VIII QVERIES Upon the late Declarations of, and letters from, the ARMY: Proposed to all true Lovers of their Country and Parliaments, And conscientious Soldiers in the ARMY.  1 John 4. 1. 
Beloved believe not every spirit, etc.  
London, Printed in the Year 1647.   

Eight Queres upon the late Declarations of, and Letters from the Army; proposed to all true lovers of their Country and Parliaments, and conscientious Soldiers in the Army.  
1 Whether an whole well-minded and well-meaning Army, may not by specious pretences be abused to carry on the ambitious and pernicious designs of some persons they most confide in, as well as others; and be drawn on by degrees to act and demand that at last, which their judgements and consciences at first abhorred, as well as Hazael, 2 Kings 8. 12, 13? And whether all who have religious and specious pretences in their mouths, have the like real intentions in their hearts and reins, which the Anabaptists proceed in Germany disprove, who had as holy and just pretences, as any now inclining to their way and opinions?  
2. Whether an Army, formerly dutiful and meritorious, yet now so far distempered, as to rule (if not overrule) their own General and Officers; to seize and remove the Kings own person, (with the Commissioners of both houses appointed to attend him) from the place designed for his residence by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms (upon mere ground-less and proof-less surmises, never revealed to any in Authority) without the Parliaments privity, in high affront of their privileges and power; endeavouring to over-awe, if not to force the Parliament which raised them, by marching up against them; labouring to disengage the People, City, and Kingdom, from; and engage them against it, contrary to their solemn Covenant; refusing to disband for the Kingdom's ease and peace; and acting for the present by their own mere power and will; can be a probable and fitting instrument of redressing those Arbitrary and injurious proceed in the Houses, Committees, and others, of which they now complain? And whether their refusal to dis-band, or to remove farther off from London, or obey the Parliaments present just Commands (upon what ever specious printed pretexts) be not a very sad public precedent, likely to conjure up a spirit of Universal Disobedience to Parliaments, Magistrates, and superiors of all sorts throughout the Kingdom, to its utter ruin, if not timously prevented, dis-liked, opposed by all wellwishers to the weal and tranquillity of Church and State?  
3. Whether 
* 31. H. 6. 1. 1  Jack Cades and his confederates traitorous forcing of the Parliament in former times, upon popular pretences; Henry Jermins, Percies and goring Treason, in practising to bring up the Northern Army towards London, to over-awe and force the Parliament soon after its commencement; and the Kings coming to the Commons House with an armed Train of Cavaliers, to demand the five Members, Jan. 4. 1641. (
* An Exact collection, etc. p. 35. etc.  Voted to be a Treasonable Act, and high breach of the Rights and Privileges of Parliament, and so resented by the whole Kingdom, though varnished over with most specious pretences, and the public good) will not be all justified, if not exceeded by the Armies seizing and removing of the King's person, refusal to disband, and marching up to London, to over-awe the Parliament demand Members, and disengage the City and people from them? And how their Offences can be differenced or justified, where their proceed and pretences are the same?  
4. Whether the Armies present disbanding now they have proposed their grievances and demands to the Houses, in a dutiful and peaceable manner upon receipt of their Arrears, without marching nearer London, to ease the Kingdom of new taxes and Free quarter, to expedite the relief of Ireland (interrupted by their mutiny) and prevent new civil broils, be not a more conscientious, just, probable, safe, and honourable way to obtain all their just demands on their own and the Kingdom's behalf, from both Houses, than their refusal to disband, or marching up to London? Which as it will savour of high disobedience, violence, and breach of privilege at the least, if not of some dangerous design of higher nature; so it will certainly endanger the adjournment or dissolution of the Houses, the pillaging of the City, the embroiling of the Kingdom in a new War; blemish the Armies former reputation, and fidelity, encourage Malignants, grieve the well-affected, and procure more mischiefs than it can redress; and bring* just damnation on the contrivers of it; who in point of conscience ought not to do evil that good may come of it. And therefore the justification of their proceed and not disbanding from the Scots (whose proceed hear though more dutiful and respectful to the Parliament than theirs, were yet much declaimed against by them and their party) and Netherlands, who raised Forces, as the Parliament did now, only in case of absolute necessity for their own and Kingdoms necessary preservation against their oppressing Princes, when there was no other remedy; is no ways suitable to their or our condition, in relation to the Parliament; who need no Armies, nor external violence (especially from their own friends) to enforce them to do justice and redress all public grievances, which they have solemnly covenanted to perform and will accordingly execute, though you disband?  
5. What assurance, can the Parliament, City, or Kingdom receive from a discontented Army, holding their guns and Weapons in their hands, if not balanced by an equal armed force for their defence, if all their present demands, that are just & reasonable, be granted; they will not afterwards proceed to demand that which is neither honourable, just, nor reasonable for the Parliament to grant, and yet dangerous to deny, for fear of violence and new tumults, since their demands do daily multiply; & some of their Heterodox Chaplains, Officers, and Soldiers in Anti-Magistratical Principles, Writings, Speeches, engender a just fear, of such subsequent demands, of whose justice or reasonableness themselves will be the judges, not the Parliament? And how they shall be ascertained that when they have demanded and removed some Members (opposite to them and their proceed, perchance only out of grounds of conscience, which they grant must not be forced, especially in Parliaments, where there should be most freedom both of speech and Votes) that they will not demand and remove all others who are not of their party or confederacy, and recruite the House with new members of their own, and thereby gain a power (which some fear is their real design) to change the Laws and Government of Church and State, and dispose of all Offices and places to their own Creatures, as they have done for the most part in the Army? To avoid which justly feared mischief they have cause both in conscience and honour to disband upon the Parliaments command which raised them. The rather, because their refusing to disband till such Members and others whom they intent to impeach as incendiaries and enemies to the Army, be tried, will be contradictory to their own principles and desires, of free and impartial Public Justice; which cannot be reputed free or , when the Parliament and Judges shall be awed and terrified with an whole Army of Accusers and prosecutors; by whose over-awing power, Terror, Menaces (the highest Champarty and Maintenance that can be) justice will probably if not certainly be perverted, the judges, witnesses, and parties terrified, mere innocents' condemned; and Members of the Army's party (though perhaps justly impeached of higher crimes and misdemeanours than any of their opposites) escape either un-impeached or un-censured, contrary to their present pretences.  
6. Whether the Army's complaint of undue elections if impartially examined by impartial Judges, will not light heaviest on their own friends and members the greatest sti●lers in, and the occasions of them? Whether their general exceptions against elections in Cornwall and Wales, proceeded not from their Chaplain Mr. Peter (who hath gained more by the wars then any two Presbyterian Ministers) whose sickness hindered his presence at them, to bring in Members of his own party? And whether the Officers and Soldiers of the Army themselves, have not in some places, deprived the people of their freedom in elections, to bring in themselves, to strengthen their party in the House? And if so (as may be proved) they have most cause to complain against themselves; there being no complaint or Petitions that we hear of against the unjustness of any Elections in Cornwall, or Wales, though many against the Elections of divers of their party in other parts; and they must disband their Army, that so all future elections may be free as they desire.  
7. Whether the Independent party and some of the Armies friends, have not been more arbitrary, exorbitant, and irregular in their Votes and proceed in the Houses, Committees, and several Employments; disposed of and fingered more of the Kingdom's Treasure; carried and disposed of more Offices and gainful places, received greater rewards, Salaries, and far more and better pay for the most part, and pursued their own ends and interests more than any others they asperse? And whether their private listing of many thousands to recruite the Army since the wars ended without the Public knowledge of the Houses, to increase the Kingdom's charge, gives not the Parliament and others just occasion, (in regard of the Armies present and late actions) to suspect the carrying on of some desperate and destructive designs in England, rather than any hints or jealousies or other private listings of men without authority of Parliament, (suggested but not proved in the fourth page of the late Declaration.) And whether such new Recruites can with equal justice take and Challenge Arrears, as well as those gallant Soldiers employed in action all the Wars; or any of the Army challenge pay from the time they were voted to disband, for continuing together against the Houses Order, and marching up against their Privileges, which they were raised to defend?  
8. Whether the Armies late proceed, if not qualified by their speedy disbanding and future Obedience to the Parliament; will not eclipse and nullify all their former merits, glory and esteem, in the eyes of all the world; draw perpetual scandal on the Profession of Religion, amaze all their friends abroad and at home, endanger the loss of dying Ireland; rejoice the hearts, elevate the hopes and accomplish the designs of our Malignant Prelatical and Romish Enemies; bring perpetual shame, if not utter ruin to our Nation; and in conclusion to the chief Contivers and Fomenters of them? If so, We confidently hope, that all Conscientious Officers and Soldiers in the Army, upon second thoughts, and serious perusal of these Queries, will give over their intended designs and distand, as many of them have done; and if any obstinately persevere to force the Parliament & infringe their Privileges, or disburb the Public peace; that the whole Kingdom, City, and Country, according to their solemn Covenant, will Unanitnously withstand them, and chastise their dangerous disobedience to the Highest Powers; which many fear they project to over-awe and subvert.  
FINIS.