The general JUNTO, OR THE council OF UNION, Chosen equally out of England, Scotland and Ireland, for the better compacting of three Nations into one Monarchy, &c.  
— Trojugenis Paries quid amantibus obstas?  
Quantum erat, ut sineres toto nos corpore jungi?  
Printed, Anno Dom. 1642.   

Sir,  
IN a Person of so great Worth as yourself, virtue and goodness must needs be not only diffusive, but attractive also, and that far more than in inferior men. The boldness therefore assumed by me at this time, in tendering to Your View and Judgement this poor Essay (a weak endeavour of Service to our country (of which You are so true a Lover) will appear (I hope) the more excusable: For as those Parts which deserve Admiration in You, cannot but command Offices of homage and Gratitude from all good men; so those Parts which render You humble, and gentle, and willing to pardon other men's Mistakes, will induce you to interpret well that homage and Gratitude. Sir, I have a very low conceit of this Constitution, as it is now by me fashioned; but I have a strong Imagination, That it might prove publicly advantageous, if it were by wise and considering men better formed and completed. I have therefore purposely left a large margin to my short Discourse, that a better pen, and direction might change and supply my failing Invention, and take the same liberty to expunge the vanities of my tedious expressions. If there be any thing here tha may but administer the least Occasion or hint to your Worth to be a more beneficial Patriot, I shall think it a happy Service; if not, yet let not my fruitless wishes want your excuse; and you shall oblige me to be  
Sir, Yours most humbly devoted in all Service and Observance to my utmost power, H. PARKER.   

The general Junto, or the council of Union, &c.  
TO persuade to union, and commend now the benefit of it to England, Scotland, and Ireland, would (I think) be unnecessary: it will be sufficient to make an Overture, how a further, and more intimate union may be maintained amongst us. Divide, & impera, is fit Advertisement for a Nero to take, which aims only at the dissipation and perdition of his Subjects; and for a Machiavel to give, which aims only at the pleasing of such Masters as Nero was: Good Princes, from honest Counsellors, have ever received contrary advice; and indeed it were impossible, that the very essence of God should be Love, Peace, and unity, if there were any good to be expected from dissension; or that it should be Satan's proper title to be a spoiler, a murderer, and a Scatterer from the beginning, if Amity and Concord could be dangerous. It is true, unity in large and spreading Dominions, is not altogether so easy to be preserved, as in States of narrower bounds; nor is Government so feasible over several Nations, in several Continents divided, and by several Laws, and customs eloigned, as over one country close situated and compacted. And yet 'tis frequently seen, That Art and Industry in prudent Princes, overcome natural hindrances and obstructions, and many times by politic Nerves and Ligaments happily knits and conjoins men together, whom Nature hath placed far asunder. The Poet having in contemplation before him a fair Pile of building curiously cemented, gives these words to his admiration; 
Si lapis est unus; dic quâ fuit Arte levatus?  
Si duo, vel plures; dic ubi congeries?   
The juncture of many stones in a building may be scarce perceivable; and where it is not altogether so exquisite, yet (if Art be not too much wanting) they may prove as firm, as fit for duration, and do as faithful Offices to the whole fabric, as if they were all one solid Rock or Quarry. And after the same manner in political Bodies, an artificial coalition or coagmentation sometimes proves as vigorous, as that which is more natural, if it be wisely constituted, and orderly disposed. Howsoever, as no kindly means of Union amongst Nations ought to be neglected, so no violent means ought to be used, for both extremes may prove equally pernicious and destructive to the ends which we propose. Philip in the Netherlands was too rigorous a prosecutor of union; for whilst he would confide in no union betwixt the Dutch and Spanish, but such as should wholly change the One Nation, and covert it (as it were) to all purposes, into the other, he wholly rent Both of them asunder, and temerated that tie, which otherwise in time by gentle means might have grown sufficiently valid. And in my opinion, we in England, Scotland, Ireland have of late, in our endeavours of union, and Consociation, been as much too remiss, as Philip was too intense, and have neglected to prepare such further bars, and hoops as might have bound us yet more near together. To make this appear, is the intent of this discourse at this time; wherein, for Methods sake, I shall confine myself to these three points:  
In the first place, I shall endeavour to unfold What the nature of union is.  
In the next place, I shall set forth that union which is already settled betwixt England, Scotland, and Ireland, and wherein it is yet imperfect.  
In the last place, I shall give some Demonstration of a new Ordinance, whereby union may be further improved, and perfected in all His majesty's several Dominions.  
political union is observable for its several kinds, orders, and degrees. One union is more external, and another more internal in kind; But that which is internal, and seated (as it were) in the hearts of Nations, and is held together by the bonds of true Amity, is far to be valued before that which is external only, and consists in mere political Acts, and Pacts, be they never so many or strong. Thus the Scots have formerly affected the French, and the Irish the Spaniards, by I know not what kind of Natural Sympathy; and had not many other strange Obligations crossed the same, their hearts could hardly ever have been tempered for unity with the English. It is therefore truly noted, That Vires Imperii in consensu sunt Obedientium, & Omnis potestas fundata est in Voluntate: and says another, Errat longè qui credit Imperium stabilius aut firmius esse, quod vi adjungitur, quàm quod facilitate & clementia. The Romans being to grant peace to a Neighbour Nation lately subdued, asked first upon that Peace granted, What fidelity they should expect from the Petitioners: it was answered, That if the Conditions of Peace were granted with Clemency, they could not but be entertained with sincerity; but if the terms of the conquerors were rigorous, the engagements of the Conquered could not but be the less faithful. And this stout answer in Suitors did not disrelish their more stout Victors. Had Portugal joined hearts with Spain, as it did hands (as doubtless it had, if Love or Charity, and not too much violence had made the Contract) this late Divorce had not so soon happened; for it were very behooveful for both those Nations, if they could agree to yoke sweetly together, and their mutual conflicting against each other may probably draw on the ruin of both. Dum singuli pugnant, Omnes vincuntur. Two Nations seated together in one competent proportionable Continent, are like two Merchants trading at Sea in one bottom, being both equally owners of the same; an unfriendly partition makes each moiety unserviceable, but a wise partnership doth not only preserve, but every both. I wish therefore the Government may be ever sweetened amongst us in England, Scotland, and Ireland, by Justice, and Equality; for what attracts love amongst Nations, we all know; and how far the Attraction is generalrally helpful, we all know; and how far Nations naturally desire that help, we all know. Smaller Dominions are less subject to intestine distempers and miscarriages in Government, but are more obnoxious to foreign violence of Invaders; and therefore if equal Conditions might be equally rendered, it were unnatural for Nations not to affect union. The Canton Towns in Helvetia, though of several professions in Religion, and Aristocratically governed, yet adhere lovingly in one symmetrical Body together, and this is by the sweetness of Equity; for certainly the Ligaments of one and the same Religion under Rule monarchical, were much more available to facilitate and corroborate union.  
The Orders of union are next observable; for the foot is united to the head as well as the heart, but not after so honourable a manner; the heart obtains priority and superiority above the foot, notwithstanding the force of union: Now this Order is to hold only in One and the same Body particularly considered, but not in such principal integral parts as may be considered in several bodies for some purposes. Where several Kingdoms are united, one must not be the head, the other the foot; integral parts may have such order in themselves, but not among themselves; for all must equally partake both of superiority and inferiority: some in each Nation may enjoy command, and undergo burden; and 'tis not necessary that this Nation be assigned wholly to command, and that to burden; for Order may be sufficiently preserved by Inequality in each Nation, without inequality of any one Nation over the other. Rome in this was not more noble than wise, for as she did admit all Nations to an Equality of privileges, and Franchises with herself, so by the same admission she did extend her bounds into all Nations, she merited to be called Terrarum Dea, because she would truly be Communis Patria, and Mundi compendium.  
Haec est in gremium quae victos sola recepit,  
Humanumque genus communi nomine fovit.  
Matris, non Dominae ritu.  
The number of the Senators wanting a recrew in the reign of Claudius, some dispute was thereupon between the French, and the Italians; the French sought to have their Nation honoured with an equality of Election to that degree; the Italians held it derogatory that other Nations should participate therein: but Caesar, like a true Roman in that, gave his decision in favour of the French, alleging for his reason, That his Ancestors had enlarged the Empire by this courteous Association of Strangers; and that the Lacedæmonians by their rigid Inhospitality, and disdain of others, had frustrated their own Victories, and withstood their growing Fortunes. That miserable Schism and Revolt of the Ten Tribes from the Line of David, was occasioned by an unequal distribution of favour and indulgence; and (Oh) how great a wound did the true Worship of God receive in the bloody pursuance of that unnatural quarrel? Judah claims to be nearer in Blood to the King, than Israel; Israel being so injured, claims to have ten parts in the King by a more considerable interest, then that of Blood: and how cursed a thing was it, that such fond claims should one moment of time rest undecided? I cannot here but assume the King's Person, and thus expostulate with both contesting Parties. YOU MEN OF JUDAH, I am bound to love and honour you by the ties of more immediate Consanguinity; but in civil Negotiations by the Laws of sovereignty, which exceeds natural Affections, I am as firmly obliged, and as nearly allied to Israel as to you. You are to me Both as One and the same Body, and to be organised by a virtue and residence in every part, as well as in the whole Totall. You men of Israel, You are the greater and more considerable proportion of my Subjects; and if I must needs be dilacerated, and suffer a dissection by your absurd Contention, you are to receive the greater share of me. But to what purpose is such violence, or what Justice can be in it? for the right of Judah to me, is the same in Nature as yours, and wholly incorporated with yours, that it can suffer no just Partition; and if it could, your Advantage thereby would be none at all. Royalty is as the Sun, and sends forth beams indivisible, and sufficient for all; and if all were blind as one man, that one man should enjoy no more light than he did before, when all did partake in his happiness. You men of Judah and Israel, Let the peace of the natural members compose this your groundless dispute, the left hand quarrels not with the right for precedence, they both receive from the Head in equal measure, and remain officiously tributary to the Head in equal manner. When I put on Magistracy, I did withal put off Affinity in matters of Justice.  
Tros, Rutilusve fieret nullo discrimine habebam. As I shall expect from you nothing but equal service and loyalty, so do you expect from me nothing but equal Love and Protection. Had Israel and Judah been thus treated, when the coals of Emulation were first blown by malignant mutineers, so great a flame had not risen therefrom: for Partiality is the fuel of Discontent; and where that is taken away, the beam of Justice keeps all in Peace and Awe.  
Justa pari premitur veluti cum pondere libra:  
Prona nec hâc plus parte sedet, nec surgit ab illâ.  
Nevertheless, though it were commendable in Cleo, at his first arrival unto public Rule, to call his friends together, and discard them as to all public Affairs; so this condemns not Themistocles, if in domestical, or mere natural offices, he gratify his former friends before others. But this is obvious, and I come now to the Degrees of union.  
As that union which is betwixt Brothers, is of more vigour than that between servants, because it is more internal, and that betwixt servants of the same Rank and Condition, than where great distances and disparities are, because it is more equal; so that union is most sure and inviolable, and most intense in Degree, where both these Atrributes (internal, and equal) do most eminently meet and concentre: where the most zealous affection of the Heart naturally, and the most exact Equality of Interests Politically doth cement and close People together, there union is in it's most excellent strength and perfection; then it is more properly styled unity itself. This is that union, which I shall pray to see established betwixt England, Scotland, and Ireland; than which, there can be none more intimate in kind, more equal in Order, more perfect in Degree.  
2. In the next Place therefore, having this for our aim, we must consider what advantages these three Nations have already, conducing to such union, and what the hindrances are, which seem most to indispose us, and make us averse from the same.  
Those things which are of favourable Aspect, and more propitious to the uniting of England and Scotland are,  
First, That both Nations are ruled by one Head, and owe Allegiance to the same Master; and even this hath a strong Unitive power in it, and such as works internally, as well as externally; for we see the English and Netherlanders are many ways engaged in the same Interests, and have had many interchangeable Obligations and endearments (as things are now balanced in Europe) and yet by reason of their dependence upon several Potentates, there cannot be settled betwixt them that certain Correspondence and Confidence, as might be, if one sceptre commanded both. And we see the union of England, and Scotland under one Prince, hath planted new Affections in both Nations, as hath been attestated by many Noble Offices of Friendship, needless now to be repeated.  
Secondly, There is the same Profession of Religion in both Kingdoms; and this of all Bonds ought to be the most indissoluble, for it is something more than merely physical, or ethical.  
Thirdly, The same name of Britain is common to both, the same Language spoken by both; and this, together with their great similitude in Complexions, and dispositions, testifieth the same ancient extraction, and kindred.  
Fourthly, The same Sea surrounds both, immuring them from all the world besides, and by Consequence, the same ends ought to steer both, since no other Nations can be more helpful by union, or pernicious by disunion: and since both joined together make up but one, and that no very considerable large Monarchy.  
Fifthly, The same Laws of God and Nature are reverenced and known by Both; and if their Laws of Monarchy, municipal customs, and Statutes be not the very same, they are very little disagreeing; that variety which is in them is very consistent with Harmony.  
Sixthly, The same Impressions have been made upon both by late Offices of Love, and such Brotherly Assistance hath been yielded, that not only all old Enmities are drowned therein, but also both Nations for the future are more inflamed to merit of each other.  
All these things tending to the great Advancement of union, those things which seem repugnant to the same by able Politicians might be much corrected, or wholly removed. As for the Independence of each Kingdom, that is no bar at all to union; for whilst the line of King James remains unspent, the Crowns are utterly inseparable, and as really married together, as to all purposes of mutual defence and compliance, as Castille, and Arragon, or any Kingdom whatsoever. And if any doubt were of Separation by the extinguishment of that royal Race (which God avert) I do not see but that by consent of both Kingdoms, that doubt may be prevented, without injury to either. And as for the Distance and Extension of both kingdoms, that can be no bar to union; for France in its Circuit and dimensions is equal to England, Scotland, and Ireland, and yet is but one entire Monarchy, and hath been assembled in one general Parliament, and therein consists the soul of union. And the mere holding of several Parliaments in several Counties, possibly at the same time, the same Head regulating all by faithful Dispatches, and Missives is no hindrance, but that the same understanding may be in all, and work the same effects, as One and the same could. If there be any thing worthy to be insisted upon seeming opposite to union, 'tis the different Revenues of both Kingdoms, and some disadvantages caused thereby to each: for it will be said, That England, as the richer, draws away some privilege thereby from Scotland; and Scotland being the less plentiful in Treasure, draws away much of the English Patrimony. But I shall answer this hereafter; and so for the present I set my sails for Ireland.  
Those things which are apt to promote union betwixt England and Ireland, are,  
First, That both Kingdoms have not only one Head, but are one Body also, inseparably knit to that Head, no independence or possible severance remaining, but such as shall be violent and injurious. England hath formerly been subject to several Princes, but all those independent Principalities are now incorporated, and connaturalized by Act of parliament, and reduced to a perfect Unity of Dominion; and yet all England is not more itself, and one with England, than Ireland is in all that is essential to Dominion. By the Laws of England and Ireland, both the Kingdoms are so connexed and coinvested, that Wales and Cornwall are not more individed from England, than Ireland now is. Wales is still a Principality, and Cornwall a duchy, but neither are independent. So that nothing in truth remains, but the mere names or titles; and the independence of Ireland being in the same manner taken away, the Kingdom of Ireland is indeed but an integral member of the Kingdom of England; Neither is Ireland dependent; because it is independent, we term it rather annexed, and by that we mean wholly consubstantiated. The addition of Ireland to England is like the natural growth of a man at full years, which makes him not another Creature then what he was, in the narrow confinement of the Cradle, but still leaves him One and the same. England and Scotland are united by two royal Lines centring in our King; but one and the same Line conveys England and Ireland, and that Line is indivisible; so that though the King be Owner of England and Scotland, yet he is not Owner of England, quatenùs Owner of Scotland, or Owner of Scotland, quatenùs Owner of England, but he is Owner of Ireland quatenùs of England.  
But because some of the rebels now pretend to an independence, and some upbraid the rebels with a mere servile dependence, I will a little step out of the way, to encounter with both these Incendiaries, and perturbers of our Peace.  
Against the Irish rebels I shall maintain, That the King's Title to Ireland is of a mixed Nature, partly by the Victories of his Ancestors, and partly by Consent of the Natives, and in both points strongly fortified by a long, unquestioned, uninterrupted possession. And what more can be added? No Prince of Christendom can hold one foot of Land by any title more clear and undefeseable then where all these claims are wreathed together. And in this respect Ireland is further united to England then Scotland is, for England and Scotland are two Bodies joined under one Head; but England and Ireland are but one Body, and have but one Head, they are not separable justly as Scotland is. Conquest and Consent both have conjoined them, and except the same, nothing can dilacerate them. And thus upon the Norman Conquest England lost its Independence, and became One with Normandy; for if nothing but the hand of War twisted their Titles, nothing else can untwist them.  
Against the enemies of Ireland, which object the right of Conquest (as some did lately at my Lord of Straffords trial, to justify his cruel oppressions) I shall maintain, That the right of Conquest doth not afford any true Warrant for Oppression. In Conquest three things ought to be searched into, Whether it be just, total, and pure or no. If it be just (as we will suppose the Normans to be) it only ejects the Desseisor, and it ought to look no further than the Prostration of the Competitor. If Harrolld will not do right to William but by Compulsion, this shall not enslave the whole English Nation; nay, Harrolld being in possession, those of the English which take up Arms, and wait the Decision of the sword, in a case to them doubtful, cannot justly be charged of Treason. 'twas not sufficient that William did forbear to dispossess those of our Ancestors, which had born no Arms against him, he ought to have holden his hands also from those which had been Active in their former Master's Service, the Cause of both being disputable. Of unjust Conquests nothing needs to be said.  
In the next Place also, if Conquest extend itself over a whole Nation, if the Conqueror have no Considerable Party therein to favour his claim, if he enter without any Professions of Clemency (as scarce any Prince ever entered) yet even thus he is not disobliged and acquitted of the Laws of God and Nature; nor is entitled to a Right of spoiling, wasting, and enthralling of God's People. God's Law is indefinite, and reacheth to all Kings, as well claiming by the Sword, as by any other Paction, That they shall not heap up Treasure, or multiply Horses, or lift up Themselves against their Brethren. Our Magna Charta doth not limit our English Kings so far, it restrains not from filling the Exchequer, or increasing their Guards; and if they will arrogantly contemn us as slaves, and not embrace us as Brethren, it affords us no clear Remedy. But we see God's Charter intimates that Princes were ordained for the Protection of the People, and not the People created for the Drudgery of Princes. And therefore it doth not only prohibit all actual oppression (as the Law of England doth) but it further restrains from all Power of Oppression, nay it curbs all haughty thoughts, the very seeds of Oppression. Parasites may ascribe nothing but Divinity to Princes, and insult over Subjects as mere Beasts of labour, and so as a main axiom of State, above all things inculcate the raising of Money and Ammunition, and dejecting of the People. But God prescribes the Contrary, His Law aims at the humbling of Monarchs, and endearing of their Charge to them, and dissuading from all strength and Confidence, but in the unfailing magazine of the people's hearts. Of that Conquest then which is not universal, and without all Assistance from the country Conquered,' little needs be said; for it is most evident, that neither England nor Ireland was ever so overrun.  
The last thing to be inquired after in Conquest, is its absoluteness from all Quarter, and freedom from Conditions offered, or accepted: and if it be the most pure Conquest that can be imagined, yet it doth not absolve the Winners from the ties of common Piety, and Civility. I need not instance in Religious Moses, who out of zeal to save the Community, from destruction, offered to forgo his Interest in Heaven; or in holy David, who to exempt God's Flock from the raging Plague, prayed that it might be diverted upon him their Shepherd. Paganism may instruct us sufficiently in this. Alexander's Conquests in the East were as pure and unmixed as any, yet it is a great Addition to his fame, That he treated the Persians with the same indulgence as the Macedonians, showing himself an equally tender Shepherd to both, and complying therein rather with Plato's politics than Aristotle's. Adrian also an Emperor, as unlimited as any, confessing himself born for his country, not for Himself, made these words good: Ita se Rempublicam gesturum, ut sciret populi rem esse non Propriam. Pastor populi non sui-ipsius, sed subditorum quaerit commodum, & Officio suo semper fungitur utilitati consulens & societati. I wish a Christian had spoke this, or that no Christian did disapprove it; it were vain to pursue this further. Howsoever, I deny not the due Operation of a just, total, and unmixed Conquest (though I scarce ever read of any such) for Conquerors coming in by Violence, cannot be assured in a strange Nation, without some Violence at first, but that which is Policy before Establishment, is not Justice after it. And secondly, Though Victors ought not to induce any Conditions contrary to God's Law, or grievous to the Conquered; yet perhaps they are not bound to restore all former extraordinary Immunities in so ample a manner as they were before enjoyed. And thirdly, Conquests have great force in taking away Competitions, and extinguishing concurrent pretence of Titles; and as to the Crown itself, they cut off all independency, as is now apparent in Ireland, and in other parts of England now incorporated, and consolidated into one numerical mass thereby. But they are most wretched Politicians that ground upon Conquest (be it rightful, total, and without Conditions granted by the Conqueror, or contracted by the Conquered, or not) a Right of destroying and enthralling, and an exemption from all Law for the present: And yet they which by Conquest abolish all Rights of the People, and that beyond all Power of Restitution for the future are further opposers of truth, and Enemies to mankind. Had the Conquests of England and Ireland at first been just over the whole Nations, and that without all Pactions of Grace (as they were not) and without all Consent of the People; yet that therefore all subsequent oaths and Grants of our Kings, and Agreements of the Nations should be utterly void, and all the Laws of God and Nature of no virtue, but that our Kings are left still to their own Discretions, and Arbitrary, Absoute Prerogatives is an inference to be wondered at amongst rational Creatures.  
The second thing that qualifies Ireland for union is, That the Protestant Religion is so far dilated and known there. The wellwishers of Popery pretend for the upholding of their own blind superstition, That Conscience is not to be forced, and that without Bloody force Papists are not to be reduced. This weak Pretence hath done unspeakable Mischief both in England, and Ireland (as appears this day by our unnatural Wars) and we have been not only very ignorant, but very wicked, I fear, and very guilty in admitting it. That force which borders upon Cruelty is not to be used, I would not that it should be done to Babel by way of Retaliation, as Babel hath done to us; But certainly Magistrates are responsible for all those souls, whom they may reclaim by politic severity, and do not; and we see what effects politic severity hath produced in Denmark, Sweden, Scotland, &c. without effusion of blood; and he that will deny the same, that it might have been as effectual in England and Ireland, must allege some strange or unexpected Reason. 'Tis not so difficult to draw from falsity, as from truth, to make a Turk a Christian, as a Christian a Turk. And as for the Populacy of any Nation, we know they are to be driven by Shoals, almost into any Religion, where the Magistrate, and spiritual Minister cooperate together: The frequent and sudden Conversions, and Perversions of sundry Nations in all Ages, testify this to be a matter of no great difficulty. And as for some few of the more knowing and Conscientious sort, the mere want of a Toleration, their own Paucity (if some other Encouragement be not supplied by connivance, &c.) in some reasonable time would wear them out. And if the breeding of their children within these last 60 years had not been omitted; nay, if countenance under hand had not been afforded to Papists, these Wars had never happened: But now things so standing, 'tis just in God that Papists be so cruel to Us in temporals, as we have been to Them in spirituals. 'Twere advantageous for union, that we were All of One, but more especially of the true, pious, charitable Protestant Religion. And though this Advantage hath been hitherto neglected, yet still we have Power enough, by the Grace of God, to provide better for the future.  
The third help to union is, That Nature hath placed both our Islands like twins in a remote Angle of the World; and as if she intended more to estrange Ireland then England, she hath further seated her from the Commerce of foreign Nations; and it may be supposed, that they are both divorced from Others, that they may be wedded to Themselves. And surely as Ireland's love and vicinity is very useful unto England, so England's cherishing fidelity must needs be totally necessary unto Ireland. Did the Irish depend upon the Protection of Spain, or some other distant country to guard them from the Forces and armadoes of England, that Protection could not but cost them very dear; for besides the Calamities of endless War, in a Nation so intermingled, the very Burdens of Protectors would perhaps prove as grievous, as the encounters of their assailants. Flanders now by its subjection to Spain, is made the Theatre of affliction, almost beyond hope of redress; and though she draw from Spain many Millions for her defence, yet without doubt she is more wretched by serving Philip, than Philip is weakened by supporting her.  
It is fourthly probable, that both Nations were anciently descended from the same original Plantations and Colonies, and if the name of Hiberno-britaines' may not be applied to the Irish, as Cambro-britaines' is to the Welsh; yet now Scottish, English, Welsh, and the mixed Irish being so indifferently blended in Ireland, and congregated (as it were) at a general determinate rendezvous, and the same Language being so generally current, and the temperature of the Clime, and the Congruity of the ancient Natives in disposition so inclining to union, it must be wilful neglect in Us, if we do not close yet more amiably together.  
Fifthly, In Laws, customs, and Constitutions for Peace and War, there are lively Resemblances.  
Fancies non una duabus,  
Nec diversa tamen; qualem decet esse sororum.  
Nay if there be not altogether the same Lineaments in both, yet there is more than a Sisterly correspondence.  
Sixthly, Though some execrable Offices have of late been done in Ireland against our Nation, yet we must account that quarrel to be Religious, not national; for we see they have not spared the Scots; they have not spared the English Irish; they have been cruel to all Protestants, of what country soever. The same Whorish enchantress also, which is now bloody in Ireland, hath ever been so in all countries: the Scripture characters her by making herself drunk with the blood of the Saints, and dipping her Garments in the same Dye. The same false Religion hath formerly made England flame with merciless Executions, and Spain groan under diabolical Tortures, and France swim in inhuman Massacres.  Quae Regio in Terris, Nostri non plena cruoris? 
Let Cruelty be the certain Test of false religion, and let England and Ireland, and all Nations abide the trial of the same. For Protestants are so far from destroying their known Enemies, that they are cruel to themselves in sparing, where they hope less of being spared. Protestants are not bound always from doing, as they have been done to by their enemies, or from disabling and repressing future Malice in their enemies; yet Ireland is a witness this day, that they are more prone to favour unappeasable foes, then to prevent the most horrid treasons. But I leave this as remediable hereafter. As for the separation and divulsion of that Sea, which runs betwixt England, and Ireland, I conceive it to be no considerable hindrance of union; for we see Venice, and Cyprus, and divers other Countries by the Art and happiness of just Government, love and embrace at a further distance, though other People are also interjacent, as are not here. And if any other heartburning or distaste have happened of late betwixt the Nations, by Injustice, or misgovernment (as perhaps hath befallen as eminently amongst ourselves) the redress and Cure thereof will not be hopeless.  
3. I come now to my Overture itself; whereby further union may be promoted and confirmed amongst us. That Ordinance of State which shall most equally diffuse, and breath abroad into all Nations governed under the same sceptre, the selfsame Measure of right and benefit, shall be most effectual and virtuous to unite those Nations. Now it seems to me, that such an Ordinance is now wanting in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and yet that nevertheless it is not difficult to be framed and reduced into Act. In England there are divers Courts of justice, and counsels of State, whereby Government riseth from the Basis to the pyramid, by a far symmetrical Conus; and there is not any matter of concernment to the Crown of England, for which there is not a proper Place appointed, and proper Persons assigned to attend, and transact the same for, and under, or together with the King. The same Policy also is in Scotland, and Ireland, for matters peculiar to Scotland and Ireland: but in England, Scotland, and Ireland for matters concerning all three kingdoms, or that remain in debate betwixt any two of them, besides the King's sole breast (thereby too much overburdened) there is not any other Judicature assistant, and common to all the Nations to which the same may be committed. And yet in my opinion, this Chasma in Government is more irregular, and of more dangerous Consequence, being it concerns Great general matters, and high Points, than a lower defect would be, in business of a more narrow and private Nature; for if the King be served and attended by such councillors so chosen and qualified as He is Lord of our kingdom, is it not more expedient, that he have the same Service and Assistance as He is Lord of three Kingdoms? Some few years since, some of the King's Subjects under an English Commission, and others under a Scottish, met it Greenland to fish, and upon a Question of their several Grants blood was drawn, and force carried it for the English: out of this fire a national flame might have been kindled, and till this day the blood remains unexpiated, and the controversy undertermined. Not long since also the King was deeply incensed against the whole Scottish Nation, and the Scots complained of Violations to them offered. In this unhappy Dispute the King so engaged, was the sole Judge; and yet the English being neither Parties nor Judges, nor having any Cognizance, or witnesses, or otherwise, were to incur general danger of ruin, to decide this with their swords. Although in all private Suits and Questions of Right betwixt the King and any vassal of any one of His Kingdoms, the King ever referreth Himself (according to his Oath) to qualified and indifferent sworn Judges, yet here the lives of Millions being endangered, and the Honours of Nations engaged, the King only by the Sword must give judgement. That which then happened to Scotland upon as small a ground, may perhaps hereafter become the case of England, and (for aught I know) is now happened to Ireland. But to what reason or equity can this seem commensurate, that whole Nations should be worse provided for in points of judgement, than the poorest Members of each Nation. And as it is in Common-Pleas, and Pleas of the Crown, so it is also in matters of Honour, and Acts of State, 'tis injurious and repugnant to union, that any one Nation should be debarred from an Equality of privilege, or Advantage, or interest in the King and His most general Actions and counsels.  
My Result then is, That to make union perfect betwixt the three Nations some Common Court of Justice and council of State must be erected, to which each Nation, or any Member of each Nation, in a national difference, may have recourse with equal Confidence for the redressing of all Injuries, for the deciding of all Controversies, for the preventing of all Dangers, for the removing of all Jealousies, and for communicating of all State or Court-Benefits, and for the transacting of all matters of general concernment. Charles the eighth, than made Brettaign One with France, when he leveled and equalised both in Parliament, possessing both Nations One of Another, par my, & par tout; for by this means the same Crown overshadowed and spread its wings over Both, investing both with the same Propriety in itself. In the same manner also Wales and England did Inter marry, and of two became One; for there is no Burden of the Crown whereunto the Englishman is not now as liable as the Welshman, mediately or immediately, nor no privilege of the Crown whereunto the Welsh man is not equally entitled with the Englishman. The same must also be brought to pass betwixt England, Scotland, and Ireland, or else the same perfection of Amity and Unity can never be established; and that can never be, but by the same, or very like means. Where there is the same Law to limit the Judge, and the same Judge to pronounce and execute according to the true intent of that Law, and where both contesting Parties are equally interessed, both in the Judge and Law, the judgement is ever final and satisfactory to Both; and thus it is with England and Wales, but thus it is not as yet with England and Scotland, and therefore between England and Wales there is no fear of Division, but betwixt England and Scotland there is; and the King alone ought not in all Cases to be both the judge and the Law, or can fully satisfy all; for the King may have more near natural relation to one Kingdom then another, and by other respects more by as't to favour the one Kingdom then another, & without assistance he is not competent for all things. And therefore the Qualification of that Assistance that it be equal and impartial, and trusted by all, is of great and weighty moment. And this is true in matters of State, where no Law is written, but in matters of Right, where Laws are as requisite almost as judges, it is necessary that both parties be as fully assured in the Laws which are to regulate the judges, as the judges which are to enlive the Laws. And this cannot be, unless all our three Nations have equal Consent and concurrence in Parliament, to sit as judges, and to pass Laws, or to convene representatively and virtually in some less Court and council, branching (as it were) out of the Parliament, several, and approaching also in power as near thereunto as may be. national Parliaments shall still move in their proper Orbs, taking Cognizance of all particular national Affairs, and this new erected Seat or Table, though it may have much of Parliamentary vigour in it, especially in the vacancy of Parliaments, as to Cases of general Consequence; yet it shall have no jurisdiction at all in mere national Expedients.  
By this means (as I conceive) the Three kingdoms shall be contempered into One indivisible Monarchy, and be made One solid natural Body, and such union entertained as shall be to the Advantage of all three Nations, and to the disadvantage of no One; such as shall distribute all privileges equally to be enjoyed, and all services equally to be born, and leave behind no show of inequality to be a ground of envy or disunion. 'Tis true, the King cannot be corporally present in all the Nations at once, but whatsoever the benefit of a royal Court may be, the disposing of that is left Arbitrary to the King; and this may seem perhaps great Inequality to those Nations which have less attraction in them. The mere Residence of a Prince, if it be a Commodity, it goes many times accompanied with divers great Discommodities; and as the Sun, though it be the most auspicious of all celestial Bodies, yet it doth not always enrich those Tracts of Earth most, which it most violently heats with its torrid perpendicular beams: so neither doth the majestical Court of a King always make those Territories most happy, which enjoy it at least Distance. But be this Benefit what it will, in this, England entrusts as much to the King's mere Discretion, as either Scotland or Ireland, knowing that without unnatural force he cannot be restrained in it, nor without cutting Monarchy into Mammocks, that all Countries or Corporations can be thus satisfied; and presuming that no King will ever withdraw Himself where he may be most useful, or so confine His Person to one Place, as that His influence shall be wanting in any part of His Dominions, no Umbrage can be taken of Emulation in this. And as for all other things, Equality, that unmovable Centre of the Universe, and Impartiality, that blessed balance of Government, shall be most exactly and Mathematically pursued in this new erected Synedrion; the Heptarchy of England shall not be more abolished than the Tritarchy of England, Scotland, and Ireland. I need not therefore say any more of this general Junio, or Court itself, or of the end for which it is so convocated, 'tis sufficient that I have fancied it to be equally chosen out of all the Three Nations, for the making them into One by an equal dispensation of all Rights and privileges, and an exact Distribution of Burdens and Chastisements. I shall only now add something of some Requisites, and Qualifications due to it.  
That this counsel may be effectual for those ends for which it is ordained, all Parties should equally confide in it, for which Purpose it must be dependent upon the King, as Parliaments now are, and also be chosen equally out of all Three Nations by Parliament, and in each Nation of the Lords and Commons, or several Ranks in number proportioned for their mutual Assurance. For Example, I will suppose a triennial Parliament in each Nation settled, and the same Parliament to nominate a convenient number in each Nation for their own Order to be endued with power as their standing Committees, to continue from one Parliament to another, and no longer, unless for an Honour and Testimony of public Confidence they be then longer continued. I will wish also, that in all Cases nothing be determined by fewer than one of the Nobility, and two or three of the Commonalty of each Nation, and that Plurality of Votes in gross, may not carry any thing but Plurality of Kingdoms. And if any high difficulty arise betwixt kingdom and Kingdom, let it be reserved for further Resolution in all three Parliaments. And if it happen that there be not one of the Nobility, or two or three of the Commonalty surviving from Parliament to Parliament, than the King to choose and supply that Temporary fail. Considering it also as a council of State, Let it assist the King in all Embassages, and public Treaties, and under Him superintend all foreign Plantations and Mysteries of Trade. Let it have a confined Power to mingle the Nations in Blood by intermarriages, to conform them in Language, Manners, and Religion, and to reward all national offices of friendship, and to punish all public Enmities; and let its authority be greater than that of the Privy council. And considering it as a Court of Justice, Let it hold Cognizance of all public quarrels and Divisions; Let it suppress all Incendiaries, declaring themselves either by words or Actions; Let it uphold all Orders of Equality, and cut off all opposers of the same. And for this purpose let it obtain a jurisdiction in such public national Causes, equal at least to that of the Kings Bench. And that they may the better establish general union by preventing and removing all Occasions of Division and Emulation, and by supplying and corroborating the surest Nerves of mutual Affection and Correspondence, Let the Persons of these grand councillors be sacred, their Maintenance Honourable, at the Charge of their respective States, and let several Parliaments derive or consign Power to them, and demand Account from them, as Occasion shall require. Let the place of their Residence, and the times of their convening be designed by the King, as reason of State shall bear, and let them attend His Pleasure as the Lords of the council, and as the Judges of the King's Bench now do. Let all wars, especially with foreign States, be undertaken by their Advice; And let the Levies of Men, Money, and Ammunition be proportioned in all the three Kingdoms by their Discretion, and let all Truces and Leagues be made and preserved as they shall counsel.  
To conclude, My hope is that by some such wholesome Constitution Ireland may be better reduced, and the like Rebellions for the future prevented, and perhaps other States, by the Harmony of our union, invited into an Incorporation with us, till we all grow up into a Body equal, and able to poise with any State now in Europe. But I leave the further Maturation of this Overture to men of profounder knowledge, and stronger judgements.  
Let the Motto of King James be never forgotten,  Faciam Eos in Gentem Vnam.