a fall, or a stroke, or, by some other way may be wounded, and that he may die thereof, unless it be well cured, who otherwise might have lived longer? There is a certain natural death, 
Natural death and its causes.  proceeding from the principles of life, exhausted in extreme old age, which God hath appointed for all men, which therefore no art can keep back. And those terms of life are divers, in respect of the diversity of temperaments, and other causes; therefore some live longer, some shorter, some wax old sooner; some later, but every one when his innate heat is spent, dies in his own time appointed by nature, as the flame of the Lamp dies out when the oil is spent. For there is an order of all things in nature, and every time and life is measured out by circuit, 
2. De gen. & corrup. cap. 10.  as Aristotle says, to whom all Philosophers and Physicians do consent.  
There is another death violent and untimely, 
What kind of death is to be prevented by physic.  which is caused by Fevers and innumerable diseases, and other chances; against this it is that a wise, skilful, & faithful Physician goes forth, and by the right administration of wholesome remedies, he calls back into the breast, the life that was ready to departed. For what else is it for a sick man to be delivered from a dangerous disease, then for death to be deferred? The Squinancy, Apoplexy, Pleurisy, Pestilent Fever, and other such acute diseases may by their own nature bring death, unless they be driven away by remedies. What else is it to prevent diseases, then to keep back old age, and death which is incident to it? 
Natural heat weakened many ways.  How many sundry causes do weaken our naturall-heat, as a corrupt diet, surfeiting, want, watch, troubles, cares, which do call in untimely old age? But a good manner of living, according to the direction of Physicians doth prevent these, that the substance of the body be not too soon dissolved, but that it may come to extreme old age, which old age hath its appointed limits in nature, known to God alone, which may indeed be hastened from divers causes, but yet by taking away all the causes that altar heat, it cannot be put off or prolonged any further; and such a death happening in extreme old age, is very rare. For who ever led such an exact course of life, that he never harmed himself by those six things which physicians call non naturales. For they that do not keep a wholesome manner of life, die sooner than nature hath appointed, as saith Galen 6. de sanit. tuendâ.   

CHAP. X. Whether intermitting fevers, commonly called Agues, becurable or no.  
MAny are of opinion, that against intermitting fevers, which they call Agues, there is no remedy, but that they do transcend all force of Physic. But seeing experience shows that to be false, 
Agues curable.  (for men may see them often cured by Physicians) we need not say much of this matter. They proceed from divers humours, choleric, plegmaticke, melancholic; If they be tightly choleric they are easily cured. 
Aph 59 lib 4.  For an exquisite tertian in seven fits is judged the longest, therefore it will be much shorter, if it be helped by remedies seasonably administered. And it stands with reason. For if other diseases that arise from the same humours may be cured, why not also intermitting fevers? Only this is it that deceives the people, because some of them continue very long, and become chronical, as do some bastard tertians and quartanes. Nevertheless that takes not away the possibility of curing them, seeing that these diseases have been often cured, although not always in all that have them, otherwise it might be said also that all continual fevers are mortal, 
Diseases are of 3 sorts.  because some have died of them. Diseases are by some Physicians divided very well, into such as by their own nature tend unto health, such is the one day fever: secondly into perpetual and incurable, 
A sort of leprosy.  such is the * elephantiasis; and lastly into those which are sometimes cured, sometimes do kill, of which sort are very many diseases,, among which intermitting fevers are to be reckoned, which in some haply are soon cured, but others do continue a long time; for all diseases of the same sort, have not always the same times, and the same end but some do end sooner, some later, 
Some diseases are longer some shorter, and why.  some are cured, and some do kill, according to the divers disposition of the peccant humour, in quantity, thickness, toughness, acrimony, malignity; according to the state of the patiented, and and his strength, time of the year, country; temperature of the weather, manner of diet, constitution of the noble parts, diligence of the Physicians & others that be conversant about the cure, and other circumstances, the explication of which belongs not to this place. 
4. aph. 4 3.  Hypocrates saith, that Fevers after what manner soever they intermitte, are not dangerous at all. They are therefore curable by a wise and learned Physician, although perhaps unskilful fellows by a preposterous way of ministering Physic may make them incurable. 
aph. 25. lib. 2.  Thus summer quartanes are said to be short, but Autumn long, especially those that reach unto winter. That in some men many diseases remain incurable for divers-causes, it is not therefore to be thought that they are such by their own nature, nor is it to be concluded to the dishonour of Physic, that they cannot be overcome and conquered by art. Nevertheless men should not give credit to the boasting words of some moungrel-Physicians, who fear not to try, and spare not to promise any thing, and yet perform but little. If they chance with a doubtful remedy to cure a hard disease not well known of them, with what words can the glory of so great a miracle be expressed, with what reward can it be requited? But if the cure succeed not well, they lay the blame not upon themselves, but upon the negligence of the patiented, or the bystanders, or on the wilfulness of the sick.   

CHAP. XI. That the heat of the liver cannot be known by the heat of the palm of the hand.  
IT is an ordinary thing with many, when the palm of the hand is very hot, to think that they are affected with a preternatural heat of the liver, which notwithstanding is not very certain, although some Physicians also have been of the same opinion. For what greater sympathy is there of the liver with the hands, then with any other part; 
No extraordinary sympathy between them.  Galen in Art paruâ writes, that if the liver be hot, the whole bulk of the body is not likewise, unless the heart do hinder it, and in like manner the whole body is made hot by the heart, if the liver hinder not, and therefore it ought not to be attributed to the hands only. Again that unusual heat of the hands doth rather proceed from the heart, which communicates to the whole body hotter spirits, and warmer blood than the Liver. Moreover Galen in his book against Lycus proves, that there is no sympathy betwixt the stomach and the hands, because there is a threefold reason of sympathy. 
A threefold reason of sympathy.  First, of vicinity; the second of familiarity of function; the third, by communion of vessels; which things we may apply to the Liver and the hands: For betwixt them there is no vicinity or nearness in regard of situation; no familiarity of function; if there be any sympathy, it must be of the third kind, to wit, by communion of vessels; but the vessels that issue out of the Liver, are not carried to the hands alone, but to the whole body. In the hands besides the veins, there are arteries, which convey to them a greater heat from the heart: Therefore from the hands ought not to be inferred rather the heat of the Liver then of the heart. Besides the heat of the Liver is perpetual, or at least of long continuance, but that heat of the hands is fugitive, 
6. Epid. Sect. 2. text. 32. Fen. 13. lib. 3. tract. 1. cap. 3. 4. Colliget. cap 4.  often goes and comes again. Again, other Authors attribute it to the Spleen, to wit, if the Spleen tend upwards, but if it incline downwards the lower parts are said to be hot. * Avicenne will have long fingers to show the magnitude and heat of the Liver; but * Averrhoes laughs at him: And the man whom thou knowest saith, that the shortness of the fingers betokens a little Liver, and herein it appears that he knew not wherein the power of forming did consist, and considered not but in the parts themselves, but let him go with the rest. Which are the words of Averrhoes, who believed not that the signs of the temperature, or conformation of the Liver could be drawn from the hands, seeing there is no more peculiar sympathy between these parts than others. Therefore Galen in Art paruâ, when he explicates the signs of an hot Liver, omitted that signe of the heat of the hands, as did the rest of the Greeks, Aetius, Aegineta, and others. Argenterius in his commentary on the forenamed place of the Art of Physic, blames Galen, for omitting this sign. But more rightly do others defend Galen, because that sign is nothing else then the vain imagination of the vulgar; for not only the hands, but the whole body is necessarily made hot, neither is that heat of the hands permanent, but unstable, and uncertain.   

CHAP. XII. Of them that complain of a hot Liver, but a cold Stomach.  
IT is a common and ordinary thing for many to complain of the heat of the Liver, and coldness of the Stomach, because they feel wind and crudities in their Stomach, together with some running heats in the body, as in the face, hands and feet. But these are to be admonished of some things.  
First, it is certain that the Stomach, because it is a spermaticall part, membranous and bloodless, and white, is of a cold temperament, 
The Stomach is naturally of a cold temperament.  but to think that the heat of the Liver can hurt it, is an absurdity: For Galen writes, that it was fenced about by Nature on every side with hot Entrails, that it might more completely execute its functions: it lies in the middle, between the Liver, the Spleen, the Caule, and the gut Colon, and is encompassed with them on every side, that like a cauldron among a great many fires it may be made hot by them; wherefore Riolanus in his Anthropographie doth not think it a thing probable, that the heat of the Liver should diminish the heat of the Stomach, but rather augment it.  
Secondly, it ought to be observed, that the forenamed symptoms do often happen in them that be in health, that have a hot temper of the bowels, but use an ill diet. For by too much drinking either of wine, and of Ale and Beer, abundance of crudities in the belly do grow, and swimmings, belchings, windiness, and spittings do arise; for it is an ordinary thing, 
Strong drinks breed cold diseases.  for cold affects to proceed from too much gulleting even of hot drinks, which do not happen by a distemper of the part, but through the fault of him that takes them. In the mean while the Liver draws unto it the thinner spirits of those drinks, whereby it is inflamed, and so distributes too hot blood to the whole body. Thence it is that they seem to feel heat in the body, and crudity in the Stomach at the same time. And so they falsely accuse the contrary distempers of the parts, not blaming their own intemperance. But if they would live soberly, and use moderate drinks, they should experience no such matter.  
Thirdly, some are troubled with it, although they live soberly, and such are hypocondriacke persons, whose 
* They are the parts contained in the belly.  hypocondres are hot and dry, and obstructed, which evil is very common in this country, and it arises most commonly from the aforesaid cause, namely a disordered diet. But in them the Stomach is not made colder, by reason of the vicinity of the hot hypocondres, but because many melancholy and flatulent humours are cast into the stomach, which vitiate concoction, whereupon they think they have a colder stomach than indeed they have. Thence it is that Physicians demand, how it comes to pass, that hypocondriake persons, seeing they are oppressed with a hot disease, do nevertheless abound with wind and crudities. The cause whereof, although some Physicians refer to the cold Stomach, yet it is better as we have said, to refer it to the corrupt humours weakening the temper of the Stomach; from whence proceed not only tart crudities, which come from cold, but also nidorous belchings, which do arise from heat, especially if the party cat nidorous meat, as fried Eggs, and the like. Hence one says well, that the symptoms in an hypochondriake passion are many of them cold, but the cause is hot.   

CHAP. XIII. That the Husband cannot breed his Wife's child.  
AMong very many Errors, this seems most worthy to be laughed at, that the husband is thought to be sick, and troubled with the same symptoms, wherewith a woman with child is wont; yea and many will have this thing to be confirmed by experience. I had a patiented sick of a Fever, with a very high coloured, and troubled urine, who would not be persuaded of any other cause of his sickness, than his wives being with child. I do not remember that I have read of it at any time, nor heard it observed in any place but in England. It is certain that women with child, in the first months of their conception, are wont to be troubled with very many and sundry symptoms, especially they that are of cacochymick and impure bodies: Now they do usually arise from the retention of their Flowers. For seeing Nature is wont to use that Flux, not only for the purging out of superfluous blood, but of corrupt and vicious humours also, such blood being retent and kept in, they are likewise retained. That blood retained, because for the smallness of the young one in the beginning of her graviditie, it is not at all spent for the nourishment thereof, doth putrify, and hath recourse either to the noble parts, or at least annoys them with filthy vapours which it sends forth, from whence arise the aforesaid symptoms in the stomach, entrails, belly, head, and the whole body, as vomiting, loathing of meat, unsatiable longing and lusting, gripe, dizziness of the head, and such like. Seeing therefore the husband hath not in him the causes of these affects, but his wife only, it stands with reason, that she only should be sick. Nor, if any husband be sick when his wife is with child, was he infected by his wife; for that distemper may happen through some peculiar fault of his own body. As while I writ this it raines, yet neither is my writing the cause of the rain, nor the rain of my writing. It is no new thing for husbands and their wives to be both sick together. But it is a wonder, and heretofore a thing unknown, that graviditie, or a woman's being with child is a contagious disease, and that not other women, but men only, whom nature hath freed from this travail, should be infected therewith. Furthermore it is observed, that the same symptoms do not happen to all women, or at least not all to every one, and yet it often falls out, that when the woman is in good health, the husband is sick, yea sometimes being many miles off. But if he endure that by his wives being with child, how comes it to pass that she continues well at the same time? For natural causes do sooner work upon the near, than upon the remote subject: And for that cause, seeing the woman carries about her such noxious humours, she should be sooner, and more grievously sick. I know something might be said of sympathy, antipathy, contagion, fascination, and other such trifles. But if these things be so, why do not maids and widows, who are very often troubled with the like symptoms, through suppression of their flowers, infect their bedfellows and familiars, seeing there is the same cause, and without doubt they may have a sympathy with some of them. To cause a contagion, not only the efficacy of the agent, but also a disposition and analogy in the patient is requisite. But who believes not, that another woman is more prone to receive and take the symptoms of gravidity than a man, seeing they were all created for propagation of children, and therefore one woman ought to take great heed to herself of another. Moreover it may happen, that a woman that is sore troubled with the green sickness (as they call it) is married to a man, whom notwithstanding although her flowers be suppressed, she shall never infect: why then when the same woman is with child, and there is no other reason of sickness, than suppression of the flowers, shall her husband be sick? Men would be in an ill case, if as often as there were a suppression of their wives flowers, so often they, not their wives should be sick? But because by the very relating of it, the absurdity of this error doth appear, I will add no more. jupiter bore Bacchus in his thigh, and Pallas in his brain; but let this be proper to him alone.   

CHAP. XIIII. Whether foreign Physicians, and Aliens can know the temper of the sick of another Country.  
TO know the temperature of the sick, conduces much to the knowledge of diseases, and their cure, and this business requires a long and difficult handling. I will only say thus much, that some are of opinion, that Strangers cannot know the temperature of them of another Country, as French men of the English: But that is repugnant to the nature of the Art of Physic, the precepts whereof are general, 
The precepts of Physic are general  and may easily be applied to any Country. For every art is of universals, not of particulars, therefore here in England, all that are skilful Artists do practise Physic according to the precepts of Galen and Hypocrates, which if any man do well understand, he is able to discern the diversity of men according to their ages, countries, and the different temper of the air, and what medicaments are convenient for them. Concerning which, Hypocrates hath written an excellent book of air, waters, and places. For the Art of Physic, wheresoever it is taught, doth lay down marks and signs which are taken from Countries, both for the knowledge and prognostication of diseases, and indications, which the diversity of Countries doth afford, for the appointment of a right diet, letting of blood, prescribing of purges, and administering of all other remedies. Otherwise it were no Art, if it should accommodate its precepts to some particular place only. Galen, who was borne and brought up in Greece, practised Physic at Rome: Hence 
3 prognost.  Hypocrates saith that his documents may be applied to any Country, either hot or cold, to Lybia, Delos, Scythia, and the rest. Also the Arabians have borrowed from the Greeks their precepts of curing, which are the very same with the Galenists, which we promiscuously follow. Therefore it was wisely ordered by the Spaniards, and Portugals, that in India, where they bear rule, Physic should be practised after the self same manner that it is in Europe, according to the doctrine of Galen and Hypocrates. I know much might be said of that variety of temperature which Countries do give to the inhabitants, for even in one and the same Kingdom there is a great diversity of inhabitants, in respect of the divers situation of the Countries, nature of the soil, blowing of the wind, and other causes, for the diligent search of all which, the Art of Physic lays down rules. And yet whatsoever the Climate and Country be, even in the most Northern Climates, there are men of every temper, hot, cold, choleric, phlegmatic, sanguine, melancholic. One that without licence practised Physic, a Surgeon by profession, that he might do me a displeasure, was often wont to say, that Frenchmen cannot understand the nature and constitution of the English. I once asked him what was that constitution of an Englishman, wherein he differs from a Frenchman, by what signs he could know it, seeing that in every place are men of every temperature, which things seeing they cannot be known but of a learned Physician, it is no wonder if every simple medicine-monger be ignorant of them. For it is a thing exceeding hard to be known. Therefore Galen said, that if he could but perfectly know the temperature of his Patients, he should be another Aesculapius. I will now only add thus much, that what is talked by the vulgar concerning the temperature of divers people, is well understood but of few, for all men have their proper temperaments differing from others, engendered in them from the principles of generation; they cannot therefore have any thing common in which all men can agree. That same therefore is only a certain custom, and inclination of nature to a man's own Country, air, and usual manner of diet, which we acquire by little and little, without changing of that proper and inbred temperament, which we derive from our parents, from whence it comes to pass, that some live better in their own Country air, although unwholesome, than in another. Avicenne saith, that an Indian would be sick if he were in Sclavonia. Although that is not always true, for it may be that some Englishman may live more healthfully in Spain, than in his own native Country.   

CHAP. XV. Of them that refer almost all diseases to a Cold.  
IT is a thing very frequent and ordinary, when any falls into a disease, or is not well, to blame some external cold, from which, he hath not carefully preserved himself. And indeed this may oftentimes be the cause of many diseases. For the air is attracted by us continually by inspiration, and transpiration, and it doth impart its qualities to us, whatsoever they be. But it hurts most of all, when the pores being opened through heat, a cold comes of a sudden, for it obstructs and stops them presently; from whence, by reason of the fuliginous vapours retained, fevers do ordinarily ensue in cacochymick bodies; but in others, pain, weariness, difficulty of breathing. Cold air being inspired, makes the gristles of the lungs become stiff, so that the lungs can scarce be dilated. Hence oftentimes the vessels of the lungs are broken, and of other parts also, and the blood runs into some capacity, and putrifies, corrupts, and stirs up naughty symptoms. But concerning this thing, it will not be amiss to give some notice of a few monitions.  
First, that all that blame this cause, are not therefore sick by reason of it, for there are sundry other external causes of diseases. Therefore commonly they that live in a cold air, reap not any evil thereby; but the same parties, even in the height of Summer, and being well clad with , do notwithstanding complain that they get cold to their hurt. the same may be said of other external causes of diseases. In one and the same City, there are many that breath in the same air, use the same exercises, and the same diet, yet when they fall into diseases, they are troubled with sundry, and in every respect, different diseases. If any man shall say that he is sick through a surfeit of meats or drinks, perhaps he had eaten or drunk as largely a hundred times before, and without any harm to himself: which in like manner may be said of cold air, and immoderate labour; when many a time he hath endured a colder air, and undergone the same labour without receiving the least hurt, it is a wonder how now he should be sick thereby. So we often see the last meat, or that exercise that one hath last used, or the last cold which he hath taken before the disease, to be blamed, as also the last remedy is thought to have procured health. Where it is to be noted, that these are called external causes, and that they do not always, and at every time affect the body, but then only when an inward disposition lurks in the body, and a morbous preparation, which such causes do stir up.  
Secondly, they must take notice, that those external causes do vanish away, and continue not, but their effects, to wit, the diseases stirred up by the inward causes do remain in the body, and therefore the contemplation of external causes is not always necessary for the knowledge or curing of diseases, but of the internal alone, which stir up, and foster the disease. For we see a disease that hath had its beginning from a cold air, nevertheless not to be cured, although the temper of the air be changed, but often to continue hard to be cured.  
From whence also, Thirdly, it is to be noted, that remedies are not to be measured according to the nature of external causes, for they indicate nothing. For so hot things should be always good for them, in whom cold both been the cause of the beginning of a disease, which is not true, for many times cooling things do profit more. From a cool air, as we have said, many times burning fevers do arise; as also from baths that are too cold, whereby the pores of the body are stopped, and the fuliginous vapours retained, by which the blood is inflamed. If the people do here (as usually they are wont) encounter the disease with remedies that are of a heating quality, they will be so fare from vanquishing the disease, as that they will rather increase it more. In this case inward cooling medicines, and as Galen often teaches, letting of blood is the principal remedy: In the eighth book of Method he lets blood in a diary, that is generated by the obstruction of the skin, lest there follow putrefaction. For though the external cause be cold, yet the internal, to which alone the cure is to applied, is often hot, and is made so by reason of the corrupt humours that are kept in.    

POPULAR ERRORS. The Third Book. Of the Errors about the Diet, as well of the Sound as of the Sick.  

CHAP. I. Of the goodness of Waters.  
HIppocrates, Galen, Avicenne, and other of the principal Physicians, do so commend the drinking of water in diseases, that next to the letting of blood, they attribute thereunto the chiefest place in curing burning fevers, and it is also the ordinary drink of many Nations. Yet now a days some do so much abhor from the use thereof, that they think it almost present poison. Now they think that the waters in England, in respect of the coldness of the Climate, are more crude, and not so pure and wholesome as those in France, Spain, and the hot Countries. And indeed every one ought to be solicitous of the goodness of the waters. The best is discerned by the smell, colour, taste, levity of it in the hypochondres, and by the quick and speedy receiving of heat and cold. So as that is best which is bright and clear to the sight, tastes and smells of nothing at all, as also which is the lightest, thinnest, and soon passes through the belly. Since then such water may be found every where, 
Good waters even in cold climates.  even in the most frozen Countries, and I have often found such in this Country, we may conjecture of their gross error, that do generally condemn their own Country waters. Now this is their error, that by the coldness of the Country they reckon the goodness or unwholsomenesse of the water; hence they think that it is excessively cold, and therefore crude, and hard of digestion, which Hypocrates calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which thing is not to be admitted, for the water borrows not its crudity or goodness from the Sun, because the heat of the Sun cannot warm the water in the bowels of the Earth, for it cannot penetrate so far, which scarce pierces through the roofs of our houses unto us. This do the cellars under the Earth manifest, which in the height of Summer are exceeding cold. But if the Sun be not the cause of this, much less can the parts of the world, which are hot only because of the propinquity, or remoteness of the Sun. Therefore others do more rightly blame the cold or heat of the earth itself: for if the heat of the earth be moderate; the water is well concocted; but if there be burn in the earth, it breaks out either hot, or warmed, so as all sorts of water may spring forth in any part of the world, which is especially to be understood, if they be drawn out of the fountain itself, before they be altered by the cold air. To this add the manner of transcolation; for that is the purest, 
What water is the best.  not which lies open towards the Sun, or runs Eastward, but that which is best strained. For in its own nature it is a simple body, which unless it be tinctured with some other mixture, will always in every place be of equal goodness. Therefore that which is well strained, and so purged from dregs, is the best, in as much as it comes nearer to the integrity of its own nature, and is free from the mixture of another matter. Therefore seeing this is done by the transcolation and thorough-straining, there is no doubt but every where good and evil waters may spring forth, as the straining through is made better or worse. Now this depends upon the nature of the earth. On this Error hangs another; 
An Error in not boiling beer well.  that they do but lightly boil thin beer made of water ofttimes impure enough; for by a light boiling it cannot be amended, nor the crudity taken away, and hence do happen the evils which Authors attribute to crude waters, that they are thick, heavy to the belly, stick long in the bowels, cause swimmings, are easily corrupted, and do not distribute well the nourishment; for drink should be very light and passable: They do worse who drink it very new, as many are wont, especially in the North parts of England; for so it doth neither please the palate, nor is wholesome to the body; for it is heavy in the hypochondres by reason of the abundance of dregs, and it causeth obstructions, the mean thereof is the best, being well boiled and throughly purified.   

CHAP. II. That the linen of the sick aught often to be changed.  
IT seems to the common people to be a heinous offence, often to change the linen used about the sick. For they think that the sick are enfeebled and weakened thereby. This Error Hollerius in his chapter of the burning Fever, and Rondeletius in his chapter of the Fever Synochus, have noted among their countrymen, and reproved, but they give no reason for it; yet they bid that the linen about the sick be often changed: For by long keeping of them, three inconveniences do happen to the sick: To wit, 
3. Inconveniences by foul linen.  the transpiration of the body is hindered; sweat and filth are heaped in their shirts, which do putrify and contract an ill favour; the sweat and filth do obstruct the body, and so double the heat: Which three things what great hurt they bring to the sick, and the healthful also, all Physicians know. Hypocrates bids that all things be kept clean about the sick, and Galen studies by all means to preserve transpiration free, that the cold air may be attracted, and filthy vapours excluded, especially in continual Fevers, in which for the most part the Fever comes by the obstruction of the pores of the skin. Therefore these being obstructed, both by the filth and the sweat, there follows a retention of the fuliginous vapours, and thereby the Fever which was before, is increased, or is kindled afresh. On the contrary, it can scarce be, that he whose body doth transpire well, and so is free and open, should fall into grievous and dangerous diseases. The Ancients that did not use linen, did keep a frequent use of baths and frictions, whereby the body was opened, and cleansed. Add to this, that the excrements being retained do putrify, and the sweat stinks, from whence succeeds an increase of the feverish heat, nor doth that evacuation by the pores of the skin commodiously ensue. Therefore it is very good often to change the linen about the sick, and when they sweat diligently to wipe or cleanse their body.   

CHAP. III. Of Lessius his Diet-booke.  
LEssius the Jesuit, a most learned man, in his Eloquent Diet-booke, hath so endeavoured to mote out every man's course of Diet, that he would have twelve ounces to be a sufficient quantity of meat for any man, and fourteen of drinste, which he that will observe, aught to refuse no kind of meat which the people uses, nor shall he easily fall into diseases, through fullness or ill humours, but shall always be furnished with a lively body, and cheerful mind. All which is true of sobriety in the general. 
6. Epid. Sect. 4. aph. 20.  For the study of health is not to eat too much-meat and to be quick to labour. But that quantity of meat seems to me not to be agreeable with the opinion of Physicians; for the same quantity of meat cannot be sufficient for all men, but it must be divers in respect of times and places, kinds of meat, exercises, labours, and nature of him that takes it. He seems to have accommodated that course of diet principally to religious men. In Summer a less, in Winter a greater quantity of meat is convenient, because th● * belly is hotter, 
1 Aph. 19  and sleep longer, as saith Hypocrates: Because therefore one body differs from another, one nature from another, and countries differs, times of the year, ages, and the nature of meats are divers, a certain measure cannot be prescribed. Some meats are very nourishing, of which a small quantity doth suffice; some nourishing but little, which ought to be given in a greater quantity. Therefore Hypocrates in his book de veteri Medicinâ said well, that neither the measure, nor weight, nor quantity can be known, nor any other certainty be found, then by the sense of the body. So Galen teaches, 
2 Aph. 27.  that such a quantity is to be administered, as may not burden the stomach. 
1 Aph. 5.  And Hypocrates is plain, that a slender diet is more dangerous for those that are in health, than a full diet. To whom Celsus doth assent, who persuades to meat twice a day, 
Capa. lib. 1.  rather than but once, and always to eat liberally, so that it may be well concocted. The same Celsus writes, that a man in health, and that is at his own liberty, aught to tie himself to no laws; yea, that sometimes he should eat and drink liberally. Diet is indicated by the strength, now the strength indicateth a preservation of it self; but such a diet doth not preserve but diminish strength, 
Diet is threefold.  and exhaust natural heat. Physicians make a threefold difference of diet; Slender, which impairs strength; moderate, which preserves strength; and full, which increases it. Now a slender diet is never convenient for the healthful, but for the sick only. 
Lib. 7. aph. 65.  For as meat is strength to the healthful, so to the sick, it is a diseases 
* Lib. 2. aph. 10.  and impure bodies, the more you nourish them, the more you hurt them. But in them that be in health, the strength of nature is always to be preserved, or to be augmented by food, not to be impaired: Now a full diet doth increase strength, a amoderate preserves it, and a spare diet doth diminish it, therefore in health, it is always good to avoid this spare diet: But it will not be amiss to use either of the other, whether it be a full diet, or it concern the upholding or maintaining of strength by a moderate diet, as the present state shall seem to require; as Galen teaches in his Comment upon the fourth Aphorism of the first book. But if there be any found among the holy Fathers, that have lived to the hundreth year of their age in continual fastings, and extreme abstinence from meat and drink, that is rather to be attributed to a miracle, than to any natural cause, 
Ad aph. 4. lib. 1.  saith * Mercurialis. Notwithstanding Lessius himself says well, that this was no miraculous thing, but possible to nature. In the general, such a spare diet creates but few spirits, and those not so quick and agile, and makes the body unable to endure labour, and external injuries; for where there is hunger, 
Apha 6. lib. 2.  labour aught to be abandoned. It may perhaps be good for moist bodies, and such as are accustomed to it, as also old men, and such as live a contemplative life: 
7. Aph. 59  * for hunger dries the body, 
Aph. 13. lib. 1.  and * old men easily endure fasting. Therefore although I do very much approve of this book of the most learned Lessius, and think it very fit for religious persons that lead a contemplative life, yet it is not so convenient for others, that follow another course of life. In general only, any one may learn out of it, that sobriety is a virtue highly to be commended, and very profitable to the body, for the preservation of the health of the body and mind, and for prevention of diseases.   

CHAP. FOUR That not a full, but a slender Diet is convenient for the Sick.  
HIppocrates said well in his first Aphorism, that not only the Physician, but the bystanders, and the sick himself also aught to do their duty, otherwise remedies cannot be fitly administered, if what the Physician hath rightly prescribed, the bystanders do either omit, or use unseasonably, or attempt any thing about the sick, which afterwards may prove hurtful to him, without the advice of the Physician. And therefore in this Chapter we will speak somewhat of the bystanders. For those women that serve the sick, as also the kinsfolks and friends that come to visit the sick, do usually obtrude upon his abundance of meat, and that very often, as they say, to uphold his strength, always fearing lest he die with hunger. Their intention truly is very good, for the integrity of the strength is the conservation of the whole man. Now the diet hath especially regard unto the entire safeguard of the strength, and by accident unto the cure, in as much as it ought to resist the disease and its cause. 
Athreefold error in the point of diet.  But they commonly err in quantity, quality, and time, wherewith the circumcumstances, not only of meats, but of all remedies are wont to be determined. As concerning the quantity, (for we will begin with with it) it is to be noted, that the sick have the causes of diseases lurking within them, which do impair their strength; now meat, although it doth by its own nature preserve strength, yet it doth not subdue the causes of diseases, from whence it comes to pass, that the disease oftentimes forbids the meat, which the strength requires: therefore the more more you nourish impure bodies, 
Ach. 10. lib 2. A good civeat.  the more you hurt them, saith Hypocrates. Which thing all they ought to consider, who who while they busy themselves to help the sick, do thrust them into a sure destruction, and whether the Physician command or forbid any thing, yet they do of their own accord what they please. It is an ordinary thing for the sick, especially such as be sick of fevers, for whom principally keepers are provided, to refuse meat, by reason of ill humours that oppress the stomach, by which, as Galen says in his Commentaries, the meat is corrupted, and so the ill humours are increased, and their quality not amended at all; hence it is so fare from increasing the strength, 
It is not the eating of meat, but the concocting of what is eaten that nourisheth  as that it is rather impaired thereby; for as the same Galen said well in another place, the body is not nourished by those things which are taken into it, but by those which being taken, are well concocted, which is not usual in sick persons. For a weak stomach doth not well concoct meat, but it is rather corrupted by the abundance and contagion of vicious humours, 
7 Aph. 65.  and so it nourisheth the cause of the disease. Therefore Hypocrates said well, If any give meat to one in a fever, as it is strength to the healthful, so it is a disease to the sick. In Hypocrates his days, as well as in our age, they erred in their manner of diet, as he complains in his first book of the diet of Acute diseases. And therefore after his counsel it is best to use a slender diet, which if it may suffice them that be in health, as we said in the former Chapter, much more the sick; therefore more ought not to be given to them then their strength can digest. Here also the nature of diseases is to be observed, for some are chronical, in which it is lawful to nourish more; others Acute, in which a spare diet is very convenient. 
1 Aph. 7.  When a disease is very acute, the patiented hath exceeding great labours, and an exceeding spare diet is to be used; but when it is not acute, but it is convenient to use a full diet, so much meat is to be taken as the disease abateth of extremes. And in the following Aphorism, When the disease is in the height, than the patient must use a very spare diet; because, as Galen says in his Comment; nature must not be withdrawn from the concoction of the humours to the concoction of meat: Therefore seeing that according to the strength of the party, and nature of the disease, the quantity of food is to be judged, and that a great part of the remedy doth consist in food seasonably administered, the bystanders ought not importunately to obtrude it, especially women, who are always afraid lest the sick dye with hunger. Yet I do not altogether disallow of meat, for by it alone is the strength preserved. But I have in this Chapter insinuated, that the quantity, quality, and time of using it, aught to be prescribed by the advice and counsel of Physicians.   

CHAP. V Of the quality of meats about the Sick.  
IT is an usual thing likewise for them to err, not only in quantity, but in quality also. For they are often wont to offer to the sick, yea to such as be sick of fevers, divers strengthening meats, as they call them; as ale boiled with eggs, mace, nutmeg, and cinnamon, and other meats which they call by sundry names; yea, and they urge them sometimes to take solid meats; but all this very foolishly.  
And first, it is certain, that solid meats are unfit for the sick, seeing they cannot be well concocted by the stomach. 
Supping meats sooner nourish then solid meats.  But those meats that are to be supped, are more easily overcome by the stomach, and do soon nourish; and therefore Hypocrates in divers places persuades to nourish the sick with supping meats, rather than with solid meats. For by such a diet nature is sooner strengthened, and is not hindered from the conflict which it hath begun with the disease. 
Aph. 11. lib. 2.  It is more easy to be filled with drinks than with meat: where by drinks he means whatsoever is taken by supping, as interpreters observe.  
Secondly, it is to observed, that in the healthful, meats ought to be alike, because the natural state doth require to be preserved, but every thing is preserved by things that are alike: But in the sick, the quality of meats ought to resist the disease, that there may be medicine in meat, for to every disease its contrary must be applied: To a hot nature, 
6 Epid. sect. 6.  cooling, drinking of water, rest; From whence it comes to pass, that they that go about to strengthen the sick with such a diet, do oftentimes more hurt to them, and more increase the cause of the disease, and so the strength is more impaired. Therefore the judgement of a Physician is always to be used; nor ought the bystanders rashly to exhibit any thing, which otherwise is profitable to the healthful, for the same doth prove many times very hurtful to the sick. And let this suffice to be said in this place; for the larger explication of this subject, belongs to them that writ of the matter of Physic. For it is not my purpose to teach Physic, but only to show to the people their errors, as I have said in another place.   

CHAP. VI Of the time of using meats.  
A Physician ought also to be consulted withal, at what time meats may most fitly be administered, otherwise a pernicious Error may happen to the sick, and at this day this Error is too familiar. For the Bystanders, especially the women, do usually offer meat to the sick at inconvenient seasons. Where they must know, 
Not good to easin fit.  that in the fits they should altogether abstain from meat, as Hypocrates teacheth. In the fits it is good to abstain, 
Aph. 11. lib. 1.  for to give meat then is hurtful; and they to whom the fits do come by circuit, must abstain in the fit. And in the nineteenth Aphorism of the second book, It is good to give nothing to them that have fits by circuit, nor to compel them to eat, but to withdraw from their ordinary diet, till after the crisis. Wherein they erred not a little in Hypocrates his time, as also in this our age, in which there are many, that without difference do feed the sick, having no regard to the time. Now he doth not here only forbidden to give meat in the fit, but also to compel the sick to take it; for it is the fashion of many to urge them to eat. For while nature in the fit wrestles against the disease, it is but little intent upon digesting the meat, whereby it comes to pass, that it being unconcocted doth increase the disease, and the symptoms thereof. Now what what harm comes by the unseasonable eating of meat, 
4. De acut.  the same Hypocrates teacheth.  
The First is, the suffocation of heat, for in the paroxysm the morbous humours return into the inward parts, and oppress natural heat, but much more after the taking of meat.  
The Second, is the increasing and lengthening of the paroxysmes and the disease; for the matter of the disease, and the meat cannot be well concocted together, and therefore excrements are necessarily increased, which do afterward increase inflammations, heats, and other symptoms of the disease itself. But because there is a certain case, wherein it is not only lawful, 
In what case it may do good to nourish the sick.  but also necessary to nourish the sick in the paroxysm, to wit, when the sick is of an hot and dry temper, hath the mouth of of his stomach feeble, and of a most exquisite sense, so that it is easily offended by every humour, and causes danger of swooning. At that time to nourish with those things which corroborate the stomach, Galen judges it to be most profitable; 10. Method. cap. 3. where he tells the story of a young man, who in Summer lying sick of a Tertian, unless he did eat meat in his fit, he fell into a Syncope. But this case is very rare, and requires not a little skill and judgement in the Physician, and exceeds the capacity of the vulgar, and therefore it is not safe to imitate this without the advice of a prudent Physician. All which I have said, that men may seriously consider, that they ought not adventurously to use those remedies, which otherwise seem to be most familiar with nature; for in the application of every remedy, many things are to beloonsiderect, which the skilful Physician alone doth know. But many that adveaturoufly practise Physic are ignorant of them, who take care only that they may get popular applause, and please the people, that they may seem to be solicitous for the strength of the sick, the confervation of which nevertheless doth not depend on words, but on the seasonable administration of remedies. Let all men know therefore, that the sick ought not always to be obeyed, as if he desire that which is hurtful to him. 
6. Epid. sect. 4. text. 7.  But in these things (saith Hypocrates) the sick are to be obeyed. Namely, that their meat and drink be cleanly dressed, 
When good to obey the sick.  that those things be pleasant which they see, and soft which they touch, provided they hurt not too much, and that they be easy to be amended, as the administering of cold water when there is need, and such like. So Avicenne in the third Section of his first book, wils that those things which are desired of the sick be granted, so as no harm come to the body. 
aph. 38. lib 2.  And Hypocrates saith; Meat and drink a little worse, but pleasing, is to be preferred before better, but less pleasing. where he doth not grant corrupt meats, but only such as are a little worse, so that the sick be very much delighted therewith, and prefers them before such meats as the sick doth utterly abhor, which are never to be given to the sick. Thus Galen did yield to some that were sick of Fevers to taste simits. 
1. ad Glaucon.  As therefore I do not approve of too austere Physicians, 
Too much indulgence in a physician not good.  yet they that be too indulgent are worse, such in times past was Asclepiades at Rome, who granted to the sick, baths, wine, flesh, and whatsoever was liked and wished for by the sick, and so with a wonderful craft he drew unto him the minds of men, doubtless not without the apparent danger of many. From what hath been already said another error is conspicuous; for in Agues, when the sick are cold all over their body, they give them drink both actually hot, and very heating, that they may drive away the cold fit, which is contrary to the judgement of Hypocrates, 
1. Acut.  and of the ancient and modern Physicians, who forbidden to administer any thing in the fits, and persuade rather to lessen the quantity of their meat and drink. Hence Hypocrates commands when the feet are cold, to abstain both from supping meats, & drink; for drink, especially if it be hot, is soon corrupted, and exasperates the aguish heat; therefore in the beginning it is best to give nothing at all, but when the heat hath descended to the feet (as the same Hypocrates saith) something may be given, but it must be such as is not hurtful for the disease, as those hot drinks usually are.   

CHAP. VII. Of the drink called a Posset.  
IT is an ordinary thing to prescribe for the sick a Posset to drink; now it is made of curdled milk, which I do not disallow, in that it hath the virtue of whey, which is opening. But I will here only note some abuses.  
First, that sometimes the milk is coagulated with strong Ale, or Wine, either French or Spanish, and then as it may indeed fitly, profitably, and delightfully be given to the healthful, so it hurts them that be sick of Fevers, and of any choleric disease; for it hearts the body, increaseth the causes of Fevers, inflames the Liver, by reason of its sweetness, and penetrating quality, troubles the head, and causes the same evils, which the drinking of wine is said to bring upon them that are sick of Fevers.  
Secondly, this drink is always administered hot to the sick, whereas cold drinks are more pleasant, and more profitable to them that are sick of Fevers; for it is not so fitting to give to them that be thirsty, hot and heating drinks; and therefore Galen prescribes cold water to temper the heat. As therefore in some diseases I do not dislike this drink, so in acute and choleric Fevers especially, I think it not fit. But if at any time the bystanders would administer it to such as are in Fevers, or the sick themselves desire it, let the boiling milk, be coagulated either with the juice of Lemons, or a little vinegar, adding thereto a little sugar; taken take away the curd, and so there remains the whey alone mixed with the acide juices, an excellent remedy to cool Fevers and to open obstructions. As for the healthful, they may use it prepared any way even as they please. Also if the milk be curdled with thin beer or small ale, it will not hurt the sick, for it is of a cooling and opening quality, and may do very much good to the body, for small beer is of the same virtue with barley water, which Avicenne and others do highly commend. I find in Dioscorides a dark manner of making a Posset, 
Dioscorides his way of making Possers.  under the name of Lac Scissile; The milk, saith he, must be boiled in a new earthen pot, and stirred with a green figtree branch, and after it have boiled up twice or thrice, so many cups of vinegar mixed with honey must be put to it, as there are pints of milk, and so the whey is separated from that which is congealed into curd. Although now adays so much art be not used, yet the manner of preparing it is the same; for first the milk boyles up once or twice; then by pouring thereinto Wine or Ale, there is made a separation of the whey from the thicker substance; 
Lib. 1. cap. 88 Cap. 96. lib. 2. tetrab. 1.  and Dioscorides approves of this kind of drink, to whom assents * Paulus Aegineta, and * Aetius.  
But more plainly Galen makes mention of a whey made with Oxymel, which he commends for those that are in Fevers, to purge choler, and loosen the belly, 
Com. 4 de tict. cat. in acut.  and he teaches the form of making it. It were therefore better if in imitation of Dioscorides, Galen, and the Ancients, our possets, which are at this day so common a drink in England, were made with acide juices, or oxymel; for so they would be more convenient for Fevers, and choleric diseases.   

CHAP. VIII. That the decoction and broth of an old Cock is not well prescribed for nourishing of the sick.  
IT is confessed of all, that meats that are easy to be concocted, and of good juice, and quickly nourishing, should be prescribed for the sick, and therefore very well are jellies, and restorative broths made for them. But many times the flesh of which they make these broths is not so fit and proper. Among others, its ordinary to make these sorts of broths of the flesh of an old and fat Cock. This practice hath drawn its original from the counsels of Physicians misunderstood, among whom the decoction of an old Cock is in singular esteem. Of this did Dioscorides a very ancient writer make mention, and it is also in frequent use among our modern writers in Physic; but not to nutrifie: forasmuch as all old flesh is of hard digestion, and makes thick chyle, and and yields but little good, and alimentary luice, and therefore it is in no wise convenient for the sick, to whom nothing ought to be given but that which is * easy of digestion, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and which * yields good juice. 
Lib. 2. cap. 43.  Dios●o●ides teacheth that; for saith he, Broth made of an old cock loosens the belly, draws down gross and raw humours, black choler, and excrements, is good for long fevers, sigh, the diseases of the joints, and wind of the stomach; and he teaches the manner of preparing it, and Galen in his 11. Simpl. saith, that Hen-broth hath the virtue of binding the belly, as that of old Cocks hath the force of losing; where likewise by the way take notice, 
Hen's broth not good in purges.  that the broth of a Hen is not to be administered to them that have taken a Purge, before complete evacuation; for although it doth nourish, yet it stays the belly. But the broth of a young Cock doth nourish very well, and tempers the humours, and therefore is very good for them that be sick. I read in the old copies of Dioscorides, and others, except that Translation of Ruellius, as Mathiolus reports, That the broth of a young Cock especially is given to temper vicious humours, and in the heats of the stomach simply prepared. But Mesues says very well of this business, 
* Cap. 23. de simple. purge.  where after he had reckoned the flesh of young Cocks and Hens among the best meats, he adds, as Silvius interprets: The nitrous and salted flesh of old Cocks especially, unfit for meat, is Physical, chief in the broth thereof, but principally of hazled cocks, which are quick for motion, hot for copulation, strong to fight, mean betwixt fat and lean, and the elder they be, the more Physical they are, saith Galen. This broth, in respect of the nitrous and salted substance of it is hot, it cleanseth, detergeth, attenuateth, discusseth wind, being boiled with the seed of Dill, or wild Carrot, Polypodie, and Salgemme; it assuageth the pain of the stomach, colon, small guts, and reins, arising from wind; opens obstructions, purgeth phlegm with Turbith and Carthamum, and therefore it is good against the pains of the gout that arise from thence, etc. From whence it is manifest, that an old cock is not used for to nutrifie, but for the Physical virtues thereof: wherefore for the future they shall do better, that shall administer young cock-broth to the sick for to nourish them. For the opinion of Hypocrates, Galen, and of all Physicians is stable, that old flesh is not fit for nourishing, and therefore we must conclude, that it is not convenient for the sick.   

CHAP. IX. That gold is in vain boiled in broth for them that are in a Consumption.  
IT is usual with some to put gold into the broth of the sick, especially for them that are in consumptions, which although I do not hold to be hurtful, or any way pernicious to them, yet I think it is altogether unprofitable. Touching the virtue of gold, there is indeed no small controversy among Physicians. 
The virtues of gold.  For many excellent Physicians are of opinion, that it is good for the affects of the heart, to renew the sight, to cure the palpitation, syncope, leprosy, epilepsy, and being quenched in wine, to cure the pains of the spleen, to help those that be melancholic, and to hinder putrifafaction. 
Fen 5. cap. 7.  Avicenne saith, that in gold there are hidden qualities, which are good against poison; if a new borne child hold it in his mouth he need never fear the Devil; if a woman with child drink it, she shall not bring forth an abortive. But in his book the medic. cordialibus, he places gold betwixt silver and the hyacinth, and he will have it to be of more virtue than silver, but less than the hyacinth. The filings of gold is an ingredient in the remedies against melancholy. But he adds that silver is somewhat cold and dry, 
Of Silver.  and that the operation thereof is like to the hyacinth, save that it is weaker. 
Of the Hyacinth.  Now to the hyacinth he attributes the virtue of cheering and comforting the heart, and of resisting poison, which virtues (saith he) doth flow from the hyacinth, as the virtue of drawing iron from the loadstone; neither can gold be dissolved and overcome by our heat, as vegetables are; for (saith he) the substance thereof doth not yield thereto, but only our natural heat helps the penetrating quality thereof. Fernel himself highly commends it, in that it partakes not of the malignity that is in most metals: Also Paracelsus contends that all diseases, even the leprosy, and the gout may be cured by the use of it: And them do many modern Physicians follow, and mix gold in sundry medicaments. But others deny all these things; Antonius Musa Brassavolus, Andreas Baccius of Baths, Fallopius, Erastus, Rondeletius, Duretus, and other excellent men. Savanarola extols aqua vitae above all gold, as being drawn out of a vegetable, and so a cordial familiar to the nature of man.  
This controversy I will not make mine in this place; for though gold may seem to be an excellent cordial, and a strengthening medicament, though it be not hurtful to seethe it in broths, yet it doth no good at all, for nothing is dissolved from it, nor passes into the liquor, except some dross, because of the substance, which is so very compact, as it can be dissolved with no fire, with no boiling: Again, it is not easily 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  consubstantiated with us, it cannot be overcome by our heat, nor doth it turn into blood, nor can it repair the loss of spirits, seeing it is so different from our nature, and cannot be converted into it: for the substance of metals is so different from the nature of man, that after what manner soever they be prepared, they can never become aliments; and for that cause gold can never cure the leprosy, nor a hectic, nor a consumption, nor diseases that are caused of evacuation, which diseases need not only alteration, but also addition of some substance, which no mettle can supply. Seeing then that those that that are hectic do not require to be corroborated in quality alone, but to be repaired by a substantial moisture, in vain shall gold be sodden in their broths, for verily it cannot repair the loss of radical moisture, seeing it it is not converted into aliment, but is voided as it was taken, or boiled, without any diminution of the weight. Yet all this doth not take from it the cordial virtue which perhaps is in it, to conquer poisons, and melancholy diseases, but only proves there is no virtue in it for nourishing. 
Gold nourishes not. Sennertus' cheated by a German Impostor.  Not long since, the good man Daniel Sennertus, in the preface of his book de consensu Chymicorum, being deceived by a German sycophant, wrote that a hen being crammed a whole month with leaf gold, doth so perfectly turn the gold into her own substance, that three pure golden lines, as if they were drawn by a workman, may be seen in her breast, which is indeed an extraordinary manner of nourishing, to wit, for the food that is taken, so to retain its own nature even to the third concoction, that it should be altogether unchanged; this is plainly repugnant to the nature of the body nourished, that it should notwithstanding be turned into the substance thereof. But they that have made trial, can testify that this experiment was false, as that learned man, and heretofore well known of me at Montauban, Petrus Laurenbergius (under whom at that time I studied Philosophy) doth profess of himself in his examination of the Aphorisms of Augelus Sala. But this is not the only deceit of the Chemical Impostors, who to one true experiment do use to annex a great many false ones, and extol such virtues of things which they can no where make to appear.   

CHAP. X. That milk mixed with water is good for those that are in consumptions.  
BEcause among the remedies for those that are in a consumption, (of which we have spoken in the precedent Chapter) milk doth not challenge the last, but the chiefest place, we will speak something of it, it being for this purpose much better than gold, for it nourisheth, refrigerateth, and confolidateth ulcers, and it is profitable for many other things. Yet in administering it, divers eautions are to be observed, 
Cautions in using of milk.  which the Physician ought to consider, lest he do more harm than good, for it is soon corrupted in the stomach. For sometimes it turns into a nidorous and burning savour; sometimes it grows tart and sour, or curdles in the stomach. When it becomes tart and sour, a little honey or sugar may be boiled in it; for the coldness of the stomach is the cause of the tartness; but if it turn into a burning savour, it is corrupted through heat, and then it is good to put thereto a good deal of water. But the people like not this mixture. Yet most excellent Physicians have allowed of it, for it moderates the heat, hurts not the milk itself, and is good for hectics, and such as are in a consumption, in respect of its cooling and moistening, especially if it be Cow's milk, which at this day is most ordinary of all. 
7 Epid.  Hypocrates ministers Cow's milk with a sixth part of water, both because this milk is by its own nature somewhat thick, and also because it quickly turns into a burning savour. 
5 Epid. tex. 56.  And he tells a story of Pythocles, who ministered to the sick milk mingled with much water: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And there is the same reason why Avicenne and others do prescribe buttermilk, because it is more watery, and so doth refrigerate more. So Galen commends Asaph's Milk, because it is very thin, full of whey, and hath very little curd, therefore it is most fit to amend dryness, and to temper heat. But if such milk cannot be gotten, it will not be amiss to bring Cow's milk to the temper and consistence of Ass' milk, which a mixture of water doth most fitly perform. This not only the Ancients, but the modern Writers do observe, Gordondus, joubertus, Hollerius, and others. Hollerius in his chapter of Phthisis, and the Hectic, saith, If belching do * savour of burning, 
Nidorous.  a little water must beboyled with the milk. Which counsel if many would follow, they should perceive more benefit from the use of Milk than they usually do.   

CHAP. XI. That the common proverb is false, Milk must be washed from the Liver.  
BEcause this so familiar, and ordinary Proverb is not of any great moment, we will speak but little of it. Many when they eat Milk, do presently drink Beer or Wine, and say that Milk must be washed off the Liver.  
For which saying there is no reason; for then the Milk is not yet come to the Liver, but is contained still in the stomach, and therefore there is no sense why it should be washed off the Liver. But they must rather stay three or four hours after the taking of the Milk; for than is the first concoction of the stomach finished, and the milk is in the Liver, that it may be turned into blood.  
Secondly, no reason enforces why milk should be washed from the Liver rather than other meats, for there is the same reason of all meats, which necessity urges to be contained in the Liver, that they may be changed into blood.  
Thirdly, it is sure, that by this means the Milk is curdled in the Stomach, 
The evil effects of curdled milk.  and so is afterward more easily corrupted, more slowly concocted, and burdens the stomach; for Milk curdled in the Stomach, is reckoned among poisons, and I knew a man, that by this means died suddenly. Let them therefore observe it, that use to eat milk, that they do not unadvisedly drink Wine or other liquours that dissolve milk, seeing that by the use of them milk is soon corrupted in the stomach, waxes sour, and becomes hurtful.   

CHAP. XII. That strong Beer or Ale should not be drunk in the morning fasting.  
THis is the most usual custom of all, that in the morning, after they are risen, they must have their morning draughts of strong Beer or Ale, and sometimes of Wine. I know that by very many Physicians, that custom of drinking in the morning any sort of drink whatsoever it be, is by no means approved, because that moistening doth dissolve the strength of the stomach, loosen and debilitate it, so as that the body becomes afterward more replete with crudities. But I am not of their mind at all, for a morning's draught, so that it be not of strong drink, helps forward the distribution of the meat, 
Small beer best for morning draughts.  purges the stomach (and as they say well) cleanses it, tempers natural heat, moistens the body, and which I think most true, hinders the generation of the stone; for it tempers and moistens the Kidneys; as many of our ancient and modern Writers prescribe broths of Butter, Mallows, and other such things for to temper the Kidneys, why not by the like reason small Beer, which doth cool, moisten, and is diuretic. But yet singular heed is to be taken, that in the morning while the stomach is empty, 
The evil effects of strong drink in the mornings.  strong Ale, or other such drinks be not poured in, for they hurt the nervous parts, from whence the Gout, pain of the joints, inflammations of the bowels, and other grievous diseases may arise; for by reason of their subtlety, and great force of spirits, these drinks do insinuate themselves into the nervous parts, insomuch as they are usually troubled with pain of the joints, that are eagerly delighted with such drinks, and therefore advisedly is wine forbidden them that are Gouty. Nevertheless the diversity of natures is to be considered here; for they that are of a temperament somewhat moist, because they need but little drink, ought not to drink in the morning fasting. But they that are of a dry constitution both may, and aught to drink fasting, but not strong drinks; for by them the nervous parts are sooner offended and dried. Galen confirms this in his Comment upon the 21. Aph. lib. 2. where he saith, that if before the use of meats, any man use a liberal drinking of Wine, he is very much troubled with Convulsions, and taken with Frenzies; and in his Comment upon the 20. Aphorism, lib. 6. Among the causes why so many are vexed with the Gout, and pain of the joints, he reckons this, that they drink strong drinks before meat; for they do very soon offend the substance of the nerves, as doth carnal copulation. Also Plutarch in his Symposiacks, disputing whether new diseases may breed or no, produces this as a cause of new diseases, that they use to drink strong wines before they have eaten any meat. There is the same reason for strong Beer or Ale, which may bring the same, yea greater evils. Therefore as I do not dislike the drinking of small beer, though indeed it is not fit for all, so I think men should abstain from strong drink, for fear of very many diseases.   

CHAP. XIII. That strong waters are ill taken after gross meats to help concoction.  
THis likewise is the custom of many, that if at any time they eat meats of hard digestion, as are Venison, Beef, Saltfish; or that soon corrupt, as Summer-fruits, they presently drink after them strong distilled waters, as Aqua vitae, Cinnamon water, Rosa solis, and other such like, namely, to help concoction. But that is not done without hazard of health; for seeing that the forenamed meats are not wont to be concocted but by a long stay in the stomach, 
The evil effects of strong waters.  these waters being of a penetrating and piercing quality, draw the meats down into the veins, not yet fully concocted, from whence proceed cudities and obstructions. Thus Physicians do well forbid to use diuretics with meat, or presently after meat, lest they carry the crudity of the stomach to the passages of the urine, and make the evil worse. So likewise they forbidden to use them, when there is abundance of vicious humours, or when some corrupt humour is lodged in the first passages, before that purging be premised, otherwise there is fear lest obstructions in the passages of the urine, or in the bowels be either made or increased.  
There is the same reason of waters, which they take to further concoction, for that great virtue of opening with which they are endued. And this have many Physic authors observed: Rondeletius in his Chapter of the Palsy, prescribes a water for the Palsy, which he will have taken into an empty belly. Those things (saith he) which are very hot and attenuating aught to be taken with an empty, and first purged Stomach, and are not to be mixed with meats, for they would force the meats not yet concocted to go down with them, and so would breed obstructions. And in the 31. Chapter he tells a story of two Physicians, whereof the first, when he would have provoked the flowers with the use of opening and attenuating syrupes, he brought the woman to a palsy, by reason that the crude and glutinous humours which were in the passages, by force of the Medicaments were drawn down to the parts, and lying upon the finews caused the Palsy. The other, while he went about to cure the * pale colours, 
Or Green-sickness.  by the same way brought the Maid to a palsy of the legs. But most excellently in his Chapter de Palpitat. Let those things be taken inwardly (saith he) which heat the stomach, and discuss wind. To which thing special heed is to be taken, for three or four hours before meat we may give those things which do strongly heat, and dispel wind, so that the Liver be not very hot, such as are Diatrion pip. Diacim. Dianis. Aromat. Rosat. Diagaianga, and such like. These ought not to be given immediately after nor before meat, because by their heat and rarity, they would presently carry along with them the halfecrude meat to the first passages: Hence it appears that they err that minister very hot powders after meat, which ought to be but moderately hot. Which counsel is also approved by others, to wit, that those things which help concoction must go before, not follow meat, as saith Riolanus, Gordonius in his praxis, and Fuchsius in his Chapter de Cruditate.  
The aforesaid waters do seem at the first to heat very much, but afterwards, especially if there be a familiar use of them, they do very much harm. Savanarola a famous Physician in his time, tells a story of Franciscus Gonzaga marquis of Mantua, who when for the curing of the weakness of his stomach, by the advice of Physicians he used Aquavitae, he fell into so great feebleness, that all his meat turned into wind, and but that he used a very good diet in the six things called Non naturales, he had soon perished. And Rubeus observes well, that they do very ill, who when they feel their stomach much surcharged with yesterday gulletting, do drink strong waters, for hence do palsies, tremulations, and other evils arise, for in that they are of thin substance, and do soon penetrate, they carry up presently to the head the lighter parts of the humours, and wind themselves into the beginning of the nerves, from whence come palsies, tremulations, and sometimes apoplexies; therefore he adviseth, that they be not taken when the stomach is  with crudity, and that they be drunk at least 3 or 4 hours before meat, which may be a rule also in other remedies that are prescribed to help concoction. Of the same opinion is Aetius, describing remedies for crudity. 
Lib. 3. Serm. 1. cap. 24.  After meat (saith he) never let this, nor any other remedy be taken, which doth vehemently penetrate; for some of the crude meats is distributed and carried along with it, and it causeth stopping. It is good to use it after morning friction, two hours before exercise and the bath. Thus Aetius.  
What we have said of meats hard to be concocted, may be likewise said of those which are easily corrupted, as are Summer fruits, for those things that are hot and opening, should not be taken after them, as the learned Valleriola doth well observe. 
Lib. 2. locor. come. cap. 7.  Neither after the eating of fruits or bad meats, is drink to be poured in, especially much, and of strong wine, for it makes that by too swift a course the vicious humour passeth into the vessels, and so being unconcocted, it doth contract putrefaction, and an ill condition. Then he adds. 
Wine after 〈◊〉 not good.  If after evil meats, especially fruits, a man must needs drink, I think it more wholesome to use water than wine, lest by the drinking of wine, heat and ebullition do ensue, and a too quick passage of the meat into the bowels, and so putrefaction, obstruction, crudity, and corruption do follow thereon, which are the usual effects of wine. In like manner they err, who when they feel wind and crudities in their stomach, do use to drink these strong waters to heat and strengthen the stomach. These men do seem indeed to feel some benefit thereby, as long as these waters do heat the orifice of the stomach; but by reason of the rarity of their substance, they do soon penetrate into the bowels, and increase their distemper, whereby afterwards the pain grows greater, and the more they drink these waters, the more their their bellies seem to be refrigerated, and enfeebled. For those things which do heat too much, are so far from heating and strengthening the stomach, as that they rather cool, by rarefying, or by driving the inward heat from within to the circumference; as Rondeletius saith in his Chapter of palpitation. Therefore Mercatus counsels, that with exceeding great caution we use the helps which further concoction, or discuss wind. For we are often deceived (saith he) by windiness, and we are enforced to discuss it, not without the great hurt of the sick. These things are especially to be observed of them that abound with hypochondriack windiness, whose bowels do boil with heat, but stomaches seem to be somewhat cold. Some perhaps will object that Physicians do prescribe pepper grossly beaten; and Aetius commends the use of wormwood for this hypochondriack windiness. 
Gross pepper commended.  But as Amatus the Portugal, a most skilful Physician, observes, pepper grossly beaten is good, because it goes not to the bowels, but only strengthens the stomach, and so it heats not the liver. Again, the heat thereof is extinguished in the first passages, and is soon dispersed. Lastly, it detergeth & casteth out sharp humours. 
Wormwood commended.  Also wormwood is good, because as Galen teaches, it binds the stomach, it helpeth by its detersion not against phlegmatic, but adust choleric humours, which foment this disease, and purgeth them out by siege and urine.   

CHAP. XIV. That Midwives do ill, who give to women in Childbed nothing but hot drinks.  
I Have often heard women in Childbed complain of a grievous thirst, and heat, because it is a maxim received by evil observation, that they may take no cooling thing, but only drinks actually and potentially hot, as burnt wine (which drink is too common in England) brewed with hot spices, cinnamon water, and the like (to wit) to strengthen and comfort them, for ever the bystanders are solicitous of those strengthening meats and drinks, as also that the cold may not hurt them, for by reason of cold, gripe in their belly do often happen, especially af-the birth. But this is a very great error, and often pernicious to women in Childbed, but always very tedious. Now there are divers conditions of women in Childbed, for some of in them a morbous preparative, and the sickly humours being moved with the travail of the birth, do bring forth in them divers diseases; but others enjoying a more perfect health, do quickly return to themselves, and by little and little grow well again without any dangerous symptom: To the former, those strong and hot drinks are very hurtful, for they inflame the inward parts, and amend not the morbous humours at all, but increase and corrupt them; And to the latter sort, which otherwise would recover their health, they may cause fevers, and such like diseases. Now, although I do not approve of very cold drinks, but rather would have them to be somewhat warm, yet I cannot allow of hot drinks for the forenamed reasons. If there be a fever, Physicians do prescribe altering and cooling syrupes, why not also cooling drink? Therefore I have oftentimes permitted drink not so strong, and somewhat cool, to women in Childbed, burning and thirsting after small beer, by which they have felt themselves much refreshed; much more will such drinks be convenient for them if they be in a fever.  
So likewise they do ill, who feed them with much meat, and very nourishing, for in the beginning their diet should be slender and sparing, as in them that have been wounded, because nature is weak, and not able to digest a great quantity of meat. 
2 acut.  Thus Hypocrates teacheth, that after a large evacuation we must not presently hasten to a full diet, for hereby there is fear lest the excrementitious humours be multiplied, a fever ensue, and other symptoms happen. But let them be fed sparingly, as with broths, till all fear of a fever, and other symptoms be quashed, and she be well purged from her flowers, and then by degrees they must pass to a fuller diet, and thus without any danger their strength is renewed in them.  
This error do almost all observe, that have written of women's diseases. Rodericus a Castro saith. 
Cap. 1. lib. 4.  It hath been always a vexation to tolerate women, that have the charge of keeping a woman in childbed, for unless they cheer her up with delicate meat and wine, they think that they do no good at all, for they have I know not what laws and rules, exceeding hurtful to the poor women, but sacred to themselves, which being neglected, a prudent Physician may give order to provide those things which he shall judge to be needful. So Petrus Salius doth very much reprove the same error among the Italians. As concerning their diet (saith he) know that it is a common error almost of all women, to think that women in childafter the birth, must presently be refreshed and nourished with the best meats, and therefore presently proceed to capon's broth, and their flesh; to spices, and strong wines, except a disereet woman be by, or a skilful Physician be sent for, who may correct such errors. He bids therefore that they abstain from flesh, wine, spices and other things which are apt to breed, or augment a fever.   

CHAP. XV. Two Errors about the choice of Nurses.  
THose Gentlewomen that will not undergo the trouble of nursing their children themselves, do sometimes even by the advice of Physicians, (unless necessity enforce them otherwise) reject those Nurses whose milk is old, that is to say, which have given suck a long time, to wit, a year, or two: for they think that milk is not so wholesome for a new born child. And therefore they sometimes prefer a Nurse, although elder, which hath but lately given suck, before one that is young, if she hath given suck longer. But I think they are in a great error, 
The breast doth every day afford fresh and new milk.  who suppose any milk to be old, seeing that every day the breasts of Nurses do afford new and fresh milk. If therefore you suppose a Nurse to be young, well behaved, of a good constitution, using a good and wholesome diet, and abstaining from venery, it matters not how long she hath given suck. For seeing that the milk doth participate of the nature of its material and efficient causes, and is generated out of these causes only; if the Nurse be healthful, and free from care, anger, and sorrow of mind, and feed on good and wholesome meats, there is no doubt but she gives always good and wholesome milk. For the milk doth partake of the nature of blood of which it is made; 
Milk is made of blood, I which if it be good, the milk cannot be bad.  but in a healthful body, nourished with wholesome meats, good blood is always made: And of good blood is not wont to be made bad and unwholesome milk, if the body be in health. Nor can giving suck itself alter or vitiate the milk, forasmuch as nature ordains nothing that is evil, and it would be ill for the child, if every day the Nurse's milk were made worse by giving of suck. 
It is not worse for giving suck  Experience shows in women of the meaner rank, who are not so curious in their choice of Nurses, that their children are as well fed, and as healthful as others. When therefore occasion is offered of choosing a Nurse, let only her constitution, healthfulness, and age be considered; for if these be right, there is no doubt but using a commendable diet, she shall always give good and fresh milk, because every day new milk is made, and hath the same causes of generation after five years, which it had the first month.  
There is another Error of some, no less superstitious than the former, and that not only of the people, but some Physicians also; namely, that they are very cautelous, even more than needs, in observing whether the Nurse hath brought forth a male or a female, and they will have the Milk of her that hath borne a Male, to be better for nourishing a Female, and contrariwise the milk of her that hath brought forth a female, to be more proper for the nursing of a male, because the milk of her which hath born a boy, is thought to be hotter, and therefore more fit for a girl, which is thought to be of a colder temperament, because it doth moderate her coldness; and contrariwise, because a male is hotter, the milk of her which hath borne a female, doth temper his heat. 
Some women are hotter than some men.  But these are all false.  
For First they suppose amiss, that a female is always colder than a male, when as indeed experience testifies, that some women are hotter than some men. Nor can a choleric woman, without error, be thought to be colder than a phlegmatic man, which I shall prove by divers reasons in another place: Nevertheless, although we should grant this, yet our opinion will stand stable and unshaken.  
Secondly, they err in supposing that the child's sucking can change the temper of the milk. 
A child's sucking cannot change the temper of the milk.  For seeing (as we have said) the nature of the milk doth follow the nature of the efficient cause, and of the meats of which it is made, what can the child do against these. For while it sucks, it cannot by contact alone change the constitution of the mother, nor the temper of the meats which she eats. Perhaps some will think, that the child, so long as it is in the womb, doth communicate its temperature to the mother, by heating her, if it be a male, or cooling her, if a female. But that is very doubtful, for a female should also heat the mother, because infants are always hotter than those that are of riper age. But besides, we know how hard a thing it is to change the natural constitution, so as it can scarce by any long use of meats or medicines be so weakened, but it doth easily return to its pristine condition. And we see the mother, when she hath brought forth her child, doth retain her old temper of body, and we can discern no footsteps of any new temperament which she hath taken from the child. And if there were any, it might nevertheless be easily lost in process of time, and by change of diet. It is therefore the surer way to consider the nature not of the child which the nurse hath born, but only the constitution of the nurse herself, and the diet which she uses.   

CHAP. XVI. That strong drinks are ill permitted to children.  
THat the people do err much about the education of children, it is certain, whereby they come to be troubled with many grievous evils, and so many die, whereof an ill diet is not the least cause: For I have seen some frequently to give their children Wine, Ale, or strong Beer, which is indeed very hurtful for them, 
1. & 5. de fanit. tuenda.  and is repugnant to the counsel of the ancient Physicians. Galen doth not permit wine to children before the fourteenth year, 
The evil effects of strong drink in children.  because it heats too much, and moistens, and fills the head with vapours, from whence ensues harm, not only to the body, but the mind also. Paulus likewise denies it to them before the 21. year of their age, because it heats, dries, quickly stirs up to anger and lust, fills the head with vapours, debilitates the nervous parts, so that afterwards they are subject to be troubled with convulsions, the gout, and other the like affects of the sinews; it weakens the inward parts, especially the Liver, overthrows a good constitution of the Brain, causes a weakness of the sinews, calls in cold diseases, and all these sooner in children, whose nerves are somewhat weak by nature. Moreover in the opinion of Plato, 
2 De legibus.  Wine is not good for them, because it makes them fiery spirited, and dulls and troubles the mind. For seeing that children are of a temperament somewhat hot, a moist diet, and somewhat temperate is convenient for them, lest by such drying drink, untimely old age be procured, and by the many sharp vapours carried up to the brain, convulsions, and the diseases of a distempered brain and sinews do ensue. But if there be some urgent necessity to administer strong drink, let but a little, and that allayed with water be administered according to the counsel of Hypocrates. 
Lib. de victu idiotar. tex. 23.  The like may be said of strong Beer, or Ale, for the same, yea and greater evils do proceed from the use thereof, then of wine, in respect of the thickness of the liquor and the impurer spirits. But thin and small beer well boiled and fined, is most fit for them.   

CHAP. XVII. That solid meat ought not to be given to children before the coming forth of their teeth.  
I Have also observed flesh, and other such solid meats to be given to children, before they breed their teeth, which is likewise a thing very hurtful to them; for verily Galen says well, 
Cap. 7. lib. 15. de usa part.  that nature doth then give unto children their foreteeth, when they have need of solid meat, which also he doth elegantly explicate in his first book De sanitate tuendâ. cap. 10. That children are to be fed with nothing but milk, 
Milk best for young child, n.  before that they put forth their foreteeth; and in very deed solid meats are but badly concocted in their ventricles, they oppress the stomach, corrupt with their mixture the Nurse's milk, hurt their tender gums, and makes them cry out and become unquiet. And it stands with reason, for Nature is never deficient in necessaries; wherefore, if such meats were good for them, it had never denied them teeth to chew them: But because for some month's space it hath denied them teeth, it is a sign, that nothing but supping meats is fit for them, and especially milk, which nature hath afforded to all young creatures, as the most familiar food. Therefore during the first months, 
Good counsel.  let the infant eat only milk, a little after, being grown somewhat greater, pulse also, which nevertheless is not in familiar use in England, but is used by other Nations, as the only and most convenient food for children. After the foreteeth are come forth, let the child by little and little be accustomed to chewing, and use flesh minced very small, and bread which with a little chewing it may swallow easily down. Note. Here note also, that when infants begin to be accustomed to meats, it is very good for one hour to abstain from sucking of the breast, lest the milk being mixed in the stomach with the other meats, and too long kept there, be corrupted. Many Authors do observe, that children are scarce ever troubled with worms, while they use Milk alone, which yet I do not believe to be always true.   

CHAP. XVIII. That a man may drink liberally for health sakes.  
I do not desire here to be thought a Patron of Drunkenness, being a vice which I hate exceedingly; I commend and approve of Sobriety as a Virtue beseeming a man. For I know how many evils drunkenness doth bring upon the body and mind. Nor do I like the custom of some of the Ancients, who thought it wholesome for the body, to be drunk once a month. I will only intimate thus much, that there are some cases, in which it is very profitable, according to the opinion of Physicians, for a man to drink wine liberally. As for that ordinary drunkenness, which is too familiar with many, although it be commended by the Ancients, to wit, the Grecians, who loved drinking and fuddling, it is very dangerous, and not undeservedly reckoned among the causes of diseases: Concerning that we speak not in this place, but of the extraordinary use of Wine, profitable for the curing of diseases, 
1. Probl. c. 2.  Aristotle demands the reason why diseases are cured through excessive drinking, and in the cited place he gives the answer; whereupon many think, and write, that a Quartane may be cured by drinking of wine, which thing experience sometimes confirms, because the causes of diseases and their remedies are contrary to one another, hence it comes to pass that by the excess of one, another may be reduced to a temper. Moreover Amatus the Portugal gives the reason, because nature is stirred up to cast out the matter already concocted, by vomit, sweat, or siege. Furthermore Hypocrates writes, 
Aph. 21. lib. 2.  that a Doglike appetite is cured by the drinking of Wine: He call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which word is signified sometimes the only drinking of strong Wines, as also a liberal drinking of them, even to entoxication, and Galen in his Commentaries writes, that he hath cured that disease by the liberal pouring in of Wine; and they will have this word to be derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pectus, because the breast is made hot with wine liberally taken; as the valour of great Cato is said to have been inflamed by wine. They are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that have drunk largely, and yet are not drunk, but have their memory, reason, and ability of discerning still free. Clemens Alexandrinus allows wine to Christian old men, 
2 Paedag.  so as they do not exceed the bounds of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore Hypocrates in the aforenamed Aphorism, prescribes a somewhat liberal drinking of strong and pure Wine, because by its heating, it cures hunger proceeding from a cold cause, and refreshes the spirits, and revives the strength. And in another place he writes the very same thing of the Strangury. The liberal drinking of Wine, 
Lib. 7. aph. 48.  and letting of blood cures the Strangury, and difficulty of pissing, to wit, when it is generated of windiness, or a cold distemper, or of some obstruction. And in many places he commends a liberal drinking of wine for divers diseases. 
Lib. 1. cap. 95.  Paulus Aegineta allows it, because it, provokes urine and sweat. Object. But the moral Philosopher will object, this is contrary to good manners, Solut. and against Christian Laws. I answer, I do not here go about to plead for drunkenness, which if it ensue, that will be by accident, in respect of the nature of the party that drinks it. For if to two patients both sick of the same disease a Physician prescribe a pint of Wine, perhaps one of them will be drunk, the other not; for the intoxication follows by accident in respect of the Physician, seeing that some men are inebriated at the first or second draught, others not, but with many reiterated. Therefore the Physician doth not command drunkenness, although sometimes he persuade to a liberal drinking of wine. Moreover it is the part of the same Artist, to prescribe the remedy, and its quantity, but if the remedy may lawfully and without sin be used, the quantity also may be used without sin, otherwise the remedy would be in vain and unprofitable. Lastly, he that doth use such a remedy, not with a lust to sin, or for pleasure, but for his health's sake only, doth scarce seem to have committed ●asin.   

CHAP. XIX. That red  are not to be preferred before others, for the voiding of the measils.  
THat in the measils and small pox, the endeavour of nature, purging out the humours into the habit of the body, is to be assisted, it is manifest by the verdict of Physicians, and seeing that Nature itself teaches it, therefore every one, even the most ignorant among the people knows it. And therefore the ambient cold is diligently to be avoided, lest the noxious humour return back again from the habit of the body to the inward parts. Wherefore many do use to cover the sick with red , for they are thought by the affinity of the colour to draw the blood out to them, or at least some suppose that it is done by force of imagination. And not only the people, but also very many Physicians use them.  
But that colour of the cloth seems to me to be superstitious; for the colour operates not unless it be by accident, as it moves the sight, and fantasy, which afterwards, being set a work by the likeness of the colour, drives the blood to the extreme parts. But so it would suffice to lay the colour before his eyes; for when they, adhere to the body, and in the night, and under the bedcloathes they are not seen.  
Secondly, the  do not draw out the humours, except as they heat the body, open the pores, and keep out the external air, which things not only red , but all  of what colour soever may do, but white best of all.  
Thirdly, Amatus the Portugal, Valetius, and others, that according to the custom of the vulgar do approve of red , do yet straight charge, that they touch not the body, because they have in them a certain astringent quality, from the tincture and mixture of allome. And therefore, although I do not altogether disallow them, yet I think it a vain thing to regard the difference of colours. Yea rather I would commend the whitest, 
White colour preferred before red.  because that colour doth dissipate the sight, and call forth the spirits to the external parts, and so by consequence further the springing forth of the humours into the skin.   

CHAP. XX. That they err who think to drive away a disease beginning, by labour.  
IT is the custom of many, when they feel themselves begin to besick, to labour to shake off the disease by walking, exercises, and labours, following herein the old saying; 
Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito.  
Unto diseases give no way,  
Be bold and let them bear no sway.   
And sometimes it succeeds well to them, not always, except the cause of the disease be very light. For exercise is troublesome and hurtful to the sick, in regard of the agitation of the morbous humours thereby. Prodicus was wont to molest those that were in fevers with much walking abroad, coursing about, wrestling, and dry fomentations; but he is blamed by Hypocrates, 
6 epid. sect 3. text. 23.  because (saith he) a fever is exasperated by hunger, wrestling, walking abroad, coursing, and frictions; for from thence did happen a redness of the veins, paleness of the face, and some gentle pains of the sides. This custom of walking to and fro in diseases; Plato attributes to Herodicus in the beginning of Phaedrus: So Asclepiades in the beginning of a burning fever would have the Patient to use violent exercise; but he is blamed by Celsus: He thought (saith he) that the strength of the sick was to be disquieted with labour, light, 
lib. 2. cap. 4. & 15.  watching, and vehement thirstiness, so as that for some few days; in the beginning of the fever, he would not suffer their mouths to be washed. It is not therefore always safe to strive against the disease with such violent exercises, for many times the Patient becomes fare worse after them than the was before.    

POPULAR ERRORS. The Fourth BOOK. Of the Errors of the People about the use of Remedies.  

CHAP. I. Of them that despise those Remedies that are Chemically prepared.  
THE principal part of Physic concerns the use of remedies, for it is an Art ordained for the vanquishing of diseases: Now diseases are vanquished by the proper and right administration of remedies: Therefore in this Book, we will take notice of certain errors of the people, about the administration and use of remedies.  
And first the opinion of men concerning remedies is two fold. 
A twofold error.  Some do neglect, and greatly fear to use any remedies that are chymioally prepared. Others on the contrary do extol them beyond measure; but those of Galens method, (as they call them) to wit, which are prepared after the vulgar, and long since received manner, they basely account of, and contemn. We will say something of them both, but they are wise that keep a mean. 
Medium tenuere beati.  And as almost all the errors which are rife among the people, have heretofore at first proceeded from Physicians, whose meanings the people have not well understood, so this also among the rest: Wherefore something is to be said of the aforesaid errors. 
Chemical remedies not to be rejected. — Now in this Chapter, I will plainly manifest, that chemical remedies ought not to be neglected, being administered by a prudent Physician, and an honest man. As touching this manner of preparing medicaments, it was not invented by Paracelsus, as we have already said, 
Chemistry not invented by Paracelsus.  but was practised many ages before Paracelsus was borne, even by those Physicians which followed Galens method, as Raimundus Lullius, Villanovanus, and many others, who have left behind them for us some excellent remedies chemically prepared. And after Paracelsus his time, many learned Physicians judiciously distinguishing the chemical preparation of remedies, from the doctrine of Paracelsus, have followed that, and disallowed this. Fernel, the chief of the modern Physicians, did frequently practise that art. Matthiolus used the spirit of vitriol and antimony prepared chemically; and in his Epistle to Andrew de Blaw, being the last of his fourth book of Epistles, he doth not only approve of this art, and commend the admirable operations of it; but he thinks that no man can be an absolute Physician, 
The knowledge of it necessary for a Physician.  no not an indifferent one, who is not of good experience in this most noble science. Crato, a Physician to 3 Emperors, in his counsels set forth by Scholtzius, doth highly commend chemical remedies, and professes that he himself used them. Yea Erastus himself, the great Antagonist of the Paracelsian Sect, in the preface of his works against Paracelsus, confesses that he doth not implead, or dislike this chemical preparation of remedies, but commends and approves of it very much. joannes Riolanus, a most excellent Interpreter of Physic, whiles that at the appointment of the College at Paris, he had abolished all the deceitful figments of the Paracelsians, writes that this College, wherein are the most excellent Physicians of Europe, doth leave free the use of Chemics, so as the old manner of curing, according to the precepts of Galen and Hypocrates, remain in force. Indeed that art in Galens time was not practised nor known, 
Chemistry not known in Galens time.  nevertheless it is not therefore to be rejected. For it hath been, and ever will be free for posterity, to add something for use and ornament, to an art already well established. Thus we use many remedies which our ancestors were ignorant of, as Seine, Rhubarb, Cassia, Tamarinds, and other things far better than peplium, coloquintida, and the like. Moreover, the Rudiments of the chemical art do appear even in the vulgar preparation of medicaments: Now according to them, all remedies are prepared, either by addition, detraction, or immutation; for either the matter of the medicaments is required, or else the faculty and virtue separate from the matter, the matter in thickening, astringent, and drying remedies; but the virtue alone in attenuating, dissolving, and purging medicines, because the grosseness of the matter hinders their efficacy. For this intention Mesues makes 4 kinds of operation; decoction, dissolution, infusion, trituration, or grinding to powder. What is infusion but an extract begun? What is decoction, especially roasting with fire, but the beginning of calcination? But in this manner of separation which they so much wished for, and the Ancients accounted so necessary, the chemical Art doth excel, for by divers ways it severs the pure from the impure, and so extracts and stirs up the divers virtues of medicaments, which otherwise had been hid under the gross matter, and could never have been drawn out by natural heat, as especially may be seen in minerals. Besides, it concocts, and attenuates the earthly parts; altars, or else quite takes away the malignant, venomous, and corrupt qualities, and increases the virtues; for there is more virtue and efficacy in cinnamon water against the Syncope, and other diseases, than in whole cinnamon. The same may be said of distilled and extracted oils; the oil of thyme, brimstone, or cloves, is more efficacious, and powerful, than the simples out of which it hath been extracted. Again, it makes many things to become more pleasant, and familiar to Nature, and contracts many virtues into a small lump; as in extracts, waters, distilled oils, sundry kinds of salt, and such like. Now seeing that it is the duty of a Physician to cure quickly, safely, and pleasantly, without doubt he shall be able to do it more completely, being well skilled in chemical remedies, whose efficacy being greater doth sooner work, whose small dose, and neatness of preparation help unto pleasantness.  
Object. But some perhaps will object, the whole age of the Ancients wanted Chemical remedies, who notwithstanding cured better than we do, and it happens yet daily, that without them Physicians do perform many wonderful cures.  
Sol. That no man denies, so men in old time did feed on Acorns, and lived long, yet having found out the use of Corn, we reject Acorns and leave them for Hogs. But if the Ancients themselves (the ancientest of whom was in his time a new Physician) had added nothing to the inventions of their Ancestors, we should have all the Arts to be only begun. Again, if they did perform such cures, yet they did them but slowly, and unpleasantly. Therefore Chemical operations were added for the solace of the sick, honour and ornament of Art, not that Physicians might cure absolutely, but better and more commodiously. But there are some things which do terrify the sick from the use of those remedies. The first is, because they think that all the remedies of the Chemists are very strong and violent, do presently either kill or cure, and are (as they call them) desperate Medicines, that they do operate quickly and pleasantly, but not safely, and that they leave behind them a stain in the bowels, which can seldom or never afterwards be washed out. Now they think it better to be cured slowly, so that they be safely and surely cured: Soon enough (saith the Proverb) if well enough. 
Sat citò, si bene sat.  But these things have their original from their ignorance of that art, and the audacity of some knaves, who use only the most violent, and such as are prepared by a preposterous operation; for every chemical preparation is not convenient for every remedy; we use Mercurius Dulcis with good success, but Mercury sublimate, or precipitate, not without hazard of life. For the Chemists have many Medicines which are very gentle, and not at all violent. And indeed the Chemical Apothecary and common likewise have the very same matter of Physic, out of vegetables, animals, minerals, and all other things as well gentle as violent which are used in Physic. But the chemical preparation doth amend or quite take away what is hurtful in the violent, and makes them more safe and pleasant for man's use. Besides the Chemists have very many cordial and strengthening remedies, oftentimes much better than the vulgar. But many times diseases do require verystrong remedies, resisting the force of the weaker Medicines: Yea Hypocrates, Galen, 
Malo nodo malus cuneus. Aph. 6. lib. 1.5. Meth. Cap. 15.  Aetius, and other of the Ancients did use stronger remedies than many Chemists do; For unto desperate diseases themost forcible remedies are to be applied, was Hypocrates his counsel. And Galen himself blames Erisistratus for using only mild and gentle remedies, which he will have to be hurtful in great and dangerous diseases, in which if opportunity which is very speedy be pretermitted, either the patient dies, or the disease becomes incurable. It is therefore more ordinary with the Galenists, to wit, those Physicians that follow the old way, to use violent Medicines, which Chemists do either better make use of, or at least better prepared. Nor is it true, that the Chemists do prepare all their remedies with the most violent heat of fire; for most commonly, a gentle heat is used. Yet Galen affirms, that by a violent heat of fire many Drugs do lay aside all their acrimony and sharpness. And it is certain, that by this spagirical art, the most unruly medicaments are made serviceable, and many that are otherwise poisonous, their deadly qualities being corrected, do become cordial.   

CHAP. II. That the use of Minerals is not to be rejected.  
ANother cause why many are so fearful of these Chemical remedies, is because the Chemists are thought to use Minerals. And indeed it is certain enough, that many that cloak their knaveries with the title of Chemists, do often use Minerals, both ill prepared, and wrong applied. But as we have said before, the matter and subject of operation is the same, of both the Apothecaries as well Chemical as vulgar, nor doth the Chemist less use vegetables than the Galenist, and it is an easy thing for him to administer vegetables alone to his patients, if they do much impugn Minerals. Nevertheless the use of Minerals was more familiar among the ancient Physicians, before the invention of the chemical art, than now it is: For I know many Chemists that seldom use them, but rather make choice of vegetables alone. But the writings of the Ancients do testify, that they were wont to use steel,  brass, the flower of brass, and such like, either not at all prepared, or but very slightly. The flower of brass whole doth purge vehemently. Some give it, saith Dioscorides, 
Lib. 5.  kneaded in dough, and made up in a pill.  Brass (saith he) being drunk with honey and water, doth provoke vomit: the flower of Brass given in the weight of two scruples drams out gross humours. Very many use the Armenian stone not prepared at all. Is not that art highly to be commended, which, if at any time it use these things, doth exhibit them diversely and elegantly prepared, not whole? Dioscorides writes, that Silver is good against the poison of Wolves-bane; and Avicenne will have it to be excellent against the trembling of the heart. If therefore the authority of the Ancients be of any moment with us, it must not be imputed to Chemists as a fault, that sometimes they make use of Minerals, seeing they whom they call Galenists are guilty of the same error, if it be one, but herein they are excelled by the Chemists, in that they prepare them better, insomuch as they may be administered with less harm. Matthiolus in his fore named epistle, says well, that great and chronical diseases can scarce be overcome without Minerals, but those Minerals are not to be administered without the knowledge of the Chemical art. And the use of Baths is ordinary, all which do partake of the virtue of some Mineral.  
Object. But perhaps some will object, that Minerals are altogether poisonous and hurtful to nature, and cannot be brought into action.  
Sol. Which although it be after a sort true of many Minerals, yet that hinders not, but they may be made good remedies in stubborn diseases, that stand in need of strong Medicines, and it is the nature of all Medicaments, that they altar our body; for as we have said, forcible remedies must be applied to extreme diseases; hence sometimes it comes to pass, that some empirics through their adventurous rashness do cure diseases that are given over by others, to the disgrace of Physicians. If therefore the Ancients without scruple or doubt did use them whole, how fortunate are our times, in which we are wont so curiously to prepare and dissolve them, so as they may by our heat be more easily brought into action, although to confess the truth, there are many of them, which do not require any great labour to reduce them into action, as the flower of brass whole (as the Ancients did prescribe it) though unaltered by our heat, doth nevertheless purge vehemently. Avicenne when he makes Gold a mean betwixt Silver and the Hyacinth, attributes to them the virtue of corroborating and cheering the heart, and of resisting poison, which virtues (saith he) do flow from the Hyacinth, as the power of drawing Iron from the Loadstone, and cannot be dissolved and overcome by our heat, as vegetables are; for that (saith he) the substance thereof doth not endure, but only natural heat helps forward the penetrating quality thereof: Therefore according to the judgement of Avicenne it doth not appear, that the Hyacinth or Gold, or Silver are reduced into action, or that they are changed and dissolved by our heat. Also there are many such things which do help by contact alone, as Galen commends Peione hung about the neck, and Monardes', the stone of Kidneys bound to the arm, which help only by the diffusion of their quality like light; and many such things have been observed by divers, which would be too tedious to rehearse. Moreover not only Minerals, but also some vegetables are poisonous, which nevertheless are profitably administered, at least in such a dose, 
Mineral's may be taken inwardly.  as nature is able to resist. Seeing then it is manifest that Minerals are prepared by Chemists, and that the oils, quintessences, and tinctures of them are extracted, it is also as true and manifest, that they may profitably, and without danger be conquered by our heat, and taken inwardly.   

CHAP. III. Of them that attribute too much to Chemical Remedies.  
ALthough I have already in the general allowed, and approved the Chemical preparation of remedies, yet we must know, that not all remedies prepared chemically are good and wholesome, for many questionless are badly prepared, which perhaps required another kind of preparation; it will not therefore be amiss to endeavour to repel and root out that self-love, through which they extol their own medicines with innumerable commendations, and prefer them before all others. For they are not sparing in promising great things, going about to persuade us that they will work miracles, and they forcibly obtrude remedies on us, which (if they may be credited) are good for all sorts of fevers, and do cure divers kinds of diseases, which even contrary causes have produced. Which of them doth not highly commend the dissolving of gold, 
Aurum potabile a deceit.  which they call. Anrum potabile, teach, extol, and admire the divers ways of making it? Verily, if all the ways of preparing this one remedy were written down together, it would make a large, and full volume, and yet they are all fabulous, and mere deceits; nevertheless for all this, they do audaciously and impudently brag of the efficacy of that not yet invented remedy. The same may be said of other remedies much more easy, for they set forth many things for tinctures, oils, salt, and the like, which are nothing less than what they avouch them to be, as might be manifested of many things in particular, but so this tractate would be too long and tedious. Nevertheless let us hear their reasons, which we have touched in the first chapter, we will here briefly repeat them. The vulgar, or common Medicines (say they) are usually poisonous, as are almost all cathartics, or purging remedies, and very many altering medicines, as saffron, hemlock, coriander, if they be taken in too great a quantity. But the Chemical are altogether free from any poisonous quality, and from all impurity, which may weaken the force of the remedies; whereas in the vulgar this same impurity doth remain, which is no more amended by the mixture of other things, then if birds should be boiled with their nests, guts, dung and all, only a little cinnamon and sugar added thereunto. So pills, electuaries, lozenges, opiates, have in them as well hurtful as profitable qualities; wherefore they cannot commodiously be brought into action by our heat. But in chemical remedies, the noxious qualities are severed from the wholesome, and so they are more easily brought into action, and are of greater efficacy and certainty. Honey and sugar, which are ingredients in divers remedies, because they are of quick spirits, and abound with sharp, and filthy vapours, are ill mixed therewith. In like manner they like not decoction, because thereby many of the virtues are lost, the remedies become of an unpleasant relish, and the efficacy is dulled by the mixture of a strange liquor. Thus they commend their own remedies, for their purity, safety, efficacy, pleasant relish, and small dose. And indeed this is true in the preparation of many of them, especially minerals, yet not always in all.  
And First, they falsely suppose that they have all some venomous quality in them, for they do ill to call that poison, which is only somewhat gross in substance. For there is scarce any mixed body which is not heterogeneal, and consists not of divers parts, every one of which severally have in them divers wholesome and profitable virtues, as the chemical resolution itself doth demonstrate. We must confess, that many things that are poisonous, are by the chemical art made harmless: But forthwith to call that hurtful and poisonous, which is, or seems to be less pure, is too much rashness, seeing that the mixture of divers parts is not made without the special providence of nature. This do meats and drinks show, in which God hath not without cause mingled the wholesome part with the unwholesome, for the good of man's body. Do not we more commodiously use wine, than the spirit of wine, the ordinary drinking of which doth rather harm than good, whereas wine itself doth yield a profitable, pleasant, and comfortable drink to the body? Therefore one said well, they that do so much dislike the earthy parts, should be nourished with nothing but spirits, as the spirit of wine, oil of corn, and extracts of flesh. Not that I deny preparation to be needful, though not always a chemical preparation. So we prepare wheat for the making of bread, by grinding, fifting, kneading, baking: and flesh, by washing, and boiling; which if they should be chemically prepared, would become hurtful, and utterly lost. Wherefore is the separative faculty given to the body, but for the separation of those things that are unprofitable? And therefore Faber, a late writer, one that makes large promises, 
Fabers Error taxed.  after the manner of the Chemists, seems to me to be injurious to the God of nature, in saying that the mixture of pure, and unpure, that is to say, of different parts in one and the same mixed body, doth proceed from the Creator's curse for sin. As though if man had never sinned, God had created only spirits, and not corporeal substances; oil of cinnamon, and not cinnamon, which is an absurd thing to suppose. And therefore he doth falsely define a medicament to be a purity of nature, which doth by altering help and secure our nature, when it is violated and oppressed with a disease, and he will have only that which is pure, and without mixture, to be a medicament, because that alone is capable of action, and efficacy. O fine pate! Are not remedies compounded out of the dross of things, excrements, dregs, things of least reckoning, out of use, and in a manner nothing worth? Who ever denied the power of working, and of altering the body, even to those excrementitious parts? which of the Chemists doth not make use of excrements for Medicine? Verily there is no part of the drugs, which hath not in it some virtues wholesome for man's body, either for external, or internal uses. But let us look back to our own task. Not only in aliments is this mixture of gross and subtle parts profitable, but in medicaments likewise. We often give Rhubarb with good success to purge, but powdered, this is a kind of preparation; but more commonly we administer it being infused, when we do not stand in need of the grosser part, for the virtue thereof is kept in the infusion: But in the extract, which is a Chemical invention, and is exceeding profitable in many things, part of the virtue is exhaled. Therefore the infusion of the Galenists, is better than the extract of the Chemists. Prepare Rhubarb chemically, by distilling, drawing out the salt, and extracting the spirits, and it will then be good for nothing, all the virtue of purging will perish quite, although the Chemists will have the salt thereof to be cathartick likewise. Moreover, as we said in the first Chapter, in thickening, binding, corroborating, and drying medicines, the matter and substance is requisite; thus experience shows, that the conserveses, preserves, and powders of the Galenists, are oftentimes more safely given, than the oils and spirits of the Chemists, for there is often need of whole medicaments, nor ought all things to be chemically prepared. And therefore many times the Chemists are forced to clothe those their medicaments with another body, which but a little before they had separated from their own; for who dares taste of oils of Origanum, Brimstone, Vitriol, by themselves, without mixing them with another liquor; and therefore they add these same to opiates, lozenges julips, apozemes, in a very little dose, otherwise they would scarce work without a great deal of danger and harm to the body; for that part which first they should but touch, they would alter not without apparent hurt. Therefore not every separation of the gross parts from the subtle is wholesome for the body, but sometimes pernicious and deadly. Wherefore there is no reason, that for this cause the Chemists should prefer their own, except in some few Medicaments, nor is there the same virtue in the whole, that is in the dissolved parts.  
Secondly, they do not only deceive the people, but perhaps themselves also, while they so commend the separation of the gross parts from the thin, and the security of their own remedies; for the noxious part is not always severed from the other in a chemical preparation, but is many times increased, whiles that it being all contracted into a little bulk, doth work more strongly. Let I pray all the purging extracts, and the other chemical preparations of purging Medicines be duly weighed, whether any of them be void of danger; yea they are oftentimes worse, although by such preparations they many times lose their own strength for the noxious quality is not always in the thick substance, but oftentimes in that thin substance which is extracted. The Trochisks Alhandal do purge very well, the extract is as hurtful, and the sediment which remains from the extract, doth lose in a manner all the noxious quality of the Colliquintida, because this together with the purging quality goes all into that liquor, out of which the virtue is extracted, which, as usually they do in other things, they call by a fond name Menstruum, whereupon the Chemists do no less use correctives with those extracts, than the Galenists. Admirable with them is the extract of Opium called Landamum, the Opium being prepared with divers mixtures to correct it, which, after they have used all their art in preparing and changing it, they dare not yet administer without correctives, as they call them. Whether then hath this chemical preparation taken away the violence from the catharticks, and the noxious quality from the Opium or no?  
Now as concerning the small quantity, and pleasant relish, these do not always accompany Chemical Medicines. We will exemplify in purging extracts, and other things which are exhibited in a large Dose, and are no less unpleasant, for the purging quality is a little exhaled. If some things by their too great quantity be noxious, they have it common with all meats, yea and Medicines, though chemically prepared: neither if strong cathartics be hurtful, are they therefore to be rejected, seeing that all remedies if they be ill used may do harm. Therefore chemical Medicines are not always the more pleasant, the extracts of Colliquintida, Rhubarb, and Aloes, are no less bitter and unpleasant, than they are whole, and yet they are administered in a greater Doses, yea if a Drugge have an unpleasant relish, it can scarce be taken away without loss of the strength. Take away the bitterness from Aloes and Wormwood, and you take away their virtue. What I pray is the extract of Rhubarb, but the infusion of it vitiated; for when the infusion is by a gentle decoction, brought to the consistence of an extract, the subtle parts, in which is contained the purging virtue, do evaporate, insomuch that the infusion of two Dams of Rhubarb will purge better than the extract of four Drams. Thus the juice of Roses purgeth excellently, the distilled water not at all. The extract of Coloquintida is exceeding bitter, although it be a chemical preparative, and notwithstanding that it is administered in a greater dose than the Trochisks of Coloquintida called Alhandal. And indeed in respect of cathartick vegetables, the chemical preparation must give place to the ordinary and common, but in purging Minerals, especially those that provoke vomit, the chemical hath the pre-eminence. 
The smallness of the Dose renders it suspirious.  Now the smallness of the dose alone, whereof the Chemists make great brags, ought many times to be suspected, seeing it is not always requisite, and argues a certain venomous quality, or at least not so benign, as appears in the aforesaid oils of Vitriol, Brimstone, Gloves, Origan, and other such like, which whether they may be taken alone without any danger, or no, they shall be able to testify, who like fools are desirous to make experiment; and therefore they administer but a few drops of them, dissolved in other mixtures. It is better therefore to administer some things in a larger dose with their own substance, than their spirits in the least quantity, although in many things, we do not dislike the contracting of good virtues into a small body, so as it be used with right reason, to wit, those things being observed which the Medicinal art of Galen and Hypocrates teacheth to observe.  
In the next place they disallow of decoction, because much of the strength doth perish thereby, the unpleasant relishes remain, and the virtues are dulled by reason of the mixture of a strange moisture. But first, the inconvenience will be avoided, if the decoction be made in a double vessel, that the spirits evaporate not; as for the relish, they themselves do more correct it than the Galenists do; and in like manner they use water as a vehicle to the spirits. Now it is certain that decoctions are many times fare better than distilled waters, and extracts, because the virtue of the simples passeth into the liquor, without altering of the temperament at all. 
The decoction of Anise good against the colic.  Thus Heurnius observes; that he did more successfully cure the pain of the Colic with the decoction of Anise, than with the spirit or oil of it. The same thing have I also often observed, the reason whereof may be this, because the Decoction drinks the virtue of the Anise into every part of it, whereas three or four drops of the Oil do most vehemently affect the part which they first touch, but do not diffuse their virtue any further, neither if they be administered in broth, or any other liquor can they be throughly mixed therewith. The temperature of many things is sometimes lost by distilling, and Paracelsus himself doth often confess as much, yea that somethings which in substance may safely be taken, by distilling do become hurtful, as honey, which (saith he) being thrice distilled turns to poison.  
We infuse Medicaments, when we stand in need of the subtle parts, but if there be no need of them, than they are administered either whole or prepared some other way, neither are infusions made in water only, but in divers other liquours also. They seem also too much to fear the addition of honey and sugar, because (say they) they have venomous and deadly spirits. Paracelsus avers it of honey thrice sublimated. But being taken whole, they do not send forth such noxious spirits, whereby we know that the separations of Nature and the Chemists are not alike: Who would believe that the hot spirit of Wheat can be drawn out by our heat, as it is by Art? Nature of meats doth create chyle, blood, choler, but Art spirits, oils, and quintessences, which do very much differ from the nature and temperature of their matter. Although therefore I do not think that the operations of nature, and the chemical art are not alike, yet it is sufficient if those things which do result from the chemical operation, be made convenient for man's body, to withstand the diseases of it; and that art in my judgement is praise worthy, which in imitation of Nature doth so diversely change bodies for the use of man. Therefore it is manifest from what hath been already said, that chemical remedies are not always to be preferred before the other. Now though the Galenists do justly refuse the doctrine, of Paracelsus, yet they do not disallow of chemical remedies, but leave them their own place in Physic. And the Chemists themselves cannot be without remedies prepared after the vulgar way, 
Chemists are not without vulgar remedies.  as is evident in Quercetanus, and others, yea and Paracelsus himself, who prescribes many decoctions and infusions, and uses many things whole, not changed at all by any chemical art. Therefore to both of them their own praise is due; for sometimes there is need of using chemical remedies, sometimes, yea, very often the other. Most indifferent therefore are the Galenists, who do not reject chemical remedies, but the Chemists are blame worthy, in that they never use other than their own, whereby it comes to pass, that oftentimes they promise wonders, which as experience shows they are not able to perform. It is a sign of an unskilful man always to use Quintessences. Frankincense being whole cures wounds, which can never be cured with the oil thereof. Conserve of Roses performs that in corroborating and binding, which the spirit, water, or salt thereof shall never be able to do; for distilled oils; and sharp Spirits do violently and speedily assail natural heat. Therefore in regard of divers circumstances, sometimes a spirit and extract is to be used, sometimes a Conserve, Electuary, and Decoction. For all remedies do not need a chemical preparation, many thereby being utterly annihilated. Now some things cannot conveniently be used, except they be chemically prepared, especially minerals, and some things perhaps are prepared after one manner, which ought not to have been prapared after another. 
An error in Chemical remedies more dangerous then in the other.  In general it is to be noted in Chemical remedies, if at any time there be an error, it is more dangerous then in the common medicines. Which things have been said not in disgrace and contempt of the spagirical art, but because of empirics & others, who too adventurously, and without judgement minister remedies, which they take out out of lying books, and if something hath been chemically prepared, although perhaps badly enough, they highly commend and admire the same.   

CHAP. IU. That the remedies are not to be changed, although the cure do not presently follow.  
BEcause (as we have said) there are many stubborn diseases, very hard to be cured, which do not yield to remedies, unless often reiterated, therefore some that have undergone a long and tedious cure, desire to make trial of other remedies, which they hear have done good to others, or else do altogether lay aside the use of Physic; but they err in both particulars, for as Hypocrates says well, 
2 Lib. 52. aph.  One that doth all things according to right reason, if it do not succeed according to reason, should not pass to another thing, so long as that remains which was seen from the beginning. Which although it be principally meant of the Physician himself, that he must not slightly, and without cause change his course of Physic, yet it may also be fitly applied to the patients. For as Galen says well in his Commentary, it is a point of sound discretion, not to recede from those things, which have seemed to be right. As water drops are a long time in penetrating a stone; so in diseases that are crude, and hard to be concocted, if a man have once found out what is needful to be done, he ought not to recoil from it. That Physician goes wisely to work, who having fully found out the diagnosticks, and prognostics of a disease, doth apply remedies convenient in quantity, time, manner, and place. But if he be mistaken in the knowledge of the disease, as sometimes it happens, it is lawful to change not only the remedy, but also the Physician himself, or at least to call another to him, that consulting together, they may diligently seek out the nature of the disease, which when they have well and perfectly found out, the patiented committing himself to them, aught to hold on in the use of remedies. 
How to know when remedies are to be charged  Now that he may know when the remedies are to be changed, this is to be noted. First, if the remedies that have been administered, do help a little, it is a sign that that the nature of the disease was thoroughly known, and those must not be changed; for Physicians do gather the signs of diseases even from those things which do good, and harm. Cures (saith Hypocrates) do show the natures of diseases. Cornelius Celsus in the beginning of his third book saith that, in acute diseases, remedies that help not aught presently to be changed, but in long diseases (of which we speak in this chapter) not so: for we must persist so long in the use of remedies, until their operation being often frustrate, we perceive that the nature of the disease was not well known. Secondly, if by the administration of the remedies the symptoms be exasperated, it is a sign they were contrary to the disease, and are therefore to be changed, to wit, in cronical diseases, for in acute diseases, if the exasperation of the symptoms do happen with signs of concoction, it is a token of a disease tending to a crisis. Thus Antonius Musa Physician to Augustus Caesar, when he perceived the pain of Caesar's stomach to become worse by the use of hot things, he applied cold remedies, and so cured him.  
But some will say, Ob. remedies by daily use do become at length familiar to nature, and so are unprofitable.  
I answer, Sol. the remedies may be changed, and their quantity, but not the manner of curing, so long as the disease remains the same, and yields the same indications; for if the disease itself be changed, as if of a Tertian be made a Quartane, or the patiented become weaker, or there be a flitting of the humours from one part unto another, or the like, not only the remedy, but also the method of curing aught to be changed. Therefore I thought good to annex this chapter, because it often falls out, that the patiented, which hath used perhaps a good Physician, if the success which he expects doth not presently follow, abjuring the Physician, consults with empirics and silly women. Now those medicine-mongers do after the manner of the Andabatie (that is to say blindfold at adventure) fight with diseases, try divers remedies, and never hold on in the use of that, in which they should have persisted. Usually the last remedy is applauded, & those that went before are of no moment with the people, as letting of blood, purgation, alteration, and the like, which notwithstanding subdued the greatest part of the disease. It falls out also many times, that the Physician himself being overcome with the importunity, & complaints both of the sick and the bystanders, is forced to make too much haste with his remedies, and contrary to reason to change them: wherefore those that be sick ought patiently to wait for the time of the cure, which cannot be the same in all diseases.   

CHAP. V Of them that reject all remedies, if they be not presently cured.  
OThers, (as we have said in the foregoing Chapter) do utterly reject the use of Physic, if they be not cured by the first or second remedy, who, besides the wrong that they offer to nature itself, which will have all things to be done in time, do injure themselves most of all; for diseases neglected do take deeper root in the body, and become at length altogether incurable, and past all help of Physic. Or others that by their proper nature do usually tend to health, of which sort are intermitting fears, which (as Hypocrates saith) are not dangerous at all; for Fevers after what manner soever they intermit, 
aph. 43. lib 4.  are void of danger, those diseases (I say) continuing long, and being neglected, do stamp such a blot upon the bowels, that they leave behind them perilous diseases, although they perhaps went away of their own accord. Galen in divers places teaches, that the cause of a tertian is seated in the liver, of a quotidian in the stomach, & of a quartane in the spleen; nor is it any wonder, if the parts by whose economy the whole body is served, be at length enfeebled, and therefore many times very grievous diseases do follow in those parts, after fevers that have been neglected, as gross obstructions, putrefaction, scyrrhous swell, scurvy, dropsy, and others, which because the temperature of the bowels is quite overthrown, are altogether incurable, as too frequent experience manifests. 
Physic preserves the inward parts though it perfect not a cure.  But this is the excellency of the art of physic, that though it doth not perform the cure, yet it preserves the inward parts, and doth so weaken the causes of diseases, and dull their force, that the noble parts are not harmed thereby, and so those great & perilous diseases are prevented. Yet what hath been said, ought not so to be understood, as though there ought never to be an intermission of the use of remedies; for Physicians do in very long diseases wisely allow some respite to nature, after they have for a few days together administered preparing, evacuating, and corroborating medicines, and other such which they thought convenient, and afterward they return again to the cure; thus they provide for the preservation of strength, which might have been wasted with a constant use of Physic.   

CHAP. VI That remedies are not to be rejected for their unpleasantness.  
WHen I read the writings of the ancient Physicians, who have bequeathed unto us the virtues of remedies, and their precepts of Physic, I cannot but wonder at the multitude and abundance of remedies wherewith they pestered their patients, as also at the unpleasantness of them, so bitter, unsavoury, and ungrateful to all the senses, yea and many times rudely prepared were many of them: it being a familiar thing with them, to dissolve those things, and give them to be drunk, which we take in pills to deceive the taste, and prepare more finely; for a Physician should endeavour to cure quickly, safely, and pleasantly. 
Citò, tutè, factlè curandum Thysick is neatlier, administered now then heretofore.  What shall we say then of the frowardness of the sick in this age, who though they have more toothsome & pleasant remedies administered to them, than our forefathers had, do nevertheless detest Physic for its unpleasantness, and had rather lie long under a disease, then be cured with a very few remedies. We must confess indeed, that very many remedies have by the care and diligence of modern Physicians, been made more neat and pleasant, then heretofore they were, but yet all unsavoriness is not taken from them. In which particular we may admire Gods wonderful providence; for if he had put the like relish into medicine that he did into mere, mankind had long since either utterly destroyed, or much weakened itself therewithal. For all remedies have in them a nature in some measure contrary to our body, because they after it, otherwise they were not remedies, and so they may also do harm. We use them, that we may reduce the body from a preternatural to its natural state again. But if the sick use them either preposterously, or longer, or oftener than is meet, of healthful causes they may at length be made the causes or diseases, and imprint on the body their qualities, which are so different from the nature thereof, and therefore it is well said in the Proverb, 
Qui medicè, miserè.  They live miserably, that live Physically. Wherefore it were not amiss, if many both men and women did take Physic more sparingly, for they prejudice their health, and they that are ever and anon taking Physic, do seem almost always to have need of it. In like manner others that are sometimes sick are to be admonished, that they do not for a little unpleasantness of taste or smell, perversely reject wholesome remedies, that are discreetly administered by an able Physician.   

CHAP. VII. Whether home-growing Remedies can be sufficient for any Country.  
IT were to be wished, that England were as well able to furnish itself with Remedies, as it doth with food and raiment. There were in times past, and even at this day are very many, that have endeavoured to reduce the whole body of Physic to common, and home-growing remedies, rejecting such as are brought from Foreign Countries. Pliny, the great Antagonist of Physicians, was of that mind, blaming Physicians that call in the Indians, Aethiopians, and Arabians for help. At length (saith he) the craft and subtlety of men invented those shops, in which every man's life is proffered to be sold to him; then presently compositions, and unutterable mixtures are provided, Arabia and India are brought in for aid, and for a little ulcer, Physic is fetched from the red Sea, when every poor man eats daily to his supper the right remedies. But that could never yet be brought to perfection, nor hath ever any Nation been so happy, that it could be sufficiently furnished with its own remedies, 
India sufficiently furnished with its own remedies.  except the Indians. For seeing that the same things do most commonly grow in divers Countries, it is certain that they cannot every where be of the same virtue and goodness. It is therefore lawful to fetch them out of those Countries where the best do grow, for the virtue of plants doth vary according to the nature of the places. The Arabians say, that some plants are hot in the third degree, which the Grecians will have to be hot but in the second, the Germans in the first. Wherefore Galen, who lived in a most temperate Climate, did not think his own Country remedies to be sufficient, but received Lemnian earth out of the Isle Lemnos, approved of Candy dittander, Macedonian parsley, and such like. And in purging medicines, it is most manifest, for they do not grow at home, but it is necessary that they be brought from foreign Countries, as Seine, Rhubarb, and many others, some whereof being transplanted, although with good dressing they be made to grow in our Gardens, yet not without a manifest wasting of their strength, nor in that plenty which may be sufficient for the whole Country: Thus we daily use sugar, pepper, spices, wine, which are supplied unto us from other Countries. The Lybian Iris (saith Galen) doth differ as much from the Illyrian, as a dead body from a living, no smell at all proceeding from the Lybian, but the Illyrian yielding a very pleasant savour. God would not that every Country should abound with all things, nor always, that humane society might be maintained. For as in every Country, one City supplies necessaries to another, so one Country to another. If one City do stand in need of the help of another, why shall not one Country supply the defect of another? But they think that those remedies which grow at home, have a greater affinity with the temperature of the Inhabitants, than the other. But experience shows that we do use profitably, and without any hurt, wine, and spices that are brought from abroad. Again, Physic is not agreeable to nature, but after a sort contrary, because it altars nature, and therefore it is necessary for a Physician to use those remedies which can most fitly perform it; and seeing that the same medicament, even in the same Country, doth changes it virtues according to the situation, and nature of the places, it ought to be gathered there where the best grows, and therefore sometimes to be fetched from foreign countries. But if this can be done with equal commodity, let the home-growing remedies be always preferred before the foreign.   

CHAP. VIII. Of them that fear to be let blood, and purged, lest they accustom themselves to it.  
THere are many that do willingly use purging and blood letting every year, to wit, in the Spring, and Autumn, for the voiding of ill humours, lest afterwards, namely, in Summer, and winter, 
47. Aph. lib. 6.  they fall into diseases; which Hypocrates persuades unto; They that find blood-letting and purging to do them good, aught to purge and let blood every Spring; which words he repeats again in another place. 
* 53. Aph. lib. 7.  Yet some are so timorous and fearful, that though they stand in need of these remedies, yet they refrain to use them, lest they accustom themselves thereunto. For they think that if they should use them once or twice, and afterward leave off, 
A gross Error.  they must either of necessity be sick, or not be in sound health, whose Error it is my purpose in this place to declare, although some Physicians have been also of the same opinion, forbidding any man adventurously to accustom himself to such great remedies, as letting of blood, and purging, lest by intermitting or leaving off that custom, he fall into dangerous diseases. But herein they are mistaken; for it is an Axiom of Physicians; One thing is indicated or betokened by one. And custom itself doth not properly indicate any thing, but together with other signs it indicateth somewhat; for it hath reference to nature, being also called a second nature; whatsoever indicateth any thing, doth indicate either the conservation or removeall of itself; conservation if it be according to nature, and removeall if it be besides nature, as a disease, and the cause of a disease. Seeing then only the cause of the disease doth indicate evacuation, either by blood-letting, or by purging, it cannot be that custom should indicate and betoken these remedies, because (as we said) it hath reference to nature, but one and the same remedy cannot be betokened by divers things. If in any man abundance of blood, or some other such cause require blood-letting, lest he fall into some grievous disease, Nature will not necessarily the next year require the same remedy, unless he labour with the same disease, unto which nature custom hath reference, because only the cause of the disease, and not nature doth indicate this remedy. If therefore he must be let blood again, it is in respect of the cause of the disease, not because of custom. Nor doth it follow, if this year Socrates his blood be so faulty, that there is need of evacuation, that there shall be the like faultiness the next Spring; for both the temper of the man, and of the air, and his manner of diet may be changed: Otherwise diseases should never be perfectly cured, if he that hath been once abundantly vacuated, must necessarily relapse into the same disease. Therefore custom itself doth not urge unto a reapplication of a remedy, but permit the same, because accustomed evacuations are less hurtful, and they that are accustomed to it may more boldly admit of evacuation. Thus custom alone makes nothing unto future evacuations, unless there be the cause of a disease with it; but if some diseases use to return every year, as the Gout, pain of the joints, melancholy, and the like; because the causes of these diseases do lurk in the body, it is very good to prevent them with convenient remedies, (as Galen saith he did, in his Comment upon the forenamed Aphorism) which remedies are convenient to be applied, not for assuefaction and custom, but in respect of the causes of the disease, which, so often as they appear, aught to be corrected with such remedies. But all diseases are not of that nature, that there is eminent danger of them every year, and therefore there is no fear of accustoming a man's self to Physic, except the disease also be made accustomary and familiar. The remedy that cures the disease, is not the cause of the return of the disease afterward, which it should be, if use should enforce a necessity of the remedy, because only the cause of the disease requires evacuation; from whence it would necessarily follow, that the use of evacuation doth afterward increase the cause of the disease unto the administering of the like remedy.   

CHAP. IX. That no regard is to be had of the Stars for letting of Blood and Purging.  
IT is an usual thing with many in taking Physic, to observe the Signs, to wit, whether the Moon be in this or that Sign, which is thought to govern this or that part. Others take notice of the Conjunctions and Oppositions of the Stars, when they must Purge or let Blood; as when the Moon is in Conjunction with the Sun, they think it to be a dangerous thing to use these remedies. 
4. Fen. lib. 1.  Some do advertise (saith Avicenne) that Cupping-glasses be not applied in the beginning of the month, because the humours are not yet swelled up to the height, nor in the end of the month, because then the humours are lessened, but in the middle of the month, when the humours are in their height, following the increase of the Moon, at which time also the brain is increased in the Skull, and water in the rivers that ebb and flow: Which his interpreters do refer to other of the great evacuations, during the same cause. And here two opinions are to be weighed, the one of Hypocrates and Galen, the other of Astrologers. Hypocrates in his Book de aëre, aquis, & locis, advises to observe the great changes of times and seasons, and the Solstices, that we neither administer Physic in them, nor Cauterize the parts about the belly, nor make any incision, till at least ten days after. Now by those great Changes, he understands the variations of heat and cold, which happen at the Solstices, Equinoctials, under the Dogge-starre, and before the Dogge-starre, and at the rising and setting of some Constellations. For he adds, Both the Solstices are very dangerous, but especially the Summer Solstice; so both the equinoctials are perilous, especially that in Autumn; the rising of the Stars are also to be observed, principally the rising of the Dogge-starre, Arcturus, and the setting of the Pleyades: Because at those times diseases do either end, or else are changed. These things therefore according to the opinion of Hypocrates are to be known, in respect of the sudden changes of the air, which are wont to happen at the rising of some Stars. Some to the forenamed Constellations do add the Moon, which hath great dominion over these inferior things, and experience shows that it hath much sovereignty over the humours of the body, and * Galen also acknowledges the same. But Astrologers have gone further; for they attribute the signs of the Zodiac to the several parts of the body, and when the Sun and Moon are in those signs, they hold it a dangerous thing to use remedies which concern those parts, over which those signs are thought to have dominion; and the common people in reading of Almanacs which come forth every year, are very cautelous in observing them, whereof we will treat more at large in the following Chapter. But if all these observations of Galen and Hypocrates be true, there will scarce any time remain for administering Physic; for in both the equinoctials, Solstices, at the rising and setting of Arcturus and the Pleyades we must forbear ten days, and before and under the Dog-star at least forty days; so likewise according to Astrologers we must abstain from Physic in all the Oppositions, Conjunctions, and Quartile aspects of the Moon: All which if they should be superstitiously observed, there would be no time left for Physic, although we neglect those Stars whose influence is not yet observed; some of which may perhaps hurt as much as the rest.  
The Stars are not to be considered in the curing of diseases, as they are in the Firmament, but for their influences, and those alterations which they make in the Air; as Hypocrates forbids purging under the Dog-star, only because of the heat of the Air. Nevertheless whatsoever the alteration of the Air be, the same cannot be equally good, nor alike bad to all, for evacuation, but to some it will do good, to others harm, according to the different constitutions of men, nor was there ever such a temper of the Air and Wether, which was not more or less healthful, or hurtful to some. For some Natures in Summer, 
2. Aph. lib. 3.  some in Winter, are better or worse (saith Hypocrates) so likewise some diseases are made better or worse in regard of other accidents; 
3. Aph. lib. 3.  and so are some ages according to times, places, and manner of diet, because the influences of the Stars, which evermore are universal, do act after the same manner only, and do hurt to some, and good to others, according to the different nature of diseases and the patients, as also according to their age, country, time of the year, and other such circumstances, which do limit the operation of universal causes. Again, the concourse of the Stars is only a procatartick and universal cause, which moves and stirs up the internal causes. Now these are known by their proper signs. Nor is there any necessity to consider the stars, but only the motions of inward causes, which make the times of diseases. But as concerning Astrologers, they do with a vain conceit attribute all the parts of the body to the stars, to wit, to the Planets, and the signs of the Zodiac. And because the Planets, and the signs of the Zodiac have not one and the same motion, some of the Planets having a swift, others of them a very slow motion, but the Signs, the same motion always equal, it will seldom happen that the Planets concur with the Sign that is referred to the same part. For the Moon runs through all the signs every month, and therefore is often conjoined with them all: But Saturn which they set over the Spleen, doth very seldom meet with the sign that is dedicated to the same part. The Stars therefore which are said to have dominion over the several parts of the body, have influence either into the substance, or into the conformation of the parts; but not into the substance, because there is no organical part in the body, which is not made up of sundry parts, which are of a divers nature, as the hands and feet consist of bones, nerves, arteries, muscles, which cannot be equally subject to this or that Star. And seeing the like parts for substance are in the other organs likewise, as bones in the feet, hands, breast, head, why shall not one and the same Star bear rule over them all? It remains then that they have influence into the conformation only, which is accidental to all the parts, for every part severally may be without the same conformation, as bones may be as well crooked as straight, and be well nourished too. The conformation of every part depends on number, magnitude, situation, and figure. The influence cannot be made into the number of the parts, because number in respect of itself, is not ens real, that is, hath no real existence, as also because one particle being added or taken away, the influence into the part, is not thereby changed, as if one finger of the hand be wanting, the influence ceases not. In like manner not into the magnitude, for then the influence into an infant should differ from that into one that is grown up to ripe age: not into the situation, because so the situation being changed, the influence should also be changed, as into the hand stretched out, and laid upon the head, or on the feet. Lastly not in the figure itself, because in like manner the figure being changed, the force and efficacy of the signs into the part is still the same. Hence it appears, that the attribution of this power and dominion to them over one part rather than another, is nothing else then an idle fiction. But if any such thing be granted, it is likely that that same influence will extend itself only to those parts, which have their proper substance distinct from the rest, as the Heart, the Brain, the Liver, etc. and not to the Hands, and the Feet, and other such like parts, whose similar parts are the same for substance, and differ only in conformation. In very deed, many Physicians seem to have given but little regard to those Astrological observations. I have seen many sick in the Solstices and Equinoctials, to whom the forenamed remedies were applied with good success, which if they had been omitted, peradventure the sick had died. And therefore in acute diseases, as the Apoplexy, Squinancy, Pleurisy, burning Fever, and the like, it is very dangerous to omit, or defer necessary remedies for the disposition of the Heavens, but we ought rather to have regard to the times of diseases, and natures working, and according to that observation, prescribe sometimes one, sometimes another remedy, as at sundry times the disease requires. But when a Physician prescribes Purging or Blooding, only for prevention of diseases, he may observe the four quarters of the Moon, and use the forenamed remedies rather in the first, than in the last Quarters, because the Moon having a manifest power over the humours, when it increases they are augmented, and it decreasing, they are diminished. In like manner he may avoid the Equinoctials and Solstices. But in the sick, these cannot be observed without danger, seeing that diseases do not permit such great delays. But the figments of Astrologers, touching the dominion of the signs over all the parts of the body, are altogether to be rejected as feigned subles; for it is an absurd thing to suppose that one Star rules over this part, and another over that, seeing that all the Stars do rule over all the parts, and act not immediately, but by the alterations of the air, by which the whole body is changed and altered.   

CHAP. X. Of the ridiculous Physical observations of Almanac-makers.  
WHo can hold from laughter at those Caveats, whereof Astrologers do every year warn the people in their Almanacs, about the taking of Physic, among which that is not the least, of which we have already spoken, that they attribute the parts of the body to the signs of the Zodiac: We will now prosecute the rest.  
And First, they say the best time for Purging is when the Moon is in the watery signs, to wit, in Cancer, Scorpio, and Pisces.  
Secondly, when the Moon is in such a sign purge with Electuaries, in another sign with Potions, and in another with Pills.  
Thirdly, in such a sign purge Choler with Electuaries, in such an one with Pills, in such an one with Potions, and so of the other Humours. In like manner they say it is good to let the Phlegmatic blood when the Moon is in Aries, or Sagitarius; the Melancholic, when it is in Libra, or Aquarius; the Choleric, in Cancer, or Pisces; and so the Sanguine when it is in either of these. But it is to be noted, That any kind of diseases may happen at any time; 
Aph. 19 lib. 3.  and be exasperated, as saith Hypocrates. Because as Galen teaches in his Commentaries, not only the Air is the cause of diseases, but also the proper temperament of the sick, and the peculiar manner of every man's diet, whereby it may come to pass, that even in Summer any man may be taken with cold and phlegmatic diseases. Seeing therefore at one and the same time, many men may be sick of sundry diseases, all neither can nor aught to be purged after the same manner, and in diseases that are acute, there may be danger in delay, while we stay till the Moon hath run through such and such Signs, in the mean while the opportunity of helping the sick (which is said to be swift and variable, in the first book of Hypocrates his Aphorisms) will be lost, so as perhaps the like will never after offer itself again, because as Galen says in his Commentaries, occasion is said to be very quick, and soon gone, in regard that our bodies are daily changed, not only by external causes, (as the Air and Stars) but also by internal. From whence it comes to pass that they that fall together into diseases at the same time, ought notwithstanding to be purged on divers days; for although there be the same aspects of the Stars and the Moon, yet the inward temperature of the body doth diversely alter, concoct, and expel the humours, which the Physician, who is a Minister of Nature, not of the Stars, aught to consider, that he may administer all things to the sick in due season. For the curing of diseases is varied according to their different times. Now seeing that the times of diseases, are in some longer, and in some shorter, if we wait for the aspects of the Moon and the Stars, we thereby lose that healthful indication, which the times of diseases do afford unto us. For in some diseases we do not purge until a perfect concoction of the matter be made, but in others in the beginning; now in some diseases the beginnings are sooner gone, and they quickly come to their height, whereas in others they are very long. Wherefore the same time of purging cannot be seasonable for all, which it should be, if the aspects of the Moon were to be observed; for so it may fall out, that when Nature requires purging, the Moon may hinder it, and so all were to no purpose; and therefore have the most learned Physicians, as well ancient as modern, with good grounds rejected these observations.  
But it is more absurd and frivolous which they talk concerning the forms of remedies; 
An absurd opinion of Almanac makers.  for seeing that the very same remedies may be prescribed by a Physician in form of a Potion, Electuary, or Pills, even as he pleases, in vain is the Moon's influence regarded. For it is an easy thing for a Physician to administer the Electuary Hamech, Diasenna, Catholicon, or the like, in form of an Electuary, or to dissolve it in broth, distilled waters, or some other liquor, to make it a Potion. It seems those Astrologers do not know what Electuaries or Potions are; for although all Potions be not made of Electuaries, yet Electuaries may be changed into Potions; yea we commonly use the same purging Simples, Seine, Rhubarb, Polypodie, etc. both for Potions and Electuaries. Physicians do prescribe a divers form of Physic, sometimes to please the sick, of whom some do more willingly take solid Medicines than liquid, others the contrary: Sometimes for the better purging of the remote parts, or because of the toughness of the matter, and other the like intentions. The same may be said of Pills, for even the ancient Physicians Aetius, Paulus, and others did dissolve Aloes, Coloquintida, and whatsoever we take in Pills, even what is most untoothsome of all, and gave them to the sick to be drunk, which we administer in a solid form, because of their too much bitterness; and that they may stay longer in the stomach, when we would draw from the head, and the remote parts. Lastly, it is to be observed, that what remedies soever are taken in a solid form, do melt in the stomach, before they put forth their strength into the body, which is all one, as if the Apothecary had dissolved them in some liquor; for both Nature and Art do the same thing. Yea those things that are administered in a liquid substance, do sooner begin to work than the other, because they being already dissolved by Art, are more easily overcome by Nature; and therefore in Apoplexies, and other cold diseases, Physicians do dissolve Pillulae Cochiae which are very bitter, in Aqua vitae, or some such like water, that they may the sooner put forth their strength. In like manner, 
Another gross Error of Astrologers.  that which Astrologers talk of blood-letting, is but vain and frivolous, for whatsoever the influence of the Moon be, bloodding is never good for a Phlegmatic man, or for one that is sick of any disease that arises from Fleame, except together with the Fleame there be also an abundance of blood. Galen likewise forbids to let melancholy men blood, unless the blood which is voided do appear to be melancholic. It is good only for choleric and sanguine complexions; let the Moon be in what sign it will, if the disease, age, and strength of the party do permit, and that for the reasons already alleged. And therefore Galen says well in his book de venae Sect. that we may let blood at any time of the disease, if the indications of blood-letting do appear, yea though it be on the twentieth day from the beginning of the disease. Now the indications are these, to wit, the greatness of the disease, and the strength of the party, and not the disposition and aspect of the Stars, which if we should observe, (as we have already said) we should lose the opportunity of using convenient remedies, to the great hazard of the sick.   

CHAP. XI. That it is not hurtful to purge in the Dog-days.  
SOme perhaps may be found, who slight, and laugh at the aforesaid observations of Astrologers; but who is he at this day that takes not notice of the Dog-days, 
A gross error.  and fears not to take a purge at that time of the year, grounding that their conceit upon the 5th Aphorism of Hypocrates his fourth book, where he saith, That under the Dog, and before the Dog, cures are difficult. So that many, although they be at that time sick of those diseases which have need of blouding or purging, do nevertheless abhor from the use of these remedies, not taking notice of these two things.  
First, that in so doing, they leave the diseases to nature alone to be cured, when it stands in most need of the help of Physic.  
Secondly, if in the Dog-days diseases may be cured without Physic, why not also at any other time of the year, and so the use thereof might be quite abandoned in curing of diseases? But let us weigh the reasons why Hypocrates said that purges are difficult in the Dog-days, which according to Galens Commentary seems to be threefold.  
First, because the body being inflamed through the heat of Summer, cannot endure the sharpness of Medicines.  
Secondly, because nature being feeble enough already by reason of the heat, is made weaker by purging.  
Thirdly, because the heat of the air hinders purgation, for it draws the humours from the centre of the body to the circumference, and the Physic draws them back again to the centre, and so there are made two contrary motions, so that there is either no purgation at all, or if any, it is very difficult. Nevertheless these reasons are of small force in a cold Climate, because in England the heat is not so intense and violent in the Dog-days, (especially in the 
* Kingston upon Hull.  Northern parts of England, where I writ this, where neverthelss they fear the biting of this Dog as much as in Spain) and therefore there is no cause to fear that our bodies should be too much inflamed, or that they should be weakened, or that the humours should be too forcibly drawn into the skin.  
Again, our remedies are much more gentle than those which Hypocrates used, 
Our remedies are moregentle than the Ancients.  as are Cassia, Tamarinds, Seine, Rhubarb, and the like, which do neither inflame the body, nor trouble the humours.  
And Lastly, because though we should use strong remedies, 
And our preparations better.  yet we can so prepare them, and administer them in such a quantity, as shall offer no violence to the body. But seeing that Hypocrates his Country was exceeding hot, and that all his drugs that he used were very violent, and hot, it is no wonder that he was so wary of that time of the year. But in this Country those days are not so hot. Besides Hypocrates did not say absolutely that we must not purge at all in the Dog-days, but only that purgation is difficult, not impossible; and therefore seeing that at this time of the year there are very many acute diseases, which cannot be cured without blood-letting, and purging, the Physicians of hot Countries, as Spain, Italy, the South parts of France, and the like, do very wisely use purging remedies, but not so frequently, nor violent.  
But some are of opinion, that we should abstain from purgation, not only because of the violent heat of the weather, but for the malignant effects of the Star; and the Ancients did attribute so much to this Star, 
* It is accounted the most principal star of the first magnitude.  that for eminency sake they called it the Star, as having some more than ordinary power above the rest, not only over the body, but the mind also; so that both men and beasts, especially dogs, are then more sick than at other times, and dogs are thought to go mad through its influence. Wherefore Galen also forbids blouding at this time: But all the mischiefs which Pliny reckons up to proceed from hence, are not of infallible credit, for they are seldom or never observed to happen here in England. Again, it is an absurd thing to think that any of the Stars are mischievous, for they are all benign and propitious to man, and those things which the Ancients have written concerning this Star, do not correspond to experience. We see every year there are divers degrees of heat, and not always the same, because the power and influence of the Star is altered by the diversity of Conjunctions, and Aspects, so that those malignant effects (if there be any) of the Dog-star, may be hindered by the aspect of other Stars. Nor doth it necessarily follow, if there be a great hear this year, that there shall be the same the next year. Wherefore there is no cause always to fear purgation under the Dog-star, or all the Dog-days; for if this day be exceeding hot, peradventure to morrow the weather will be more temperate, only at this time of the year we must use remedies more sparingly, and those not so strong as at other times; for even those remedies which Hypocrates did ordinarily administer to his Patients, are scarce at any time prescribed by us, no not in winter. To this our opinion do assent joubertus in his Popular Errors, Mercurialis, Argenterius, Hollerius in his Commentaries upon the forenamed Aphorism, Fernelius, Fuchsius, Valleriola, Claudinus, Vallesius, and all that have written of this subject. It shall suffice us to conclude this Chapter with the testimony of jacobus Hollerius, a most judicious and learned man. Note. This precept (saith he) takes place in Hypocrates his Country, and such like places, which are very hot, but not in these Countries, (now he speaks of Paris in France where he lived) for besides that we have gentle and easy medicines which we use, as Cassia, Catholicon, Asaph's milk, etc. We do here experience no time of the year to be more wholesome and temperate (especially when the east-wind blows) than the Dog-days; so as experience shows, that diseases begun in June and July, are wont to terminate in August, even under the Dogge-starre. Wherefore if a disease happen in those days, we do not fear many times to open a vein, and to administer strong Physic. Nevertheless if there happen a vehement and canicular heat of weather, as we have in France oftentimes, even in the months of May and June, we follow the advice of Hypocrates, both in letting blood, and prescribing purges. Where he shows that that very number of days is not to be regarded, but only the heat of the weather is to be observed, which if it happen in the Month of May, before the Canicular days, yea what time soever it happens, Hypocrates his rule is to be observed. I might add here, that there are divers opinions concerning the rising of the Dog-star; for with the Ancients it risen sooner than now it doth, but with us it rises at those times when it is not wont to be so hot, and therefore at that time purgation aught less to be feared, concerning which thing we may see more at large in Dionysius Petavius a most learned man.  
But that it may appear what great difference there is betwixt England and Greece, which was Hypocrates his country, we may observe what Hesiod saith, 
Lib. 2. operum.  to wit, that their Harvest did begin at the rising of the Pleyades, at which time the Spring is scarce begun with us. For the Pleyades do rise in the Month of April, after the old account, or not long after the beginning of May.   

CHAP. XII. That Purgations are often to be reiterated.  
BEcause Physic (as we have said) is tedious and irksome, many do expect a perfect cure by one only purging medicine, and they think the disease exceeds the capacity and skill of the Physician, and if after a Purge once taken, it be not cured. Nor are they willing to hear that the remedy is to be reiterated, little knowing for what causes Physicians are forced to renew Purgations. It were indeed to be wished, that diseases could be cured with one cathartick alone, which thing although it sometimes happens, yet it is not always so; and truly a Drugge that makes a full and perfect purgation, Note ought not to be administered without diligent heed taken, because all vehement catharticks are exceeding adverse and hurtful to nature: Therefore a perfect evacuation ought to be prescribed only when the strength of the sick can bear it, the matter but little and thin, and nature itself leads the way, when the humours are fully concocted, and all the passages in the belly are open. But if the humours be not all concocted together, they must be evacuated at several times, beginning always with the gentlest remedies. The same is to be done, if the sick be weak, or the humour abundant, for who can in a 
* cachexy is an evil state of the body, when all the nutriment turns to ill humours. Aph. 51. lib. 2.  cachexy draw all the vicious humours out of the body at once: And therefore 
* cachexy is an evil state of the body, when all the nutriment turns to ill humours. Aph. 51. lib. 2.  Hypocrates thought it to be a very dangerous thing to evacuate very much at once, and suddenly. For if when Empyricks and Hydropicks are cauterised, or scarifyed, the matter and water should flow out all together, 
27. Aph. lib. 6.  they would die assuredly, saith Hypocrates. If the letting of blood even to swooning doth not evacuate all the noxious humours, 
8. Method.  as the dejections of the belly, vomiting of choler, and sweats which follow do testify; much less may we by a purgation, void out all that which is noxious and hurtful to the body. It is therefore more safe to purge by little and little, according to the strength of the patiented, condition of the part affected, nature and place of the humour offending, because all the humour is seldom after the same manner, and in the same place of the body, but is diffused through divers parts. Many times one part of it is concocted, another crude, one thin, another thick, one quiet and still, another boisterous and in motion, all which cannot be throughly evacuated at once. Note. Therefore it is better to cure safely, though slowly, than quickly and with hazard: Wherefore they that be sick should not be any more peevish and froward, if a wise and learned Physician do counsel to reiterate purgations; for though the disease be already cured, yet they are very good for to take away the relics of the disease, and to prevent a relapse.   

CHAP. XIII. That purging pills should not be taken after Supper.  
THis is no new error, but hath been excellently refuted by many that have written of Physic, although some Physicians do maintain the custom. For many think, that when the head is to be purged, it is best to take Pills after supper, for so their virtue and strength is most commodiously carried up to the head, 
The humours drawn from the head to the stomach by the veins, and not by the throat.  together with the vapour of the meat, which is false, namely that the humours are drawn from the head to the stomach by the throat and jaws and not by the veins, for so they might, if not altogether, yet for the most part be easily voided by spittle, neither doth the sick any time perceive any such deflux of the humour in the time of purgation, as julius Cesar Claudinus well observes, 
Cap. 9 lib. 2.  in his most learned and excellent book, de ingressu ad infirmos. For in very deed there is the same time for administering Pills, that is for other Medicaments, namely the morning, after perfect concoction; for otherwise the force of the Medicine is dulled, and quite overwhelmed by the abundance of meat, and the meat itself is corrupted; for the Medicament draws ill humours to the stomach, and mixes them with the meat, & besides it twitches the superior orifice of the stomach, and so it may provoke vomit, as Galen saith; 
4 De sanittuend.  And Paulus blames them that use to administer Aloes in the evening, 
Lib. 7. cap. 4.  and after meat, because it corrupts the meat, and doth not purge out choler at all. If therefore Aloes, 
Aloes not to be used after meat.  which is such a gentle cathartick, may do so much hurt being taken after meat, what harm will ensue thereon, if strong purging Pills be taken before the meat be concocted? Therefore Pills are to be administered rather in the morning than at night. I know they may be given at other times for divers intentions, as at noon, and in the evening; but always long after meat. Thus Galen in the evening did administer Pills made up of Aloes, Seammonie, and Coloquintida, but not after meat; for it is likely the sick had not then supped, both because his tongue was swollen, and he was sick, for they that be sick do seldom eat meat, unless by constraint. Concerning this subject, Fuchsius in his Paradoxes hath written more at large, and therefore thus much shall suffice in this place; for the sick do in this particular more easily and willingly obey Physicians, then in any other thing of as great consequence.   

CHAP. XIIII. That Rhysicall potions may not only be taken hot, but cold also.  
MAny are wont when they take purging potions, to warm them before they drink them, as if there were the same reason of medicines and broths, which custom I do not speak against, for so they seem to work sooner, and more quickly to be reduced into act.  
But yet they are to be informed, that they may as commodiously be drunk cold, in Summer time, into a hot stomach. For many of the cathartics, which are ingredients in the composition of these Potions, do not well endure the fire; for their virtue exhales with a gentle heating, which if it doth not all perish, yet some part of it is abated, as may be seen in Rhubarb, which being put to the fire, becomes slower in operation, as the extract thereof doth manifest, which is first made by infusion, whereby the tincture and virtue of the Rhubarb is drawn out, and afterward by a gentle drying, it is brought to the consistence of an extract, so that a few dams which are sufficient for many infusions, are scarce enough for one extract, because by drying the infusion, the purging virtue doth likewise evaporate.  
Secondly, a cold Potion is not so unpleasant to the mouth and palate as that which is hot.  
Thirdly, being drunk cold, it is more easily kept, and not so subject to be vomited up again, for all warm things do of their own nature overthrow the stomach, provoke vomit, and the sooner if they be also unpleasant and offensive to the stomach, as almost all cathartics are.   

CHAP. XV. That it is not hurtful to take cold drinks on the day of purgation.  
ALmost all men do think it to be a heinous crime to drink cold drink on that day wherein one hath taken a Purge, but only hot drinks, as Possets, which are the only drinks now adays in request, which custom I do not dislike, for they further the working of the purge, and deterge and cleanse the stomach from humours. Thus I read among the Ancients, that hot water is good after the taking of a purge.  
First, if it be a solid Medicine, to dissolve it.  
Secondly, to correct the mischievous quality of it.  
And Thirdly, to wash it from the tunicles of the stomach, lest it cleave thereunto. So likewise they used it after complete purgation, to cleanse the stomach, to expel the relics of the Drugs, as also to restrain the violence of it, if it hath purged too vehemently: and there is the same reason for the possets spoken of. Yet it is not always necessary to forbid them cold drinks, 
Cold drinks good in some cases during purgation.  for without harm, yea with very much profit they may be sometimes drunk. But some Physicians command cold water, if the stomach be hot, that the acrimony of the drug may be taken away. So saith Aetius, 
Terrab. prim serm. 3. cap. 133.  If they be easily purged, after they have drunk the medicine, we will give them cold water to drink. John de Vega Viceroy of Sicily being sick, took a purge which wrought but slowly: His Physician offered to the Viceroy the broth of a chicken without salt, but Philip Ingrassias that learned Physician coming to visit him, gave him a pint of cold water, with a little sugar, presently his disposition to vomit, and the gnawing of his stomach was stayed, and the purge wrought very well; then together with great thanks to Ingrassias, he gave him the silver bowl worth fifty Crowns, wherein he had drunk the cold water, as he himself relates in his book concerning the drinking of cold water after Physic. And Sanctorius hath the fame story in his comment upon the Art of Galen. We need not therefore so much fear cold drinks, as Beer or Ale, in them that are purged, especially at meals; for seeing it is permitted to take a little meat 4. or 5. hours after the Physic, why should cool drink be denied, especially if he that is purged be not actually sick, but took Physic only to prevent diseases. But let us hear what Mesue a most excellent Writer saith. He in his third Theorem, treating of the causes that hinder the working of a purge, saith that if it happen through the weakness and debility of nature, the working of it may be furthered by the drinking of a little cold water. If the expulsive faculty be feeble, or the operation and working of the medicament be remiss and weak, give the sick a little water moderately cold, and an hour after some astringent thing, and thereby the Medicine will work effectually. And in the same Chapter: If the Physic do not work, but cause grievous symptoms in the body, besides the forenamed helps (saith he) the drinking of very cold water (as Rusus saith) takes away the malignity and acrimony of the Drugs. And in another place he blames them that drink fat broths too soon after they have taken Physic, 
Theor. 4. cap. 5. canone. 1.  because they do lose, soften, and fill the stomach, and so beget loathing of meat and nauseousness, although he confesses that there is a time to use them, and therefore he commands rather to use strengthening drinks, among which he reckons thin wine, of a pleasant smell, and quick, allayed with water warmed a little with the sun or the fire. (Then he adds) but let him beware of sweet wine, thick and troubled, as also of water both exceeding hot, and extreme cold; for the hot water loses the stomach, and dissipates the strength thereof, and the cold extinguishes the feeble and gentle heat of it. From whence it is evident and clear, that after one hath taken Physic, it may be sometimes lawful to use cold drinks, and not to limit themselves always to the use of their hot possets.   

CHAP. XVI. Of them that will never be purged but in the beginning of the Spring.  
MAny that are wont to be sick of an anniversary disease, to whom therefore some remedies are made familiar by custom, do nevertheless only use them in the beginning of the Spring, fearing greatly the end of the Spring, as being too near the Summer, but herein they err exceedingly. For these remedies are prescribed to preserve from diseases them that are yet in health, but would be sick, if it were not prevented with the use of Physic. Now this aught to be done especially during the Spring, because at that time of the year, the body is in its vigour and strength, and it is the most temperate season, and the humours which are as it were asleep in Winter, are stirred up by the heat of the Spring, whereby they do more easily yield to Nature and Physic also. But the same humour is not predominant in all, but divers in divers men, either in respect of their peculiar manner of living, or in regard of the particular natures of men; for some are Choleric, and others Phlegmatic, hence it is manifest, that neither the same evacuation, nor the same time of evacuation is convenient for all.  
Secondly, the Spring time in some places begin sooner, in others later, in respect of the divers situation of the countries. For Physicians do not limit the times of the year by the space of three Months, as Astrologers count them, but esteem them according to the temperature of the air. Thus many times Winter is very cold and sharp in England, when the Sun enters into Aries, in the beginning of March, at which time Astrologers make the beginning of the Spring. Wherefore they that stand in need of the forenamed evacuations; let them take care that they be prescribed, not according to the computation of Months, but according to the temperature of the air, yea though it were the end of May, 
May the best month for taking physic.  which I account to be the safest and fittest Month for that business, because then the weather is most seasonable and temperate, most like unto natural heat, and the strength of the body is most vigorous, like as in Countries that are much hotter than England. Physicians do prefer this Month. But Galen according to the divers constitution of men's bodies, would have some to be purged in the beginning, others in the end of the Spring. 
Best to purge the phlegmatic in the be beginning of the Spring  They in whom Fleame is predominant, must be purged in the beginning of the Spring; for the humours that are gathered together in Winter, are melted by the temperature of the Spring, so that except they be purged out, they are easily diffused throughout the whole body, and cause grievous diseases. But as for them that are choleric, 
And the choleric in the end.  it is best to purge them in the end of the Spring, lest the hot humours be inflamed by the heat of the ensuing Summer, and so putrify, and beget Fevers: 
Ad chap. 47. lib. 6.  So saith Galen in his Commentaries. One that was wont every Spring to be sick of a Tertian, hath not been troubled with it these many years, I having purged him from choler in the end of the spring; for at that time it is best to purge such; but as for epileptics, apoplectics, Arthriticks, & melancholics, and as many as are sick through the grossness of the humours, are most fitly purged in the beginning of the spring.   

CHAP. XVII. That purging ought not to be rejected, although the sick do eat no meat.  
IT oftentimes happens to Physicians, that when they prescribe a Clyster, or a Purge for their Patients, the bystanders (especially women, and such as keep the sick, whom nothing can please, but they desire always to descent from Physicians) these, I say, do intercede for the sick, that he is weak, and takes nothing at all, when notwithstanding in secret, they do preposterously urge him to eat meat, and do even glut him therewith. Yet it hath been often observed, that such as have so much loathed meat, have with a very gentle Clyster, voided many excrements dried and hardened with the violent heat of the Fever. And it is to be noted, that purging is not prescribed only for the emptying of the belly, but to purge out morbous humours, for that want of appetite to meat, wherewith the sick are usually troubled, doth arise from vicious humours, which requires purging out, which being evacuated, the appetite and stomach to meat doth come again. For the loathing of meat, bitterness of the mouth, and other the like symptoms, do manifest that purgation is necessary, saith Hypocrates: 
Aph. 17. lib. 4.  Loathing of meat, pain of the heart, dizziness of the head, and bitterness of the mouth in one that hath a Fever; do note that there is need of a vomit. For these symptoms are caused by the humours which lay about the mouth of the stomach. Therefore though the sick take nothing, yet they have lurking within their bodies many vicious humours, which unless they be voided out by a Cathartick, the appetite will never return of itself, but the disease becomes every day worse than other, and perhaps at length is made incurable.   

CHAP. XVIII. That a Purge is not much to be disliked, because sometimes it is cast back by vomit.  
I Have sometimes heard the sick complain, that when they have a Cathartick, whereby they should have been purged downward, a contrary effect succeeded, and they were purged upward, to wit, by vomit, which manner of evacuation is indeed very troublesome; for vomits do usually offer much violence unto nature. Now they must know, that it may often come to pass, that the working of the Physic may be changed, and a purge become a vomit, and a vomit a purge. The body indeed by an ordinance of nature, is emptied rather by siege than by the mouth; for the belly seems to have been created for that purpose, as also the humours by their proper inclination do flow to the belly, and there are a great many Mesairaick veins that carry the humours unto the guts. Now a purging medicine becomes a vomit, either by reason of the medicine itself, or by reason of the sick.  
Of the Medicine; First, if it be strong, and do greatly provoke and pull the mouth of the stomach.  
Secondly, if it be very unpleasant, of a strong smell, stinking, and noisome to the stomach.  
Thirdly, if it be light, thin, and do easily swim above, as if it be mixed with fat or oily things.  
Fourthly, if it engender windiness, (as Seine, Epithymum, Agarick) which windy vapours being carried up to the orifice of the stomach, do trouble it, and so provoke vomit.  
Fifthly, if it be taken in a very great quantity, and by these means not only medicine, but meat also may cause vomit. Also sometimes by reason of the sick a Purge becomes a vomit: as if he be of a very weak stomach, and exquisite sense, if he look upon things that are unpleasant to him, smell such as are noisome and stinking, or use violent motion; for motion causes vomiting, as appears in them that sail upon the water. Furthermore it is to be noted, that when one hath taken Physic, if after an hour or two he vomit it up again, there is no danger at all; for in that space the Medicine is dissolved by the heat of the body, and (as Physicians speak) is brought into act, and so doth diffuse its virtue throughout the whole body, whereby it purges no less than if it had been all kept in the body, 
It is sometimes good to vomit after one hath taken a purge.  Yea many times it is very good to vomit it up; for it carries out with it gross, phlegmatic, and other such humours, that stick fast to the stomach, which happily it had never purged out by the stool. Wherefore it is not to be imputed as a fault, to the Physician, or the Apothecary, if the Physic do sometimes work the contrary way, for thereby no harm at all, but many times a great deal of good doth come to the sick.   

CHAP. XIX. That purging ought not to be feared, though there be a flux of the belly.  
THe common people many times wonder at it, and think it a needless thing, yea and dangerous, when one hath a flux of the belly, that Physicians do sometimes prescribe a purge, which is rather a means to increase the flux, and to weaken and spend the strength of the sick: But the thing is quite contrary; for nothing doth stay the belly like to a purge. In health it is good sometimes to be lose in the belly, so as it be not too great a laske, nor impair the strength, if so be (as Celsus saith) it stay within seven days; But in them that be sick, it is sometimes good, sometimes evil to have a laske, in respect of the divers nature of the disease, constitution of the sick, and time, as if it be a critical flux, if such things be voided as aught to be, and it be such as the sick is well able to bear. Therefore sometimes it is to be let alone, sometimes to be stayed; but if it be stayed by astringent remedies, the noxious humour being retained in the body, is oftentimes the cause of a greater evil to the body, and corrupts and infects by its contagion the rest of the humours, whereby afterwards the noble parts are hurt, or else the flux returns worse, and is more malignant than before. It is a common proverb among Physicians, The causes of diseases must be taken away, before the diseases themselves can be cured. So likewise in such a flux, the safest way to cure it, is by taking away the cause, which thing purging among other remedies doth most fitly and safely perform, so that the working of it, the flux either stays of its own accord, or if it do not stay, yet it may more commodiously, and without danger be stopped by astringent remedies. I have often seen the sick, which by reason of a lask went to the stool many times every day, whose looseness was stayed by a purge of Rhubarb, to which, though sore against their wills, I had persuaded them, which nature of itself could scarce have cured. Therefore it is a common axiom among Physicians, one flux is cured by another, and one vomit by another, not that all diseases are cured by their like, but by accident only, insomuch as the causes of the flux being voided out, the flux stays of its own accord.   

CHAP. XX. That the use of Clysters is void of danger.  
MAny reject clysters, as being perilous and dangerous Physic, but they are grossly mistaken, for clysters are the most gentle and innocent Physic of all, for they never touch any noble part, in that they go not beyond the great guts, and therefore if the disease require it, we sometimes add to them very sharp remedies, which another part of the body cannot endure, and yet they are administered without any harine to the body at all. Much less can mollifying and cooling clysters hurt the body, which we prescribe in fevers, and other diseases, in which there is nothing, except the quantity, which might not be taken by the mouth. 
Clysters good in many respects.  Now a clyster is profitable for divers parts of the body, as the brain, the eyes, the stomach, and all the inward parts; for it doth not only loosen the belly, but also by its liquid substance, it doth deterge and cleanse the tunicles of the bowels from many gross and viscous humours which cleave thereto; and besides, it lies like a fomentation upon the kidneys, and the bowels, and therefore it oftentimes brings that out of the body, which a reiterated purgation can never do. Galen experienced this in himself, who being grievously tormented with the colic, with a clyster made of the oil of Rue, purged out gross, tough, and viscous fleagm. Seeing then the use of clysters may be so profitable, they need not for the future be feared, but ought rather to be more familiarly used. 
3 things necessary to be considered.  Therefore I would admonish the people of three things.  
First, that they use a clyster before blood letting, and unto this do all Physicians advise, lest the impurity of that first region be attracted by the empty veins, and so the blood be tainted.  
Secondly, that if the belly be costive, and there seems to be a necessity of taking a purge by the mouth, it be first assuaged with a gentle clyster, that the excrements may be more easily voided out. For the belly being costive, hinders the operation of the cathartick; and seeing there is in every medicament a certain general virtue, and propensity to purge out the excrements, besides that proper power, whereby it doth draw unto itself by a peculiar propriety the humours that are most familiar to it, if the belly be very costive, and the excrements hard, they they cannot be extruded without great pain, and gripe of the guts, and many times the strength of the Physic is spent in thrusting them out, and the humours that are attracted by the Physic, not being purged out, but kept within the bowels, cause gripe, the pain of the colic, vomiting, frenzy, dizziness of the head, and many such symptoms. Hypocrates seems to have pointed at this, when he saith, 
Aph. 9 lib. 2.  If one would purge, let him first make the belly soluble. Now seeing that by many ways the belly may be made soluble, this by preparing clysters is not to be neglected, and Galen commends this counsel. 
Sect. 4. d● victu acut. * Et aph. 72. lib. 7.  And in another place Hypocrates saith; When one would purge the belly, it is good to make it soluble; and if thou wouldst make it fluxive upwards, it is good to stay the belly; if downwards, to moisten it. Now the belly cannot be more fitly moistened than with a clyster. Thus Galen showing for whom purging is convenient, among the causes through which evacuation succeeds not well, when one hath taken Physic, reckons this for one: Oftentimes (saith he) hard and dry ordure in some of the guts, hinders evacuation.  
Thirdly, not only before purgation, but also after, it will not be amiss to inject a gentle deterging clyster, (as the best Physicians do advise) for to wash away the relics of the humours, which sometimes stick to the bowels. For a clyster cleanses the guts, and taketh away whatsoever noxious matter is left after a strong medicine, especially if it be of that sort of medicines which have Scammony for an ingredient; for it by the sharpness and acrimony thereof, doth corrode the intestines; and there is the same reason concerning all other strong medicines, as among others, Valleriola says well in lib. 3. locor. come. cap. 16.   

CHAP. XXI. That Clysters are not well injected by bladders.  
SEeing then the administering of Clysters is such wholesome, facile, and harmless Physic, we will in brief observe somewhat touching that manner of injecting clysters by an ox's bladder tied to a pipe. This I confess is no very gross error, for we see it many times well enough injected this way, and it seems to be the ancientest custom, for I read in Galens fifth book of Method, that the use of such bladders was very frequent in old time: But now it is left off in many places beyond the Seas, and that manner of injecting is altogether unknown, but they use a Syringe, or a hollow pipe of tin, or brass, and that with better conveniency, for it is both more easily injected, and also more safely, 
A near way for injecting Clysters.  and sooner, and which avails very much in this business, it goes higher, and passes into all the great guts. For seeing naturally a clyster doth not go beyond the great guts, by reason of a certain valvule placed in the beginning of the gut Colon, and the end of Ilium, it would be much to the commodity of the sick, if a clyster could but go so fare, for so a great benefit would accrue to them by the washing of the guts. But a clyster that is injected by a bladder doth not ascend so high, but stays in the straight gut, and in the beginning of Colon. It were well therefore that these Syringes were brought into use, of which almost all our Apothecaries, except those of London, are destitute. But sometimes it happens that a clyster is vomited out of the mouth, although but seldom; I do not remember that ever I observed it, save twice in two patients, which happens when the forenamed valvule is loosed by reason of a vitiated and corrupted peristaltic motion of the bowels, which opens an unwonted passage to the liquor, yet how this can be done, I do not conceive. I would rather think it comes to pass, because the aforesaid Valvule is broken by some preternatural cause, and cannot any more execute its office. Therefore if any man that is ignorant of the art of Physic, chance to observe such a thing, let him neither blame the Physician nor the Clyster, seeing that no Physician can foreknow this, but let him accuse the particular constitution of the sick, and know that nothing happens then, which hath not been heretofore, nor let him be troubled at such an event.   

CHAP. XXII. Of vomits, that possets ought not to be drunk immediately after one hath taken a vomit.  
IT is not my purpose in this Chapter to treat of the commodity and profitableness of vomits to the body of man, I will only give notice of thus much about the use thereof, that there are some Vomitories which do only cleanse the stomach, and others which draw humours from all the parts of the body, which in sundry diseases are more profitable than the former. When therefore one hath taken a vomit, let him not hasten as many do, to the use of possets; for by filling the stomach, they do too soon stir up the working of the vomit, which is thereby cast out of the stomach, before it hath diffused its virtue into the whole body, and so it doth not at all attract the noxious humours, and yet molests the stomach not a whit the less. But let him rather rest awhile, till it be reduced into act, and work twice or thrice without taking any drink at all: Thus we shall be sure, that only those things which be hurtful in the stomach and body, shall be voided out.  
Where it is to be noted, that posset drinks are not prescribed by Physicians that they may further the operation of the vomit; 
For what posset drink is prescribed in vomits.  for in the beginning they rather dull and diminish the strength and virtue of it, but only to take away the irksomeness of vomiting, namely, that the stomach may be more easily overwhelmed, for many times repletion alone doth cause vomiting, otherwise it were better to take nothing at all, that the Physic not being altered by any mixture of meat or drink, might draw nothing but the noxious humours into the stomach. But perhaps some say, that Paulus and Aetius two famous Physicians did prescribe a vomit after meat, when there is a fever of a long durance: And Avicenne is also of the same mind, speaking of the cure of an impure Tertian. And know (saith he) that nothing helps them more than a vomit after meat. 
Canon. 4. tract. ●. cap. 40.  Galen likewise prescribes a vomit after meat, but Alexander Trallianus blames him, because it is better to provoke vomit before meat, which is true for the forenamed reasons. For a vomit after meat purges the stomach only, and the humours contained therein, and not them which are in the veins, unless with a very great forcing of nature. I must needs confess therefore that the patiented doth vomit the easier after meat, but with less commodity: But if the sick be prone and apt to vomit, it is better to provoke vomit fasting, and before meat or drink; for so the Physic draws the humours better out of the veins. Gentilis and Ar●ularius two most excellent interpreters of Avicenne, are of this opinion, in the Chapter of the cure of a quartane Fever. If the patiented vomit easily, it may be administered before meat, to draw melancholy from the Spleen to the stomach: But if it come difficultly, it is better to give it after meat, that he may vomit the easier, which may also be applied to drink taken presently after. If therefore the vomit be prescribed, only for emptying the stomach from gross humours, it will not be amiss first to eat or drink, or at least presently after. But if the whole body be to be cleansed, it must be taken fasting, and the patient must not eat nor drink any thing after, until the virtue of the Medicine brought into act, hath penetrated the whole body, because immediately after the taking of drink, the attractive virtue of the remedy is dulled. Therefore those possets should not be taken before the patiented hath vomited once or twice; 
Best to vomit once or twice before one take the posset drink.  but afterwards they may be taken, that the sick may vomit the easier, and the gross humours be better dissolved, and cast out. The same hath Hartman a late Chemical writer in his Notes upon Crollius observed, who forbids to drink immediately after the taking of a vomit, until the patiented hath vomited two or three times; for otherwise it dulls the force of the medicine, but when the humours have been sufficiently moved, he permits a good draught, and in the end for to cleanse the stomach, and evacuate the relics.   

CHAP. XXIII. That old men may be blooded without danger.  
THe common people most commonly are disposed to thwart and contradict Physicians, which as in many other particulars may be seen in this, that if one be sick of a Fever, wherein it is profitable, yea necessary to let blood, they are ready to excuse declining age, as not able to endure this remedy, and this I have often heard of some not fifty years old, and otherwise very strong, and vigorous. Indeed in the administration of all remedies, the strength of the patiented aught especially to be regarded, insomuch as if it be defective, we must withhold strong remedies even from a boy, or a young man. But because there is not the same duration and continuance of strength in all, but some at threescore and ten are more cheerful and vigorous than others at fifty, the Physician regards not so much the number of years, 
Physicians regard not the number of years but strength.  as the strength and vigour of the sick. Therefore if a strong old man be troubled with the Pleurisy, inflammation of the Lungs, burning Fever, or other such diseases, there is no doubt but he may, and aught to be let blood, for these diseases can scarce be cured without this remedy; but if the sick have not strength to endure the remedy, he must of necessity perish, and so all diseases in old men should be mortal. Galen himself in his book of Phlebotomy prescribes blooding for old men of threescore and ten years, and I myself have seen a man threescore and thirteen years old, who was let blood, four times within the space of three days, and had thirty ounces of blood at the least taken from him. Rhazes also did let blood in a decrepit old man, which was sick of a grievous Pleurisy. Therefore age is not to be measured by the number of years, but by the strength of the patiented, which if it be vigorous in very old men, why shall remedies, necessary for their diseases, be denied them? It is indeed certain, that every old man is weaker than when he was young, and therefore he must be let blood more sparingly than if he were yet young, neverthesse's it may be that if he were compared to another young man, he would be found stronger than he, and more able to endure physic. There is then no age, except decrepit old age, but it may endure some evacuation. Now decrepit old age, because it hath but little blood, and very many raw humours, is unfit for this remedy. But the other ages, that are in the middle betwixt the first and the last, have their degrees of strength, and therefore do admit of some sort of evacuation. This did Cornelius Celsus teach very well. 
Lib. 2. cap. 10.  It is no matter (saith he) what the age is, or what is within the body, but what the strength is. Seeing then this is a thing not doubted of among Physicians, the sick ought not to gainsay, if at any time a Physician command blood-letting, for any man though he be well stricken with age. The same may be said of children before they be fourteen years old; for even childhood hath its strength, 
Children may be purged or blooded.  for even childhood hath its strength, and vigour, according to the proportion whereof, why shall it not be lawful to evacuate, especially if he be a boy of a good habit of body, with large veins; well and freely educated. They endure purging, why not also blouding? They are wont sometimes to be wounded, and to bleed very much, without any harm at all to them, why may they not also abide artificial emission of blood? There is therefore no age which may not endure some measure of evacuation. Wherefore seeing that properly the disease and strength only are necessary marks to direct unto this remedy, they alone are to be considered, and not the age, except as it doth concur with them.   

CHAP. XXIV. That it is but a vain thing to be so curious in the choice of the veins in the arm.  
SEeing that the veins in the arm are wont to be opened, either for preservation from diseases, or for curation of diseases, therefore the sick do many times ask what vein is to be opened. For they have heard something touching the distribution of the veins in the arm, one of which they depute to the head, another to the liver, the third they make doubtful, available for either of these two regions of the body; which opinion not Galen nor Hypocrates, but the modern Physicians did set abroach, before the clear knowledge of Anatomy, which at this day the people do follow, and not they only, but also very many practitioners in Physic are still in the same error, merely out of their ignorance of Anatomy. It is manifest enough that all the veins of the arm, in that they proceed from one and the same trunk, do evacuate from the same parts, and that which is called the cephalick vein, and is referred to the head, doth no less evacuate from the liver, than that which they call the basilick and liver vein, although this same cephalick vein, because it sometimes receives a little branch from the head, is thought to be more profitable for the affects of the head, yet both of them do equally help the diseases of the inward parts, and draw blood alike from the hollow vein. And in very deed these terms basilick and cephalick, although they be Greek words, were nevertheless unknown to Galen, Hypocrates, and others, but were invented by late writers, which did ill in bringing in this opinion concerning the choice of veins. Which thing, that it may more plainly appear, we will describe the original and beginning of the veins in the arm.  
The hollow vein ascending out of the Liver to the upper parts, 
An anatomical difcourse of the distribution of the veins in the arm  as soon as it comes to the channel bones, is divided into large branches, which take their name Subclavij, from the situation of the part, because they lie under the throat, and channel bones, which are called Claviculae. One part of these branches sends out many veins within the breast; the other part, springing forth of the breast, is carried to the armholes, which are called in latin Axillae, from whence it hath the name Axillaris, and in the beginning of the arm, is divided into two great branches, called the cephalick and basilick veins, in bruits the cephalick hath its beginning from the jugular, but in men always from the axillar vein, nevertheless it doth receive a little small branch from the external iugular vein. From these two branches do all the veins of the arm arise, which are carried unto the extremities of the fingers, which now to describe is altogether needless, it being sufficient for our purpose to have shown their beginning. Seeing then all the veins which are in the arm do proceed from one and the same trunk of the hollow vein in the throat, in vain is one chosen rather than another, for they all draw blood from the same fountain. And lest it should seem to be only our own private opinion, know that even the best Anatomists do assent thereto. Vesalius, the chief of all the Auatomists that ever were yet, 
Lib. 3. Anatomes. cap. 8.  although he seems to derive the cephalick from the external jugular, yet he saith, our Aesculapij (forsooth) do ridiculoufly contend, whether the shoulder vein, or the common, or the axillar vein must be divided in the hand, as if some peculiar vein from every affected part of the body, might be found in the arm, when indeed from one only trunk of the hollow vein divided in the throat, all the veins of the arm do proceed, as in that place he declares more at large. To him assents Boehinus in his Theatre of Anatomy, where he affirms, that it is but a trivial thing to be so curious in the choice of those veins, seeing that each of them have the same beginning, 
Quae magis turget magis urget.  wherefore he counsels always to take that which is most * conspicuous. Of the same opinion is Riolanus in his Anthropography; Gabriel Fallopius in his institutions of Anatomy; Bartholinus, and other Physicians that excelled in the knowledge of Anatomy.   

CHHP. XXV. That it were better to observe the quantity of blood by measures, then by ounces, pounds, and weights.  
IT is an ordinary thing, not only with the people, but also with Physicians, when they let blood, to define the quantity thereof by ounces and pounds, which also was Galens custom, who sometimes drew blood even to many pounds. If this be a commendable custom, than they should always have weights at hand, that the weight of the blood that is drawn out, may be certainly known, which they have not, but both the Physicians, and the bystanders do guess thereat. Blood-letting (saith Hypocrates) is comprehended under the head, called the emptying of the vessels, 
2 aph. lib. 1.  and is not used but when the blood is faulty; now the blood is not faulty in weight, but in quantity, or quality. And though it be heavy, yet it is not drawn out for that, but because of the quantity, or some other fault: now the quantity of liquids is better discerned by measures than by weights, for one blood is heavier than another. As for example; let us suppose Titius his blood to be heavy, he having a plethore, or fullness thereof ad vasa, and Sempronius his blood to be light, he having a fullness thereof ad vires, if you take six ounces of blood from each of them, Titius his blood, because it is heavier, will be contained in fewer vessels, and Sempronius his blood, because it is lighter, will fill more vessels. So that if from each of them the same weight of blood be taken, yet the latter hath bled more than the former. The blood in the veins and arteries is contained as it were in vessels. Now repletion, or inanition, hath reference to vessels. A pitcher that is half full of iron, or heavy stones, is not so full, as if it were filled to the top with the most light spirit of wine, although the former weigh heavier. So likewise in emptying a vessel, he takes more away, that out of one vessel draws a pottle of the spirit of wine, than he that out of another takes half a pottle of stones, although perhaps this weighs heavier. Seeing then there is the same reason in blood, because one is more ponderous than another, if in letting blood we only consider its weight, we shall never define well the quantity thereof; for it is contained in the veins not as heavy, but as filling, unless one imagine the same ponderosity and weight of blood in all men, which I think no man will dare to affirm. The quantity of blood (saith Galen) is indicated by the more or less faultiness of it, and by the strength of the party, and according to these two, is more or less blood to be drawn. So that in a great distemper of the blood, the strength being vigorous, we must use a larger evacuation; but in a light distemper, the strength being feeble, we must let blood more sparingly. But if you judge of the quantity by the weight, it may so fall out, that when the sick is feeble in strength, you may draw more blood than when he is most lively & vigorous, which is a gross trespass against the rules of Physic. For if in debility of strength the blood be lighter, and in validity of strength it be heavier, if in this latter case you take half a pound of blood, and in the former but four ounces, the vessels into which these four ounces are taken, will be as full by reason of the levity of the blood, as those vessels which receive the half pound of the other ponderous blood, and so the same quantity of blood is taken from them both, which should not have been done. Nor do I see any reason, why the drawing of blood should be defined by weight, more than the dejections of the belly in a purgation, seeing that out of the veins the humours also are purged; for under the manition of the vessels is purging contained, as faith Hypocrates. 
2 aph. lib. 1.  Seeing therefore the vessels are not replete with any thing, as heavy, for the capacity of the vessels is not varied, although the weight of the contents be different; and it is apparent, that a greater quantity of oil than of honey goes to an ounce; it will be better for the future, if the quantity of blood be accounted by measures, and not by ounces, and pounds, seeing the judgement thereof may be so deceitful. I know there were among the Ancients as well pounds in measure, as in weight, for their vessels were drawn about with lines, whereby the pounds and ounces were marked out, and whatsoever they measured after this manner, they called Mensurall: As for example, a mensurall pound of oil or wine, which perhaps Galen meant, when he drew blood according to ounces and pounds. But because the things that were measured were of divers weight, the pound in weight did seldom countervail the pound in measure: for though there may be the same measure of oil, wine, and honey, yet there is not the same weight, and therefore that manner of measuring was very uncertain, and we now adays have no such vessels as do mark out ounces and pounds, nor if we had plenty of them, could we use them, without a manifest error, in respect of the different weight of the blood. Therefore though I do not disallow the received custom, yet I think it safer to judge of the quantity of blood by measure, than by weight.   

CHAP. XXVI. That Sleep and Drink ought not to be wholly forbidden after blood-letting.  
AMong many observations of the people, this is not the least, that they are very wary lest the sick sleep, or eat and drink presently after he hath been let blood, which was also the opinion of some Physicians, because they think the blood returns to the heart, which nevertheless is not always true, except there be an immoderate evacuation of blood, or timorousness, which may cause swooning. However, no reason enforces that that return of the blood should be so pernicious.  
And first concerning sleep: the blood is wont in sleep to recoil into the inward parts, to the exceeding great refreshment of nature: 
The benefit of sleep to the sick.  Now in them that be sick, who have not slept for many nights, all men know what great benefit a little sleep affords, for it repairs the strength, concocts the morbous humours, and corrects them; wherefore we are oftentimes forced to apply remedies to provoke sleep. Therefore if immediately, or a little after blood-letting sleep do ensue, it may be good, both as a sign, and a cause. As a sign, because it shows that nature which was oppressed with the morbous humours, is now refreshed, and so doth perform its natural functions. As a cause, it may be good, because when once sleep ensues, nature doth concoct the remainder of the morbous humour. 
In what cases sleep is forbidden.  I know in some diseases sleep is not good, as in the inflammations of the internal parts, in the beginnings of fits, and in pestilential diseases. Therefore in those diseases, it is not good to sleep immediately after blood-letting; but in other diseases, I see no reason why the Patient may not sleep. Galen saith, that if the sick after long and tedious watching do fall to sleep, it indicateth a perfect crisis, for sometimes it falls out, 
Ex 2 Prorhetic.  * that the sick after the crisis sleeps a whole day, especially when he hath not slept, of a long time before, and that to the great solace and refreshment of nature. Yea sometimes it happens that the sick sleeps in the very crisis. If therefore sleep be good after other evacuations, why not also after bleeding? Moreover, sometimes it falls out, that in some fevers, such a preternatural sleep possesses the sick, that he can scarce be awakened, and yet many times in such fevers it is very good to let blood, as of late I did to a woman that lay in an acute fever, possessed with an heavy sleep, who otherwise had scarce recovered, being adjudged of all as a dying woman. If therefore with good success blood may be drawn from one that is actually asleep, why shall sleep be hurtful immediately after blouding? Galen seems to account it a good thing, 
9 method. cap. 4.  that the sick after blouding falls into a sound sleep. Two hours (saith he) after he was let blood, having given him a little meat, and commended him to rest, I departed: And returning at the fifth hour, I found him lying in a sound sleep, insomuch as he did not feel me when I touched him. Then coming again at the tenth hour, I found him still fast asleep; Afterward having been abroad to visit some other Patients, I came again in the fifth hour of the night, not being silent as before, but of purpose with a loud voice to awake him from his sleep. But perhaps some will say Galen did not command sleep, till two hours after blood-letting. I answer, it had been well, if the sick could have slept immediately after he had been let blood; and in no place doth Galen disallow that, for we know we cannot always sleep when we desire it. But seeing the aforesaid sick man could not sleep, coming again two hours after, he bade him lie still, that he might sleep, which Galen had not done, if he had judged sleep to be hurtful after blooding. If any man object, that sleep is prohibited lest the ligature should be loosed, and the patiented bleed again; that is nothing; for that may be prevented by the diligent care of the bystanders, and the sure binding of it. As touching drink, 
Good to drink after bleeding.  Amatus the Portugal proves that it is not hurtful immediately after blood-letting, but very wholesome, commanding that the patiented do presently drink a little cold water; for in regard that the veins are emptied, it is instantly distributed into the whole body, and doth both easier, sooner, and safelier cool the body.   

CHAP. XXVII. That blooding and purging is not hurtful for women with child.  
ANd this Error is none of the least, that if a woman with child be sick, they will not suffer her to take Physic, nor to be let blood, for fear of an aborsement; which is contrary to reason, the authority of the Ancients, and daily experience.  
To reason, because a woman that labours with an acute disease, as a Fever; or a Pleurisy, is in very great danger, as saith Hypocrates, 
Aph. 30. ib. 5.  * it is mortal for a woman with child to be taken with an acute disease. 
Fevers in women with child are most dangerous.  Therefore no delay is to be made in applying remedies. Again, in respect that the child is nourished with the mother's blood, if she be sick, there is danger, lest through that sickness, and the corruption of the blood, the child perish, which if it happen, as sometimes it doth, then is the mother in danger, both by reason of the disease, and of the dead child, namely, lest she being weakened by the disease, the child die through putrefaction of the blood, and she be not able to bear the child; at least never doth an aborsement happen without danger. Now it is evident enough, that these evils cannot be prevented without taking away the cause (for indeed no disease can be cured otherwise) and the cause cannot be taken away without blood-letting, 
The disease is not cured till the causes be taken away.  or purging. They that think it such a dangerous thing for women to use these remedies, and thereupon do not admit of them, let them seriously consider this: Note. If a Physician can cure a woman with child sick of a putrid Fever, without blood-letting or purging, much more easily may he cure her of the same disease without these remedies, when she is not with child, and so the use of them might be quite abandoned. But if he cannot cure her not being with child without those remedies, he cannot then cure her being with child, and sick of the same disease. For the same disease indicateth the same remedy, and the being with child doth not take away the indication of the disease, but only after a sort altars the quantity of remedies, and the manner of using them. Yea much rather are these remedies to be used in women with child, inasmuch as they stand in greater need of help than others. But they think that all the nourishment is drawn from the child by blood-letting, and that there is danger of abortion by purging, and other remedies: 
The danger to the child is from the disease, not the remedy  All this while not knowing that great danger hangs over the child, by reason of the blood being corrupted, to wit, lest it die, and kill the mother, who is already weakened with the disease, so that there is more danger of abortion from the disease than from the remedy. And first we must never take away such a great quantity of blood, as that thereby nourishment should be withdrawn from the infant, but rather we observe, that the infant becomes more lively after the corrupt blood is taken away; 
The child becomes more lively after bleeding.  for there is blood enough left behind to suffice both the child, and its mother. Again, a purgation, especially a gentle one, although reiterated if need stand, can do no hurt, 
A woman with child may take a purge, being given by a discreet Physician.  but rather good, for the strength of the Physic doth scarce reach unto the child, or at least in such a long circuit, the noxious part of its strength is lost. But what if it should attain to the child, yet it cannot kill it, if it be exhibited in a moderate quantity. Only the blood comes unto the the child, which by virtue of the Physic is purged from noxious humours. Also in women with child the womb resists it much, for the safeguard of the infant; for in them the retentive faculty is more busy than the expulsive.  
This Error Secondly oppugnes Authority, for Hypocrates commends purging for women with child, from the fourth Month till the seventh. Women with child may take Physic, if there be an ebullition of humours in them, 
Sect 4. aph. 1.  from the fourth month till the seventh, only they must be more gently dealtly withal than others, but when the infant is younger than this, or elder, it is best wholly to abstain. Which if it were Hypocrates his opinion notwithstanding the vehemency of his remedies, 
Our purges more safe than the Ancients were.  much more is it true of ours which are fare more gentle; for the purgations of the Ancients were more dangerous than ours.  
Again, Experience testifies, that the child cannot be so easily expelled by the use of physic, 
7. Epid.  as the history of Harpalaus his sister manifests, who being four months gone with child, and sick of a Dropsy and Asthma, the infant being so weak that it had not stirred of a long time, took Aethiopian Cumin with honey and wine, which though it was exceeding bitter, diuretic, and therefore of great force to provoke the flowers, yet being discreetly used did her good, and neither hurt the child nor provoked her flowers; intimating thus much, that the child is not always killed by taking Physic, unless the Physic be very strong, and constantly used. There is a notable story out of Avenzoar, whereof we have made mention in another place, who not knowing that his wife was with child, did administer unto her exceeding strong physic, and yet the child was not hurt thereby. I will (saith he) relate what befell me while I was in the prison of Haly, my wife was with child, and I knew it not, and she was troubled with such a disease, that of necessity I was to give her a purge, and such an one it was, that none would think, that a woman with child taking it, in but a small quantity, could save her child unhurt, and yet she took it without any harm to herself or her child; but when afterward I perceived that she was with child, I was sorry for that mistake, and craved pardon for it of God, and she brought forth a son, whom I have now at home with me. Thus Avenzoar a Physician of principal note among the Arabians. Hercules Saxonia writes, that while he was as yet in his mother's womb, and Physicians thought him to be a 
* Or false conception  Mole, they administered very strongremedies to cast out the Mole, but all in vain; for the infant remained unhurt, and afterwards became a most excellent interpreter of Physic. This happens oftentimes, because the force of the Physic is much weakened before it come to the infant, and the womb endeavours to its utmost to keep in the child, and but with great violence will not part with it before the time. There is another reason taken from the birth; for when the womb endeavours to put forth the perfect infant, then do these remedies help the travail, but they avail little or nothing when the womb strives to retain the infant. I have often seen blooding and purging, even in the vl month, prescribed with good success, for women that laboured with an acute disease.   

CHAP. XXVIII. That Physic is good for women in childbed.  
WHat we have said of women with child, may be said likewise of women in childbed, if they be sick of acute diseases, as a Fever, Pleurisy, and such like; for they are wont to be troubled with many diseases, in that very respect that they are in childbed; but there is a different reason between them and women with child; for in women with child their flowers are stopped, and do never flow without danger to the infant; but in women in childbed, the humours that were gathered together in the matrix do flow out, and are never suppressed but with very much danger, and thereby they fall into grievous diseases, for the curing of which Physic is to be administered, 
Speedy help is to be procured for women in childbed.  and by so much the more speedily, as in them all things are most dangerous. For besides this, that the secundine, or after birth sometimes stays behind; their flowers also do either flow too fast, or are suppressed, or flow but slowly, from whence divers great and perilous diseases, as continual Fevers, 
The diseases to which they are usually incident.  burning Fevers, Frenzies, vomiting, loathing of meat, Epilepsies, inflammation of the bowels, Pleurisies, and other such diseases do arise. So likewise it may fall out, that by an ill regiment of body alone together with corrupt humours lurking within, exagitated and stirred up in the birth, as also by an erroneous diet, although neither the flowers be suppressed, nor flow immoderately, such diseases may happen. These cases are difficult and dangerous, and can scarce by nature's strength alone be amended: For if they come by suppression of the flowers, they cause grievous symptoms, and fevers, with watch, and frenzy, but if they arise from an 〈◊〉 wholesome regiment of body, they are so much the more dangerous in women in childbed▪ because they betoken a great putrefaction of humours within the body, which the expurgation of the flowers could not take away nor amend. When these things happen, it is necessary by the consent of all Physicians, to attempt something by blood-letting, and purging, and other altering remedies, which the Physician shall think convenient. But what vein must be pierced, when, how, and with what remedies she must be purged, is not my purpose to explicate in this place, in that I am not now reading a Physic Lecture, but only discovering to the people their Errors in Physic. Only thus much I will add, that it is not safe to open the upper veins, lest the flowers be thereby suppressed, and drawn back again into the body.   

CHAP. XXIX. That it is not hurtful to take Quicksilver by the mouth.  
THis Error is to be pardoned in many, because it is maintained by the suffrage and consent of ancient Physicians. 
Lib. 5. cap. 7.  * Dioscorides saith that Quicksilver drunk hath a deadly quality, and that by its ponderosity, it gnaws the internal parts; 
Lib. 6. cap. 28.  and in * another place he saith, it causes the same symptoms that the spume of Silver doth. 
Tetrab. 4. serm. 1. cap. 79.  With whom assents * Aetius. And Galen himself reckons it among the poisons. And so doth Avicenne, although he differs from himself, when he writes concerning the qualities of it; 
Lib. 1. tract: 2. cap. 47.  for in * one place he saith it is cold and moist, but in * another place, 
Fen. 6. lib. 4. tractatu 1. cap 3.  he reckons Quicksilver among hot and sharp poisons. Some will have natural Quicksilver to be cold, and the artificial hot: which controversy in this place we will not spend time to decide. Also some modern Physicians will have it to be a poison. If it be taken in too great a quantity, it congeals the blood, saith Conciliator, producing the example of a certain Druggist, who being in a burning Fever, instead of a glass of water to quench his thirst, unhappily chanced to light on a glass full of Quicksilver, and drinking up a great quantity thereof, he died congealed, insomuch as when his dead body was opened, the Physicians found the blood about his throat congealed and frozen. Fernel likewise is altogether against the using of it. But others more rightly taught by experience, do affirm that it is not so hurtful. As for Dioscorides, he says that it hurts only by reason of its weight and ponderosity, which it cannot do, unless it be taken in a great quantity. Galen confesses, that he never made trial of it, whether it kills or no, being taken by the mouth, or applied outwardly, so that if at any time he reckoned it among the poisons, he seems to have done it according to other men's opinion, not out of his own judgement and experience. And the modern Physicians have found by experience, that it may safely be administered, if it do not exceed due measure. For no medicine is taken in excessive quantity without hurt to the body. And therefore if it did congeal the blood, as Conciliator speaks, that was only by reason of the too great quantity, and for that cause it must not be thought to be of a more noxious quality than other medicaments. Nevertheless Rorarius tells a contrary story; 
9 simple. In contrad. Galeni. 20.  I knew (saith he) a German, who being drunk, and sleeping in a Goldsmith's house, he awaked out of his sleep being very thirsty, and groping about for drink, by chance he lighted on a vessel, in which was three pound of Quicksilver, and pouring out that cold and moist liquor, being half asleep he drunk up all the quicksilver, and forthwith cast himself again upon his bed, and awaking in the morning, and feeling in the linen some cold humour near him, he found quicksilver. So Avicenne in his second Chapter concerning poison writes, that many of them that drink of it, are not hurt at all, for by its natural disposition, it comes forth by the lower region. And therefore it cannot be poison in any respect, unless by its gravity, not by any deadly quality. 
Quicksilver used to facilitate the birth, and to cast our the after birth.  Rorarius in the forenamed place reports, that he knew very many women, who without any bodily harm used it to facilitate the birth, or to cast out the secundine or afterbirth. Some likewise affirm, that they have administered Quicksilver to children half dead through worms, 
Good against worms in children.  who were thereby presently restored to health. The same writes Brassavolus, a famous Physician in his examination of Simples, namely, that he hath given it to children, in the weight of a Scruple, but if to children, much more safely to them of riper age. And many do assent to Brassavolus. The same 
Contrad. to Avicen.  Rorarius reports, that natural Quicksilver hath not any venomous quality in it, but that that it kills by its weight alone, so as he hath not only heard of it, but also seen it safely administered by some Physicians, and women likewise to children half dead through worms, and to women in childbed, to facilitate the birth, and to bring down the afterbirth. Amatus the Portugal upon Dioscorides, calls all them that speaks against it, unexperienced Physicians, because it is deadly only by reason of its ponderosity, as saith Dioscorides, and he saith that it is prescribed by the Spanish Physicians, as a most excellent Antidote, 
Used against fascination.  for children that are bewitched, and for such as are troubled with worms, even with good success, and without any evil symptom at all: And he tells a story of a certain boy ten years old, which drunk up more than a pound of Quicksilver in stead of wine, and felt no symptom from it, except the weight thereof, and by the help of Clysters purged it all out again, and remained free from all further harm. Also Matthiolus a famous Physician, seems in divers places to be of the same opinion, as in one place he saith, 
Cap. 28. lib. 6.  unless it be drunk in a great quantity, it kills not, because that both by its weight, and fluid substance it quickly passes out by the inferior parts, without making any stay at all in the stomach and guts. Wherefore it is no wonder what Avicenne wrote, that there are some who drink Quicksilver, and feel no hurt thereby, for it quickly slides through the body, if so be they that have drunk it, do but walk to and fro for a good space. The women of Goritia do for their last remedy, administer a scruple of Quicksilver to be drunk of women that have hard labour in childbirth. Nor are they wanting that give it to children to kill the worms of the belly, to the quantity of two seeds of millet, without any harm to them at all. 
Cap. 70. lib. 5.  And in * another place, he saith, that for such like examples, he is easily persuaded, that Quicksilver is not so deadly, except it exceed due weight or measure. But most clearly in his Epistle to Stephanus Laureus, 
Lib 4. Epist.  in which he permits children to take Quicksilver, seeing that there is no other deadly quality in it, save that it hurts the intestines by its weight, as may be seen more at large in his works. Me thinks the authority of so many excellent Physicians might suffice to convince men of the truth hereof; but besides these, many Physicians even of our days have found the same true by experience. 
It's best for the phlegmatic.  I myself who writ these things have often given it, and never but with good success, especially in the phlegmatic, in whom it works much better than in others. Therefore whatsoever evil symptoms Fernelius, Palmarius, and others do affirm to arise from it, as Stupefaction, Convulsions, Tremulations, Lethargy, pain of the Guts, and such like, are true of it, being either ill prepared, or being administered in too great a quantity, for nothing is absolutely, and in every respect perfect it were not a medicament, if it should never hurt in what dose soever it be given. Experience alone shows the strength of medicines, which hath likewise manifested, that there is not in quicksilver that noxious quality which the Ancients have attributed thereunto.   

CHAP. XXX. That quicksilver even without any preparation, is unhurtfull.  
SOme man, although convinced with the forenamed testimony, will notwithstanding think that it ought to be exactly and diligently prepared, and indeed the name of preparation seems to point at some notable thing. But it is plain enough, that what we have said, is to be understood of crude and unprepared quicksilver; for even this did Brassavolus, Matthiolus, Amatus the Portugal, and others, administer to children, and women in childbed. It is administered quick, saith Matthiolus in his Epistle to Laureus, and not quenched or dissolved, as so me think. For that which is quenched, doth stick to the stomach and bowels, and stirs up grievous symptoms. Where it is to be noted that quicksilver is prepared divers ways, both for purging, and for provoking of sweat. But in none of these preparations is the nature thereof taken away, but only hidden; and though it be diversely commixed, yet it remains entire, and with a little art returns to its own nature. 
Mercury sublimate and precipitate most dangerous poisons.  But especially it is fixed by the mixture of salt spirits in sublimate, and precipitate, so as that which before might be used without danger, is now become a most violent poison; for seeing that of itself it is of a quick operation, those sharp spirits, one drop whereof doth burn whatsoever it touches, do the more increase it. I know some have been so bold, as that they have put a grain or two thereof into the pills entitled Barbarossae, which is too gross adventurousnesse. But yet from thence it is manifest, that the crude (as they call it) is not so hurtful as that which is prepared after this manner, 
Crude Mercury safer than any preparation of it.  because the crude Mercury holds faster together, and is very movable, and therefore is quickly voided out of the belly. Some therefore have ingeniously invented a sweet Mercury (as they call it) which they pretend may be given without harm, 
Mercurius d●lcis.  which thing I have found true by experience; and thus the people that are otherwise terrified with the very name of quicksilver, under colour of a white powder, are beguiled with a profitable deceit. Nevertheless I do not believe that it may be more safely used than the crude; for this sweet Mercury is made out of sublimate, which is a most violent poison, whereunto they add some crude quicksilver, which is sublimated the second time, and so by the mixture thereof, the corroding virtue of the spirits of the salt, and vitriol. do vanish away, and it is made a sweet powder, which before was very sharp. Here I do not see any preparation at all, but only a certain mixture and addition of quicksilver, the nature of which doth for all that remain whole and entire, and with a slight art is brought to its former temper. But if Mercury sublimate be such a deadly poison, the ensuing addition of live Mercury doth not take away the force thereof, but only allay it, and so the strength being dispersed, it is weaker than when it was united. And it is manifest for this reason: to wit, because there is the same reason of natural things of the same kind. When it is first sublimated, the mixture of the salt spirits with the quicksilver, makes it to become noxious, yet the quicksilver itself doth not take away from those spirits their force and violence, but rather friendly unites itself with them: Afterwards, when fresh quicksilver is added thereto, to make it sweet, in regard that it is of the same nature with the former, it doth likewise conjoin itself with the forenamed spirits, and can no more abate their violence than the former quick silver. But because there is a greater quantity of quicksilver added than was in it before, although the aforesaid spirits in their own nature, are no less forcible than they were, yet they cannot do so much harm, because they are allayed and corrected; as a few drops of the spirit of vitriol mixed with water, may be drunk, which otherwise is a corrosive medicament. And therefore this sweet Mercury is not so safe as that which hath not been sublimated. But if crude quicksilver, being mixed with mercury sublimate, doth take away the poison thereof, 
Nihil dat quod non habet.  and makes it harmless, much more shall itself be harmless: Nothing gives that which it hath not. If therefore it doth give relish and sweetness to that most strong poison, without doubt it hath it in itself; for propter quod unumquodque est tale, illudest magis tale. If then the only commixture of the crude quicksilver doth make the sublimate to become wholesome and profitable to man's body, much more shall itself be wholesome and profitable. The stories recited in the precedent Chapter, do manifest as much, from which it plainly appears, that quicksilver even unprepared, hath been administered with very good success. We must confess indeed, 
Cautions in using of quicksilver  that if it be taken in too great a quantity, or if there be no corrupt humours in the body for it to work upon, it may do harm; as also it is not so good for the choleric and melancholic, as for the phlegmatic. But if for that cause quicksilver were to be rejected, in like manner almost all remedies should be abandoned from any use in Physic. For they are never so good for one, but they may hurt another, yea even all, if they be taken in too great a quantity, or unseasonably.  
We will add here the testimony of a late writer, and a most excellent Chemist, to wit, Hartmannus, one that taught divers ways of preparing Mercury, yet treating concerning the curing of worms in the belly, he saith, The most excellent remedy of all is quicksilver, either taken crude by itself, from a scruple to a few dams, or else first quenched with the juice of Lemons, but then the dose must be less, because being quenched, it stays longer in the belly. Where he seems to prefer the crude before that which is quenched, as we have already sufficiently manifested.   

CHAP. XXXI. Of Tobacco.  
BEcause Tobacco is grown so familiar in use, that there are few or none but take it, something must be said concerning it; and first of the nature of it.  
Many think, yea, and some have written, that Tobacco is 
* Stupefactive.  Narcotick, and therefore they call it Henbane of Peru, whose opinion experience seems to confirm, for it provokes sleep, and assuages pain. Which opinion, although it hath learned men for its Authors and Abettors, yet to me it doth not seem altogether agreeable to verity. For that which provokes sleep, doth it by a vapour either stirred up in the brain, or carried up thither, or by furthering concoction, for then do we sleep most sound, when the stomach is not overcharged with meat. It assuages pain, because it either takes away, or altars the cause thereof, but it doth not benumb the part affected by any narcotick quality; thus I have seen inveterate head-ache cured with Tobacco. 
Tobacco is not narcotick.  That it hath not any narcotick quality may be known by divers tokens.  
First, because (as they confess) Tobacco is hot and dry, and doth attenuate, penetrate, and resolve the humours, which is found true by experience. But all these are repugnant to the nature of narcoticks; not that I think that all narcoticks are cold, for many of them are hot, but because whatsoever is narcotick, doth thicken the humours, so that if the pain arise from gross humours, they do a great deal of harm, because they make the humours more gross, and so the disease is made harder to be cured. But Tobacco is best for cold natures, and cold humours, contrary to the nature of narcoticks.  
Secondly, if there be a great evacuation of the belly, or a flux of blood, which cannot be stayed with astringent medicines, we use narcotick and stupefactive remedies, as a principal means to settle the humours. But Tobacco doth purge the body both upwards and downwards in a violent manner like Hellebore, or Antimony. And any man shall as soon prove Hellebore to be a narcotick, as persuade me that Tobacco is so. It may perhaps stay a vomiting, but that is in regard it takes away the cause, as a vomit cures a distemper of vomiting.  
Thirdly, Stupefactions being applied outwardly, do bereave the part of sense, and refrigerate very much, but Tobacco doth no such thing, as any man that pleases may make experiment.   

CHAP. XXXII. Of the right use of Tobacco.  
Although I never yet took Tobacco, nor do I desire to take it, yet I have observed very many of every sort of men to use it, as the slender, gross, choleric, phlegmatic, and others, who receive no harm thereby, insomuch as I cannot approve of their opinion, who think it to be very hurtful, unless when it is immoderately used, and thus the Proverb is true, Too much of one thing is good for nothing. The Indians do think so reverently of this plant, that they believe it to be the most wholesome and sacred of all other: and I have commended it to many, who by using it have been very happily restored to health. Lewes Mercatus, a famous Physician among the Spaniards, doth in sundry places highly extol it, and he commends it in divers diseases.  
Object. But many things seem to show that the use of it is very pernicious.  
First, because it is contrary to nature, in as much as it purges violently both upwards and downwards: now all purges are after a sort adverse to nature.  
Secondly, when one doth first begin to take Tobacco, he is troubled with dizziness, swooning, cold sweats, which are signs of a malignant quality in it.  
This is true indeed, Sol. when it goes down into the body, but when it is only taken in smoke in a pipe, and goes no further than the jaws, it cheers the brain by its heat, and by voiding out pituitous humours; nor doth it truth stomach, but it rather strengthens it, and helps digestion. So Orpiment is a deadly poison, and yet many Authors commend the fume thereof against the stuffing of the lungs. It is reported the Turks do take Opium as familiarly as we do Tobacco. For nature becomes at length accustomed to such remedies, and so is not in the least molested with their malignity. Seeing then experience shows, that so many do take it without any harm at all to them, why the use thereof should be repugned, I see no reason.  
Yet they must know, that First it must be used moderately, 
Cautions in taking Tobacco.  which as in all other things, is true also in this particular, although indeed I have observed little hurt to happen through the immoderate taking of it. 
It must be used moderately.   
Secondly, it is best for them that be gross, and phlegmatic, 
Best for such as are fat and phlegmatic.  and for such as are troubled with defluxions, by reason of its heating and drying quality. Nevertheless although the slender, hot, and melancholic do use it moderately, it doth not hurt them much, for there is scarce any man of such an exquisite temperature, which is not often troubled with vapours ascending up to the brain. Nor have I yet seen any man too much dried by using it. And I wonder at them that have written that it is narcotick, and yet deny it to the hot, and choleric, seeing that narcoticks are more proper for them than for the phlegmatic.  
Thirdly, although I know many that have been in consumptions have received good by it, 
Tobacco is not good in consumptions of the Lungs.  yet I do not think it to be convenient for them, whose consumption happens from a defluxion of rheum upon the Lungs. For though it draws the pituitous humours from the brain, yet it inclines nature at other times to send down the humours into the breast. Therefore because according to the rules of Physicians, we should never draw towards the affected part, but rather draw back, or divert the humours from it, those things which purge the head by the mouth should not be used; I commend rather evacuation by the nostrils, as more convenient. So Galen in this very case applied to the head shaved, a very strong metasyncriticall plaster, to prevent the defluxion of humours, and draw them another way.  
Fourthly, it is observable, that many are grossly erroneous in the use of Tobacco, 
Not good to drink with Tobacco.  in that when they take it, they are continually drinking, yea and some make themselves drunk, hereby bereaving themselves of that benefit, that would accrue to them by the right thereof. For though it may seem to resolve the humours, to heat, and dry the brain (and a hot and dry brain doth generate fewer excrements, 
In arte medic cap. de signis catidi & fitri cerebri.  saith Galen) yet a brain of that temperature doth draw unto it more forcibly, and is more subject to be replete with vapours arising from the inferior parts, so that afterwards being every day filled with fresh vapours, it becomes less sensible of that benefit of drying, as Galen saith in the aforesaid place. When the brain is hot and dry (saith he) the head is more than ordinarily filled with vapours (for evermore some such thing befalls those men, especially when they keep not a good diet) they are troubled with more excrements, but not so crude, their heads are filled and oppressed with vapours after the use of hot meats, drinks, smells, and all such things as happen from without. And this is agreeable to reason, for vapours do quickly ascend to any part that is made hotter than ordinary. Seeing then by the taking of Tobacco the brain is made hotter, if men observe not a good diet, but pour in abundance of Wine, Ale, and such vaporous drink (as indeed they use too frequently to do) the head is the sooner filled again, so that it is observable, that they that take Tobacco, do spit forth more excrements by the mouth and palate, than they that take none at all, by reason of drunkenness and intemperance, which is too common with many.  
Fifthly, they that have a long time accustomed themselves to take Tobacco, 
Tobacco not to be histily lest off.  aught to be very cautelous, that they do not rashly afterwards leave it off, except they keep a very temperate diet; otherwise they shall feel their heads, yea and their whole bodies oppressed with abundance of humours, which the daily taking of Tobacco was wont to evacuate; as also their sleep will be short and troubled through the defect of vapours, which the Tobacco did raise up, nor shall they find their Stomaches concoct their meat so well as formerly, and many the like evils may arise from thence: And therefore our counsel is, 
Good for old men and cold stomaches.  that old men, and others, whose Stomaches are by nature somewhat cold, do take Tobacco, although that they have not formerly been accustomed thereunto; for it may preserve them from the Gout, and likewise from divers other cold affects.   

CHAP. XXXIII. That Tobacco doth not go up into the Brain.  
THat Tobacco is good, and in no wise hurtful, we have already shown, and the whole Nation of the West-Indians doth witness as much, among whom there is scarce one of a thousand, that doth not take it, and yet they live there very long. Now when it is taken into the mouth, it is easy to be observed, that as much smoke is puffed out again, as was sucked in; for it is all contained in the mouth that is taken. Wherefore I have thought it false which some imagine, namely, that it goes up into the Brain. Nor is it necessary that it be carried up thither; for Masticatories, and Gargarisms, which are appointed for drawing of humours out of the head, although they be holden in the mouth, do nevertheless extend their force to the Brain, and it is not absurd to think, that this attenuating and drying fume is of the same operation. But besides it is easy to prove that the smoke of Tobacco taken into the mouth, is not carried up to the Brain.  
First, in that we only perceive the taste, and not the smell of it.  
Secondly, because we receive the smoke by inspiring, keep it by holding the breath, and puff it out again by expiring. Indeed when we inspire by the nostrils, the air goes to the brain, but when we inspire by the mouth, it is carried only to the Lungs and the Stomach. Seeing then the aforesaid smoke is attracted by inspiring by the mouth, it doth not go into the Brain. When we expire, or when we hold our breath (saith Galen) we never smell, although the sent be in the very nostrils; for in expiring we repel the smoke together with the air. Again, in holding the breath, we do not admit it into the brain, because when we hold our breath no air passes to the brain of its own accord, seeing the brain is already full of the air that was inspired; and this is the reason why we do not perceive the smell of those things that are holden in the mouth, and the stomach, (otherwise a man were not able to endure himself) because the perception of smells is made by inspiration only; but by the mouth we do not inspire into the brain. From whence it necessarily follows, that the smoke of Tobacco taken in at the mouth is not carried up thither. Besides if it should pierce so fare, in that these vapours are very sharp, they would vehemently disaffect and pull the brain, and provoke sneezing, and other affects which are not usual. As we see that if the same smoke be inspired by the nostrils, immediately it causes sneezing, because than it is indeed carried to the brain. Let it therefore remain established, that the head is affected only with the virtue of it, and not that the substance thereof doth pierce into it.  
Object. But some will object, that by long using it, a heaviness in the head is caused, and dizziness, and the brain is as it were intoxicated.  
Sol. But I answer, that it comes to pass only by the frequent and daily taking of it, which would quickly happen, if the sinoke should fill the ventricles of the brain: For dizziness is not always caused by vapours, but may proceed also from the spirits, when they are too much heated, and agitated, or from the vapours of the humours, that are stirred up by the immoderate heat of that smoke, and from divers other causes, which would be too tedious to recite here. Yea some have such weak heads, that they are soon taken with dizziness, through any light external cause, so as they may be also taken with it by the smoke of Tobacco, although it enter not into the head, namely, through some inward cause stirred up by it. Again, many times a great purgation may cause dizziness, 
2. Aph. 37.  as Galen witnesses in his book concerning them, for whom purging is convenient. Wherefore it is no wonder, if the brain be too much purged by the immoderate use of it, and the spirits exceedingly heated and inflamed, do draw unto them corrupt humours from the lower parts, which cause heaviness of the head, and dizziness, although the substance of the smoke doth not reach thereto.   

CHAP. XXXIIII Whether Tobacco be a preservative against the Plague or no.  
I Have heard some aver that Tobacco is a preservative against the Plague. Monardes' commends it against poison, but especially against wounds that are made by poisoned weapons, and venomous beasts. Which those that writ hereof, do understand of the green herb, or of the juice thereof applied to the affected part, and not of the smoke taken as now adays they use it. Yet it may be that the smoke may do good against the Plague, but not as many think, 
Tobacco ha●h not any Antidotary quality against the plague.  by any antidotary quality that it hath against poison, but for other causes. For those things that preserve from the Plague, are either such as cleanse the body from excrements, or that dry it, whereby it doth not so easily receive the poison. Now that the smoke of Tobacco doth dry the brain and the body, and void out the humours by the mouth, and sometimes by vomit, it is evident enough; and thus perhaps it preserves from the Plague. But no peculiar virtue of effecting that after this manner is found in the smoke; for those things that do evacuate, do only by accident preserve from the Plague, as purging, bloodding, etc. Therefore no reason enforces that we should attribute to the smoke any peculiar virtue of preserving from the Plague. But besides many observe that in the Plague a man ought to abstain from all strong purgers, because the humours are then soon disturbed by any light cause. I know very many have promised that they would cure the plague, or preserve men from it, by vomits of Antimony, when perhaps they could not defend themselves from it. As Platerus in his observations reports of one Adam of Bodenstein a famous Chemist, who in his writings professed a most certain manner of curing or preventing the Pestilence, who nevertheless got it himself at Basil, when it was almost quite ceased, and died of it. So infirm and uncertain are all those things which are prescribed against this sort of poison, but especially vomitories who do debilitate a noble part, and offer great violence to Nature.  
There is another manner of preserving from the Plague, to wit, by Antidotes, which have also a virtue of curing it; for the very same things in a manner are good both against eminent and present diseases. But as yet we have no experience of any such virtue in Tobacco, for so many thousands of men, whom that great plague at London, and in other places in this Kingdom have swept away, the greatest part of whom did without doubt take Tobacco, are as so many witnesses to testify, that there is no such virtue therein, and none of them that recovered, can attribute any thing to Tobacco as a means of their recovery. But if it hath no curing virtue, it hath no preserving quality neither.  
Moreover they must know that other poisons have their proper Antidotes, 
The Pestilence hath no proper Antidote.  but the Pestilence hath none at all, only Physicians use cordial remedies, not whereby the poison is extinguished, but only Nature fortified against the force of the poison, which it afterwards expels by sweat, or some other emunctories of the body. But that there is not any cordial virtue in Tobacco, the dizziness, swoon, cold sweats, vomiting, and other symptoms that are caused by it do manifest, which rather betoken a venomous than a cordial quality. Therefore although I do not believe that it doth any hurt, yet I think it doth not much good. Moreover the brain (as Galen saith in Art Medicâ, in the chapter concerning the signs of an hot brain) is easily offended with the ambient air; Those that have hot brains (saith he) their heads are very subject to be distempered with hot meats, drinks, and smells, and all those things that do occur from without, among which the circumjacent air may be reckoned. And therefore seeing by the use of Tobacco the brain is very much heated, there is danger, lest it be offended with the Pestilential air. Hence it is that old men are not so soon infected with the plague as young men are, because of the coldness of their bodies, as also Pliny observes.  
But in that this plant is said to be good for poisoned wounds, and the bitings of venomous beasts, it follows not therefore it must have an antidotary faculty; for the Spaniards did first use sublimate for such wounds, and we do usually prescribe divers things which in their proper nature are not preservatives against poison, but are either such as draw out the venom, or that extinguish it, as an actual cautery, and such like. And it may be that Tobacco may likewise be good for that too, although it hath no proper or peculiar virtue for to resist poison.   

CHAP. XXXV. Of the unseasonable use of Cordials.  
BEcause in all diseases special care ought to be had of the strength of the patiented, it is no wonder if the sick be so desirous to have their strength preserved, from whence arises such a frequent use of cordial remedies. Therefore it is that some are often blaming Physicians because they do so seldom prescribe Cordials and Antidotes for them, especially at night and when they lie down to sleep. Notwithstanding the unseasonable use of them, doth most commonly more hurt than good, as doth treacle, Mithridate, and the like. For not every thing that is said to be cordial doth by and by strengthen nature, nay it may destroy it, and thus the drinking of cold water doth more help one that is in a Fever than Aqua caelestis, Imperialis treacle water, or any other strong water whatsoever. And it is to be observed, that the imbecility of the heart, and the decay of the strength which depends upon the spirits in the heart, may proceed from divers causes; now every sort of remedy is not convenient for causes so different. But if the cause of the disease be increased by some kind of remedy, although it may be said to be a Cordial, the Cordial is no better than poison to the sick; as if an hot remedy be applied in an hot disease, the diseaseiss increased, and the sick is not a whit strengthened, but made weaker. Therefore they are too blame, who without judgement and skill do prescribe these cordial and strengthening medicines. Moreover it is observable, that it is possible that treacle, Mithridate, and other such like, which are in most frequent use, may do much hurt: For as Galen saith, 
5. Simpl.  they are a mean betwixt the body and poisons, so that there is the same proportion betwixt the body and the Antidote, that there is betwixt the Antidote and the poison; and therefore he saith, that all those things that are of the nature of treacle, 
Cordials do hurt if there be not matter within to work upon  and Mithridate, being taken in too great a quantity do hurt the body, as also unless there be some poison within, upon which they may work. I know this comparison of Galen doth not please Averrhoes that subtle Physician and Philosopher, 
5. colliget. cap. 23.  who notwithstanding confesses that they do the body no good at all, unless they be taken in a stomach, that hath in it some poisonous matter for them to work upon, and therefore (saith he) they are not good for them that be in health, but become as poison to them, as likewise do all those things which are commonly called bezoartics. For by their forcible working, unless they be discreetly administered, they hurt the body like poison; and therefore Galen forbids treacle to them that are hot and dry, as also to children.  
Although therefore I do not absolutely dislike the using of these sorts of medicines, nor judge them to be venomous or pernicious, yet hence it follows, that they are to be used very warily; for they have qualities in them that are many times very hurtful to the body, except they meet with an object in the body for to work upon. And therefore corroborating and cordial remedies are to differ according to the variety of diseases, hence it is that some of them are cold, some hot, some temperate, some corroborating the heart with an occult, and unexplicable property, some resisting poisons which cannot be fit for all those different causes, from whence a decay of strength may come. And therefore those things may very fitly be numbered among Cordials, which do relieve nature by evacuating the causes of diseases, and by altering, which thing many of our ordinary Cordials do not perform, and such remedies ought to be called Cordials by accident only, nevertheless they are the most certain of all others. 
Lib. de viribus cord.  Therefore Avicenne saith very well, that in seven respects a medicine may be said to be cordial.  
First, because it recreates the spirits, as wine, 
Seven kinds of cordial remedies.  eggs, broth, and those meats that are easy of digestion, and of good nourishment: And indeed the strength is much augmented by meat seasonably administered, but if it be unseasonably taken, it is much impaired by it, as we have said already.  
Secondly, because it doth clear and purifies the spirtis, as Pearls, and Silk.  
Thirdly, because it compacts the substance of the heart, by hindering the resolving of the spirits, as doth Garrabe, terrae sigillata, Bolearmoniack, but these are not good for all, because they are astringent remedies, which in some cases may do much harm.  
Fourthly, because it is delectable to the heart, as are sweet things, and odiferous, as Aqua caelestis, Imperialis, and Maria.  
Fifthly, because it doth corroborate the heart by manifest qualities, as that which is temperate, as Borage, bugloss, Gold.  
Sixthly, because it doth purify by evacuating the melancholic humour, and by purging out whatsoever is hurtful to the heart, as do Myrabalanes.  
Seventhly, because it corroborates the heart by an occult quality, as the Hyacinth.  
But all these several things cannot be proper for all causes, but now adays, when the people desire comforting and cordial medicines, they do not mean broths, or bloodding, or purging, but treacle, Mithridate, Strong waters, good Ale,  Wine, and such like, which oftentimes may not only do harm to the sick, but to such as are in perfect health too.   

CHAP. XXXVI. Of the Errors about the Bezaar Stone.  
BEcause we have been treating in the precedent chapter concerning Cordials, something is to be said of the Bezaar stone, which is now adays had in such familiar use, being thought by many to be endued with an admirable virtue of corroborating the heart, and a very strong Cordial, to which, neglecting all others, they fly as to some sacred anchor. But they err in three particulars.  
First, in that they attribute too much to that stone.  
Secondly, in that they are ignorant of the quality of it.  
Thirdly, in that they do not meet out a due quantity of it. Concerning the first, some derive the name of the stone from the word Paser, 
What the Bezaar stone is.  which among the East-Jndians is said to signify a kind of goat, in which that stone is found. Some would have it to be called Belzaar, which word in the Moors language doth signify the Lord of poison, & it is a common name with them, for all those remedies which we call Antidotes, and preservatives against poison. So * 
Cap. 23 l. 5. colliget.  Averrhoes after he had been treating of poisons, in the precedent chapter, at length he discourses of Bezaar, which is as if he should say, an Antidote. The Medicines (saith he) which are called Bezahar, which preserve from poison, 
Lib. 2. fen. 1. cap. 4.  etc. And Avicenne saith, Albezaar is a remedy, which by his own property doth preserve health and vigour in the Spirit, that it may expel from it the malignity of poison. Where it seems to be a general name, for all such remedies. But among us, it is peculiarly taken for that stone so much in use, which is taken out of some creatures, and brought to us out India. Now such is thought to be the excellency of this stone by some, that they prefer it before all others, for the Arabians do highly commend it against poisons, the plague, jaundice, and all obstructions of the body and bowels. Avenzoar in his book Theisier, saith that he saved one that had taken most deadly poison, with three grains of Bezaar, dissolved in five ounces of the water of Gourds. But if we consider well what Avenzoar writes concerning that stone, we shall find that it is not our stone which is brought unto us from the Indies, but the tear of an Hart, 
A precious stone dropping from the eye of a Hart.  of which he talks so much. The Hart, as Pliny also testifies, by the breath of his nostrils draws serpents out of their holes, and eats them, immediately he is taken with a grievous thirst, for the quenching whereof he runs to some standing pool, in which he plunges himself up to the neck, but through nature's instinct he drinks not; for if he should, he would fall down dead presently. Then a certain humour distils to his eyes, which by degrees, thickens, unites, and compacts together, and grows to the bigness of an acorn, which afterwards being come out of the water the Hart shakes off, and is sought for by men, which some call the Bezaar stone, being as they say broad, tending to a Pyramid, of the colour of honey, 
Comment. in Dios. or. cap. 39 lib. 2.  which * Amatus the Portugal saith he hath seen. And Scaliger in his 112. Exercitation to Cardanus tells the same tale, and saith that he had the stone, let them believe him who list. But this stone of ours is not the tear of the Hart, which is too rare, if ever there were such a stone: But this stone which we use is very common. Now it is, 
Several sorts of Bezaar stones  as writers testify, of divers sorts, yellow, duskish, whitish,; but the yellow is the best, than the duskish: Rhazes writes thus of it, it is a soft stone, of a yellow colour, without any taste, which he saith, he used with good success against the poison of Wolves-bane. Now it was of a yellow colour, tending to white, light, and glistering like light. But Garcias ab Horto Physician to the Viceroy of India, describes it otherwise, who nevertheless confesses, that he had only heard, that some by the use thereof had been preserved from deplorable diseases, and he will have it to be of a dark green colour; and he saith that they must all of necessity be brought to the King of the country, and that they cannot without much difficulty be had from thence, and therefore seeing they are now so common, much doubt is to be made touching their goodness. And here Matthiolus notes well, 
G●●●●● cause of jealousy concerning Bezaar.  that there are many adulterate stones of this sort, in show very like it, but accompanied with no such virtues, And in his third book of Epistles, in his Epistle to Quacelbenus, the stone (saith he) which the Moors call Bezaar, did the most noble Prince reserve for his own use. I saw long since many stones like to it, but whether they were true or adulterate, I know not: But if we consult with Serapio and Rhazes, I see not why I should allow of this stone to be legitimate. Where he ingeniously confesses, that he knew not whether the Bezaar stone of the Emperor were true or no, and he rather thinks that it is adulterate. Now there are two sorts of this stone, 
Two sor●s of Bezaar stones.  one brought out of the East, from Persia, and the adjoining countries, which is found in a certain kind of Goat; the other brought out of the West, from America, which is found in divers creatures. Concerning which it is to be noted out of josephus Acosta, 
Bezaar is found in the stomaches of certain beasts.  that this stone is found in creatures which are called Vicugnae, which are a certain sort of Coats, as also in a beast called Taruga, and in all those creatures which are proper to the country of Peru alone, it is found in their stomach and belly, sometimes but one, sometimes two or three, and sometimes more. Now these stones differ from one another, in magnitude, form, and colour; for some are not bigger than a hazel nut, but others are as large as walnuts, pigeons eggs, and hen eggs, yea sometimes they are as great as an Orange, as Acosta reports he hath seen: The form likewise is divers and very different; so for colour, some are black, others green, white, of the colour of Gold, grey. Therefore neither the colour, nor the figure can be certain and infallible signs of their goodness. In Peru they are taken out of several sorts of creatures, both wild and tame, as the Ganacus, Pacus, Vicugna, Taruga, which creatures he describes; the Ganaci, and Paci. are a sort of Rams, they have but little stones, and blackish, inferior to the rest for use in Physic. Those that are taken out of the vicugnae, are larger than these, and better, being green and somewhat white. But the best are those that are taken out of the Tarugae, they are thick, white of colour tending to grey, having thicker shells than the rest. In new Spain they are found also in Stags. But those that are brought of the East Indies are more excellent than these, being of an olive colour: the next in virtue are those that come out of Peru, and those that are found in new Spain are to be put in the third place for use in Physic. 
The Indians expert in counterfeiting these stones Lib. 4. cap. 42.  But the Indians do counterfeit them with a notable sophistication, as * Acosta explicates at large  
From what hath been already said, it is manifest that too much credit ought not to be given to this stone.  
First, 
Bezaar not to be relied on.  because the effects of the stones that are brought to us, are not answerable to those which Authors writ of them. For they will have them mightily to provoke sweat, and sometimes vomit, which thing if any man make trial in ours, he shall not find to be always true. I have very often given it to my Patients, but I never perceived any of those effects which are attributed unto it. The same have many of our modern Writers observed; Hercules Saxonia, a famous practitioner among the Italians, doth ingenuously confess, that he could never observe any remarkable effect of them, although those stones which he had, were thought to be the best in Venice. 
Cap defebpestiferis.  * I. (saith he) to confess ingenuously, while I practised at Venice, spent a great quantity of this Stone, and yet never could perceive any notable operation of it; I know many to whom I administered it were cured, but I did never attribute it to the Stone, for this cause, because I find in Writers, that after the taking of it, a great sweat ensues, after which they presently find much ease. But I never saw any sweat break forth, or if it did appear, it was a very imperfect sweat. Therefore for my own part, I abandoned all hope of any good by this Stone in fevers; It may be I chanced on a sophisticate and adulter eaten Stone. But when I administered Physic in the Nobleman's houses in Venice, they persuaded me that they were the most excellent of all others. Notwithstanding Matthiolus, and other Physicians do commend this Stone, but it is likely they had some true stones, which are very rare with us; yea, and he himself in his Epistle before cited, conresses that those stones which the Emperor had, were not natural, but sophisticate. Vallesius, 
Neither the Emperor, nor the King of Spain had any true Bezaar. lib. 4. method.  a most learned man, chief Physician in ordinary to Philip the second King of Spain, thinks that there is not a true Bezaar in all Spain; but if the King of Spain had not a true one, much less is it likely that a true one should be sold among us.  
Secondly, that ours are for the most part adulterate, 
It's very probable ours are all sophisticate.  this is not the least ground for suspicion, that they are taken out of creatures that are slain and eviscerated; and it can scarce be that one Country should afford so many creatures, but at length the species would become very rare. For such a number of these stones are in England alone, that it seems a wonder to me that they are not more rare. And if we consider the other Countries of Europe, we shall find abundance of them every where. Nevertheless the Physicians which have practised Physic among the Indians, do confess that these stones are very rare there, and wondrous dear; and that the Indians do keep them carefully for their own use: from whence then have we such a continual supply of them in such plenty, if they be not counterfeit.  
Thirdly, it is a very difficult thing, yea I think it altogether impossible, certainly to discern the natural from the artificial, such a notable craft have some of these Impostors. I saw a fellow at Paris, who made them so cunningly, that he himself could not distinguish them from the other, but by certain marks which he set on them. Saxonia confesses that he could never find an infallible token whereby to know this stone. Some say there is a tender sprig of some plant in the middle of it, or a little sand, I have seen a pin, Acosta saw a straw in one; but these, and other such like things do these jugglers know how to put into their counterfeit stones. Rodericus a Castro, in his Second Book of women's diseases, teaches to know them thus. That which we have (saith he) from East India is the best of all others, which is smooth, transparent, coated like an onion, of a dark green colour, without taste, the powder whereof, if you mingle with water and chaulk, it yields a pale green colour, and being cast upon the fire, doth presently vanish all into air. But neither are these things very certain. Authors writ that these stones are of divers colours, but almost all ours are of the same colour, somewhat blackish, but the yellow are said to be the best; therefore the most excellent are seldom found with us, because we have seldom any that are yellow. Acosta confesses that the Indians do counterfeit them, which is very likely, seeing that is usually done in medicaments of much less price and moment. If any man therefore have a stone, which he certainly knows to be true and natural, I am not against his using of it, if he hath once experienced the virtues thereof; only I would advertise thus much in this place, that men should not give credit to all stones of this kind, that the true Bezaar is very rare, and which is worst of all, that there are no sure and infallible tokens, whereby the true may be distinguished from the false. And there are stones sometimes very like to the Bezaar found in divers creatures, as in horses, swine, and others, 
consil. 1.  which are of no virtue at all. Andrea's Laurentius commends the Bezaar against melancholy, so that it be natural and true, not counterfeit and adulterate, such as at this day the peddling Quacksalvers, Mountibanks, Confectioners, as also the fraudulent and covetous Apothecaries almost throughout all France do usually fell, a hundred grains of which counterfeit stone can never procure the least moment of health.   

CHAP. XXXVII. Of the temperature, and dose of the Bezaar Stone.  
I will suppose in this Chapter, that the true Bezaar is familiarly found, because the people do so confidently believe it. Nevertheless many are very much afraid of the quantity of it, as if it were a very hot, and strong working medicament; and I have often seen women, which give the sick hot remedies to comfort them, as cinnamon-water,  wine, and the like, to be notwithstanding very fearful of the omantity of this Stone, and to contradict, and thwart a Physician, if any time he prescribe more than two, or at the most four grains at once. And indeed reason itself seems to favour their opinion, for they say it provokes sweat. Now sudorificks do seem to be hot, because they attenuate, and cut tough humours, and expel them to the skin. Therefore this Stone seems to be so much the hotter, in that it performs this thing, being exhibited in a small dose.  
But First, it is to be noted, that this Stone doth feldome provoke sweat now adays, as daily experience shows.  
Secondly, if one take a very great quantity of it, he shall never perceive that he is any thing hother thereby; which any man that is in health may make trial of in himself.  
Thirdly, of them that have written concerning this Stone, some would hand it to be temperate, others cold, but none not, for it hath neither taste, nor smell, which were a wonder, if it were so nor. It is therefore more probable that it works by an occult property, to wit, in corroborating the heart, and fortifying it against the malignity of poison: wherefore by the way I infer, that this Stone is of no force to corroborate, or comfort the heart, as they call it, except there be malignant and venomous humours in the body, and therefore though it doth no hurt to take it, yet it doth no good.  
Fourthly, they that have written concerning this stone, do not agree touching the dose thereof. Avenzoar gave it unto three grains, which is the common dose, but his Stone was not this Bezaar of ours. But Matthiolus prescribes it unto seven grains at the least, Garcias ab Horto unto thirty grains, and confesses that yet more may be taken without any hurt at all. I have heard some famous Physicians attribute very much to this Stone, who alleged this as the only cause why it is not so efficacious, namely, because it is taken in too little quantity. But moreover, I have read that Edward the Confessor had a dram of Bezaar, that is threescore grains given him, as may be read more at large in Monardes', Fumanellus, Abra, Conciliator. Now because as we have said, the right Bezaar is seldom found, 
Bezaar only for the rich, and in a large quantity.  and that which we have is sold at too dear a rate, my counsel is, that it be prescribed only for rich men, and not for others that are not able to undergo the charge, and that it be always admininistred in a large dose, for else it will be altogether unprofitable. Yea, I verily believe it may be safely taken to a dram, it is such a gentle and innocent remedy. Fumanellus in his book of the Plague commends it unto a Dram, and Garcias ab Horto reports that it is usually taken in India unto thirty Grains, too great a quantity (saith he) for although it a have no noxious quality, yet it is more safe to take it in a little quantity. But if this stone be unhurtfull, a great quantity is likewise unhurtfull, as some have observed. Therefore there is no cause to fear to give some children three or four grains thereof. For although Galen forbids to give children treacle, yet there is a great difference between it and the Bezaar stone; for treacle is a very hot medicament, and consists of divers simples, which may injure, and offer violence to the natural heat of children, whereas Bezaar is not hot, but only corroborates and comforts the heart, by an occult, and not a manifest quality.   

CHAP. XXXVIII. Of the Unicorn's Horn.  
IT can scarce be said, whether to the Bezaar stone, or to the Unicorns horn the common people attributes greater virtues, for those are thought to be the prime Antidotes of all, although the Unicorns horn is not so common as the Bezaar. Yet many brag, that they have great pieces of it. But it is a thing doubted of by many not without good reason, 
Doubts concerning the Unicorns horn.  whether there be any such horn or no. That there are divers sorts of creatures which have but one horn in their head, the writings both of ancient and modern Authors do sufficiently testify. There are four reckoned up by Aristotle, Aetian, and Pliny: Aristotle names only the Oryx, and the Indian Ass; others to these do add the Rhinoceros, and that which is properly called the Unicorn, of which is our present discourse. But it is not yet manifest what this Unicorn is properly, seeing hitherto it could not be certainly found out in any Indian voyages. And they that do report that they have seen such a creature, do much differ in their description thereof, as that they seem in a manner fables, whatsoever they relate. Pliny and Solinus, who never saw such a creature, do notwithstanding thus describe it, without doubt from other men's relation; 
Pliny's description of the Unicorn.  Pliny describes the Unicorn to be a very fierce beast, in other parts of his body like an Horse, in his head like to a Stag, in his feet to an Elephant, in his tail to a Boar, with a terrible voice, having one black horn in the middle of his forehead two cubits long, and they say this wild beast cannot be taken alive. 
Cap. 60. Solinus his description  * Solinus describes him thus. The Unicorn is a most fierce creature, with an horrible voice, having the body of a horse, the feet of an Elephant, the tail of an Hog, the head of an Hart, his horn stands forth of the middle of his forehead four foot long, stately to behold, so sharp, that against whatsoever he bushes, it easily pierces it. Being alive he is not subject to man, he may be slain indeed, but cannot be taken. But Ludovicus Vartomannus, a famous writer, 
Scaligers description  reports, that he saw two Unicorns in his travails, as Scaliger relates in his 205. Exercitation: The Unicorn (saith he) is as big as an horse, hath the legs, feet, and head of a Stag, his hair of a bay colour, his main thinner and shorter than an horses, his hips rough with hair; at Nice we saw one whole horn, others elsewhere, one of a tawny colour, another yellowish, coming near to the colour of box, another of a reddish and we have some with a white crest upon them. And he differs much from Pliny's description; for he saith, that he is a gentle and meek creature, and he attributes to him the feet and legs of a Stag; but Pliny the feet of an Elephant, and others in their descriptions do vary from these. Yet Amatus the Portugal in his 52. Narrat. upon the second book of Dioscorides acknowledges, that the Portugal Physicians, and others that have travailed through the inland of India, do make no mention of any such creature, save that it is held in great account among the Indians against poisons, 
Unicorn's horn is of a blackish colour.  and pestilent Fevers. And the same Amatus notes, that the right Unicorns horn is of a blackish colour, or at least of an ash colour; as also that if it be too old it is of no virtue, as it falls out in other medicaments, and likewise that there are many counterfeit and adulterate ones, made up of chalk and other things after the form of a horn; and that others do sell the bone of a Whale for it; yea, and I have heard that Sea-horse teeth, and Elephants teeth have been taken for it: These things do seem to raise a doubt touching these horns. But some will say, the holy Scripture doth in sundry places make mention of that creature as the most fierce of all others. But perhaps that word which Interpreters have translated Unicorn, is not properly known what it is; for as Morinus Blesensis a most learned Clerk observes, the Jews do confess, that they do not understand many of the names of Birds, whereof Moses makes mention in Leviticus, and why may it not as well be, that that word is not understood; which nevertheless Interpreters have translated Unicorn in general. But it is likely that it was not the Rhinoceros; for this beast may rather be said to have two horns than but one, and is not nimble, but slow, having a very short horn, but the horns of the Unicorn which are brought unto us, are for the most part very long, and taken from that creature which the Scripture saith is very nimble; and therefore Scaliger blames Cardanus, for describing the Unicorn under the name of Rhinoceros, whose picture the same Scaliger saith he saw, namely of that Whose dead carcase was cast upon the coast of Tuscanie, with the head of a Boar, a scaly back, two horns, the one very little in the forehead, the other very strong in the snout, wherewith he sights adventurously, and overcomes the Elephant. And this seems to be the very same beast of which Amatus the Portugal made mention, which Emmanuel King of Portugal sent to Rome, but the ship being cast away near unto Marseille, the wild beast perished in the sea, the skin whereof the adjoining borderers brought unto Francis King of France. But whether by the name of Unicorn the Indian Ass ought to be understood, it might perhaps be a doubt, but that Aelian hath distinguished them. Therefore I do not say that the Unicorn is a feigned creature, but it is very rare, and not yet certainly known. But furthermore Caesar in his sixth book of the French War, makes mention of an Ox that hath but one horn, and there are also such in India as Historians report. And not only the earth, 
There are Sea unicorns.  but the water also hath its unicorn Monsters, which perhaps live both in the water, and on the land, as Garcias ab Horto reports of a certain Monster that lives both in sea and land, about the Cape of good hope, which hath but one horn in the forehead, wherewith he boldly fights against the Elephant; 
Two Unicorn's horns found in the sand in Greenland were brought to Hull.  so likewise out of the Northern countries, as out of Island, and Greeneland are brought horns, which are thought to be the horns of Sea-Unicorns. Not many years ago, there were brought into this town of Hull (where I writ these things) out of Greenland two heads of Sea-Unicornes that were found upon the shore, with large horns in the foreheads, some pieces of which I have seen. From whence it is evident that there are many creatures which have but one horn, as well in the sea as on the land. But besides all this, Daniel Sennertus a very late writer, in the fifth book of his natural Philosophy, makes mention of a certain horn that is digged out of the earth, 
Horns digged out of the earth.  which is found in Thuringin, Bohemia, and other places of Germany, which is taken for the Unicorns horn, to which they ascribe a virtue against the Epilepsy, and malignant diseases, and he teaches to distinguish it from the natural, in that the true horn is very hard, but that which is digged up out of the earth is not hard, but is easily bruised and broken, and being applied to the tongue cleaves to it, like unto terra sigillata; or some kind of Marle. Also Gesner, Fallopius, Agricola, and others that have written of Minebills have made mention thereof. There are therefore divers forts of Unicorns, but yet they have not all virtue against poison. And Aelian who describes the Unicorn, doth not attribute any Antidotary faculty thereunto, but only to the Indian Ass; for he writes that the wealthier sort among the Indians are wont to drink out of these homes, and that whosoever drinks out of them is healed of incurable diseases, nor is he taken with convulsions (say they) nor the Falling-sickness, nor hurt with poison. Moreover if he hath drunk any deadly thing, he vomits it up, and returns to his health again. 
Lib. 3.  And the same doth Philostratus write in the life of Appollonius Thyaneus. But the horn of the Indian Ass is very rare, the upper part of it is reddish, the lower white, and the middle black, but the Unicorns horn is all black, as saith the same Aelian. Ambrose Pareus, and other most famous Physicians have found no effect at all of this horn, and he doth not approve of that custom of touching the King's meat with the Unicorns horn; which custom I hear he hath abolished who is the chief Physician in ordinary to the King of France. In like manner Aelian attributes to the horn of the Indian Horse a virtue against poison, and Garcias ab Horto relates the same of the horn of the Rhinoceros, it is but short, very strong, black, some say that it is within of dark yellow colour, and being wet with the tongue, it yields the smell of some  matter. Garcius also reports of his Monster at the Cape of good hope, that lives both in the sea, and on the land, which resembles a Horse in shape, that the horn thereof is very much commended for a counterpoison, an experiment thereof being made on two Dogs, the one of which that had drunk a double quantity of poison, taking the powder of this horn was well again: but the other which had none given him, died presently, although he had a less quantity of poison given him. So likewise the horns which are brought out of the North countries, and which are digged out of the earth, are reported to have no small virtue against poison, although some deny it, 
Those that are digeed out of the earth are the best.  and these are the horns for the most part, which many show for the Unicorns horn, although the colour corresponds not, which is black in the true Unicorn. But all that have written of them, do prefer those that be digged out of the earth, as Gesner, Cesalpinus, and others, for they have an antidotary and preservative faculty, and do mightily provoke sweat, like Terra Lemnia. Therefore that I may conclude this Chapter, seeing the virtue of these Medicaments can be found out no other way but by experience only, it will be easy for any one that hath a piece of such horns, or desireth to make trial of them, 
How to make a trial of the virtue of our unicorns hornea.  to give some poison to a Dog or a Chicken, and if it be preserved by taking some of the powder thereof, he may keep it as an excellent Antidote. For though it be not known from what creatures they are taken, yet their virtue is not to be denied, seeing the original of Exoticks hath not yet been fully known. If we allow of Heart's horn, why shall not other horns have the same virtue, yea there are some, that will have a certain wholesome quality to be in all horns, even of Oxen, and therefore the Ancients did drink out of horns, hence are those words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad potum miscere, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poculum, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cornu.  to mingle for drink, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a cup. Seeing therefore the horns which are carried about for the Unicorns horn, are divers in colour, magnitude, and figure, it is probable that they come from divers creatures. Therefore whether it be the horn of the Indian Ass, which Aelian commends, or of the Rhinoceros, or of some water creature it is all one, so there be experience of the virtue of it. Wherefore I would not curiously inquire, whether it be an Unicorns horn, or some other creatures, so it be good and efficacious, yea and it is no matter whether the creature hath two horns or but one. Yet it is most certain, as we have said before, that Elephants teeth, and Whalebones, and Sea-horse teeth, and common horns burnt, and those which are digged out of the earth, which we have spoken of, and other counterfeit and artificial horns, 
Elephants and Sea horse teeth commonly sold for Unicorn's horns.  are commonly sold for the true Unicorns horn. Cardanus saith that Elephant's teeth may be made so pliable by art, that they may be made straight like horns, and so set out for the Unicorns horn. Neither give ear to them (saith Amatus the Portugal) who when they go about to try an Unicorn's horn, do infuse the scrape and powder thereof in water, which they say forthwith is troubled and bubbles up, for you may perceive the same to happen from the scrape of any bone infused in water, as you may make trial in Ivory. So likewise we must take heed that we do not give credit to other such experiments, which some use to prove the goodness of the Unicorns horn; for they say that if poison, or some venomous creature be near unto it, it sweats, as if it did suffer, and were affected with the poison; as also they bid make a circle of the powder of it, into the middle of which, or into an hollow horn they put a spider, which if she pass over they will have it to be a counterfeit horn; but if she burst and die, it is natural, all which are false: but enough of this.   

CHAP. XXXIX. Of certain distilled waters ordained amiss for to drive away fevers.  
BEcause it is such an usual thing here in England, both for men and women to hoard up remedies for divers diseases, and to communicate them to one another for secrets, we will speak somewhat of certain fever curing waters, which many use especially for agues, the which although sometimes they may do good, yet many times they are hurtful and pernicious. In some Physick-Authors also such waters are found described. Quercetanus in his Pharmacopoeâ restitutâ, as he calls it, names two, which he saith are special waters for all sorts of fevers, especially agues, but principally for bastard, and exquisite tertians, so confidently do these Chemists make promises of health. 
1 ad Glauc. & 3 de simp. med.  Galen himself prescribes wormwood a very hot plant for Tertians, and in another place he commends cammomile for the same. There are some that will provoke sweat with such hot things. And in general all those waters that I have seen, were distilled out of hot simples, which adventurously they will use in any intermitting fever, many times to the great hurt of the sick.  
First therefore it is to be noted, that intermitting fevers are caused by divers humours, both hot, and cold, unto which one and the same remedy cannot fitly be applied.  
Secondly, seeing that every disease is cured by its contrary, it is certain that choleric humours are inflamed more, and increased by the use of these hot remedies, and so of an intermitting fever, it may become a continual.  
Thirdly, the cause of an intermitting fever most commonly lies in the mesentery veins, the panereas, and other the first passages, which dreg it is too dangerous to bring into the habit of the body by such remedies, lest the blood of the veins be polluted, especially in choleric fevers, whose cause is for the most part thin, and very movable.  
Fourthly, Galen forbids to use vehement and hot remedies in the beginning of a quartane ague, which is caused by a cold and dry melancholic humour, and he tells a story of Eudemus, a Philosopher, who in that he did unseasonably use treacle for a quartane ague, of a simple, it became a double quartane, whom nevertheless Galen cured with the very same remedy seasonably and rightly administered. Therefore these hot things are good in those fevers only, which are procreated by cold humours, or in a bastard Tertian, in which there is a great quantity of phlegmatic humours mixed with the choleric, 
Aguish waters not to be used till the humour be concocted.  or when there are very gross and stubborn obstructions, and the bowels very feeble, and weakened, but not before the concoction of the humour; thus Galen for a quartane prescribes a medicine of succus cyrenaicus, but not until the humour is concocted. So he commends wormwood in a Tertian, but utterly dislikes it before concoction. In like manner, and by the same reason, these hot waters are to be rejected, but after the concoction of the morbous humour in a stubborn disease, they may be profitable. Therefore these hot things are not to be rashly, administered in fevers, for one that had adventurously used them in a quartane fever, of a simple, made it a double quartane, as we said before. And there is the same cause of fear likewise, lest the same happen by the use of these waters. 
The advice of a learned physician ever requisite.  Therefore let the advice and counsel of a skilful, learned, and faithful Physician be always taken, who may appoint convenient times for all remedies. Nor let the people rashly trust to their Receipts, as they call them, for they are even the hand of God when they are administered by a skilful Physician, but as it were a sword in the hand of a mad man, when one meddles with them, who doth not well understand the rules of Physic.   

CHAP. XL. That juleps, and other cooling Potions are to be administered in a large dose.  
I Have often observed, when Physicians prescribe Apozemes, Juleps, and other cooling potions for them that be sick of fevers, that the bystanders do usually administer them in a very little dose, as but 2 or 3 spoonfuls. But here is to be noted, that those remedies that are prescribed to prepare the humours, are not of the nature of them that contain much strength in a very little quantity; but contrary wise seeing they work by the first and second qualities, unless there be a proportion in quantity betwixt the humour that is to be altered, and the Physic, it is but in vain prescribed, for if they do notovercome the humour, they are overcome by it, and corrupted. In a very hot fever, if the aforesaid Juleps be either altogether denied, 
The necessity of cooling and altering juleps in fevers.  or but sparingly administered, the body is dried by the heat of the fever, and decays, so as no small damage is like to befall the sick. To such therefore they ought to be given more liberally and frequently, for to temper the feverish heat, and to refresh nature, and the more boldly, if concoction be already made, for it helps the critical evacuations of nature, by sweat, siege, and vomit; and therefore in this case Galen allows as much cold water as the sick can drink; And Avicenne, till the sick be wan, and shake with cold. Nevertheless, in the beginning of the Paroxysms in intermitting fevers, the best Physicians, according to Hypocrates his counsel, think that nothing is to be taken. For Hypocrates saith, When the feet are cold, 
1 acut.  the sick must abstain from supping meats, especially from drink; but when the heat is descended unto the feet, than it is good to take it; for then the heat which in the beginning was as it were suffocated by the morbous humour, enjoys a pleasant bloom, and is diffused into every member of the body, and so is better able to encounter the cold drink, yea the drink doth then further evacuation by sweat, which is wont to be made in the end of the paroxysm. Hollerius lays it all open in few words. 
Lib. 2. cap. de s●i.  We must not permit them to thirst long, especially in fevers, and where the body is dry; yea in the declination they must be compelled to drink; in the beginning and increase of the fit, drink must be withholden from them, lest as by water, or other liquor cast on a Smith's forge, the heat of the fever be more inflamed. In the height they must use washing of the mouth, and gargarisms, but when it assuages and declines, and they be exceeding thirsty, they must drink as much as they can, for so it comes to pass, that by the sudden motion and contrariety of the drink the heat is stirred up, and dispersed to the extreme parts. Mercurialis also wrote well in his Comment upon the ninth Aphorism of the second Book. Many (saith he) think it enough to take their syrupes at the most to the weight of six ounces; but I have learned by reason and experience, that it is better to take them always in a greater quantity, yet with respect to the condition and nature of the sick, and the sick to persist long in the use of them: For so the vessels being somewhat moistened, do yield better to the attraction of the humours, and the humours themselves being better prepared, do more easily come forth. I know Aristotle demands why drink should be given but a little at once, 
1 prob. 57  and often, to them that are in fevers, because (saith he) a little drink, and often given, doth sink, and insinuate itself more into the body, than a large draught taken altogether. 
Arist●s'e & Hypocrates differ in their judgements.  Now the Philosopher in this place will have a frequent taking of drink to be equivalent with a great qualitity taken at once; but Hippoorates says otherwise, that water drunk too sparingly, turns into choler; and in his book de locis in homine, he saith, that in fevers waters should be administered hor, mixed with honey, and vinegar, and that it is thus to be drunk in a great quantity. But besides Juleps, of which we now treat, are not simple drink, but have also a Physical quality, as opening, strengthening, or such like, according to the divers intention of the Physician that prescribes them. So much therefore ought to be drunk, as may suffice for concoction, and to quench thirst, but not to increase the causes of discases, in which particular they do err grossly, who do either kill the sick by being too sparing in affording them drink, 
To deny drink in in fevers destroys the sick. In libris epid. 1 acut. 43.  (which thing Galen in divers places blames in the Physicians of his time) or who by too much humidity oppress the body, and increase the humours. Galen writes, that if water be given to abate thirst, so much thereof is to be taken as the sick can drink with one breath; but if to quench heat, he may take as much as he will, (as he teaches also in * another place) and that altogether, or at once, as Amatus * the Portugal teaches more at large. 
9 meth. 8. curate. 11. Cent. 1.  Thus Galen gave in the first fit two pints of water, to a young man sick of a fever through anger, in the dog-days.   

CHAP. XLI. That the Stone of the Bladder cannot be dissolved with Remedies taken by the mouth.  
THey likewise that are grievously tormented with the Stone of the Bladder, are likewise to be admonished, that they do not too easily give credit to every one that makes large promises. For I know, not only wand'ring quacksalvers, but some Physicians also, do prescribe not a few remedies for to break the stone of the bladder. And indeed Monardes', Augenius, and others do report, that the stone of the bladder hath been cured. Augenius commends a remedy made of Hog-lice prepared, with which Laurembergius in a peculiar treatise reports he was cured. Notwithstanding, others who have made trial of the same, have found no help thereby. Quercetanus in his Pharmacopoeâ restitutâ, describes a water to break the stone in the bladder; without any pain at all; 
Chemists promise mountains but perform molehills.  but these Chemists do many times promise more than they are able to perform. For if the stone of the kidneys be so hardly dissolved, much more the stone of the bladder, which is further off, Note and harder than that of the kidneys, as also there is danger lest such strong medicines hurt the parts through which they pass: But though we should grant that the stone might be broken with the use of remedies, yet except it be so broken that it turns into powder, or into such little pieces as might with ease be voided out, we shall attain to no other thing, save that of one stone we have made many, and those cornered, which are like to cause a greater torment to the bladder, and which perhaps by degrees will grow bigger by the addition of slimy matter. Galen in his Chapter de lapide judaico, laughs at Dioscorides for commending this stone for the stone of the bladder. 
The virtue of medicine is lost before it can come to the bladder.  A Medicine (saith he) cannot come to the bladder in perfect virtue, and though we should grant that it may come so far, yet the force of the medicament is abated, both by the spaciousness of the bladder, and by the urine in which it swims, and by the hardness of the stone, and by that which involves it, and by the great quantity of fleagm wherewith it is encompassed. Hypocrates himself in his oath, although at other times he would exercise Surgery; I will not cut (saith he) them that are troubled with the stone, but will leave it to the skilful operatists of that art. For he had not a remedy to break the stone. Men should not therefore give credit to them that prescribe remedies for it. Duretus' upon Hollerius, reports, that he saw the bladder exulcerated with such remedies, and death ensue, the stone not being worn at all. A certain man (as Duretus reports) fearing the extreme pain of cutting, by the advice of some, drank juice of Limmons for 3 months together, and died with exulcerations in his stomach, caused by that juice. For sharp medicines must of necessity molest, and exulcerate the parts through which they pass, with their sharpness. Sanctorius, in his Commentaries upon Galens Ars parva, tells a story of an Italian Physician, who while he used Electuarium de vitro to break the stone of the bladder, in stead of lessening the stone, brought in a mortal dysentery flux. He tells also of another, who by the advice of a certain quacksalver, used very forcible diuretics, which when by their abstersive quality they had evacuated very much fleagm, insomuch as the sick seemed to be more at ease, yet the stone being made sharper, began to prick the bladder more vehemently, and made a Gangraenous Ulcer, as was seen when the body was dissected, and so the sick died miserably. Capivaccius also confesses, that he knows not any remedies, which can break the stone of the bladder. 
Cap. 94. text. 3.  And Galen in Art paruâ reckons only cutting among the remedies for the stone in the bladder; where Argenterius observes well, that even from hence is their opinion refuted, which think the stone may be cured with remedies taken by the mouth.   

CHAP. XLII. That the worms of the belly are not presently to be killed in Fevers.  
IT falls out sometimes, that both children and young men are grievously troubled with worms, and that divers diseases in the body do arise from thence among which a Fever is not the least, which is of a double nature; for either it is caused by the worms themselves, and then it is a very gentle Fever, or it comes from other causes, 
Dangerous Fevers from worms.  and concurres with the worms, and this is usually a malignant and violent Fever, which is thought to have been sometimes called by Hypocrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fierce and wild as a beast. In the curing of these worms the people many times do err much.  
First, in that they think, when there are worms together with a Fever, that the fever is always caused by the worms, when rather the worms do oftentimes proceed from the matter of the Fever: For as Aetius teaches, 
Cap. 39 lib 1. tetrab. 3.  if they breed about the beginning of the disease, they take their substance from the corrupt matter, if about the height, from the malignity of the disease, if about the declination, from the change to a better, which also are quickly voided. Therefore in the beginning of acute diseases, they betoken a malignity of the disease; for when worms are the cause of a Fever, that Fever is never violent and acute; but most commonly they appear in a malignant fever, which is to be noted, for in the former case, the cure of the worms is the cure of the Fever, but in this latter, when the Fever is cured, the worms are wont to be cast forth by nature itself, the disease tending to a crisis, as Hypocrates teaches in divers places, as in his Prognostics, and in his book de crisibus.  
Secondly, they err in that in this case they consider only the worms, and presently direct their cure to them, neglecting the disease on which they depend, or making it worse with their remedies undiscreetly administered, for oftentimes those things which kill the worms do increase the fever.  
Seeing therefore worms, Note. because they are in every respect besides nature, are to be killed and expelled, yet that ought not to be done with any kinds of remedies indifferently, but the nature of the disease that doth accompany them is to be regarded, to which especially remedies must be applied; for when it is once cured, nature itself casts them out in the declination of the disease. Wherefore because they are so ordinary in malignant Fevers, those remedies which do cure malignant Fevers do serve for them likewise, such are many Cordials, as Hartshorn, Unicornes-horne, Coral, treacle, Mithridate, the seed of Citron, etc. And there are scarce any Cordials which are not good against worms, although not always; hence it is that we see many of those remedies which are said to be good against worms to do no good at all, namely because they are used after the manner of Empyricks, without any difference of causes, and regard of the other circumstances which ought to be respected. Let us hear what Rondeletius saith excellently concerning this subject in his Chapter of Worms. When Worms (saith he) are voided in acute diseases, as burning Fevers, and other diseases of old men and children, we ought not to convert our whole intention against them, as women do, and Physicians that study to humour them, whereby it comes to pass that the sick do perish, in that the disease is neglected, or because they bend themselves more to the curing of the worms then of the disease; as if one be holden with a continual Fever, or some other Choleric disease, or a flux of the belly, or if in the beginning of acute diseases one chance to void worms, they commonly give Wormseed, which doth inflame the Fever more, or else they are wont to administer Coral, and other things which are astringent to kill the worms, all which are very ill for the principal diseases, as very bitter things for the Fever and flux of the belly, and astringent and drying things for Fevers. Wherefore the Physician ought diligently to distinguish whether the Fever depend upon the worms, or whether the worms which are always within the belly be cast out by some other cause. And if one perceive that the Fever doth proceed from another cause, because it is a Quartane or a Tertian, or a true Quotidiane, and that there is no other ill symptom, they must be let alone, or only those medicaments prescribed, which are good against the principal disease, and the worms. Which words of his we have set down at large, because, they do so plainly explicate this whole business. Forestus also in his observations, and Mercatus in his Chapter of the worms, and others do observe the same.   

CHAP. XLIII. That Cinnamon is not well prescribed to stay women's fluxes.  
IT often falls out, that women are troubled with an immoderate flux of their flowers, or of their courses, or other humours, for the curing of which, I have oftentimes known Cinnamon to be prescribed by other women, as a very astringent remedy. Indeed in a Diarrhaea, and the fluxes of the belly, I deny not but it may sometimes be good, for it corroborates and strengthens the stomach and bowels, whose weakness is many times the cause of a flux of the belly, but it is to no purpose at all to use it for the staying of the flowers, for it rather provokes them more violently. For it is an hot and dry spice, and withal opening, and therefore very fit to provoke the flowers, as saith Dioscorides in his chapter de Cassiâ, which according to the judgement of Matthiolus, and Dodonaeus is no other than our Cinnamon, called by the French Canelle; it hath, saith he, a heating quality, as also a virtue of provoking urine, drying, and of a gentle binding, it draws down the flowers, and a little after he adds, that it produceth the very same effects that Cinnamon doth, concerning which he writes thus in the following Chapter. All Cinnamon heateth, concocteth, mollifieth, provoketh urine, being drunk or applied with Myrrh, it expels both the flowers and the birth. If these things be thus, than it necessarily follows, that they are in a great Error, who prescribe Cinnamon to stay women's fluxes. But this is a matter of no great moment.  
The same might be said of some knowlittles that practice Physic, and are ignorant of the virtues of remedies, railing on them that that are better than themselves, and yet taking no care to get more learning. Some are so skilful, that they think that Syrupus de Artemisi●, is only fit for women, that Syrupus de Stoechade, is only a cephalick medicine, yet Philonium ought to be prescribed only to provoke sleep, and divers such things do sometimes occur which they are ignorant of; nevertheless if any man do but seriously consider the simples, of which the aforesaid remedies are compounded, 
The virtue of Mugwort, and the syrup made of it.  they ought to be esteemed no less profitable for many other things; as for example, in Syrup de Artemisiâ there are many simples very good for divers affects. Mugwort doth not only provoke the flowers, and help forward the birth, but also heats, dries, opens obstructions, and is good against the stone of the Kidneys. It extenuates (saith Bondeletius) and heats phlegm, and dries the nervous parts and the womb, and is good against old and inveterate Catarrhs, and performs the same that Syrupus de Prassio doth. The same may be said of Syrupus de Stoechade, which is good against all the diseases of the bowels; as also Philo's Antidote, which Philo and Mesue affirm to be good for all cold diseases. And so of many others.   

CHAP. XLIIII. That Opium rightly prepared ought not to be feared.  
SEeing sleep is the strength of the inward parts, and that nothing is thought to be sweeter, and more effectual than sleep, for repairing of the strength and furthering the concoction of the humours, it is both profitable and necessary by all means to provoke it, in many sick persons which spend a great many nights without sleep, yet many times it is not so easy to do; for sometimes the causes of diseases are so vehement, that they will not suffer the body to be brought to sleep, scarce with indifferent strong somniferous Physic. Now to provoke sleep sundry sorts of remedies both internal and external are used.  
Divers internal medicines are prescribed, although commonly to little purpose, as Almond-Milk, Poppy-seed, which the people in many places do use to eat, the oil of which they ordinarily use instead of Olive-oyle. But Opium is now brought into use, the rest being laid aside. Yet the people do abhor from the use thereof, and avoid it as present poison, 
Opium in the hand of a discreet Physician is a harmless thing.  when notwithstanding being rightly prepared, and administered in a convenient dose, it is a very harmless and wholesome medicament. The Ancient indeed thought it to be poison, but that is only when it is taken in too great a quantity. But thus nothing is so wholesome, which by corrupt use may not become hurtful, and nothing so hurtful which may not be made wholesome. Now there are divers sorts of poisons, 
Divers sorts of poisons.  some are poisons in their whole substance, which can do the body no good, after what manner soever they be taken; although they be given in so small a dose, that they cannot kill, as Arsenic. But the nature of others is contrary and different from these, in that they do not hurt the body but in a certain quantity, otherwise they may do much good to the body, such is all Physic, especially purging medicines. For whatsoever is administered in such a quantity, that it overcomes nature, it doth assume the nature of poison, thus milk curdled in the stomach, and the juice of Lettuce, are thought to be poisonous, which nevertheless may do good to man's body, being rightly and moderately used. Moreover we find in history of certain maids that have fed upon Monkeshood, and Hemlock. But it is to be noted, that among those things which cause sleep, Opium is the most innocent for divers causes.  
First, that Opium which we use, is for the most part, Meconium of Dioscorides, which is made of the strained juice of the leaves and heads of Poppy, but the right Opium is a 
* Or gum.  Lachryma. Now Meconium is far weaker according to Dioscorides than Opium, and Matthiolus in his Epistles is of the same opinion likewise. Wherefore if it hurt, it must be administered in a greater dose than Opium. And Dioscorides saith that Opium taken in the bigness of a Vetch doth assuage pain, concoct, and provoke sleep, but if it be taken in a greater quantity, it doth harm. And he writes of one Mnesidemus who approved of the use thereof only in smell, because it would so procure sleep, but disallowed it otherwise as hurtful; but Dioscorides adds, Experience shows that these are but idle fictions, for the effects of the virtues of this medicament do beget credit.  
Secondly, it is to be noted according to Galen, that there are divers sorts of Narcoticks; for some do moisten, others dry, 
Moist narcoticks are dangerous.  those which do moisten, as Hemlock, Mandrake, & the like are hurtful, as also those that are poisonous in their whole substance, as sleepy nightshade, which things are never wont to be used by Physicians to provoke sleep. But those things that are taken inwardly without harm to the body, aught to have a drying quality, as * Galen teacheth, 
5. Simpl. 18  where he saith, those things which cause sleep do refrigerate the body, and drying medicines are the fittest for that intention. And in his first book of the causes of diseases, he saith, that those things which do refrigerate and moisten do not cause a sweet sleep, but a long and dead sleep, and stupefaction; but those that are of a drying quality, as Opium, are not so hurtful. Therefore according to the judgement of Dioscorides and Galen, Opium moderately taken, is not so much to be feared. Besides many compositions that are to be sold in shops have Opium in them, as treacle, Mithridate, Dioscordium, Philonium, and the ancient Physicians were wont to put it into almost all their Antidotes, and they used it familiarly in divers diseases, yea sometimes they made use of worse than it. Hypocrates 2. de morbis, uses Henbane, and Mandrake for a Quartane Ague. Aetius for the same purpose prescribes Opium with an equal quantity of Myrrh, Pepper, and Castoreum. But we now adays do with more security use Opium, better prepared, and corrected by chemical Extractions, as Landanum, two or three Grains of which, or at the most four, are a sufficient dose, where notwithstanding there is not so much as one grain of Opium, although it be rightly prepared. 
Opium the same with Meconium of Dioscorides.  Seeing then our Opium is for, the most part no other than Meconium: of Dioscorides, which is fare more slow in operation then Opium, and therefore may be prescribed in a greater quantity, the quantity of one or two grains can do no harm. Dioscorides prescribes Opium to the bigness of a Vetch, whereas we give a pill of Laudanum to the bigness of a Vetch, a third part whereof is not Meconium. I see no reason why Opium should be so much feared, 
If due consideration be not had, there may muchharm en●ue from sleeping medicines.  so that it be rightly prepared, and all the other things diligently observed, which Galen would have to be observed in administering Nareoticks, otherwise without doubt it may do harm. Here by the way take notice, that there are divers descriptions of that Laudanum, and many of them very foolish ones; in one Laudanum the Opium is dried by a gentle fire; in another there are other narcoticks besides Opium, as Henbane, and such like, fare more dangerous than Opium itself: in another there are many correctives added, as the fault of pearls, coral, the tincture of gold, and many such unprofitable things, which add to the price, not to the virtue of it: As may be seen in that large description of Laudanum, which Quercetanus hath indiscreetly committed to writing. But in that which I have spoken of it, I understand that Laudanum which is prepared according to the description of the dispensatory set forth by the College of Physicians at London, which is not so large as the other, and withal the best.   

CHAP. XLV. Of Remedies that provoke sleep, being applied to the head.  
THey that are so fearful of Opium, do think it enough, if to provoke sleep they use external remedies aplyed to the head and nostrils, frontlets and ointments. Mnesidemus (saith Diofcorides) as we intimated before, doth only allow of Opium to be smelled at, not to be taken inwardly. 
Outward applications many times not forcible enough.  But here they must know, that these external remedies do not always produce the wished for effect, because they can scarce convey their virtue and strength to the brain, being only applied to the forehead.  
First, because they are not so often renewed as they ought, insomuch as they grow hot upon the forehead, and so do afterwards heat the head more, and rather hinder sleep, than provoke it; 
The often do hinder sleep.  and therefore Galen gives good counsel, in divers places of his books of Method, that these refrigerating and cooling topics, be often renewed, lest when they are once heated by the body, they again make it more hot than it was before.  
Secondly, because the bone of the forehead is solid, thick, and further remote from the brain, than the rest of the bones of the head, and therefore with greater difficulty do the virtues of topics pierce through that bone unto the brain; 
Lib 2. the medie. secundum ●o●os.  wherefore * Galen more highly commands to apply topics, not to the bone of the forehead, but to the coronal suture which is covered with hair, whether it be for to cool, or to heat the brain, 
Topical remedies best applied to the coronal future.  because the bones of the forepart of the head are thinner, and their juncture and coarticulation more lose than the rest.   

CHAP. XLVI. That fomentations made with bladders, are but of small efficacy.  
AMong topical remedies, the use of fomentations is of great esteem among Physicians, which are made of some kind of liquor, that is applied to the parts of the body for divers intentions, as to heat them, open obstructions, dissolve hard tumors, assuage pain, and to digest and discuss humours. Now they are made of some convenient liquor, especially of the decoctions of many simples, or of oil, milk, and the like; which liquor many put into a bladder, lest the linen of their bed be wet therewith, which afterward would be very tedious and irksome to the sick. But thus the aforesaid preparation, to wit, the mixture and decoction of the divers simples is made unprofitable: For their virtue doth not penetrate through the bladder into the body, but only the heat works, so that if some part stand in need of heating only, the fomentation may be made with a bladder, what liquor soever be put therein. Also if there be need to assuage pain, and digest humours, heat by its own quality will effect it. But if obstructions be to be opened, or something in the body is to be mollified, the bladder is of no force; but we must either use linen , or felts or woollen , or sponges wet in some convenient liquor, and so the strength of the remedy being applied to the part, doth sink deeper into the body, through the pores of the skin, and there it puts forth its virtue, and sometimes draws the humours from the centre to the circumference; as they that bathe themselves in a hot bath, do feel the effect of it in the internal parts. Therefore although I do not dislike the applying of bladders to foment the body, yet I have thought it not so profitable for the aforesaid reasons.   

CHAP. XLVII. Of the applying of young whelps and pigeons to the soles of the feet.  
NOt only the common people, but also very many Physicians, have used to lay to the soles of the feet young pigeons, or whelps cloven through the middle of the back, which custom I do not in this place speak against, for I know it hath been oftentimes done, to the exceeding great commodity of the sick. But because they are very seldom wont to be applied to the head, we will treat a little in this Chapter of this subject. For the Ancients, 
The Ancients were wont to apply them to the head.  and also modern Writers, do often prescribe them to be applied to the head, seldom or never to the feet. This remedy is ordinarily used in the diseases of the brain, as the frenzy, and madness. Now the frenzy is an inflammation of the brain, or its membranes, the manner of curing whereof, 
The cure of the frenzy.  by the common consent of Physicians, is this: that in the beginning the Physician use all kinds of revulsions, and diverting remedies, and appy to the head those things that have power to repel, and drive back the hot humours from the head. But if by these means the disease cannot be cured, then in the increase and height of the disease, he must proceed to resolving remedies, which during the increase may be first mixed with repelling; but in the height of the disease they must be merely resolving medicines. 
13 method. cap. 2.  To which purpose Galen uses cowparsenep, thyme, wild thyme, and other such hot things boiled in oil; and he teacheth, that the frenzy in the height, and the lethargy, have the very same manner of curing, because in both of them the same resolving remedies are to be used, where also he commends mustard, and castoreum, both which are very hot. And these hot things in the height, and also in the declination of the disease, do not heat, but resolve. For this is the right manner of curing any inflammation, that in the height, and in the declination, we use digesting and discussing remedies, 
1. sim●l. cap. 4.  for as Galen teaches, Digesting remedies do by accident refrigerate and cool an inflammation. Wherefore in 
* 1. ad Glave. cap. 15. & 2 do Medic. 2. locor.  two several places, for the pain of the head in fevers, he uses the se digestives, to wit, after universal evacuations. But the modern Physicians use young pigeons, and whelps cloven down the back, and the lungs of a Ram yet warm, which remedies, although the Ancients were ignorant of, yet they performed the same with other things answerable to these in operation. Now when dogs, or pigeons are applied to the soles of the feet, that is either done for revulsion, or else for resolving the matter of the disease. Not for revulsiou●, because the people seldom or never use them but in the height, and in the declination of the disease; now the revulsion should be made in the beginning, both because their heat is but very gentle, and because it doth draw but very weakly; for these things which draw unto the most remote parts of the body, must be exceeding hot: Therefore Galen in his Book de revulsione, saith, that they must be sharp medicines, which draw back humours from the head and bowels: 
8 collect. cap. 19  And * Oribasius is of the same mind. For they draw by their heat and pain. But young pigeons do resolve without much heat; wherefore though I think they do draw something, yet it is but weakly, and not from the far distant parts, in respect of their so gentle heat. Nor are they available for resolution of humours; for who will believe that remedies are to be applied to the feet, that they may resolve the humours enfolded in the brain. And this is the opinion even of all Physicians, who have written of the diseases of the head. Nevertheless I do not absolutely speak against the applying them to the soles of the feet, because it may do a little good, and cannot do hurt. It is an usual thing with them of Monspeliers, 
In France they are applied to the heart.  to apply young pigeons cloven through the middle, together with some cordial powders, to the region of the heart, after the manner of an Epitheme, to comfort the heart, and refresh the spirits, because they have a mild heat, familiar and agreeing with our natural heat.   

CHAP. XLVIII. Of the Weapon-salve.  
BEcause the weapon-salve, otherwise called the sympathetic, magnetical, and starry ointment, is held in so great account by some, that they think it cures wounds, being applied not to the affected part, but to the weapon that makes the wound; we will not pass it over in silence. For now adays it gins to be much in use. This was the invention of some Germans, especially of ●heophr●stus Para●●●sus, whom Goclenius followed, and also Crollrus, (who hath a description of this ointment different from that of Paracelsus) and others; some of whom followed Paracelsu●, and others Crollius his description. Now some will have this to be a wonderful gift of God, that wounds should be cured with so much facility, and it is only an abridgement of the art of Surgery, so that for the future Surgery need not to be regarded, seeing ve●unds and ulcers may be cured with one only remedy. But yet nature seems worthy to be blamed, in that she so long kept close such an excellent remedy, and revealed it not to Adam, the Patriarches, holy men, Jews, the primitive Christians, and the most learned men; but hath revealed it to drunkards, 
Paracelsus charged.  whoremongers, dicers, such as the report goes Paracelsus was, his only Countrymen writing, and confessing the same. The rest of them in my judgement do so obscurely explain themselves, that it is very likely they knew not what they would say; nor ought it to move any man, that Goclenius says, that he could name Emperors, Kings, and Princes, who give testimony of the virtue of this ointment, for perhaps some Impostors with their counterfeit gloss have beguiled them, which is a thing not impossible; but I verily believe Goclenius himself was never known to Kings and Emperors.  
But to pass by these things, it is to be noted in the first place, that this ointment is compounded of moss that grows upon a man's skull, 
A principal ingredient is the moss that grows upon a man's skull that was hanged.  (which they call usnea) because this is as it were the pure quintessence of the skull, and a spiritous substance, as one of them better learned than the rest was conceited. Crollius makes choice of a man that hath died a violent death, and Hartman his Commentatour prefers one that hath been hanged. Because when they are strangled, the natural and vital spirits are carried upwards; and seeing that by reason of the hardness of the skull, they cannot get out, they are coarct together with the animal spirits, and in process of time grow into one, and break forth unto the circumference of the skull, then by the access of Mercury, or the spirit of the World, conveyed into these inferior things by rain, dew, snow, and frosts, is made usnea, which contains in it all the natural, vital, and animal virtues, which afterwards it communicates to this ointment. Who can but admire at such gross ignorance of natural Philosophy in Hartman? For he is in a palpable error, in saying that in them that are strangled, the natural and vital spirits are carried upwards, when the vessels, to wit, the veins and arteries through which these spirits are carried, as all men know, are intercepted and stopped. Moreover, although they should be carried up then more than at other times, why shall they rather be coarct and united in one that is hanged, than in a living man, in whom the spirits are so easily wasted, and how is it that before this moss and hearinesse grew upon the skull, they are not quite dissipated and dissolved? But how knows he that those spirits are carried up to the brain, in them that are hanged, do settle rather in the skull, than in the substance of the brain? For in a living creature they are for the most part in the brain itself. Now these spirits do either flow into it, or they are naturally seated and placed there. If they do only flow thither, it is most certain that they do all vanish after death, because they are not parts of the body, nor are they kept in by the strength of the living body, for it is also consumed and wasted. Hence even in the living there is continually need of a fresh supply of spirits, because such abundance of them is consumed: Much more when the corpse is rotten, perhaps some years, before the skull is made quite bare, and is fit to contract mossiness. That they are not insite and naturally placed there, it is evident, because than they should be ; but these spirits in the very act of suffocation are presently lifted up to the brain. Nor is it a thing credible, that after death, or in death they are seated there, (which Hartman seems to have meant, when he saith, that in process of time they grow into one) for those spirits that are infite by nature, are made, or at least repaired, and maintained by those that flow into the brain, by an act of nourishment, which is not in them that are hanged, and though it were in them, yet it should be rather in the brain, than in the skull. Besides the substance of spirits is very thin, and apt to evaporate; how is it therefore, when they break out unto the circumference of the skull, and are no longer enclosed within its hardness, that they do not vanish away, but turn into a gross and filthy moss? Their spiritual substance will nor endure that. And therefore it is manifest that he erred, in saying that this moss contains in it all the virtues of the body, it is a wonder that it hath not also nourishment, sobset, and reason. I waved that which he babbles concerning the spirit of the World, which he calls Mercuriu● Leandi. But if there be any such spirit of the World, it must of necessity be diffused through the whole World, and not fall down to us by the interchangeable courses of rain, show, and tempests. On these absurdities is the very groundwork of that medicament seated. 
The foundation of the ointment shaken.  But I had almost forgotten, that of this moss, the foundation of such an excellent remedy, Crollius mixes in his ointment but the weight of two hazel nuts, which is (as Hartman interprets) one dram; but Paracelsus deemed two vounces little enough, although Paracolsus his whole description is but of nine ounces; but Crollius his description is of thirteen ounces, so large a structure stands on such a slender foundation.  
Secondly, it is to be noted, that in the ointment, according to Paracelsus his description, there was the blood and fat of a man; but Crollius omits them, and not amiss, if the moss by itself have all the virtues in it, which thing Paracelsus seems not to have believed, in that he added these unto it, but in defect of them he puts therein the fat of a pig, a bore, and a bear. And Hartman gives the reason why Paracelsus did add blood thereto, because although the spirits do vanish away, yet those spirits which adhere to the salt of the blood, are retained. But first he thought it requisite that those spirits should be carried up to the skull, whereas Crollius thought them to be altogether unprofitable. Furthermore Paracelsus and Crollius do add thereunto Mummy, by which my Author Hartman thinks is meant Egyptian Mummy. Which nevertheless is the most unprofitable remedy, being made in Egypt by cozening fellows, of the flesh of elephantick and leprous persons, and of such as died of the French Pox, or some such filthy diseases, and of the flesh of slaves which they buy, which they embalm with Pitch and Bitumen. But Paracelsus doth in sundry places highly extol Mummy of the Gallows, as he calls it, that is to say, the flesh of a man that was hanged, the which it is probable Crollius meant, because he left out the fat and blood of a man, which Paracelsus did put in. Then other simples are added, such as may be inserted in other ointments and plasters; for Paracelsus added thereunto Lineseed oil, oil of Roses, and ; And Crollius' earthworms washes, the brain of a Boar, red Sanders, and the bloodstone. 
The descriptions very different.  Here the reader must consider, that these are two several kinds of ointments really differing, and have nothing common but the Moss, which Crollius added but in a very small quantity, and yet these two ointments are both of them said to be of the same efficacy, although Crollius left out those things to which the Paracelsians do attribute the whole magnetical virtue: Yea some have left out the very Moss also.  
Thirdly, some in the making up of the ointment, do observe the divers aspects and courses of the stars. Crollius' scrapes off the Moss, the Moon increasing, being in the house of Venus, or some other good house, not in the house of Mars, and Saturn, and he will have the ointment prepared the Sun being in Libra. But some more rightly do wave these things: For if the ointment have in it a magnetical virtue, that is to say, if it do cure wounds by the same quality by which the Loadstone draws Iron to it, there is no need of the concourse of the stars, seeing that virtue is in it by nature, as the Loadstone at any time, and under any star draws iron, and tend to the Pole.  
Fourthly, some do anoint the weapon, and bind it up carefully, and keep it warm, and free from dust and wind, otherwise they say the party wounded will be in grievous torture, if the weapon should lie cold and unbound. Nevertheless, some say, that by the only dipping of the weapon into the box of ointment, without any ligature, they have performed a cure, which Paracelsus requires only.  
Fifthly, if the weapon that made the wound cannot be had, they take a piece of wood, especially Willow, according to Crollius, or a tender sprig of some tree, or some such thing, and besmear it over with blood that flows from the wounds, and so apply the remedy unto it.  
Sixthly, they bid that the wound be washed every day with urine.  
Seventhly, Crollius would have it observed, whether it be a deep prick or no, for then the weapon must be anointed upwards, and not by descending downwards, although Paracelsus seems not to have regarded that, who commended the only dipping of the weapon into the ointment.  
Eighthly, it is to be noted, that in a manner all the examples of cures which they instance, are only of simple wounds in the flesh, in which there is no loss of substance at all, but only one indication, to wit, a conjoining of the parts disunited.  
Ninthly, some render this reason of the effect, to wit, that there are spirits in the blood, and in regard of the familiarity and sympathy of man's spirits among themselves, the ointment is made of man's blood, fat, and flesh, and the moss of the skull, in which spirits are contained. Hence it comes to pass, that when the blood of the party wounded is joined unto the ointment, the spirits that are in the blood, are by reason of sympathy joined with the spirits of the ointment, being both of the same kind, and so doth take the virtues of the ointment, and carry it unto the party wounded. And not only the virtues of the ointment, but also the affects which follow the administration of ointments, which are such as happen either by a too straight, or too lose ligature, as also those which may ensue, if a wound be left uncovered in a place that is either too cold or too hot. And there is so much force in these spirits, that they are able to convey the virtue of the ointment from the East into the West, from the North to the South. And Crollius calls them all fools, who think that this cure is Magical, and he will have it to be done by a magnetical, and attractive virtue, caused by the stars, which is carried unto the wound by the Air being the Medium, and that by reason of the sympathy of Nature and Balsam of blood, which is in every man, and by reason of the influence of caelesticall bodies. And thus Hartman explains it, when the weapon is anointed, the salt of the blood which is on the weapon doth by a magnetical virtue draw the animal spirits out of the ointment, which two spirits by the concurrence of the spirit of the world, are friendly united into one. But if the spirit which is in the blood of the weapon cannot attract the spirit of the ointment without the anointing, that is to say without real contract, how can it be said to draw it with a magnetical virtue? Now this spirit of the world he will have to be diffused throughout all things in the world, to be that which carries the forms of seeds, and all proportions, which knits all things together, and which applies actives to passives. Hence it comes to pass, that what commodity or discommodity that blood congealed without the veins doth receive, it is presently by sympathy communicated to its connatural blood that resides within the veins. Thence it is that the party is in pain if the weapon be held to the fire, or exposed to the cold air, and contrariwise if the patiented chance to eat Onions, Mustard, or Garlic, it may presently be perceived in the weapon, namely, because those spirits do communicate their passions one to another.  
From what hath been premised, it will be very easy to demonstrate the vanity of that manner of curing, 
The vanity of curing by the ointment.  of which I confess, I never did, nor yet desire to make any trial. Yet I doubt not, but I shall plainly show the frivolousness of it, even from their own principles. For instead of the groundwork, they lay down many things that are very dubious and uncertain, as that which Hartman talks of the spirit of the world, which, what, or where it is no man as yet hath been able to demonstrate, which (saith he) is diffused throughout all things, when but a little before he had said, that it is conveyed into these inferior things by rain, dews, and frosts, and so in a clear and caime air this spirit may be to seek, when perhaps there would be most need of it. And lest we should conceive it to be a spiritual and incorporcall substance, he calls it Mercurius Mundi, and questionless it must be corporcall, which stands in need of corporeal means to carry it: also he supposes the spirits to be perpetual, and unalterable in the blood although it be corrupted when notwithstanding the blood even in the body and veins may be so corrupted, that it may lose its form, much more without the veins, and doubtless the blood that is in the ointment, hath quite Jost its form, & the efficacy of its spirits; and so the analogy and sympathy of the spirits of the party wounded, and of the ointment, is much weakened. Now that some do call this a magical form of curing it is not improbable, 
Probable arguments to prove it magical.  seeing that virtue of curing, which is said to be in the ointment, doth stand in need of the spirit of the world to carry it, that is to say, the Devil, who is called the Prince of the world. But I rather think this manner of curing is false than magical, because many follow it, which are very fare from that impious and detestable crime. Nor matters it that experience confirms the truth of this form of healing; for only such wounds have been healed, which might have been healed by nature's endeavour alone, without any help of Art, and therefore it may yet be questionable, whether the cure were performed by virtue of the ointment or no, as we shall manifest afterwards.  
First, than it is false, that this ointment is a more special gift of God than other ointments & remedies are, 
It's not a special gift of God as is pretended.  seeing by their own confession the whole cure is done by natural means. We must needs confess, that every thing is the gift of God; whatsoever, we eat, drink, or use for the health of man's body. But in this sense they call it not the gift of God, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because God hath miraculously taught it men, as if every Science, Art, and all knowledge of remedies were not from God, who hath created Medicine out of the earth. But let us see whether this cure be possible or no. That there are great and divers sympathies, and antipathies of things, experience itself shows, the reasons whereof it is impossble to render. Yet all things are contained and terminated within a certain sphere of activity. We daily see that the Loadstone draws not iron, but within a certain distance. I knew one that could not endure Cat to be in the room, although he saw her not, but being put out of the chamber, with a wall or door between, he returned to himself again; and so of all others. There is no stronger antipathy then that which is betwixt the heavens and these inferior things, because it comprehends all things within its circumference, and being of great force to act, is able to dilate its qualities and virtues every way, so that this inferior orb, and every parcel thereof, is within the sphere of the activity of those celestial bodies; yet we see that sympathy to languish by the distance of places. The Loadstone tends to the Pole Arctic, but the further it is from the Pole, the more it declines from it, and so by little and little it tends not to the Poles of the world, but to the Zodiac, and perhaps rather to some other part of the heavens then to the North. If this be true of the Celestial bodies, it must needs be more true of these inferior things. Therefore how can the virtue of that ointment be carried so fare, as sometimes it must be, and not be hindered by the interposition of buildings, seas, mountains, walls, winds, and of the chest in which with the weapon it is laid up, especially when those things which carry the spirits are corporeal, which may be letted by the interposition of other bodies; or at least by how much the further distant the object is, by so much the more is the virtue thereof diminished, and there is good cause to fear, lest in a great distance of places, the force of the medicament do perish quite. Hartman writes, that this communication is made by a magnetical virtue, even so as the sent of the carcase is communicated to the Vultures many miles distant. But smells are not diffused in any unlimited space whatsoever; and besides they may be diversely hindered, as by rain, winds, and such like. To no purpose also was it, that Goclenius alleged exampies of many sympathies; for it follows not because there are sympathies in other things, that therefore there is a sympathy in the ointment. Besides the sympathy which is said to be in this ointment, is fare different from the sympathy of other things, which do insensibly diffuse their virtue into the air, and need not the spirit of the world to carry them, and do never work unless the object be present, and are terminated and limited within a certain space. But that there are some cessations and fall off from this sympathy the Loadstone shows, which being rubbed over with Garlic, doth not draw iron, which manifests, that there is not an efflux and wasting of the quality only, but of some thin substance also.  
Secondly, there is not a real contact of the agent and patiented, for it touches not the wound itself, but the weapon which is fare distant from the wound, which is neither the subject of the disease, nor yet of the cure, and which needs not to be cured. Therefore one said well, he that binds the weapon that the wound may be cured, doth as if one should cover a stone, which hath made the hand cold, that the hand may be made hot thereby. Nor let any man say that there is a virtual contract, the spirit of the world carrying the virtue of the ointment to the wound; for this spirit of the world, if there be any such thing, is common to all things that are in the world; otherwise it were not the spirit of the world. And yet it operates not in other sympathies; for unless the object be present, there are none at all. Moreover this sympathetic virtue of the ointment, which is joined with the spirit of the world in such a friendly society, is not seated in any artificial thing, as artificial, but in something that is natural, and they might do well to tell what is that natural thing in the ointment, which peculiarly hath so much familiarity with the spirit of the world. As we Galenists say, that in every organ there is some particular part, which is the seat of the faculty, and on which especially depends the action: without doubt there ought to be the same thing in this ointment, for all the simples which are put into the composition of it, cannot so equally agree with the spirit of the world, that it should carry their virtues from place to place, at the will of him that anointed therewith. Therefore the cure shall result either from the similitude of the weapon to the wound, but that cannot be; for in relations there is no power of acting, but there should rather be antipathy betwixt the weapon and the person wounded: Or else some virtue flows from the ointment to the wound; (for according to Crollius the ointment is of a conglutinating and drawing nature) but they do not touch one another. Nor is that sympathy of nature sufficient, which Crollius with natural Balsam makes the cause of the cure; for if there be any such sympathy, the anointing is superfluous; for the virtues which are carried after a magnetical manner, through so great distances of places, do not need a corporeal application. But in this ointment the contrary is apparent; for nothing is done without the anointing of the weapon: Therefore its working is material, and after the manner of other unguents, it cannot operate without a corporeal contact, as appears by the anointing; for if it may work magnetically without a corporeal contact, the anointing is in vain. And in vain also doth Grollius observe a form of anointing, on the upper or nether part of the weapon, for the vulnerary virtue thereof might out of the box wherein it is, be diffused even to all that are wounded, for it hath a sympathy with all. Seeing then it doth not operate without real application, and a certain and determinate manner of anointing, it is plainly manifest, that it can act only after the manner of other remedies, upon that thing to which it is applied, and no further.  
Thirdly, why is blood, fat, and the moss of man's bones put into this ointment, is it because the spirits which are thought to be in them, although putrified? But there are more such spirits in the body, than in the ointment, or in the blood that comes from the wounded. Therefore it is either the virtue of the ointment that cures, or else the virtue of the spirit that carries it. If the virtue of the ointment be the cause of the cure, it must be principally seated either in the fat, blood, and moss, or else in the other natural remedies which are ingredients also in the ointment, to wit, oils and powders. If the virtue of the ointment depend upon the former, the ointment is unprofitable, because in the body of the party wounded, there is already both a greater plenty of them, and they are of a more forcible operation. But if it flow from the other simples, which are put into the composition of the ointment, the former things, to wit, the blood, fat, and moss, are added but in vain, because they give no virtue to the ointment. So any vulnerary remedy, if the blood of the person wounded be applied thereunto, shall be able to cure the wound by a magnetical quality, to wit, the spirit conveying the virtue of the ointment to the part affected. And indeed there is no reason, if this sympathetic ouring be naturally possible, why it may not be good in all ointments, that moss and blood be put into them, not for their virtue of healing, but for their sympathy only; as, if a wound be to be deterged, take the blood of the Patient, to which add a deterging ointment, and the spirits which are in the blood, by reason of sympathy, by means of the spirit of the World, will carry the virtue of that ointment to the person wounded, and so perform the cure. In like manner any remedy may be made sympathetic; thus purges may be instituted, or other intentions of Physicians perfected, by adding to some convenient remedy a little of the Patient's blood, whose virtue may be afterwards carried to the sick, by means of the spirit of the World. But if the spirits themselves have in them the virtue of curing, seeing there are more spirits left behind in the body, in vain is the virtue of the ointment implored.  
Fourthly, it appears from the circumstances, that this is an unprofitable manner of curing. For they say, that from the too lose, or too straight binding of the weapon, the same symptoms do happen in the sick, which are wont to come by such tying, when it is used to the body. Now these symptoms do proceed either from the ointment, or from the binding. Not from the ointment, because it hath power to heal, but not to hurt. Nor from the binding, because an artificial thing hath no power to work at distance, and upon another subject then to which it is applied. And therefore because Crollius prescribes sundry forms of applying it, the ointment is to be subspected; for in natural things, that curious manner of anointing cannot change the property, and of beneficial, make it to become hurtful, as likewise appears in the Loadstone. Nor doth it depend on them both, because the magnetical virtue of the ointment, seeing it is defined to be merely natural, and is seated in the ointment, doth proceed from means that work naturally, as are the simples of which it is compounded, and not from artificial means, which depend merely on the will of him that anoints with it. Furthermore they say, that whatsoever commodity, or discommodity, that spirit which is in the blood of the weapon doth receive, it communicates the same by sympathy to that which is in the veins, thence it is that the Patient is in pain, if the weapon be exposed the heat of the fire, or to the cold air. But thus not only the vulnerary virtue of the ointment, but also the external cold shall have a magnetic quality, which is an absurd thing to suppose. So that noxious cold might be carried from the weapon to the Patient through a hot medium, as in the greatest heat of Summer. As if the weapon should be anointed in a Northern Country, and the Patient be in afric in a hot Country, suppose the weapon to be cold, the Patient likewise shall be cold in afric, yea perhaps being near the sire. Now seeing that cannot be done but by the air, as Crollius confesses, the air of the Northern Country shall have power to refrigerate the air in Africa, which who sees not to be a gross absurdity? But I would demand further, seeing there is such a mutual sympathy of spirits, and the maintainers of this magnetical cure write, that on the contrary, if the sick shall observe an ill diet, and eat garlic, onions, and mustard, it is presently discerned in the weapon: If the Patient do lie near the fire in afric very hot, and the weapon be exposed to the cold air in the Northern Countries, why shall rather the person wounded be made cold, than the weapon be made hot, because they will have the spirits to communicate their passions one to another. These external accidents, cooling, or heating, do happen to the spirits either from the ointment, or not. If not, than they will not affect the party, because the ointment is necessary for the magnetical virtue that is in it, and not in the ambient air, or other external things, and through the ointment alone is the communication of the virtues from the weapon to the wounded. Nor from the ointment, for it hath neither power to cool nor heat; they are therefore nothing else but external things, not permanent, but are changed according to the alteration of the ambient air, for in a hot air, the weapon being well covered and bound, both the spirits and the ointment will be hot, and the contrary. Then I demand how it comes to pass, that they are not again refrigerated in the way by the air, for they may be carried through such such a medium which is cold, as the winds which are by nature cold, passing through hot climates, do become bot, as the South winds. In like manner if one lose a few ounces of blood by a wound, or blood-letting, or bleeding, or by some other me●●es, it is a woulder, that blood being changed and cooled, that the person doth not feel such effects, if there be such a great sympathy of the spirits among themselves, that what commodities or inconveniences they receive from external causes, they communicate them to that within the veins; and so those spirits being refrigerated, have power to refrigerate and cool that body out of which they issued. If one or two drops of the blood on the weapon, by the anointing of the ointment, be of power to heat the wounded body, if it be kept in a hot place, by reason that the spirits themselves are hot, it is a wonder that the rest of the blood that was spilt, which hath more spirits than this, being left behind, and exposed to the open air, doth not likewise at the same time refrigerate the body, seeing that in a greater quantity there is always greater virtue; if that blood be cast into the fire, why shall not the Patient feel the heat of the fire; or if that blood be putrified, how is it that the body also doth not putrify, if there be such a great affinity betwixt the spirits, and the body out of which they issued? In like manner, if the weapon cannot be had, they say it sufficeth to besmear another weapon, or a willow stick, with a drop or two of the blood that comes out of the wound: I demand therefore, if when this viceweapon is anointed with the ointment, that weapon which made the wound, be first cast into the fire, or water, why shall not the sick be in great pain, be cold, or hot? For there is no reason why it should suffer rather from one part of the spirits than another. It is absurd therefore to imagine, that this heating or cooling is communicated by any magnetical power. Hence the Reader may observe, that whatsoever they say of the sympathy of the spirits among themselves, is true with them only of that part of the spirits which they feign to be united with the spirits of the ointment by the aanointing, and all these symptoms, whether good or evil, which they say do happen to the wounded, do arise from thence; But the spirits which are in the remainder of the blood that was spilt, do neither hurt nor good, and so their sympathy is vanished, when nevertheless they are of the samekind with the other spirits. And who can but think these things are magical, especially if the actions of Magicians be compared therewith. 
A comparison betwixt Magical operations, and this salve.  Who knows not that it was an ordinary thing with Magicians to make waxed statues, by the help of which they did much harm; and especially which concerns this heating at distance, Virgil writes in his Pharmaccutriâ.  

Lincus ut hic durescit, & haec ut cera liquescit,  
V●o eodemque igni, isic nostro Daphnis amore.   
In English thus.  

As clay grows hard by fire, and wax grows foft,  
So Diphne for my love feels changes oft.   
Thus Hector Boetius, and others do report of some, that have been roasted with a gentlte heat by an image of wax laid to the fire, as Duffits King of Scots. So they cause heat or cold, and other affects when they list, upon them that are absent, the which all men grant cannot be done by natural causes. Who have not heard that Witches which have anointed themselves with a magical ointment, have been carried through the air? But that which Paracclsus writes in his Chapter of Invisible diseases makes much for our purpose, if any man be hurt, a foot, or hand, or some other member, is to be drawn after the form and shape of that which is hurt, or (if you will) a pourtraicture of the whole body, and it must be anointed and bound up, and the man shall be free from pain; yea, and he says, that some who have been sick of other diseases, have been cured after the like manner. Who can believe that this is done by natural causes, and yet it is as easy in this to have recourse to magnetical virtues, and sympathies, and the spirit of the World, as in the weapon-salve. Here are examples of Magical cures at distance, which are in all respects like to the anointing of the weapon; for as the image is anointed and bound up for the curing of the wound, so is the weapon; and as the Image laid to the fire, or exposed to the frost, doth burn, or congeal him that is absent; so doth the unguent laid upon the weapon, and as the King of Scots in Boëtius was almost consumed in the waxed Image, so the same may easily, from the anointing of the weapon, happen to him that is wounded, if he that anoints, it, do maliciously lay it to the fire, or in some place that may communicate its harm to the person wounded, and who sees not that this may be also a sort of Witchcraft? If he that doth this by the help of the image douse the Devil (who is the spirit of this world) as an instrument to set on the charm, it is likely, that this magnetical cure (as they call it) hath the very same Author, which they call by this name, that they may cloak their knavery, with a seeming show of natural actions. And deservedly may the remedy be suspected, even because of the Authors of it, who were suspected for Magic. For Paracelsus and Crollius do in divers places commend Magic, and will have it to be a thing very needful for a Physician. But suppose we that there is nothing magical in it at all, yet we will further prove it to be false, and altogether a frivolous form of curing.  
Fifthly, if then the spirit of the blood doth effect all these things, and the ointment hath analogy and familiarity with the spirit which is in the blood, why cannot other diseases likewise be cured by the strengthening of the spirits, and the balsam of blood? For Crollius confesses that the cure is made by the balsam of blood; and indeed the spirits and the virtues of the balsam in the body do perfect all the cure.  
Sixthly, if according to Hartman, the fixed salt of the blood would not draw the spirit out of the ointment without the anointing, it follows, that there is no magnetical virtue in it at all, because a corporeal contact is necessary, and from hence it will follow likewise, that without the corporeal contact it cannot work at distance, nor diffuse its strength so fare as to the person wounded. The blood hath the virtue either in itself, or from the ointment: If in itself, then is the ointment in vain. Not from the ointment, because what sympathy with the spirits of the party is attributed unto it, it hath it from the blood, flesh, fat, and moss, which are ingredients in the composition, by reason of the spirits which are thought to be in them, it follows then that the ointment hath no virtues in it, which did not lie before in the spirits, and so we conclude that the ointment is in vain also.  
Seventhly, the spirits which are in the blood, fat, and moss, are either of a divers nature, or of the same. If they be of a divers nature among themselves, without doubt they are also of different operation, and have not the same manner of sympathy with all the parts, but the spirits of blood, have a greater affinity with the blood, the spirits of flesh with the flesh, and the spirits of the Moss with the Skull. And therefore that the cure may succeed the better, and sympathy be preserved, besides the blood of the person wounded, both his fat and his bones ought to be mixed with the ointment on the weapon, that a complete cure may be performed, and the magnetical virtue be without fail carried to the affected parts; for verily there is not the same sympathy in the aforesaid spirits. But if those spirits be all of the same nature, that curiosity in adding thereto blood, fat, flesh, and moss, is in vain, and superfluous, when only the blood, which contains in it all those spirits may suffice.  
Eighthly, I have read a story of a horse, whose feet had been hurt with a nail, 
A horse shod in the quick cured by this salve.  for the cure whereof the nail was aunointed with the aforesaid ointment, and so the horse became sound again: And Crollius also relates the same. From whence it follows, that there is a certain sympathy and familiarity betwixt that ointment and the spirits of a horse; and a certain learned man confesses, that there is the same virtue of healing in a man and in an horse. Which if it be true, in vain is man's blood preferred before an horse's blood, for those things which are the same to one third, are the same among themselves, yea Crollius faith, that not only a horse, but also all creatures that have flesh and bones may be cured with this ointment. And in very deed if this manner of curing were certain and infallible, even any vulnerary ointment would be as fit as this; for the virtues thereof might be conveyed to the sick by means of the spirit, as well as the virtue of this ointment.  
Ninthly, seeing that the cure not only of simple wounds, but also of great and inward wounds, is oftentimes perfected by Nature alone, without the help of Art (for to unite and to generate flesh, are the works of Nature, and not of Art, and Crollius confesses, that natural Balsam doth work in this magnetical cure) it is a wonder why that lineament is not rather applied to the sick himself, why it cures not ulcers, seeing every wound doth at length become an ulcer, and seeing blood may flow also from ulcers, and the principal indications of a wound, are found likewise in an ulcer: Why is it not also used for the curing of wounds made by pistol-shot, and for such wherein there is a loss of substance? Why hath Crollius excepted the wounds of the Nerves, Arteries, and principal Members? It is because it is good only for fimple wounds, and such as are only in the flesh, which nature by binding alone doth conglutinate, with the help of natural Balsam, that is to say, of the innate heat of the body; hence it is easy for the wound being wrapped every day in clean clothes, and washed with warm urine, to grow together again of itself, without the use of any ointment at all. Therefore that ointment is altogether unprofitable, nor avails that any thing which they talk of experience; for without doubt those wounds might have been eured without the ointment. For that ointment doth neither dissolve, nor purge away the excrements of the wounds, nor preserve the temperature of the parts; for the parts of the body which may be wounded are of divers sorts, as Sanguine, Spermatick, Nervous, Membranous, fleshy, and men themselves may be Choleric, or Sanguine, Melancholic, Phlegmatic, Plethoric, Cacochymick, and be troubled with some other diseases also, for all which one and the same remedy cannot be so convenient. But enough of this.   

CHAP. XLIX. Of the curing of the King's-evil by the touch of the Seventh-Sonne.  
BEcause of late I have heard of some, who reporting that they are Seventh-Sonnes, do promise great matters about the healing of the King's-evil, which they profess to do by touch alone, and so beguile the too credulous people, something must be said concerning them: This chapter I have added at the request of some Physicians of principal note. That some diseases are sometimes cured only with the touch of some remedies, it is plainly manifest by the authority of the most excellent Physicians. Such are those which are called amuleta, and periapia, being remedies that are hung about the neck, or laid to the body. Thus Galen commends the root of Peionie hung about the neck for the Epilepsy, others the stone called aëtites bound to a woman's Thigh; to facilitate the birth, and divers such examples are found in Authors, which many say they have observed, although I, have sometimes made trial of peionie, 
* A stone which is found in an eagle's nest, without which (as it is thought) she cannot lay her eggs.  and the stone aëtites for the aforesaid affects, without any success. Nevertheless I deny not but there are occult sympathies, and antipathies; nor do I go about to thwart experience, and the authority of able Physicians. But it is fare more which these men profess they can do, namely, cure the King's evil by their touch alone, and that because they are Seventh Sons.  
That this is natural, I think scarce any will believe. For whatsoever is natural, doth depend on inward principles, and may be done by every individual of that kind, so it be entire, sound, and according to nature in every respect, as all Rhubarb parges choler, and every man is risible. Nor doth it depend on number, for number according to Philosophers is of no force to act, for actions are of the things themselves, and do depend on the forms of things. But this seventh Son is said to have some peculiar power, which is denied to the six former brethren, to wit, because he is the Seventh. It must needs follow therefore, that that power must arise some other way, since it proceeds neither from the form, nor the number. It depends not on the Touch, for Touching as Touching hath only the power of Touching. Indeed if there be either any noxious or salutiferous quality in the body, it is communicated by the Touch. But the Touch itself hath no such force. Furthermore, seeing that all diseases are cured only by the taking away of their cause; those Wondermongers cannot take away the Kings evil, unless they first take away the cause. Now seeing that the cause of the King's evil is fleagm, as Physicians say, settled in the kernels, which in other parts breeds other diseases, he might be able by the same touch, and by the same virtue, to cure other diseases that come from the same cause, which thing seeing he cannot do, it must necessarily follow that the cure is miraculous, or else that it depends on the imagination of the sick. But seeing the imagination of the sick is so different, being in some stronger, in others weaker, an uncertain event must be looked for from an uncertain cause. Therefore it must of necessity be either miraculous, or false, or diabolical. I scarce believe that it is miraculous. The Apostles and Primitive Christians did heal by touch alone; to the greater glory of God, and the propagating of Christian Religion. But God will not have miracles to be wrought at every man's private pleasure; thus whatsoever the Apostles did, they professed that they did it not by any power of their own, but in the name of our Lord jesus Christ. And therefore those seven Brethren, the Sons of Sceva a Jew, who went about in the same name to conjure the unclean spirits, were beaten by the Devil, and suffered the punishment of their rash boldness. Thus it is not lawful adventurously to attempt the working of miracles. In like manner, the power of curing the King's Evil, is by the blessing of God granted to the Kings of great Britain, and France, which is denied to other Christian Kings: And so Edward the Confessor, for his singular piety, cured not only the King's Evil (which prerogative redounded to his Successors after him) but also other ulcers by touch alone, which his Successors could not do. Seeing then this privilege is only vouchsafed to the aforesaid Kings, and is wholly performed in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, if other Kings should attempt the same, it were too much rashness, and a gross tempting of God, who hath not given any such power to them. Therefore in Spain, where this disease of the King's Evil is epidemical and popular, Francis the first King of France being taken Prisoner by the Spaniards, cured it by his touch alone, as he was wont to do France, concerning which Lascaris hath this Epigram.  

Hispanos inter sanat Rex Choeradas estque  
Captivus superis gratus ut ante fuit.  
Indicio tali, Regum sanctissime, qui te  
Arcent, invisos suspicor esse Deo.   
In English thus.  

The King in Spain though Captive, heals their sore,  
And is as dear to God now as before.  
Thus they, who by his goodness are relieved,  
Are but unto a greater vengeance reprieved.   
Moreover it is to be noted, that the aforesaid Kings on whom God hath bestowed that favour, have it upon a certain condition, nor is it derived unto their successors, unless they be lawful heirs, and abide in the Christian Faith. For if an Usurper (as there have been such in times past, and God knows what shall be the destinies of Kingdoms) should depose a lawful Prince from his Imperial Throne, he should not with the Kingdom obtain this prerogative to himself. Nor if any King, though a lawful Successor to the Crown, should renounce the Christian Religion (as men's dispositions are variable) and revolt to another, should he retain that privilege. For Beatus Remigius, with whose anointing this power redounded to the Kings of France, doubtlesser an excellent Expositor of this thing, hath declared, that this power was granted to these Kings, so long as they should abide in the Catholic Faith, insinuating thus much, that it should cease, if at any times they revolt from this Faith. Seeing then it is thus, who will believe that such power is given to men of no account, to be perpetual to them, simply and absolutely from their birth, which Kings alone do obtain only by unction, and on condition that they constantly remain in the Christian Faith, seeing that God works no miracles but to his own greater glory, and for the confirmation of the Faith. Nor is it probable that God would give this gift unto Kings as a pledge of his favour, in token and testimony of their piety, which he had before vouchsafed to such fellows; and therefore so common (for a Seventh Son is ordinarily found) and which others also enjoy, who have sometimes no religion at all in them. For that which God hath bestowed on Kings, aught to be such a thing, that for the rarity and singular privilege thereof, it must manifest more the glory of God, which it would not do, if he had already bestowed the like on others by their birthright. Nor is there any promise to be found made from God to the Seventh Son; either before the foundation of Christian Religion, or afterwards, and it is a wonder that there were no Seventh Sons in the Apostles days, that contended with them for the power of working miracles, when questionless many families did abound with plenty of children. Therefore it is manifest that this kind of curing, if there be any such is diabolical. For we know that the Devil God's Ape, that he may detract from God's glory, doth imitate the same things which God, thus by his deceitful craft he turned the Magician's Rods into Serpents, and by the confession of some modern Magicians, he goes about mimically to represent and counterfeit the venerable rites and ceremonies of the Church, in their Magical meetings: And so likewise, that this admirable prerogative, which God hath granted unto Kings, may be had in contempt, he presumes to attempt the same by his cursed Emissaries. But God will not give his glory to another, neither will he suffer true miracles to be wrought by the Devil but false and counterfeit only. Therefore questionless these fellows do either not at all cure this disease of the King's-evil which daily experience testifies, or else the Devil (as he uses to do in other diseases) doth incontinently cure it with natural means, whose virtues he is not ignorant of, which thing Physicians might be able to do, if they did certainly know the whole power of Nature. Yet it is to be noted, that this disease is more ordinary in children, and doth arise from fleam, which as they grow in age, is dissolved by the increase of heat, and the disease goes away of itself, which is usual in many diseases that appertain to children, which if it happen, it ought not to be attributed to the uncertain virtue of him that touches it, but to Nature, which Hypocrates calls the Curer of diseases.   

CHAP. L. The Antimonial Cup, showing the abuse of it.  
THere is come not long since into use a Cup made of the Regulus of Antimony, so called by Alchemists, which is sold at a very high rate, and is reported to be good for many things, and diseases, both by him that makes it, and by the people who are always eager in their pursuit after Novelties, and it is thought by the people to be a thing of great value, and heretofore not known to Physicians; when nevertheless, it is very well known of all them that have any skill in the Chemics; for the way of making the Regulus out of Antimony is very easy, ordinary, and ancient. But that we may explicate to the people this error so pernicious, we will first speak of the Cup itself, and then of its force. Now the Cup hath not its virtue from the Artificial form thereof; for so any Cup made of Silver and Gold should do the same. But it hath all its virtue from the Antimony: Now they that pry into the nature of Minerals and Metals, are of opinion that Antinomie doth consist of crude and very impure Sulphur, Mercury and Arsenic: And therefore it is so contrary to our nature, that after what manner soever it be prepared and corrected, it doth even in the least quantity that may be given, offer great violence to the entrails, and doth retain its malignant quality, which can scarce be taken away by any infusions. If by chance some man of a strong constitution be able to endure the force thereof, he expels it upwards and downwards, with abundance of humours; but them that doth wonderfully gripe & torment; For howare weak, and such as do vomit hardly it soever it be prepared, it never lays aside its malignant and deadly quality.  
Hence many grave Physicians, as Fernelius, Riolanus, Gesnerus, and the whole College of Physicians at Paris, do utterly dislike the internal use thereof, in respect of its deadly quality. Nevertheless to satisfy the people, we will grant, that it may safely be used, so it be rightly prepared, and discreetly applied. I know it hath been diversely assayed to be prepared by the art of the Alchemists, that though not altogether, yet at least in some measure the malignity thereof might be abated, but that art is not yet fully found out, which can quite take away the force of that Medicament.  
Now the common and more ordinary preparations, which are to be sold even in all shops, are the regulus of Antimony, of which the aforesaid Cup is made; the glass of Antimony, which the people call Stibium is indeed the true name of Antinomie itself, and of this Glass, not of the Regulus ought this Cup to be made, saith Sennertus in his Institutions, and Hartmannus in his notes upon Crollius. Moreover there are made of it Crocus metallorum, or the Saffron of metals; Pulvis emeticus, Mercurius vita, a Tincture & an Oil.  
And all these preparations are indeed with one and the same quality, to wit, vomiting and purging, which manifests that in none of the aforesaid preparations was the deadliness of the Antimony taken away. Now seeing that in all things; yea even in the worst of all there are some degrees of pravity, the people must know that in all Minerals, that preparation is accounted the best, and least dangerous, in which the form of the Metal is lost; for then there is made a greater separation of the pure from the impure: And therefore all Alchemists do endeavour so to dissolve Gold, a harmless medicament in itself, that the form of the Mettle being laid aside it may be made potable, and they do not approve of any dislolution thereof, in which it can return to its own nature; which is indeed much more true Minerals that are of a mischievous nature. It is therefore to be noted that that Antimony which we call crude, to wit, unprepared at all, is of no force to move the body, and therefore the Ancients who were ignorant of Chemical art, knew no inward use thereof. Now the first and easiest preparation of all, is that, which we call the Regulus, in which the form of the Mettle is not taken away, but doth melt into to a certain form of Lead. Hence Dioscorides saith, that Antimony melted turns to Led, having some light knowledge of that Regulus. for it is made of it being melted only, and so a little refined, and it doth retain all malignity of the Antimony, which laid as it were asleep before, under the earthly excrement. This do Mettall-men use, and mix in Guns, Bells, and other the like engines: but seeing it doth yet possess all the naughty and mischievous qualities of Antimony, it must necessarily follow, that the Cup made of it is most dangerous. Therefore the best Alchemists have quite abandoned it from any use in Physic, save that by a further preparation may be extracted out of this Regulus the glass of Antimony, and many other such things fare better than the Regulus itself. Wherefore some in the stead thereof have used the glass of Antimony, as did frequently that most excellent Physician Matthiolus; the people call it Stibium, and are sore afraid of it, whereas indeed it ought to be preferred before the regulus. Nevertheless Quercitanus, Hartman, and some others of principal note among the Alchemists, who do highly extol the virtue of Antimony, do think this preparation of the mixture of impure Sulphur, which is not yet taken away. And therefore waving those two as not safe, they do familiarly use the Crocus, or Hepar Antimonij, Saffron or liver of Antimony; Puluis emiticus, the vomiting powder; and Mercurius vitae, Mercury of the life: Which preparations the College of Physicians at London hath inserted in their dispensatory, and there is almost no shop, in which both the substance and infusion of them is not to be sold. From whence they that do so much extol this Cup, may gather, that they use a pernicious and dangerous remedy, whereas the same much better prepared is every where obvious, and to be sold, yet at a very easy rate  

Of the force of the Cup.  
AS touching the force of the Cup, it doth not gently but mightily provoke vomit and stools; now every vomit although it be caused by the most gentle Medicines of all, is nevertheless always more harsh to Nature then any Purgation by the inferior parts, because the stomach was not made for expulsion, but for reception; for it is one of the noble parts, and of exquisite sense, and hath a very great sympathy with the Brain and the heart, in so much as when it is affected, the people think and complain that their heart aches. It is therefore not good to strain such a noble part with such a violent medicine. But besides, a vomit doth offer much violence to the strength of the whole Body, strain head, brain, muscles of the belly, the breast, and all the entrails which are contained in the lower belly, and sometimes in gross bodies breaks the veins, and let's out the blood. Wherefore if we must not use other purging medicines, but with a great deal of care and premeditation, much less vomitaries; for of all evacuations a vomit is the most grievous and dangerous. And therefore many things are to be regarded in the provoking of vomit. First, the nature of the Patient, and his aptness or difficulty for vomiting, for in them that vomit hardly, there is a great deal of danger, although they be sick of disease which might be cured by vomit. Such are they that are fat, those that are straight breasted, many slender persons, who have weak stomaches, such as are subject to a Cough, or difficulty of breathing, which have tumors or Ulcers in their breasts, they that have weak heads and eyes, and such as are troubled with the inflammation, or pain in the Midriff. Secondly, the time of the year is to be considered, for it is not convenient at every time of the year. Thirdly, the nature of the diseases; for in some diseases it doth more hurt than good, and in those wherein it may do good, it must not yet be always used; and therefore the founder of the Cup is mistaken, when he saith that, that the Cup is good for all the diseases which stand in need of purging, as we shall manifest afterwards. Fourthly, the constitution of diseases; for it cannot be administered at all times of diseases without danger to the Patient: The Physician must consider in all Evacuations the beginning, increasing, state of the disease, much more in a vomit. Fifthly, great care is to be had of preparing the body and the humours, and many things are to be regarded both before the vomit, and in the very act of vomiting, which are not to be handled in this place. So as there is no evacuation which requires so much consideration, as that which is done by vomit. Now seeing these things can be known only by a Physician, and that not every one, but by a very learned and skilful man, I cannot but wonder at the adventurous rashness of some men, yea and women, who being unread in the rules of Physic, grossly ignorant both of Diseases and their causes, their times, and not knowing the method of Curing, dare nevertheless vex and torment such a noble subject as Man's body with variety of medicines. Secondly, persuade unto vomit, the most dangerous and difficult evacuation of all other. Thirdly, provoke it with a Mineral, which is most contrary to nature. Fourthly, To do it with Antimony, than which no Mineral is more churlish. And Lastly, to use that preparation of it, which is the very worst of all. Not that I do altogether dislike the use of Antimony, for I have often used it with good success, but better prepared. But especially the founder of the Cup is to be blamed, for selling such a cheap medicine at so dear a rate, the right use whereof he doth neither teach the people, nor I think he himself knows: And therefore I have known many, who by taking the infusion of it, have been grievously tormented, and some that have died, who despising the counsel of Phisicans have preposterously used it. For Physic although it be in its own nature very good, and is the hand of God, yet it is but like a sword in the hand of a mad man, as we have said in another place out of Herophilus.   

Of the Founder of the Cup, and the Authors cited by him.  
AS for the Founder of the Cup, he professes himself a Minister, and Preacher of God's Word, that is, a man that will scorn to deceive any body, and will not meddle beyond his knowledge, and therefore without question he hath brought us a very Sovereign Medicine, which he made conscience to conceal any further, though before he was born the thing was in use in another name; as appears by those Authors whom he doth cite for the patronising of his gains, though they are men of small note, and hardly worthy to be cited. First, he hath a great commendation of the Antimony itself, extolling it above all medicines in the world; So do they that commend aurum potabile, and so all the Alchemists, till this Minister have preferred the Gold before it. It is (saith he) a Mineral according to Paracelsus) consisting of Mercury, Sulphur and salt; So is my glove according to the said Paracelsus. It was first discovered (saith he) by Geber King of Arabia; and yet Dioscorides, Galen, Hypocrates, and ancienter Authors before Geber do speak of it: And he called it Magnesia, as if Geber spoke Latin, but Quercetanus calls it so indeed. Secondly, amongst all the medicines that are prepared out of this mineral, he disclaims from all except the Regulus, in which he shows his weakness, for the Rugulus is the weakest, easiest, and coursest preparation of all others; therefore he adds, and what may be conveniently prepared out of the same; and that I like well, for out of the Regulus may be drawn the flowers, the glass of Antimony, the Crocus metallor, and many other preparations; and herein I adhere to the authority of Bornettus, and Mylius, cited by him; who do not say, that it is to be used in Physic, but that it is the chiefest examination of Gold, and the true matter of all flowers, and medicinal tinctures contained within Antimony, which is true; for the flowers and other Antimonial extractions must be properly drawn out of the regulus and the worst of them is better than the regulus itself: Then he brings in Paracelsus with the Titles of Oriental Star, of Natural, spagirical, and Magnetical light and knowledge. Now I am sure no learned and honest man will approve of such an illiterate man as Paracelsus was, approving and practising Magical Arts, which he calls the Syrupes and Electuaries of the Devil. But let us hear what he says, in his Book de vitâ longâ, pag. 167. cited by this Writer, not a word of the Cup, but only of the praises of Antimony, as Alehymists use to do, that is, beyond the deserts thereof, and that it cures the Leprosse, which notwithstanding Paracelsus never performed therewithal, but howsoever he never used the Regulus, or the Cup, but hath many better preparations of Antimony than that Cup is, as appears by the next authority cited by him out of his 6. Book, pag. 22. Where he attributes all these virtues to the quintessence of Antimony, the Regulus being not the essence of it, but amongst all preparations the coursest and unsafest; and all the passages alleged out of Paracelsus do intimate no more, but only that Antimony is an excellent medicine, that cures (saith he) the Leprosy, besides many other diseases; but for these two I am sure it is false, for neither by the Cup, nor by any other Antimonial preparation can it be performed. And I believe Paracelsus spoke he knew not what, when he saith, As that Antimony refined Gold, so by the same reason it purifies the body of man. He must be void of reason, who will think this comparison true and right, as if there were the same reason for Gold a Mineral, having some convenience of principles with another Mineral, and the body of man, with which it hath no convenience at all: For the same might be as well said of all purging medicines, that cleanse the body of man from all its impurities; but howsoever the Cup is not the right preparation of it to give to cleanse man's body. He brings a second authority of Martinus Rulandus, who calls his Aqua-benedicta the infusion of this Cup, which is absolutely false, and Quercetanus, Labavius, Sennertus, and Hartmanus upon Crollius, yea his own Son Rulandus says otherwise; namely, that his Aqua-benedicta which he commends so much was made of Antimony indeed, but not of the Cup, but of the Crocus metallor, otherwise called Hepar antimonij, the liver of Antimony, or some other better preparation; as if he did say, that it was the infusion of this Cup, yet it is not to be used by every one, except they have the same knowledge and judgement that Rulandus hath; nevertheless he used other medicines as bad as this, which he doth commend as much, as his Extractum Esula, which is absolutely preferred by him before all other medicines, and Antimony itself, showing that no medicine is good for every body. But Alchemists have that property, to extol things to the skies, but when they come to the trial, they are found false, or else lose their virtues in other folk's hands: As for example, that it cured the frenzy, it is false, for in the diseases of the head, vomiting is very hurtful, by the consent of all Physicians: That it cured the Falling sickness, it were to be desired, but it doth not prove so, except that come from the stomach, the head being only affected by the sympathy of the said stomach. That it healeth Impostumes in the Lungs, and cures the Pleurisy, it is most untrue: For breaking the Impostumes in the Lungs, if it be given when they are at maturity, perhaps it will, because of the great straining of the upper parts of the body, but another vomit may do the like, if the man can bear it. The truth is, those that have Impostumes in the Lungs, are so short wound, that they cannot bear the straining of a vomit; but howsoever for an Impostume to be broken, and to be healed, are two several things, a vomit may do the former, but not the latter. Concerning the Pleurisy; the Physician that gives such a purging medicine, that works upward as well as downward, in such a disease, is much to be blamed, for working against the rules of Physic. Quercetanus is so bold in his Pharmacopoeâ, as to speak of such a cure, but not in a right Pleurisy, but because that Book is full of lies, I will say no more but this, namely, that neither he, nor Rulandus ever used the Antimonial Cup, or the Regulus out of which it is made, nor was Quercetanus his Aqua-benedicta made of it; for he himself says plainly the contrary. Thirdly, he brings the book called Basilica Antimonij, commending Antimony, but not the Cup: And to show how largely these Alchemists speak, he says it cures the French Pox, Leprosy, Gout, and Falling sickness, which never a one of them ever performed, and yet the Basilica speaks of that preparation of Antimony that provokes sweeting, as well as of others. So I may say the like of Crollius, who commends the Antimony, but not the Cup, and so Mylius, and Bornettus, who commends the Antinomy, but not a word of the Cup. As for Mylius he is but a transcriber of other men's works, and hath compiled a mighty great volume without any judgement, word by word out of Paracelsus, Quercetanus, and others, and hath indifferently put in true or false, whatsoever he found written, so I will not give a straw for his opinion, when he commends the Antimony against diseases, which none of them did ever cure. For Bornettus, I know him well, he wrote his Book, being very young, and I do not think he believes, that the French Pox, and the Leprosy may be cured by those means. Thus I have sifted all the authorities of this man in the behalf of his Cup, which prove only that Antimony is an excellent Medicine, powerful in operation, and too powerful in deed, but that the Cup is the pure essence of it, none of them say, nor will any man that hath any skill in Chemistry ever affirm. Besides he brings some Physicians living (and some very well known to me, but the greatest part I know not) who (as he saith) have approved his Cup: I will make a good interpretation of their judgement, for without question the infusion of his Cup will will work, and such bodies might be met withal, in which it hath so powerfully wrought, that being able to bear it, they have received much good by it, but that they have said that his Cup was better and safer than other preparations of Antimony, or then other purging medicines, and that a woman having bought it, hath also gained knowledge when, and in what diseases to apply it, I will not wrong their judgement so much as to believe it.   

Of the virtues of the Cup.  
NOw to come to the virtues of the Cup, he makes a great list of all the diseases for which it is good, naming almost all diseases that have need of purging from head to foot, without distinction of the several causes of them, the Cup is good for them, because it purges, and by the same reason all purging medicines may do the like, and are good for the same diseases, for nature hath provided variety of remedies, some strong, some weaker, of all sorts, that the Physician may choose what he thinks most fit for his Patient, for one and the same remedy, in the same disease, is not fit for every one. When we read the Books of Alchemists, they commend other remedies as much as Antinomy for the same diseases. But let us a little consider some particular diseases named in his Pamphlet, which I do except against; It cures perfectly the French Pox, the King's evil, the Falling sickness, as he saith in the 9, 10, and 13th Mark, which is false; nay I say more, it is a very gross mistake, and rash boldness in him, or any man, to prescribe the infusion of this cup in the Plague, small Pox, spotted Fever, and Purples; for all violent medicines that draw the venomous humours of these diseases within the body, which nature doth expel to the circumference, do work against the rules of art. It is also false that any vomit is good for the Pleurisy; and so I say the like of a Consumption: If the Founder of this Cup had well known the nature of these diseases, he would never have said so. Indeed where nature hath need of purging or vomiting, this Cup may serve, observing all that is to be considered in the use of those evacuations; for we do not deny that it will work, but this we say, that it being the worst and unsafest preparation of all others, it is better to use some other than it, and all those diseases that he brings experience for, (leaving out those that have been killed by it) might have been performed by other vomits, made out of the Antimony, or other simples working the same effect.   

Of the manner of using the Cup.  
NOw the manner of using the Cup shows the weakness of the man, he bids to put the Cup into a pot, and cover it with liquor, to be above the Cup an inch or two, then to boil it gently for two hours, and so to keep it warm for twelve hours, then to take a cup full of it or more, and the quantity of his liquor is a pint of wine for two, yet it works better, says he, if two or three cup-fuls be taken; and he is bold to say, that it works without any violence, gives counsel if it should work three or four days together, not to stop it, and in the end to beware of counterfeit Cups. Here are as many errors as words; First, it is needless to shape the Regulus into a Cup, seeing the Wine is not to be infused in the Cup, but the Cup in the Wine in an earthen pot. Is not a little lump of the same Regulus without any particular shape, as good as a Cup of it? And if one do steep it, will it not think you infuse its virtues into the liquor, as well as the Cup, and best of all if it were in powder? But thus the Regulus had been bought too cheap, but we must have it a Cup or a Ring (forsooth) to make the people believe it is not an ordinary thing. Secondly, being thus prepared by boiling, makes the drink look so distastefully, and makes it to lose its virtue, so as if a child hath need of half a pint, a strong man of two or three, as he says. Let the Reader go to an Apothearies Shop in any part of the Kingdom, there he may find Stibium, which is Antimony in glass, of this let him take six grains weight, let them steep closely in two or three spoonfuls of white-wine, and it will be every whit as pure as it was without any taste, and it will work as well, and more safely; but if you fear the Stibium, (not without cause) take as much of the Regulus out of which he makes his Cup, use it as I have said, and it will work in as little quantity. Yea steep the cup in a quart of wine close without any fire, for a fortnight, give but two or three ounces of that Wine, and it will work with a better effect. Thirdly, that it works without any violence, it is not so, for I know many that have taken it, who have been grievously tormented with it, and this is common to all vomits, yea even when they are provoked by the strength of nature. 4ly, it is a pernicious counsel to suffer a superpurgation, and Physic to work so long, if it happen well in some strong bodies, it is not to be thought that it will do so in every one. The Last, to beware of counterfeit Cups, is to keep the people continually bound to him; for (saith he) if it be broken, bring it to him in weight, and for ten shillings he will give you a new one. This is the best trick of all his Book, a pound of Antimony unprepared is hardly worth above six pence in the Druggisters Shop, for 12 pence, or 18 pence more, of that pound one may have half a pound and more of this Regulus, what at the casting of it into a Cup is worth, let any body judge; in very deed three Cups of 4 or 5 ounces a piece, do not stand the maker to above ten shillings. Besides when the Cup is broken, the virtues are not broken, the pieces being steeped do retain the same virtue, and will work the same effect, as when the Cup was whole. The mettle then being so good cheap, and the preparation of it so easy, there is no great fear of counterfeit ones, for a counterfeit one is like to cost more than a right one.  
To conclude, I say, though this Cup should be so admirable, yet it is beyond the capacity of any that is not a Physician, to adapte the right use of it to every person, for all diseases, times, and places, as we have said already; nor do I think the Founder himself hath the knowledge of these things.      

COurteous Reader, Had I not been at too great distance from the press, these errors of the Printer had been corrected in their several pages; my earnest request is, that what I have here noted, being some of them such as do break the sense, may be by thy pen corrected in their places, before thou set upon the reading of the Book, as for his mistakes in the pointing, they may be more easily amended in the perusal.  
Errata.  
IN the second paper of verses read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the third paper of verses, for paret read parat. p. 5. l. 8. r. Italy. p. 8. l. 4. r. from them that. p. 21. l. 28. r. charlatans. p. 31. last line r. Radish. p. 48. l. 1. r out. p. 55. l. 19 for birth. r. growth. p. 70. l. 28. r. of the joints. p. 82. l. 1. for of the contents r. the contents of. p. 87. l. 1. r. Montanus p. 91. l. 25. leave out as. p. 94 l. 20. for there r. the p 95. l. 11. r. are called melting. p. 96. l. 29. for now r. more. 104. l. 13. r. patiented. p. 115. l. 20. for not r. hot. p. 136. l. 24. for thereof r. therefore 143. l. 20. for his r. him. p. 157. l. 26. r juice. p. 166. l. 15. r. Gordonies. p. 178. l 6. r. some have in them. p 208. l. 14. for stone of the kidneys r. the nephritical stone. p. 217. l. 9 for out of r. with. p. 220. l. 16. r. do not more. p 222. l. 10. leave cut not. p. 224. l. 6. leave cut not. p. 229. l. 17. for fears r. fevers p. 236. l. 12. r. chenge its veitues, p. 261. l. 19 leave out and. p. 276. l. 6. r. have taken a Cartharticke, p. 279. l. 29. r. after the working. p. 295. l. 7. r. into two large. p. 332. l. 20. leave out that. p. 336. l. 13, for be r. being p. 338. l. 15. for who, r. which. p. 338 l. 22. For eminent, r imminent. p. 346. l. 15 r. pracedent. p. 361. l, 28. for crest, r. crust. p. 387. l. 2. for yet Philonium r. that Philonium p 389. l. 5. read the Ancients p. 407. l. 13. r washed. p. 419 l. 20. r. because of the spirits. p. 448. l, 17. r rarity. p 441. l. 6. r which God works. p. 444. l. 7, 8, 9 r. thus, but them that are weak and such as do vomit hardly, it doth wonderfully gripe and torment, for howsceven it be prepared, it never lays aside its malignant and deadly quality p 415. l. 6. r. Mercurius vita. l 24. r. more true in minerals. p. 446. l. 27 r. Quercetanus p. 447. l. 15. for yet r. yea. p. 448. l. 4. r. strains the head, etc. p 451. l. 24. for Rugulus r. Repulus. p. 454. l. 3. for as. r. or l. 6. for hath r. had. p. 455. l. 23. & 24. r. never a one of which it ever performed, p. 456. l. 8. & 9 r. none foe which is did ever cura.   

The Table of the Contents.  


The first Book. Which concerns Physicians.  
OF Physicians in general. Chap. 1.  
Of Doctors of Physic chap. 2.  
Of the servants of Physicians, and of Apothecaries that practise Physic c. 3.  
Of Ministers that practise Physic c. 4.  
Of Women that practise Physic, and Chirurgery. c. 5.  
Of Mountibanks. c. 6.  
Of the Mountebanks Antidote c. 7.  
Of the Balsam, and of the ointment of the Mountebank. c. 8.  
Of them that call themselves professors of Paracelsus his art c. 9  
That a Physician ought to be skilful in Surgery. 10  
Whether a Physician may make up his own medicine or no c. 11.  
Of them that are thought to have some secrets. 12.  
Of Physicians that are thought to be luckey and fortunate c. 13.  
Of Physicians which are thought to be men of expeperience c. 14.  
Of many that peep into urines, handle pulses, and prescribe purges c. 15.  
Of them that promise an easy cure of the French pox. c. 16.    


The second Book. Of the Errors about some diseases, and the knowledge of them.  
OF the deceitful judgement of Vrines chap. 1.  
That the sex, and a woman's being with child cannot be discerned by urine; whereof a certain story c. 2.  
The solution of the arguments that seem to favour looking into Vrines c. 3.  
A troubled urine in diseases is not always a good sign c. 4.  
That the consumption cannot be known by the urine c. 5.  
Of the Consumption c. 6.  
Whether the Plague be infections or no c. 7.  
Whether it be lawful to fly in the time of plague or no. c. 8.  
What kind of death may be prevented by the help of Physic c. 9  
Whether intermitting fevers, commonly called Agues be curable or no c. 10.  
That the heat of the liver cannot be known by the heat of the palm of the hand c. 11  
Of them that complain of an hot liver, but a cold stomach c. 12.  
That the Husband cannot breed his wife's child. c. 13.  
Whether foreign Physicians and Alieus can know the temper of the sick of ano●●ey Country. c. 14.  
Of them that refer almost all diseases to a cold. c. 15.    


The third Book. Of the Errors about the Diet, as well of the sound as the Sick.  
OF the goodness of waters c. 1.  
That the linen of the sick aught often to be changed. c. 2.  
Of Lessius his diet-booke c. 3.  
That not a full but a slender diet is convenient for the sick c. 4.  
Of the quality of meats about the sick c. 5,  
Of the time of using meats c. 6.  
Of the drink called a Posset c. 7.  
That the decoction and broth of an old cock is not well preserved for nourishment c. 8.  
That gold is in vain boiled in broth, for them that are in a consumption c. 9  
That milk mixed with water is good for those that are in consumptions c. 10  
That the common proverb is false, that milk washed from the liver c. 11.  
That strong beer or ale should not be drunk in the the morning fasting c. 12.  
That strong waters are ill taken after gross meats to help concoction c. 13.  
That Midwives do ill, who give to women in childbed nothing but hot drinks c. 14.  
Two errors about the choice of Nurses c. 15.  
That strong drinks are ill permitted to children. c. 16.  
That solid meat ought not to be given to children, before the coming forth of their teeth. c. 17.  
That a man may drink liberally for health's sake c. 18.  
That red  are not to be preferred before others for the voiding of the Measills c. 19  
That many do ill, who endeavour to drive away a disease beginning, by labour c. 20.    


The Fourth Book. Of the Errors of the People about the use of remedies.  
OF them that despise those remedies that are chemically prepared chap. 1.  
That the use of Minerals is not to be rejected. c. 2.  
Of them that attribute to much to Chemical remedies c. 3.  
That the remedies are not to be changed, although the cures do not presently follow c. 4.  
Of them that reject all remedies if they be not presently cured c. 5.  
That remedies are not to be rejected for their unpleasantness c. 6.  
Whether homegrowing remedies be sufficient for any Country c. 7.  
Of those that fear to be let blood, and purge lest they accustom themselves to it c. 8.  
That no regard is to had of the Stars for letting of blood and purging c. 9  
Of the ridiculous Physical observations of Almanac-makers c. 10.  
That it not hurtful to purge in the dog-days. c. 11.  
That purgations are often to be reiterated. c. 12.  
That purging pills should not be taken after supper c. 13.  
That Physical potions may not only be taken hit but cold also c. 14.  
That it is not hurtful to take cold drinks on the day of purgation c. 15.  
Of them that will never be purged but in the beginning of the spring c. 16.  
That purging ought not to be rejected, although the sick do not eat no meat c. 17.  
That a purge is not much to be disliked because some times it is cast bacl by vomit c. 18.  
That purging ought not to be feared, although there be a flux of the belly c. 19  
That the use of Clysters is void of danger. c. 20  
That Clysters are not well injected by bladders. 21.  
Of vomits, that possets ought not to be drunk immediately after one hath taken a vomit. c. 22.  
That old men may be blooded without danger c. 23.  
That it is but a vain thing to be so curious in the choice of the veins in the arm c. 24.  
That it were better to observe the quantity of blood by measure, then by ounces, pounds, and weights. c. 25.  
That sleep and drink ought not to be wholly forbidden after bloodding c. 26.  
That bloodding and purging is not hurtful for women with child c. 27.  
That Physic is good for women in childbed. c. 28.  
That it not hurtful to take quickesilver by the mouth c. 29.  
That quickesilver even without any proparation is unhurtfull c. 30.  
Of Tobacco c. 31.  
Of the right use of Tobacco c. 32.  
That the fume of Tobacco doth not go up into the brain c. 33.  
Whether Tobacco be a preservative against the plague or no c. 34.  
Of the unseasonable use of Cordials c. 35.  
Of the Errors about the Bezaar stone c. 36.  
Of the the temperature and dose of the Bezaars stones c. 37.  
Of the Unicorn's horn c. 38.  
Of certain distilled waters ordained amiss for to drive away fevers c. 39  
That julips and other cooling potions ought to be administered in a large dose c. 40.  
That the stone of the bladder cannot be dissolved taken by the mouth c. 41.  
That the worms of the belly are not presently to be killed in fevers c. 42.  
That Cinomon is not well prescribed to stay women's fluxes c. 43.  
That Opium rightly prepared ought not to be feared c. 44.  
Of remedies that are applied to the head to provoke sleep c. 45.  
That fomentations made with bladders are but of small efficacy c. 46.  
Of the applying of young whelps and pigeons to the soles of the feet c. 47.  
Of the Weapon ointment c. 48.  
Of the curing of the King's evil by the touch of the seventh Son c. 49.  
Of the Antimonial Cup c. 50.    
The End of the Table.   

These Books following are printed for Nicholas Bourne, and are to be sold at the South-Entrance of the Royal Exchange.  
1. BIshop Downame of Justification, in fol.  
2. Survey of London, in fol. containing the Original Increase, Modern Estate, and Government of the City, Methodically set down.  
3. Clavis Mystica, a Key opening divers difficult and mysterious places of the Holy Scripture, in 70. Sermons, by Dr. Daniel Featly.  
4. An Explanation of the general Epistle of jude, in 41. Sermons, by Samuel Oates.  
5. The Surgeon's Mate, or Military, Domestic Surgery, by John Woodall.  
6. The Merchant's Mirror, or Directions for the perfect ordering and keeping his Accounts, framed by way of Debtor and Creditor, as likewise a complete Journal, and Leger appertaining thereunto, as likewise two other waste books, by Richard Dasforne.  
7. Perkins on the Revelations, on the three first Chapters, in fol.  
8. Monroses Expedition for War, in fol.  
9 Apprentices Time Entertainer, or the Art of Accomptantship, by Richard Dafforne.  
10. Beams of Divine Light, by Dr. Sibbs, in 21. Sermons.  
11. Light from Heaven, discovering, The Fountain opened, Angel's Acclamations, Churches Riches, Rich Poverty, by Dr. Sibs, Dr. in Divinity.  
12. Evangelicall Sacrifice, in 19 Sermons, by Dr. Sibs.  
13. The Dippers dipped, or the Anabaptists ducked or plunged over head and ears, at a disputation in Southwark. The sixth Edition, by Daniel Featly D. in Divinity.  
14. Vertumnus Romanus, or a discourse penned by a Popish Priest, wherein he endeavours to prove, that it is lawful for a Papist in England, to go to the Protestant Church to receive the Communion, to take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy: Answered by Daniel Featly Dr. in Divinity.  
15. The Saint's Qualification, or a Treatise of Humiliation in 10. Sermons. Of Sanctification in 9 Sermons. Whereunto is added, a Treatise of Communion in the Sacrament, in three Sermons, by Dr. Preston.  
16. Golden Sceptre, the Church's Marriage, and the Churches Calling, in three Sermons, by Doctor Preston.  
17. A godly and learned Treatise of Prayer, which both containeth in it the doctrine of Prayer, and showeth the practice of it, in the exposition of the Lords Prayer, by George Downame Dr. in Divinity.  
18. A Treatise against Lying, by John Downame.  
19 A Commentary upon the first and second Chapters of St. Paul to the Collossians, by Paul Bayne, Batch. in Divinity.  
20. The Treasure of Traffic, by Lewis Robert's Merchant.  
21. The Faith of the Church of England, by Francis Taylor.  
22. The Ecclesiastical discipline of the reformed Churches in France.  
23. The Circle of Commerce, or the Balance of Trade by Edward Miselden Merchant.  
24. A relation of the Christians in the world, by Ephraim Pagget.  
25. England's Safety, in Trades increase, by Henry Robbinson.  
26. England's Royal Fishing revived, a computation as well, of the charge of a bushel of Herring Fishing, as the profit thereby, by Edward Sheep.  
27. A true Narration of the Royal Fishing, by Simon Smith.  
28. The Abridgement of D. Prestons' Works, contracted for the comfort and benefit of weaker Christians, by William Jennet.  
29. The cure of the Plague by an Antidote called Aurum vitae.  
30. Circles of Proportion, by William Butread.  
31. Websters Tables for Interest direct, and to rebate, at 8, 7, 6. per centum, with the valuations of Annuities and Leases.  
32. Handmaid to Devotion, by Dr. Featly.  
33. Dr. Featleys' Catechism.  
34. Dr. Preston of God's All-sufficiency.  
35. Dr. Preston of Faith and Love.  
36. Dr. Preston of Prayer.  
37. Dr. Prestons Golden Sceptre.  
38. Dr. Preston of the Attributes of God.  
39 Spencer's Logic in English.  
40. The Phrygian Fabulist, or Esop's Fables in English.  
41. Concordance, to bind with the Bible in all volumes, fol. 4o. 8o. and 12. for the small Bible.  
42. Anatomy of Play, or the hatefulness of it manifested.  
43. A volume of Funeral Sermons, set forth by Dr. Featley, Dr. Day, Dr. Sibs, Dr. Taylor.  
44. Threefold resolution, Earth's vanity, Hell's horror, and Heaven's felicity, by Dr. Denison.  
45. Oats on the whole Epistle of St. Judas, in fol.  
46. Annotations upon all the Bible, now almost finished, by divers Reverend Divines, with large Additions.  
47. Sutton on the Romans, 4ᵒ.  
48. Sutton on the Sacrament.  
49. Suttons Learn to live and die, in two volumes.  
50. Mr. Yates Saints sufferings.  
51. Youth Guide.  
52. Donne against Atheism.  
53. Covenant of Grace.  
54. Wishart on the Lord's Prayer.  
55. Dr. Primrese on the Sacrament. 12ᵒ.  
56. Hudsdon on the Creed, 12ᵒ.  
57 Bills of Lading for Merchants, English, French, Dutch.  
58. Bills of debt.  
FINIS.