THE DANGER TO ENGLAND OBSERVED, Upon its deserting the High Court of PARLIAMENT. Humbly desired by all loyal and dutiful Subjects to be presented to his Most Excellent majesty.  
London Printed, July 28. 1642.   

THE DANGER TO ENGLAND OBSERVED.  
THat his majesty having first declined, and after deserted and since by force of arms prepared to inv●de his Great council (as we conceive) doth now expect a concurrence therein according to several messages and commands, not only from divers persons of both houses of Parliament, but also from all his loving subjects, amongst whom we of the city of London are no inconsiderable number.  
That we conceive (as the case now stands) that it cannot be, but a most impious and mischievous thing in us, either to forsake, or by arms to seek the destruction of that sacred Court; for these Reasons.  
First, because in former ages this kingdom hath very seldom relinquished its representative, elected, entrusted council, and when it hath, it hath soon found cause to repent that Treachery, and instability, & commonly that Repentance proved fatal both to King & kingdom.  
Secondly, That private council by which his Majesty is incensed against his general council, obscures itself from the world; neither their names nor qualities, nor their grounds of exception ●re declared or avowed. And since his majesty is now attended by so many Peers, councillors of state, Judges, and Lawyers, and hath sufficient Forces to commence war, and cannot be imagined to obey the conduct of mere private reason, in a matter of such transcendent consequence, we are apt to think, that the promoters of this horrid war would not conceal themselves and their grounds, if they were not Papists, Prelates, Delinquents. necessitous Courtiers, or such mercenary swordmen, as no Nation nor age ever expected faith or piety from. And there is a rumour here spread, that divers of the Nobles now in his majesty's train departed not from hence without great solicitation, and have not that freedom now of advice, or of access to his majesty, or recess to the Parliament, as was expected. nor does any thing under their hands publicly testify, how far they adjudge this Parliament traitorous, or this war 'gainst it justifiable. And yet policy, justice, honour must needs enforce this, and doth challenge it both from his majesty and from them.  
Thirdly, we having lived nearer and been more jealously intentive eye and ear witnesses of Parliamentary proceedings, than remoter c●unt●ies, have not been able to discover any disloyalty in the major part of Lords and Commons, but on the contrary, have seen all the slanders of their enemies, detected of villainous falsehood and malice, as in the main matters of engrossing the public treasure to their own use, or seeking to corrupt the Militia of the Land, that thereby they might tyrannize over King and kingdom, we believe, we see, we know the contrary, and so must needs all sober men.  
Fourthly, if his majesty did not rely upon allegations without proofs, and if those allegations also were not full of uncertainty and insuffiency many times, no blood need to be shed in this difference, a legal debate even in Parliament itself would sift out the truth to the satisfaction of all the kingdom, and neither the orator's tongue, nor the soldier's arm (whom none but times very calamitous use to employ) need here to be engaged: for sometimes his majesty professes to have honourable thoughts concerning the Parliament, blaming only the too great influence which some malignant party hath upon both houses, yet his majesty names no malignant's, nor specifies the nature of that influence; sometimes his majesty chargeth by name some few of each House, and promiseth particular charges, but publisheth none, sometimes his majesty inveigheth against some particular Votes of the major part of both Houses, condemning them as treasonable, and apparently illegal, but taketh no issue, nor assigneth any legal trial, nor alloweth any appeal from his own breast and Sword, and though in very terms no war is confessed against the Parliament, yet it is mam●nifestly levied against Sir John Hotham, &c. for being an Actor under the Parliament, and treason is fixed upon all such as obey the ordinance of both Houses: and yet both Houses themselves must not be thought to be aimed at; and as there is uncertainty in the parties charged so there is the like in the crimes imputed, for sometimes the ordinance concerning the Militia, bears the burden of all▪ sometimes some other plots & conspiracies of bringing in an arbitrary power, and aristocratical usurpation over King and kingdom, both are intimated, and a more satisfactory narration of particulars are promised, but we see no such thing as yet performed. And thus the case not being yet rightly stated, nor the certain traitors nominated nor the certain treasons declared, nor any other interpreter of Law, but his majesty alone without any of his peers or Judges admitted, yet we are moved to betray that treshault assembly, whom all law, conscience and interest, nay, all that is sacred or can be near or dear unto us, binds us to defend with our lives, till we are clearly convinced of their falsehood to us.  
Fiftly, divers exceptions taken against the Parliament much insisted on, as that they may vote the King to be at London when he is at York, or declare treason to be loyalty, and loyalty treason, &c. savour of mere merriment, and require no other answer, if the sadness of the times would allow it, for though general consent enable the Parment very far, whilst it is not abused, yet that being all the Basis of their power when that shall fall away (as it doth when grossly abused) all derivative power vanishes with it; and Story tells us that the kingdom sometimes hath causelessly out of levity and love of novelty, betrayed the Parliament, but no Age ever saw one Parliament that proved treacherous to the whole kingdom.  
Sixtly, as we see none but good fruits in this public council, so we see none but bad in its private opposite, for when we see his majesty at the same time raising Forces here against a Parliament, not justly convinced of treason, and yet not affording his ready assistance to supplies for Ireland, whilst many Protestants are murdered daily there for want of the same, and that by the hands of those bloody miscreants whom his majesty never mentions without horror. And when we see all intentions of forces abjured, and with such high imprecations disclaimed, except for a guard only, and yet as soon as Forces are increased thereby, open defiance proclaimed to all which adhere to the Parliament in orders made for public safety. And when we see the entrusting of the public Militia into faithful hands by Authority of the whole state thundered against as oppressive to the subject, and yet at the same time, Commissions of Array issued out to such as my Lord Rivers, &c. the said Commissions being as illegal and vexatious, and dangerous, and so generally known to be; as the Ship-Scot was, when we see these things and many other like we grieve, we bleed inwardly for his majesty, & it seems prodigious to us that so gentle a Prince should endure so much, so many years together for such Ministers sakes contrary to the prayers and advertisements of this whole glorious British Monarchy.  
Seventhly, his majesty rests only in generals (which according to his majesty's own words amount to just nothing, for as general complaints of subverting Law, and subjecting both King and kingdom to lawless Arbitrary rule, are pressed against the Parliament, so nothing but general promises, of making us a happy people, and consenting to all just requests, are uttered by his majesty: at this present when his majesty prefers private advice before public, yet he attributes generally all due respect to Parliaments: And when his majesty takes up the Sword against the Parliament, the highest Court of Law in England, and not condemned, but by Edict Law only, (no peer, Judge, &c. appearing in the condemnation) yet this sword is said to be taken up merely to protect the Law; This strange persecution of a Parliament, and all its favourers, by fire and sword, which to our ordinary apprehensions seems so dismal and fatal, especially at this time, when it is as great a benefit to Popish Rebels in Ireland, as it is a scourge to loyal Protestants in England, & this must seem not only to stand with his majesty's general expressions of Grace, but in a general sense it is itself an act of Grace.  
And this is not wonderful, for we know that whilst the Ship-scos, and all other Projects and Monopolies lay heavyest upon us, in all our sore grievances and violations, general expressions of Grace did ever accompany them, though they rather added than diminished to the weight of our sorrows. And therefore we have now the less reason to comfort ourselves with general assurances, especially since deeds of hostility fail not to attend our sweetest words of clemency; Nay, and in the same Manifestoes, as we find professions savouring all of Law, right, and limited power: so we find withal intermingled divers positions placing the King beyond all Law, right and limitation, and reducing Parliaments to less power than ordinary Courts.  
In all submissive humility therefore we humbly prostrate ourselves before his majesty's feet, with the pious tender of these our earnest supplications.  
First, That it would please his Majesty, in a war of this confounding nature to the three kingdoms at once and to the true Religion, in them to have recourse to the impartial advice of former goes, rather than of this.  
Secondly, to abandon the counsels of Papists, as well such as go to Church by dispensation, as not, and as well such as send instru●tions from beyond the Sea, as those which are here more visible; and in the same manner to reject the advertisements of Delinquents, Prelates, soldiers, &c. whose known interests makes them incompetent advisers in this case, no age having a parallel to it, and if his Majesty conceives public advice to be partial at this time; yet to let the kingdom know what private advice is harkened to, and what the quality and grounds of it is, for the better vindication of his majesty's Honour, and the more full satisfaction of all true Protestants.  
Thirdly, To make a further guess at some of his majesty's councillors, by those false slanders of Treasons which they have poured into his majesty's ears, and are now disproved to all the world.  
Fourthly, That his Majesty would not admit of any crime in the Parliament, but such as bears the stamp and form of a legal and judicial accusation; and instead of general invectives, to publish the certain kind of Treasons, and names of traitors, and the certainty of his majesty's evidence, and how far his Majesty will refer the trial thereof to any peaceable treaty, laying down the sword in the mean time, without disadvantage to either side, for if the offence of the Parliament be, that they have been too zealous of the safety of the kingdom, in making Ordinances to settle the Militia, Then the question is only, whether or no the King hath such a sole interest in the Towns, Forts, &c. and strength of the kingdom, as that he may at pleasure intrust them to suspected Substitutes, in time of danger, without general advice, nay contrary to general consent. And this seems a strange ground for such an uncouth dismal war, at such a time as this, when it makes our Lords and Commons worse Rebels than the Irish, and chooses rather that the Protestant Religion, together with the crown there shall perish, than any truce shall be granted here, or any umpirage admitted. It cannot but be better that the State of Scotland were entreated to mediate and arbitrate in this difference, then that so unse●sonable and unnatural a war should be waged. For if Sir John Hotham be not fitter to be trusted than Captain Leg, and my Lord of Warwick then Sir John Pennington, yet the King's interest is not altered, nothing but the subordinate person is changed, and if this be not allowed to a Parliament, the Subject hath no remedy nor power of defence in any danger when the King mistakes both his friends and foes: but if this be allowed, the King suffers nothing by it. He which serves the State faithfully, must needs serve the King faithfully, (it is to be wished, the contrary were as true) a general defection is not to be feared, nor could be redressed if it should happen, and except in case of general defection, the State cannot choose to the disadvantage of the King: But if the Militia be not the main cause of this war, if any other super-emergent exceptions, against any particular persons, in, or out of Parliament may be taken, this may be debated, and accommodated legally without blood, except one side will declare itself not to be satisfied otherwise then by blood. Till these things be better cleared no Force ought to be used, and if the King will admit of no truce, it will not be said that the Parliament takes up arms against the King, but the whole kingdom in its representative Court defends itself against such as have seduced, and unjustly incensed the King, and such, as though they have usurped the King's person, and word, and command, yet have not so true a right to his virtue, and authority, nor aught to be held so friendly thereunto as the Parliament.  
Fiftly, not to make the Parliaments arbitrary power in declaring Law, &c. any ground of charge since this strife between prerogative and liberty must be decided, and by the Law itself without some interpreter cannot, and since his majesty does not claim that sole interpretation, and since the Parliament cannot be suspected therein.  
Sixthly, to judge of the counsellors and Fomenters of this war by the favour which it bears to the Irish Rebellion, and the disagreement thereof with his majesty's former gracious professions: and at least to harken to a truce till the Irish war be ended, except the Lords and Commons seem more detestable traitors than the Irish rebels.  
Seventhly, That his majesty will let us know something in particular concerning our privileges, in and out of Parliament, and what latitude of authority and power shall be granted to the representative body of the whole kingdom, even when his majesty likes better of private advice; and also how far his majesty will grant his royal Prerogative to be within the Cognizance and Declaration of the Lords and Commons, because in our understanding to have no right, and no impartial Judge of that right, and to have no limits, and no known limits is one and the same thing.  
Now therefore our humble and hearty desires to his majesty are, that he would be graciously pleased to condescend to these so necessary things, now that so streaming a Comet of bloody aspect hangs over our heads, and so abominable a war is commenced amongst us, it will facilitate a happy and fair accommodation, it will disappoint the greatest adversaries of the Church and State, it will make his majesty's reign more blessed now, and his story more candid and unstayned with blood hereafter.  
And his majesty's most humble Petitioners shall ever pray, &c.