Jus Regum. OR, A VINDICATION OF THE regal power: AGAINST All spiritual Authority exercised under any Form of ecclesiastical Government.  
In a brief Discourse occasioned by the Observation of some passages in the Archbishop of Canterbury's last Speech.  
Published by Authority.  Omnia subjicere si vis subjice te rationi. 
LONDON: Printed for Robert Bostock, dwelling at the sign of the King's Head in Paul's churchyard. 1645.   

Jus Regum. OR, A VINDICATION OF THE regal POWERS, &c.  
IT is not safe to judge another, yet if the tree may be known by the fruit, and the secret and hidden disposition of the heart, by words which proceed out of a man's mouth; then my Lord of Canterbury his actions being considered, and his last Speech examined, he may be judged otherways, then according to that verdict which he hath pronounced of himself in that his last Speech: but to pass by his actions, but as they shall only occasionally intervene, we will examine his Speech, without wresting it to a worse sense then of necessity it must bear; and as all is not gold that glisters, so upon review and examination, it will not be found to be so charitable, as by some positive affirmations it pretends to be, and all along the Reasons enforcing will be found contradicting those affirmative conclusions expressed therein, whether they intend himself or others; for of himself, a great deal of humility and charity is affirmed, when much presumption and want of charity may be collected. For presumption, his speech is full of it, and chiefly in his comparisons and instances: for first he compares his innocency with reference to his sufferings, to Christ's, in these words, that Jesus despised the shame for him, God forbid but he should despise the shame for Jesus. In which words, is employed, that as Christ's sufferings in regard of himself were undeserved, so were his sufferings without any just cause on his part, but that his ignominy and shame was no less for Christ's sake, and for his fidelity to Christ, than Christ's sufferings were for his love to mankind; and from thence concludes, that his hope was, that God was bringing him to the land of Promise, in regard he was to pass through the Red sea, alluding to his suffering by the effusion of his blood: but he could not be ignorant that it was causa non paena that makes the Martyr; and therefore his argument will only hold if his cause were just, and that he suffered undeservedly: but if otherways, his passage through the Red sea, or his forced passage out of this world by a violent death, will prove but a weak argument, that God was therefore bringing him to a land of Promise, for than no death, so desirable as a violent death, if it were a concluding argument that therefore, he who is forced to suffer, is entering into a land of Promise. Neither doth his next instance conclude better, that because the Passeover was to be eaten with sour herbs, that therefore his present sufferings (which he confesseth that in regard of his weakness and infirmity of flesh and blood, were unpleasing and unwelcome unto him) should by their resemblance into sour herbs, prove, his forced submission unto death to be either a Passeover or a willing submission to the will of God: for whosoever submits only to the will of God when he cannot otherways choose, submits not to the will of God, but is compelled by necessity. And by the words following, it appears plainly, that whatsoever he affirmed to the contrary, yet was he angry with the hands that gathered those herbs, or brought him to that place to suffer.  
And out of all question had it been as much in his power to have prevented their purposes, by executing of vengeance, as it had been formerly to inflict punishment on those who did profess any dislike against his and other the Prelates unwarrantable usurpations, nothing on his part should have been referred to the justice of God, but if he himself could not call down fire from heaven to consume them, he would have raised a persecution upon earth to scourge them. But the date of his power was now expired, yet did his indignation remain which he did not conceal, but when he could do no more he did think it fit to put the good people in mind, that when the servants of God, old Israel, were in this boisterous Sea and Aaron with them, the Egyptians which persecuted them, and did in a manner drive them into that Sea, were drowned in the same waters, while they were in pursuit of them; and he knows, his God whom be served, is as able to deliver him from this sea of blood, as he was to deliver the 3 Children from the furnace, Dan. 3. In which words are employed two things; the first is hope of vengeance from God on those that did prosecute him. The second is hope of a temporal deliverance to himself. The first argueth want of charity; the second implieth want of true faith, or which is equivalent an erroneous faith.  
And what is employed here is evidenced in the words following, by which he most humbly thanks his Saviour, that his resolution was now as theirs was then; their resolution was, that they would not worship the Image which the King had set up, nor shall be the imaginations which the people are setting up, nor will forsake the Temple and truth of God, to follow the bleating of jeroboam's Calves in Dan and in Bethel. Where nothing is or can be clearer, than the manifest difference and dissimilitude between the different conditions of the several parties proposed, and from the result, the grounds of his faith will appear. For the 3. Children, to whom he doth resemble himself, were merely passive, preferring a passive sufferance before any actual obedience, to unlawful and prohibited Idolatry: Whereas on the contrary, he was brought to that place of execution, for his active introducing of real changes in the worship of God, expressly against the Word of God, and the Laws of the Land. For by the Word of God, we are taught that we must not make to ourselves any graven Image, nor the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, nor in the earth beneath, nor in the waters under the earth, to bow down to them, and worship them: and we are moreover taught by the same Word, that the judicial and ceremonial Law being fulfilled by the death of Christ, all external worshipping of God, arising from any Commandment either of God or man, is in itself inacceptable before God, and therefore superfluous and needless: If not first springing from a true and lively faith, begetting true holiness and inward sanctification, and by consequence only, external reverence and worship, and therefore the chief duty of the Ministers of the Gospel, is by information and instruction to beget in the people true knowledge as a foundation of sound belief, from whence only springeth true faith; and then to incite them to external duties, as evidences of their faith, but have no commission from the Word of God to enjoin or command any external duties, but to exhort only to the performance of those which were commanded and ordained by God himself: neither had they ever any spiritual authority committed unto them for the enforcing of obedience unto any thing that should be ordained by themselves: For the Apostles never had, nor never exercised any such authority. In brief, the sum of all is briefly thus, that as under the Law, all bowing down to any graven Image, and the worshipping of God in the likeness of any thing in heaven or in earth was Idolatry: So under the Gospel, which was the end and consummation of the Law, all external worship of God that doth not spring from faith, as from the root, is to be accounted Idolatry, as being a counterfeit worship set up by the imagination of men, not according to the will of God. And my Lord of Cant. doth here in some sort acknowledge this for a truth, but removes the guilt from himself to lay it upon the people; for here he doth account the worshipping of God according to the imaginations of the people to be Idolatry; but doth not consider that what he esteemed Idolatry in them, might be in himself. If he could produce no better warrant than his own imaginations, for with God there is no respect of persons; but then the question will be, whether he was brought to that place to suffer, for refusing to submit to that idolatry, which here he affirmeth was setting up by the people, or for imposing upon them a will worship according to his own imaginations only? And if he himself had given the answer, he could not say that the people did impose any thing upon him in the worship of God, but it was apparent and undeniable that he did upon the people: for doing whereof he neglected his ministerial Office consisting chiefly in Information, Instruction, and Exhortation; thereby to convince the conscience, which is uncapable of constraint from the authority of man, and usurped an authority which is only peculiar to God, and cannot be communicated to man: for which the people notwithstanding were not his Judges, but the Law of the Land, against which he did no less transgress, for imposing upon the people any thing by a lawless authority not warranted by the Laws, than he did offend against the Word of God by usurping a spiritual authority not warranted in the Word. For the Law of the Land restraineth the making of all Laws and constitutions, and the imposing of any new thing upon the Subjects of this kingdom, to the Authority of Parliaments; And albeit the Clergy might assemble in Convocation, yet were all their Acts and Constitutions of no force nor validity, until confirmed and ratified by Parliament: whereas my Lord of Canterbury did not only innovate many things in the worship of God, but did introduce and impose many new things in the Church by his own authority, and in the State by his credit with the King by the regal Power, directly against the Laws of the Kingdom, for which he was at that time brought upon the Scaffold to suffer, not because he did prefer a passive sufferance before an actual obedience to unlawful and prohibited Idolatry as did the 3. Children; but because he did exact obedience from others to his lawless commands, without any warrant from the Word of God, nor from the Laws of the Land, but by an usurped authority over both: wherefore his case can no ways be compared to the 3. Children's, but without any injury done to him, he may justly be taxed with presumption for his parallels or comparisons.  
And as his presumptions are notorious, so is his want of charity manifest, notwithstanding his seeming professions to the contrary, as appeareth in his next Section, which he beginneth with a charitable prayer, That God would bless all this people, and open their eyes, that they may see the right way. The which his charity doth terminate and end in himself, which is not charity, for charity extendeth chiefly to others; and the inference which he maketh, doth discover the sum of his desires for a blessing upon this people, for the opening of their eyes to be chiefly meant, that they might see and acknowledge his innocency which he doth here present to their consideration, not obscurely employed, but positively affirmed against all accusation whatsoever by the attestation of his own conscience: Having upon this occasion ransacked every corner of his heart, where he hath not found any of his sins that are there, deserving death by the known Laws of the Land. Certainly he was not, nor could he be so ignorant, as here he pretends to be innocent; for he could not choose but know that it was death by the known Laws of this Kingdom, for any Subject to innovate against the established Government. But supposing there had been no positive Law against it, yet was it to have been esteemed an unpardonable crime deserving the most rigorous of deaths for any Subject to attempt it; no less than it had been in an Athenian to murder his own father, when the Laws were silent for the punishment, as presupposing no such crime would be committed: nor could his conscience be so seared as not to dictate unto him, that he was the adviser to the King, needlessly to assume an arbitrary power, for the introducing of many things, whereof he himself was the chief Author, against the known Laws of the Land. And if nothing else had been proved, yet one thing was so manifest, that it needed no proof at all, the assuming of a Legislative power, by making of Laws and Constitutions in a provincial Assembly, binding to the whole Subjects, and Clergy in general, to be enforced by spiritual Authority or ecclesiastical censures; and imposing a general tax upon the Clergy without any confirmation but of the King's Letters Patents, which was a manifest usurpation over the consciences of men, and a breach against the fundamental Laws of the kingdom, the King himself having no such power nor prerogative, and former Kings having never assumed it; besides the cheat which he did put upon the King in persuading his majesty to establish that by his Prerogative, which was not only derogatory, but destructive to his Prerogative, as shall be opened more pertinently hereafter; and yet he would here persuade the people he dieth innocently, not deserving death. For which his undeserved sentence, notwithstanding he is so charitable, as to charge nothing, not in the least degree upon his Judges, for they are to proceed by proof, by valuable witnesses, and in that way he or any Innocent in the world may justly be condemned.  
If he had ended here, it had been against charity not to believe him; but as fire cannot long be concealed, after it hath taken hold any combustible matter, but will break forth and appear: So the fire of his indignation against his Judges, being kindled in his breast, must needs break forth in despite of dissimulation, and his next words demonstrate clearly what opinion he had of his Judges, whom he compareth to the Danes when Heathens, to the fury of Wat Tyler, and his fellows, to the malice of a lewd woman, to a persecuting Sword, and lastly to Herod, and to the persecuting Jews, and maketh the charge against himself to look like that against St. Paul, in the 25. of the Acts, and against St. Stephen in the 6. of the Acts. To whose cases his had no more resemblance than it had to the 3. Children's; for St. Paul and St. Stephen, were persecuted for opening the kingdom of heaven, by showing a clear way to enter therein, by a true and lively faith, grounded upon the death and mediation of Jesus Christ only, without any reference to ourselves, and our own merits. But he on the contrary did what in him lay to shut the kingdom of heaven to such as was desirous to enter, directing them into false ways, such as could never bring a man thither. For if the old Israelites, by following after the law of righteousness attained not into the Law of righteousness, because they sought it not by faith, but as it were by the works of the Law, Rom. 9 31, 32. and therefore were excluded from the promises; what must become of them, who going about to establish not the righteousness of the Law, which once was the ordinance of God, but a righteousness of their own prescription, consisting for the most part in external rites and ceremonies, commanding the observation of them as the principal part of God's worship and of man's duty; when in the mean time they neglect the ordinance of God which is their ministerial office, consisting chiefly in reforming of the will, and informing the understanding, by the operation of the Word preached, which may be performed by Information and Instruction; but can never by any authority or command, for there is a vast difference between him, who endeavoureth the production of desired effects by the operation of necessary and appointed means, and him who commands only the performance of the like effects, without the application of such means as are necessary: for the one requireth an omnipotent power; the other may be performed by a creature of a finite capacity. What affinity or resemblance then can my Lord of Canterbury's case have with St. Paul's or St. Stephens, who suffered under the rage of the people for offering their pains, to show them only, a clear and infallible way for purchasing the kingdom of heaven, which was left to their own choice to believe or not believe? But my Lord of Cant. neglecting the ways of St. Paul and St. Stephen, (consisting only in demonstration and in the efficacy of persuasion for the obtaining of their purposes and ends) was legally processed and condemned, for making use of external force, and compulsion for the obtaining of his, which St. Paul nor St. Stephen never did: and moreover, he having screwed himself into the favour of the King, did make the regal Power instrumental to his ends, and (which among other things is inexcusable) did endeavour to lay the odium and obloquy of all upon the King when it could not otherways be defended; as if that had been sufficient, that he was only instrumental to the King's commands, when it was too well known that he was the director of those commands. And as his case differed from theirs in the means, so must it differ likewise in the ends, for the end of all their labour and pains, was to bring men in subjection to the will of God, by declaring unto them the power of God and of the Deity, and manifesting the inexpressible love of God to mankind, in sending his only begotten Son into the world to take upon him our human nature, and expounding unto them the virtue and efficacy of Christ's death and resurrection; but the end of his labour and pains, was to bring men in subjection to his own will, by making them sensible how dangerous it was to offend him. For he took more pains to inflict punishment on such as offended him, then to instruct such as were ignorant.  
But odious is his next comparison, comparing himself with Christ, and his accusers to the Pharises, who having accused Christ for fear, that if they did let him alone, all men would believe on him, and the Romans would come and take away both their place and Nation. Concluding from thence, with a prayer to God, that God would not reward this people as then he did the Jews for their causeless fears and unjust sentence; but the cases being so different, and the comparisons so odious, it were a superfluous labour to go about to inform any man's understanding in the discovery. Nor needs any time be spent in detecting his vain presumption, and arrogant boasting in applying that deserved triumph of Saint Paul to himself, as if he could no less truly, than Saint Paul did, say, by honour and dishonour, by good report, and evil report, as a deceiver and yet true, he was now passing out of this world, for it is manifest that he coveted and courted that honour, which Saint Paul accounted but loss and dung, and did run a clear contrary course to Saint Paul, for Saint Paul accounted it no shame, To the weak to become as weak, 
1 Cor. 9 28.  that he might gain the weak▪ nor to be made all things to all men, that he might by all means save some, but he accounted it not only a shame but an indignity, to condescend one jot to the weakness of any man, and rather than he should be crossed in his purpose and will, those gifts and abilities, which God had bestowed upon him, for other purposes and ends, and that credit and esteem which he had purchased with his Majesty, by those gifts and abilities, and in reverence of the holiness of his calling, should be all employed to engage King and kingdom in a War, as was evident by the war with Scotland, especially after the first pacification at the camp near Berwick.  
But having taken all this pains in a general justification of himself to the people, who were his Auditors at length he thinks of it not amiss to speak of some particulars, and first is he bold to speak of the King, who he saith hath been much traduced by some for labouring to bring in Popery, which he might truly affirm, If any such affirmation had been made of His Majesty but the truth hereof is prevaricated as other truths are by him, and made useof, for his own justification rather than for the Kings, the King being rather aspersed then justified by such manner of justification, for no man did ever affirm that the King was a Papist as is here employed, nor that His majesty did labour to bring in Popery as is here affirmed, but that he was overreached by the subtlety and fraud of some, and he himself esteemed the principal deceiver and undermyner of the King, and it always hath been one of his chiefest subtleties, so to confound the King's actions and his own, that they could not easily be distinguished, that by so doing he might never be reached but by wounding the King first, building thereby great hopes, if not assured confidence to escape himself, and here labouring to justify himself to the People, from having ever had any intention to introduce Popery, he purposely makes mention of the King, for whose purposes & intentions he might safely take any deep Protestation, as if that conduced much to clear himself in the opinion of his Auditors (which was the chief thing he now aimed at) of all practices tending to that end, as a thing impossible for him to bring about, without the concurrent consent of the King, which was but a fancy but no solid argument necessarily concluding what he would have believed, for the work might be advancing, without any discovery in the King, that it was necessarily tending to such an end, until such time that it should be too late, if not impossible to retire, as a deer may be driving into a toil, not suspecting any danger, but having leisure at some times to feed by the way, until such time as seeing and apprehending his own danger, by being unawares reduced to such a straight as doth leave him no variety of choice, but to place his only safety and means of escape in leapping into that snare which had been prepared for him, and to which much pains had been taken to drive him; for it is not to be imagined, that either his majesty or any other Christian King, should submit themselves to the bondage of Popery if they rightly understood what they did, for (to pass by the danger which it bringeth to their souls, by leading them into bypaths of error which can never bring them to heaven,) it subjects all temporal authority into a vassalage and subordination to its spiritual, and that not so much by any accident or contingency arising from the different dispositions of the several persons who sit upon the several thrones spiritual and temporal (which may be turbulency and ambition in the one, and infirmity and weakness in the other) as by the very principles and fundamental constitution of Popery, by reason of the acknowledgement of, and submission into a spiritual authority, being once rooted and firmly fixed in the belief or imagination by all who embrace it, and the natural effects which do necessarily spring from thence; For when the world was blinded by ignorance as by darkness, at what time the Popes did sit as God in the Temple of God and by their spiritual authority in excommunicating and absolving whom they pleased, and for what they pleased, did uncontrollably oppose and exalt themselves above all that is called God, that is above all Magistracy and power in earth: What lamentable and sad effects, did Christendom groan under and feel from such transcendent and omnipotent a Power, so long as from a general belief, it was universally submitted unto? But when men's eyes began once to be opened, and by the clear light of the truth revealed in Scripture, some men did clearly see and perceive that no such power was ever, nor could be given into any one man upon earth, yet the apprehension of such a power and authority, that it was given unto some, being sunk deeply into all men's understandings, great difference did arise where the same should reside, and all men acknowledging it to appertain to the Clergy only, did place it amongst them as it were by a general consent, in some one of those forms which are known to be best capable to preserve authority, all or the most part of all concluding that it must be preserved in one of them, each embracing and submiting into that form, which was preferred and made choice of by those who bare the greatest sway, or had the greatest esteem and reputation with them, but none of them foreseeing into all effects and events which might follow, hath been the chief cause why so much discord & contention hath risen and continued, which will never be wanting so long as the cause remains, that is, until it be clearly understood what the pow-of the Church, and of Churchmen is, whether any such thing as spiritual authority doth appertain to them, & by what right, and to what end, whether or no, it be conducing to Religion, or be compatible with the end of government, for albeit there be no such thing as spiritual authority acknowledged, yet all power is not thereby taken away from the Church, but the consequence will only be, that the power of the Church, & of churchmen, is no more than opperative, and declarative, not at all authoritative, and having no authority, they can have no legislative power of making laws and constitutions, (call them by what name soever they will) binding to the conscience, having no penalties to enforce obedience; and why should any such thing as spiritual authority be admitted to be when it cannot be evidenced what execution doth follow, for authority without execution ceaseth to be authority by losing its virtue, for if authority say to one go, he must go, or to another come, he must come, and likewise to a third, do this, he must do it, but no Clergy man nor Minister of the Gospel can say, enter thou into heaven, and go thou into hell, all he can say is, thus believe and do, and thou shall be saved, but if otherwise you will be damned, but both the doing and believing dependeth upon the hearers own choice, nothing is determined by the appointment of the Minister, all that rests in the power of the Minister is to declare to others, the effectual means of their salvation, from the revealed will of God, to which whosoever submits by a voluntary profession testifying his belief, and receiving of baptism which is the seal of his belief, but brings not forth fruit according to his Profession, and walks not according to the rules set down in Scripture, and will not be convinced nor reclaimed by no admonition nor reproof, then may the Minister safely and boldly pronounce that he is still in the state and condition of an infidel and unbeliever, no more capable of any thing that may accrue unto him by the death and mediation of Christ then a heathen or pagan, and therefore may debar him from admission into the holy Communion, which is, or aught to be, the Communion of Saints or true believers, and is God's Sacrament to us, that is to say his Covenant and seal unto us, of the fruits and benefits, that we hope for hereafter, by virtue of Christ's death and resurrection, but the party offending is not presently cast into hell by that sentence, and though hell fire may follow upon it hereafter, yet is it not the Ministers sentence, nor the debarring him from the Sacrament, that doth send him thither, but his want of faith, which is made evident and nortorious, by no single act of any declared sin, but by an obstinate perserverance in any one sin or more that hath been judged already by the unappealable judgement of God, to be an evidence of want of faith in him who commits it, and doth take pleasure and delight into it, which is made manifest and apparent to men by a perseverance in it only; and therefore it is the sentence of God, and not of the Minister, the Minister being only God's herald or messenger to declare to others the revealed will of God, and for doing thereof he hath an express warrant from God recorded in Scripture; nor must it be any part of the Ministers purpose to send any man to hell (but purpose and intention of doing execution upon the offender is essential to authority and inseparable from it) but only to prevent (what in him lieth) his going thither: for albeit that the Ministers sentence, being rightly pronounced, be ratified in heaven, (which is undeniable) yet may it be recalled again, but never at the Ministers will and pleasure (which at sometimes is incident to authority) but by the contrition and repentance of the obstinate party publicly promising, and vowing his amendment, upon which evidence the Minister may pronounce his absolution receiving him again into the bosom of the Church, and admit him again into the Communion of Saints, and this sentence is likewise ratified in Heaven, If the party's repentance be unfeigned and sincere, which notwithstanding may be hypocritical and dissembled in him, albeit he doth refrain and forbear from the performance of that wherein he gave the offence and scandal, and doth moreover proceed to amendment of his life, not only in that particular, but doth walk unblamably and without any deserved reproof from the judgement of men in all other, howsoever upon a visible purpose of amendment, the Minister not only may, but must receive him again into the bosom of the Church, and admit him again into the holy Communion with others, so that nothing is left to the will of the Minister, nor to the final judgement of the Minister, but all is referred to the will and knowledge of God, and where will and knowledge are excluded, their Authority is wanting, and though much may be effected and brought to pass by them, yet whatsoever is effected deserves not the name as differing from the nature of Authority: and the Ministers of Christ having no Authority in those things wherein they cannot ere so long as they follow the clear light revealed in Scripture, they can much less have any Authority for such things which flow from their own Invention, nor can they enforce obedience by any spiritual means or censures of the Church, unto any thing whereof they themselves are Authors, when no spiritual means are compulsive in regard of the Instrument that must apply them, and whatsoever efficacy or virtue they have, yet may they never be applied for the enforcing of any thing whereof man is Author, for than it would follow that the will of man or something proceeding from the will of man would be a rule to the Justice of God, when one man must be as a Publican, or Heathen and consequently uncapable of the fruits of Christ's death, for disobeying only the will, or something depending upon the will of another, which no man dares to affirm, and having no compulsive means to enforce obedience, they can have no legislative power of making of cannons and constitutions binding to the conscience, for a law without a penalty or power sufficient to enforce it, is no law, nor need they have any such power, for such a power is not conducible at all to that end of Religion which is committed to them, & to their care and pains, but is destructive to the end of government; for Religion hath a two fold end, the one respecteth God, the other man, the end of religion in respect of God is to glorify God, that man who was therefore created to glorify his Maker should by a true knowledge of the true God glorify him aright, and the end of religion in respect of man, is to bring a man from all confidence in himself or the creature, to rely upon the Providence and goodness of God who is the Creator, to the end he may renounce his own righteousness to be made partaker of the merits and righteousness of the son of God, the Redeemer of mankind, that by faith in him he may obtain grace and some measure of sanctification in this life, for the remission of sins, and fruition of Glory hereafter: and for this end of religion no human laws do contribute any thing at all, for unto this the Scriptures are sufficient being complete in themselves, and the chief duty of the Ministers of the gospel is to explain and expound the true meaning of scripture to others, for doing whereof they should be learned in all necessary learning and skilful, as also have a lawful Calling by a lawful Ordination, and for which it is very fit that they be set apart from all other employment, and have a sufficient maintenance that they may the better attend that to which they are called; but for the other end to glorify God, human laws do contribute much, but they are required of Christian Kings and Magistrates, and not of Christian Ministers, for God did from the beginning put Authority into the hands of the Magistrate, and endowed them with effectual means for enforcing of obedience to what should be commanded by them, so did he never in the hands of the Priests and Levites under the Law, nor of the Apostles under the gospel, and by consequence into the hands of no Ministers whatsoever succeeding them, and God doth require of the Magistrate to improve his Authority (which is the talon that God hath given him) for the gaining of others by force and compulsion, (when no other means will prevail) to the performance of those duties that are required of them, as he requires of all who are called to labour in the ministerial function and office, to employ their gifts and graces (which are the talents bestowed upon them) painfully and diligently for the enlightening of the understanding of others, whereby every exalted thought and imagination may be brought down, which the Magistrates Power and Authority can never reach, for the Power of the Magistrate reacheth no further than to the outward life & conversation, when the operation of the Ministry subdueth the will, and therefore the principal care of the Magistrate is and aught to be to enforce men to live uprightly and justly as they ought to do, for by so doing men glorify God, but this is not all, the glory that is to be performed by man to God, for besides there must be a ready submission to the Will of God, springing from a perfect love to God, and grounded upon an assured confidence of God's love to us, which may be begotten and kindled in a man, but can never be enforced, and to this duty tendeth the Ministers pains and labour, but it is and aught to be the Christian Magistrates care to provide for all that can only be introduced by force and compulsion in the Service of God, wherefore the several ends of Magistracy and of the Ministry are different but not contrary, but the several means by which they attain their ends are not only different but contrary, and those means which are effectual to the one, are not only ineffectual but useless to the other, for the Magistrate can never attain that end to which his Authority conduceth by no persuasion nor information only, nor can the Minister subdue the will nor inform the understanding by any Authority from or in himself, and both of them have their Commission immediately from God, and each of them are subject to the other without any subordination of offices from the one to the other, for the Magistrate is no less subject to the operation of the word from the mouth of the Minister then any other man whatsoever, and the Minister again is as much subject to the Authority of the Magistrate as any other Subject whatsoever, and therefore though there be no subordination of offices, yet is there of Persons, the Person of the Minister remaining a Subject, but not the function of the Ministry, but there needs not two tribunals nor Independent Courts be erected to provide for their several ends and duties required of them, for the Minister can never attain the end of his labours, by no judicial process nor legal proceedings whatsoever, and therefore all judicial courts are needless and useless to his ends, yet are they not so to himself having other ends than what are required of him for the discharge of his duty and function, but it is essential to the Magistrate to have a tribunal and judicial Courts, for the attaining of his ends and duties required of him, without which he can never discharge his duty as he ought, but whensoever the like tribunal is erected in the Church as is necessary in the State, they must be Independent one of another in regard the several offices governing Church and State are so, but all that is to be got by independent tribunals, is either dissension and discord, which is the usual fruit that division of Authority beareth, or by compliance to provide for one another's Interests, or particular ends differing from their public duties, with the manifest loss of true religion on both sides, which many times draws down the judgement of God upon one or both, as being a third person no less interressed in Justice and Honour then either, and many times the Justice of God is most greeveous when least apprehended, as suffering men to wallow in their sins to die in security, nor is it a small judgement to leave men to the necessary effects, which division of Authority produceth: for the end of all government is the preservation of human society, the means of doing whereof is by union and unity, and Authority is the effectual means of producing and propagating unity? and therefore whensoever Authority is divided, unity may always, and sometimes must admit of division which destroys it, for unity and division are destructive one of another, and when two tribunals are erected for the determining of several and different causes and crimes, both armed with a forcible Authority, wielding swords of a different nature, agreeable to their different constitutions, and without any dependency and subordination the one to the other, what lasting concord and agreement can there be beweene these two, they that manage them must be juster than men are known to be, or advantages will be taken when given by the one, (as no sublunary substances which are subject to change can remain long in an equal balance) for subjecting the other; and therefore it was, when the Christian world did by a general consent believe that the Church having a sword though invisible, for the cutting off of all schismatical and refractory Members, no less really and truly then the State hath a visible material sword, which for the preservation of union and unity, was esteemed necessary to be put into the hands of one, and therefore willingly submitted their necks, under the Imaginary stroke thereof, from the sentence of Popes, or Bishops of Rome; How easy was it for them by reason thereof to subject all Christian Princes and Magistrates unto a dependency and subordination unto them and their Authority, and how did they trouble the Christian world, by transferring of rights and stirring up of rebellion whensoever any of those Princes did oppose them, or contradict their wills by a supposed entrenching upon their pretended Prerogatives though usurped▪ but when the Popes right began to be questioned by some, whereby his reputation did decline, even amongst those who adhering still to the doctrine of the Church of Rome as to that in which they had been educated and bred, yet did not believe his censures to be so dreadful as before they apprehended them to be; but the edge of his sword being thereby blunted, and the edge of the temporal sword being not only visible but sharp, the advantage returned to Princes, whereby those Princes who continued in union with the Church of Rome, professing subjection and obedience to the spiritual Authority thereof, do notwithstanding now reduce that power and Authority to which they profess subjection, unto a subordination of them and their Authority to be directed by them, which will be of no longer permanency, than that Church can ensnare the world again to an apprehension and belief of the reality of their power, to beget which they continually endeavour and aspire, and have no small hopes from the differences and divisions amongst Protestants, for the increasing and fomenting whereof it is not to be imagined that they are idle; but whatsoever their hopes and practices are, their greatest strength remaineth in this, that it is generally believed that the Church hath a spiritual Authority for the cutting off of all schismatical Members, and that this Authority is to be preserved in some one form or other without any derivation thereof from any human power, for than it clearly and undoubtedly followeth, that whosoever by such principles of reason taken from the end of government doth incline to Monarchy, and that this spiritual Authority can best be preserved by the Supremacy of one man, than the Bishops of Rome, having had for a long time, and for a long succession, and still having the possession, besides other advantages of greatness and power which begetteth strength and reputation, must and will be acknowledged by all those to be the only spiritual Monarch in the Church armed with spiritual Authority; and whosoever out of prejudice against the Church of Rome, taken against her by reason of either her errors or abuses, or both, doth separate themselves from the Communion of that Church, and by consequence only free themselves from her subjection, but do notwithstand adhere to and retain the grounds of those errors and abuses, by acknowledging and believing that the same spiritual Authority (which was presupposed to have been abused by the Popes and Bishops of Rome as usurpers only over the rest of the Clergy, or too great a power and consequently dangerous in the hands of any one man) is not only lawful but necessary as being Inherent in the function, and essential for the preservation of union and unity, to be preserved in some other form which they agree upon and like better than the incontrollable supremacy of one man, than this doth necessarily follow, that albeit they free themselves from all the errors and abuses which were introduced by the supremacy of one man, yet so long as they acknowledge that the same power and Authority is resident in others, they can never free themselves of all errors and abuses which are introducible by Authority, but that the property and condition of things in themselves indifferent will be changed from being indifferent and converted into the nature and necessity of absolute duties, which ever begets bondage and subjection, and sense of bondage doth ever beget desire of liberty, which can never be obtained so long as the opinion of a necessity of Authority in some form or other is retained; and experience hath now taught us, what could not be foreseen by reason alone, without some additional help from divine illumination, that in the Church of England which did not only shake off the supremacy of the Pope, but had purged herself of all those errors which had either crept in, or were introduced by the power of that supremacy, by retaining of Bishops, and giving them a part only of that spiritual Authority, which formerly was acknowledged to Popes, and though qualifying that part by restraining it from all legislative power, or a power to enact any thing, but allowing it a Power of judicature, the effectual operation and proper working of that part of spiritual Authority, hath now fully manifested itself to tend to propagate superstition and error▪ rather than the sincerity and truth of Religion; and as the natural motions of different bodies, differing in quality and substance tend to different centres, the natural motion of Episcopacy, hath now discovered itself to endeavour continually to unite itself to such a head to which it is capable to aspire, rather than to be in subjection under such a head to which it hath no capacity to aspire, and that received principle of State, that Episcopacy, is a support to Monarchy, is now likewise discovered to be fraudulent and deceitful, for it is true that it is a support to a spiritual Monarchy or Monarchy in the Church, as being the basis and foundation thereof, but doth undermine and destroy Monarchy in the State, especially in that State which doth trust unto it as to a supporter, and the reason is clear, for all supporters which have no solid foundation, do ruinate those buildings, which are erected upon them being of greater weight and substance than the foundation can bear, and the foundation of Episcopacy being laid in the engrossing of spiritual Authority or ecclesiastical censures; spiritual Authority itself hath no other existence nor being, but what it hath in the Imagination and belief, which is too slippery a ground to support a solid substance, such as temporal Monarchy is, but may be sufficient to support an airy and imaginary bulk, such as spiritual Monarchy is, which Episcopacy not only supports, but continually tends towards as to its proper centre, and my Lord of Cant. when he obtained the King's good will to confirm by his Letters Patents, the late Canons, did put a direct cheat upon his Majesty, for thereby the King's supremacy in causes ecclesiastical was cut off, and from thence forth his supremacy over ecclesiastical persons should have been rather titular than real, If the consent of Parliament could as easily have been obtained as his majesty's own: But to conclude this part of my Lord of Cant. Speech he might safely protest upon his conscience, that his Majesty was a sound Protestant, according to the Religion by law established, yet did it not thereupon follow, that he himself was guiltless from the sentence of the law, because his actions being all warranted by his majesty's consent, they could not be divided from the Kings; which is the chief thing implied by this particular. His second particular is concerning th●… great and populous City, to which he is very kind and prayeth God to bless it, but all his prayers for those who he conceiveth had done him injury have a sting in them, and this prayer ends reproaching those he prays for, as if some had subordned witnesses against his life by gathering of hands, which he affirmeth to be a way that might endanger many an innocent man, and may plucks innocent blood upon their own heads, and perhaps upon this City also, which before he prayed God to bless, and now again to forbid this Judgement, but his prayers are mixed with threats and all tending to justify himself to his auditors, whereof he is never unmindful upon all occasions, and having here occasion to mention the Parliament, he bestows glorious and honourable Titles and epithrates upon it, as if that were sufficient to testify his respects thereof, but he doth contradict his own testimony by his Inferences and Applications, for by Inference he applieth the gathering of hands, (which he affirmeth to have been practised against himself,) to the stirring up of the people against Saint Stephen, and to Herod's lying in wait for Saint Peter's death, by observing how the people took the death of Saint James. By which Instance he must mean that great, honourable, and wise Court of the kingdom, the Parliament, (those be the titles he bestows upon them) for it was they that gave sentence against him, as Herod did against Saint James, and would have done against Saint Peter, which no Christian thinks was either honourably or wisely done of him, and therefore what opininion he had of that great, honourable, and wise Court for sentencing of him may be collected, and that his esteem of them was not so honourable as his expressions; but whatsoever his esteem of them was, they were his Judges so will he never be theirs which he here apprehended, when he did put the City in mind of the Justice of God, and how fearful a thing it was, to fall into the Hands of the living God, because God remembers and forgets not the complaints of the poor, a lesson which he never remembered when he himself did sit upon the tribunal, but is of special comfort unto him upon the Scaffold, for his blood was innocent blood, and not only innocent blood in his own esteem but he had a special Commission from God to tell them so, as Jeremiah had, in the 26. Chap. of Jeremiah, ver. 15. the words were not expressed by him but directions given to the place, the words be these, But know ye for certain, that if ye put me to death, you shall surely bring innocent blood upon yourselves, and upon this City, and upon the Inhabitants thereof: for of a truth the Lord hath sent me to you to speak all these words in your ears. The words are so plain they need no comment.  
His third particular is, this poor Church of England, as he calls it, but from thence no observation is to be drawn, for it is an undeniable truth what is there affirmed, only it would be inquired after, who hath been the principal and instrumental cause of this great change, but he hath made no application and so will I.  
His last particular is himself, and that about his religion, in which he is very brief, choosing to express himself by circumstances which admit of a latitude that may deceive the hearer or reader, rather than positively and clearly whereby he leaves the hearer or reader as little satisfied as if he had said nothing at all, yet doth he confess his labouring to keep up an uniformity in the external worship of God, but makes no mention at all of what means he used to do so, for in the ways which he took and in the means which he used consisted his chiefest guilt, but that he passeth over, and so comes at last to speak of his accusation, which was no less than an accusation of High treason, and by no meaner persons then by the whole Commons of England assembled in their representative body in Parliament, and there and by them proved against him, yet hath he the confidence to say it was a crime his soul ever abhorred, howsoever he proceeds to the parts of his charge being two, an endeavour in him to subvert the Law of the Realm, and a like endeavour to subvert the true Protestant Religion established by those Laws, both which he seemeth to deny, but so mystically as that his meaning is rather to be collected, then that it can be clearly discerned. For he expresseth himself variously, and answereth in another form of words than which were proposed by him; for having propounded them, that the charge against him was an endeavour to subvert the Law of the realm, and a like endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by those laws, he answereth having first protested, In the presence of Almighty God, and all his holy and blessed angels, that he did take it now upon his death, that he never endeavoured the subversion of the laws of the realm, nor never any change of the Protestant Religion, into Popish superstition; the sense of which words doth imply a great change from what they were, when first propounded, for by his first proposition of them he expresseth himself, to have been accused of an endeavour to subvert the Law of the Realm; by which word Law in the singular number as in the abstract may be understood the legislative power, or power of law-making, comprehending the frame of this government, and including King and Parliament, which he was charged to overthrow, by an endeavour to introduce an Arbitrary government, depending upon the will of the King alone, and excluding the Parliament; and in his answer he makes mention of the subversion of the laws in the plural number, where they are confined to different subjects, as to so many individual substances, by which may be meant the particular acts and laws issued forth and derived from that power, and may comprehend them all, which no man did ever think or lay to his charge that he endeavoured the subversion of all the whole laws, and of every particular, and therefore here doth appear a fallacy and deceit, which is agreeable to his former practices, so likewise in the other branch about Religion he first propounds it, of an endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by those laws, and answereth, of any change of the Prottestant Religion into Popish superstition which is a manifest difference, whereof hereafter: having occasion to speak first of his esteem of Parliaments, which he takes occasion to mention here as having been accused as an enemy to them, the which he denies expressing a Reverend esteem of them in the general, as of the greatest Court over which no other Court can have any Jurisdiction in the kingdom; but professeth his dislike against some few one or two Parliaments in particular, for some misgovernments in them as he did conceive, but what those misgovernments were he doth not express, only in stead thereof a general reason is given, Coruptio optimi est pessima, but from thence he might condemn and destroy all Parliaments and the best of governments, and of every thing as often as he pleaseth, if nothing more be required but that his affirmations must be admitted for proofs, for there is nothing wherein the frailty of man must be employed but may admit of error, and corruption, but it doth not follow, that whatsoever may, doth; nor doth it anywhere appear that any of those Parliaments, which he here condemneth, were guilty at all of any such corruption as he layeth to their charge, but the contrary is manifest, and if for no other thing yet for this his esteem of them, for undoubtedly by him they should have been better esteemed, If really and truly they had been more corrupted; for Parliaments may be then said to be corrupted, when all or most part of the members do subject their Votes to the determination and judgement of others, preferring the particular pleasure, interest or ends, of some whom they respect, before the general good of all whom they represent; neither is it any impossible thing so to pack a Parliament as not only the things to be proposed and debated, but the greater number of the Members Votes shall depend upon the pleasure of others, being agreed and united amongst themselves for a particular and sinister end; for it is no false report but a well known and undeniable truth, that in the choice of the Members of the lower House of Parliament which doth depend upon a free Election by the Gentry, communality, and freeholders in England, the major number within their several limits and jurisdictions giving it to whom they please, yet the reputation of some in some places especially, hath been such as to prescribe to those who were to choose, who should be chosen by them, whereby many have been returned by the favour and recommendation of others rather then by any merit of their own, and it is probable that a design of changing Religion and altering the government having been for a long time pursued by a faction of men who had obtained power and favour about the King that they were not negligent, in making use of this advantage for their own ends, & it plainly appears that they were not, because at divers times they had recourse to Parliaments in time of prosecution of the design, before it was finished, which to some might seem a likely means in all appearance to have overthrown all such design for ever, but the success of those Parliaments and the conclusion which they made, doth clearly demonstrate what the designers purpose and intention was in calling them: for the end of calling of all Parliaments, is either a purpose and desire of relieving the King's wants, and to supply his necessities or to redress the grievances of the subjects, or both: for such hath been the prudence of our ancestors, in settling the frame of this government, not only to deny to their Kings all power of imposing any taxes upon the Subjects with out their own free consents, by their representative body assembled in Parliament, but did as it were bind the hands of their Kings, by their own consents signified by divers Acts of Parliament, from so doing for ever. For which their Kings were recompensed, with a special and absolute Prerogative of calling and dissolving of Parliaments, at their will and pleasure only. The people being thereby assured, that if a desire to right the people's grievances, and for providing of beneficial Laws were not sufficient motives and inducements to the King for calling of Parliaments; yet the consideration of, and respect to his own necessities and wants would move him: and divers Parliaments having been called, during the prosecution of this design, which have been dissolved again, by the same Prerogative that called them, without any application of redress either to the grievances of the Subjects, or to the Kings wan●s, doth manifest that (whatsoever the pretence was) the chief end and purpose of calling those Parliaments, was never neither for redress of the Subjects grievauces, nor for relief of the King's wants; but chiefly to make trial what strength they could make in the Parliament to finish their design by Authority of Parliament. For having advanced their design so far at Court by their prevalency with His majesty, that they had obtained the possession of the greatest places, and places of greatest trust, both about His majesty and in the Kingdom: they were thereby of that credit and reputation, that none were preferred to places of trust, nor to dignities, nor honours, without their approbation, if not recommendation. Which did so secure them, that they needed not fear the disappointment of their design by any opposition at Court, and so far as the King's power and Prerogative could further it. But the King's Prerogative being not absolute, the Laws of this Kingdom, and the Constitution of this Government, having neither conferred an absolute power nor Prerogative upon the Kings thereof, they could never finish their design (whatsoever it was) by the King's Prerogative alone, without an additional confirmation by the Subjects consents assembled in Parliament whereof they were likewise assured; if by the reputation and strength of their Faction they could procure such a certain number to be returned Members of the lower House, as they might be confident of, would suffer their Votes to be directed by them, by which means they might hope to carry any thing in that House which should be proposed by His majesty, or in His majesty's name, of whose deliberations and determinations they were the chief disposers.  
As for the House of Peers, there was no doubt at that time of a prevalent party to concur with them, by reason of the Bishops Votes, and Court Lords, and others who were obliged to them by many favours; they being the chief disposers of all favours, which did either depend upon or proceed from His majesty's gift. For all which causes and considerations there was no danger to call a Parliament, whensoever they pleased: For if the Parliament did not answer their expectation, it was in the same men's power to persuade the King to dissolve it, who had the credit to persuade His Ma. to call it. His Majesty suspecting no ends in them but what was pretended for His majesty's service. But the success of those Parliaments declared, that the credit of the Faction was not so great in the country as at Court; for which my L. of Cant. doth here tax them with misgovernment, professing his dislike, against them only, which must be conceived was, because they were not yet moulded nor brought to that frame to condescend to every thing that he and others should project, as was the late Synod. And the great number of Patentees, and Monopolists chosen this Parliament, and others who have deserted the Parliament, and have sitten since in an Anti-parliament at Oxford, doth sufficiently demonstrate upon whom they depended, and for whose Interests their Votes have been devoted from the beginning, whether for the general benefit of King and Kingdom, or only to serve the particular ends of such who either in all probability did recommend them, or otherways from whom they did expect preferment or some other reward.  
But from hence may be collected, that the design for altering Religion, and the frame of the Government being two different things, that they were not alike intended by the Designers, but that the design for altering of Religion was principally intended by them; and that the other design of introducing an Arbitrary government to the King was but the bait to deceive the King, thereby to insinuate the better with him, and to engage His majesty to them, and was chiefly made use of, as subservient and conducing to the other design of Religion that was the only design with them: which is made manifest by the progress of both designs. For as all motions which by their slowness or distance seem insensible to the beholder, so as at first view it cannot be discerned whither they tend, yet are easily perceived by their progress: so the dark and disguised ends of this design, which could not endure the light of open profession, is clearly discernible by the progress which it hath made. For albeit that an Arbitrary power in the King hath been made use of in many things, to the great prejudice of the Subject, tending to the manifest destruction of the Subjects Liberties, and privileges of Parliament; yet when a true account shall be taken, what great benefit hath returned to the regal Authority by all that hath been done, the total sum will be found at the end of the Church-mens bill, but none at all at the Kings; where on the contrary, manifest detriment and loss will appear, and that the King's Prerogative hath been stretched upon the tenters beyond its true by as, to set up and settle an absolute or Independent Prerogative in the Church to churchmen, which is inconsistent with the Prerogative of the Crown: for whensoever the Prerogative of churchmen is advanced to such a height, as that it groweth either absolute or Independent, the Prerogative of the Crown is either subjected or undermined, and the King parts with a real Authority, depending upon his own reason and judgement chiefly, to be directed by the will and judgement of another, unless the smart of his Sword doth terrify more nor the apprehension of theirs, which is all the remedy that will be left him whensoever the chief Governor or Governors of the Church and he do differ. And the remedy which the late Cannons applied for the securing of all men, against any suspicion of revolt to Popery, hath manifested to all men how far the progress to Popery was advanced, when it durst appear nothing at all disguised, but under a thin veil of some few deceitful words, in a pontifical robe of absolute Authority constituting and ordaining; and to show how absolute and Independent the Protestant Church of England was grown, the words; We straightly command all Parsons, Vicars, and Curates, and we enjoin all Archbishops and Bishops, and We decree and ordain; are used all along in the several Articles published, which are all words of absolute Authority and command, and the penalties enforcing obedience to all those absolute commands, are either suspension and deprivation to the Clergy, or the dreadful censures of Excommunication, and casting into hell to all others. For no less punishment doth the sentence of Excommunication imply, because the party excommunicate being cast out of all communion with the Church, is thereby presupposed to be deprived of all the benefits that he may hope for by virtue of Christ's death and mediation, so long as he remains in the state of excommunication, which is a great terror to all them that do not rightly understand the nature of Excommunication, and what the authority of churchmen is, which is ever the much greater part of those who are members of any Church, besides the great number of others which be in all Churches that slight the censure of Excommunication, as being a censure from which they feel no present smart, without which it hath no operation with them, for the enforcing of whom especially, it was by these Cannons enjoined, that every Bishop shall once every year send into His majesty's high Court of Chancery a Significavit of all such who have stood excommunicated beyond the time limited by the Law, and shall desire that the Writ De Excommunicato capiendo might be at once sent out against them all, Ex Officio. And for the better execution of their Decrees, They did most humbly beseech his most sacred majesty, that the Officers of the high Court of Chancery, whom it shall concern, may be commanded to send out the aforesaid Writ from time to time, as is desired, and that the like command also may be laid upon the sheriffs and their Deputies, for the due and faithful execution of the said Writs, as often as they shall be brought unto them. Which whensoever they should obtain, would put the Supremacy of all Authority into the hands of some of the Clergy, by necessitating the smarting stroke of the Magistrates Sword to follow of course upon notification of theirs, whereby all magistracy and Law should be but executioners of their sentence, from which there was no appeal, but by submission deserving absolution, which was ordained by the authority of the foresaid Synod, not to be given, until the party to be absolved should come as a penitent, humbling himself upon his knees, and first take an Oath, De parendo Juri, & stando mandatis Ecclesiae. And for a perpetual subjecting of all men into a vassalage and subjection to the Authority of Bishops and others of the Clergy, it was there decreed, That all Clergy men, and all others who should take any degree of learning in any of the universities, and all that should be licenced to practise physic, all Registers, Actuaryes and Proctors, all Schoolmasters, and all others that should come to be incorporated in any of the universities here, having taken a degree in any foreign university, should take an Oath in a prescribed and set form of words, before they should be admitted to take their degrees, Never to give their consent to alter the government of this Church by Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, and Archdeacons, By which means, an equal allegiance should have been paid to them as to the King and his Successors for ever: And all this was presented to the blinded world, and abused King, as a remedy to secure men against any suspicion of revolt to Popery, which was nothing else but a public setting up of Popery, though not yet of the Pope's supremacy, which was to follow; and employing the help and assistance of the Magistrates Sword, and the force and power of the Laws of the Land to that very use and end; For Popery consisteth neither in this or that superstition nor Idolatry, nor in this or that erroneous Doctrine, nor in altogether, principally and chiefly; but in the absoluteness of spiritual authority commanding implicit obedience, to whatsoever Doctrine or Superstition shall be invented by man, as necessary and essential to the true worship of God, under the threatened pain and penalty of Excommunication and Interdiction, and promising the kingdom of heaven to whomsoever it pleaseth, as a gift or reward within the power of man: and the assumption of which so divine and incompetent a power to any man or mankind united together, and the deriving thereof from one solely to others, as inherent in the person or function of one only, doth necessarily infer and presuppose the gift of Infallibility in him who doth so assume it, that he may become an unappealable Judge, which doth exalt him, in the sight and esteem of those men who do believe in him, and willingly submit unto him, to the nature and dignity of the incommunicable prerogative of God, and makes him undeniably the revealed Antichrist to others, by usurping and possessing the throne of Christ upon earth, for whom only, such dominion and authority is reserved in heaven.  
And the root of Popery or Antichristianity (for so it may be termed, as tending continually thither by the Doctrine which it teacheth, and the Authority which it usurpeth) lieth in this very principle, that a power of excommunicating and absolving, or sending into heaven or hell, is assumed by some as depending upon the purpose and will of man, according to the nature of Authority, and consented to and believed by others; and the danger to temporal Authority lieth in the universality and generality of the belief and assent, and the difference between the incontrolable supremacy of the Pope, and the exalted Prelacy of Bishops pretending to the same Authority is but a difference of degrees, but not of kinds. For, for the settling of this Authority into the supremacy of any one, there is a necessity of engrossing it into the hands of some few first; and Popes had never mounted to their omnipotent throne of Supremacy, if a superiority of some of the Clergy invested with spiritual authority over others had not been first assented unto. For the same rule, necessity, and end requireth the supremacy of one Bishop over all other Bishops, that requireth the superiority of any Clergy man into the dignity of a Bishop over many others of the Clergy: and the same danger of spiritual error endangering the soul lieth upon all that are subject to this spiritual authority, whether it be derived from the supremacy of one, or a superiority only of others, or from the Democracy of all the Clergy assembled together, or from the independency of everyone within their several Congregations, so long as it is entertained and received in the belief as a sufficient ground or warrant for obedience to what shall be ordained by it: and the exercising of spiritual authority under a different form of external government only, being a difference rather in form then substance, all of them may divide unity in the ends and consequences of government, by dividing of Authority which is the preserver of unity; but each of them doth admit of degrees of more and less, according as the form embraced is more or less absolute. The superiority therefore of Bishops over the rest of the clergy, which may be as Independent as any other form, but can never be so absolute as the supremacy of the Pope, in regard it can never beget nor enforce so general a dependency and subjection of all men unto it, wherein union and strength consisteth, is never so dangerous to that State which entertains it, as when it declares its independency, and aspires to be absolute. And albeit that Episcopacy doth continually endeavour and aspire to be united by the Supremacy of one of their own order, because thereby they arise to a further degree of strength and perfection, to which all sublunary creatures have a natural propension, inclination, and desire; yet can they not at all times, nor whensoever they please, attain to their desires. And the Archbishop of Canterbury having discovered and manifested unto the world how independent the authority of churchmen here in England was grown, and how absolute they coveted to be, did give a clear evidence at the same time how far the progress to the Pope's Supremacy was advanced; which is made more manifest by the concurrence and joint endeavours of Papists of all sorts, not only agreeing with, but labouring in the same design with some of our clergymen and others. For their indefatigable labours and renewed pains, with so much blood and danger to the undertakers ever since the Reformation, have all tended to that end chiefly, as to the only mark at which they have ever aimed. The threatning balls, and many dangerous conspiracies and invasions in Queen Elizabeth's time, and the most damnable Gunpowder Treason in King James his time, are clear proofs how implacable their malice hath been against all Reformation, that did depose the Pope from his pretended right of Supremacy, and how violently they have been transported to reinthrone him again, which is but the ultimate end of all such dangerous and desperate undertakings, but the immediate is always and ever hath been for some particular ends to the undertakers, springing from their own ambition, and covetous desire of dominion and rule, from which Papists are excluded by the Laws of this Land establishing the Reformation: for the desire of authority, and to have a command over others is a natural desire to all ambitious men; and ambition is an inherent quality in all men, flowing from the operation and effectual working of the spiritual substance of the soul, which coveteth to mount and aspire continually, but is predominant only in some. And no man (that may choose) doth hazard his own life, for restitution of another to his right being lost, but he that hopes to participate and share with him or under him after the recovery, in some proportion and measure, though not in an equal degree. And since the Gunpowder Treason, they having not only forborn all forcible attempts, against either the life and safety of the King, or the public peace and tranquillity of the kingdom, until the present Rebellion in Ireland did break out, upon which the war against the Parliament ensued; but seeming extraordinarily and strangely converted in their dispositions and desires, and of deadly and implacable enemies, appearing the most dutiful Subjects of all others, pretending to be the most zealous instruments for the enlargement and promotion of that power and authority which was bound by special interest to suppress them, is an argument of some well studied and close followed design, rather than any symptom of change of disposition; for they can never change their dispositions, so long as they retain their wicked principles and false doctrines, which principally gives life and motion to the wickedness of their dispositions, and the desire of dominion and rule is impetuous and incessant, to which they can never have a legal right in this Kingdom until all those Laws be repealed which disable them; the doing whereof and not the King's Prerogative is a principal motive with them in all their undertakings and designs, and the great potency and prevalency of Papists about His majesty in all his consultations and actions, do manifest and declare what their purposes and intentions are; that this Independent authority of Bishops coveting to be so absolute (which hath been set up of late in the Church of England, and confirmed by the King, and by his Prerogative royal) shall acknowledge the Pope for their Head and not the King: for Popes were never so munificent rewarders of any man's deserts or duties, as to part with that which they accounted their right, to give it away to another; and Papists were never so undutiful sons as to labour for the setting up of an Arbitrary power and unlimited Prerogative to an heretical King: when his holiness hath given sentence that no heretic is capable of any Authority at all, and that all men are to be accounted for heretics who deny the Pope's Supremacy; wherefore in the conclusion, His majesty must either part with that Supremacy which the Law hath given him, and submit to the Popes, or be deprived of all Authority whatsoever, which is all he must expect from them, or by their aid and assistance. And the great favours which hath been always showed to Papists since the beginning of His majesty's reign, but more especially now, the partial indulgence towards the bloodiest and cruelest of all Rebellions, and to the most perfidious of all Nations, the Irish, accounting them for good Subjects after so many barbarous massacres and horrid executions of an infinite number of English & Scottish Protestants, rather than the King shall agree with his Parliament in England, for the saving of the lives of his Protestant Subjects here, and choosing to continue the war in England at the expense of his English Subjects lives; by whom his majesty hath ever, and must still, if ever, subsist in power, dignity, and honour; and to the great peril and manifest hazard of His Majesties own life, rather than break off that Cessation, which His majesty had not power to make with the Irish, from whom His majesty never received better fruits then at a great expense of treasure, and of his other Subjects lives, to reduce and keep them to a forced duty and allegiance; and the overruling of His majesty's reason and judgement to approve and consent to the Pope's Supremacy in Ireland, which is known and acknowledged to be destructive to His majesty's Supremacy and just Prerogative, rather than an extirpation of Episcopacy which is the foundation and assent to the Pope's Supremacy shall be consented to in England, upon a bare presupposal that it is a necessary support to Monarchy; when it hath never been yet examined what Monarchy it supports, whether spiritual or temporal: and whether that which is a necessary supporter to the one, is compatible with the other, having shaken off the yoke of spiritual Monarchy, and renounced not only all subjection to it, but all communion with it; and trusting of Papists upon their bare words and deceitful professions, against their known unsound tenets and doctrines, rather than the Parliament and Protestant Subjects shall be believed upon their solemn Vow and Covenant for the preservation and defence of His majesty's person and Authority. And lastly, employing of known and professed Reeusants, trusting them with Arms and Authority, without any caution or consideration how they may be disarmed again, rather than that the Parliament shall be suffered to dispose of the Militia of the Kingdom for the safety and security thereof for some limited time, are all clear and manifest proofs what their power and prevalence with the King is; And do all conclude, that an Arbitrary power and unlimited Prerogative pretending for the King, having been made use of and exercised by them, yet was never intended for the King, nor for the improving nor advancing of the King's Prerogative; but only to make use of it for erecting and setting up of an Independent Authority in the Church to ecclesiastical persons: and by means thereof to introduce the Pope's Supremacy as the chief and ultimate end of their design. And that His majesty hath been grossly abused, and craftily overreached by disguised Impostors, and deceitful parasites, pretending one thing when intending the contrary. Whereof amongst other things my Lord of Canterbury his equivocal expressions at the hour of his death giveth some light; at what time being desirous to justify himself publicly to the world, of his endeavours for changing the Religion, he expresseth himself of endeavouring only to change the Protestant Religion to Popish superstition, as if there had been no other danger from Popery but of introducing of gross and absurd Superstition, to many of which embraced by them, and set up by papal Authority, it may be granted him and believed that he was no real friend, but might condemn them in his own opinion and judgement; when notwithstanding it was certain and clear, that he not only befriended, but courted and ambitiously coveted that honour and authority which did establish that superstition; and which must of necessity still produce some superstition or other in the worship of God: and hath now sufficiently discovered itself to endeavour continually to introduce Superstition and Ignorance as the principal means to induce men, by a blind devotion to submit to an implicit obedience of what shall be required of them, and imposed upon them. But that was passed over by him as a thing wherein he was not concerned; yet his practices tending thither was the chief thing concerning Religion whereof he was accused, and for which he was condemned: and possibly he might be deceived himself by the fallacy of deceitful grounds and false principles, the consequences whereof might not appear so clearly to himself as to others, which might be the cause, why he did endeavour to justify himself of his intentions only; when the charge against him, was for his practices and actions chiefly which he acknowledged to have been proved against him, by acquitting his Judges as having proceeded secundum allegata & probata. For he might flatter himself with an opinion of good intentions, thinking all was necessary and good which he went about: but thinking so, he did but deceive himself as well as others, which is the best charity that can be allowed him by the most charitable Christians that are not misled by the same principles and grounds that did deceive him; and the most favourable construction that can be made of him is, that albeit he was a great Doctor and Statesman also, yet was he to learn the true principles of the Christian Religion, when he went out of the world, and that his principles of government were no better, than his principles of Religion.  
By the result of all which two things are demonstrated and declared. The first is, that they who do believe and are of opinion, that they are the only assertors and defenders of the King's Prerogative, and of the regal power, by fighting against the Parliament, for the maintaining and defending of all that is established and approved by the King in this difference between King and Parliament, do but contribute their help and assistance for the undermining and destroying of the regal power, and of the King's just Prerogative The second is, that the King is not resisted because his will is opposed by his Parliament, which is the King's great council, and the representative body of his Kingdom; and the reason of both is, because by the constitution and frame of this Government Kings of this Kingdom may never give away their rights, and that power and authority which they themselves have over the Subjects, nor transfer the same upon any other, without the general consent of the Subjects; which can never be obtained but by their representative Body assembled in Parliament. And the obtaining of His majesty's will in this, would be of more dangerous consequence to himself, and to the regal Authority, than ever yet appeared to himself, or can ever appear, so long as he is separated and divided from his great council, where, by a free debate of all consequences, and by a clear discovery of all sinister ends and fraudulent practices, the truth of all can only appear; and without whom His majesty can determine nothing by himself, nor by his own judgement therein. The question being of exposing himself, his Successors, all his Subjects, and their posterity to a bondage, and subjection under a heavy yoke and foreign Head; usurping a spiritual Authority, and claiming homage and universal obedience thereunto by Divine right, as being, Christ's Vicar general, and the supreme Head of the Church upon earth: And the consequences of which being, that the acknowledgement of this claim, and a general belief thereof only, doth necessarily subject all other power and Authority unto it; by reason that the faculties of the soul upon which this spiritual authority hath the chiefest influence and operation, do easily subject and subdue all the powers of the body. And it is now experimentally known, that men being once subdued to the apprehension and belief of this spiritual Authority, by their intellectuals and rational parts chiefly, they are kept in obedience as to their duty by their sensitive parts, and by all manner of forcible means, which makes it a real power and authority that before was only imaginary; and by means thereof becomes a power superior, to all human power, and cannot be contradicted nor controlled by no power nor authority, that is in man, and can neither be limited nor confined within any certain bounds, nor be directed by no rule nor Law whatsoever.  
But notwithstanding would suddenly vanish, if the grounds and ends of all spiritual authority, to be exercised under any form of ecclesiastical government, were fully examined, and discovered to be nothing but the imagination of man, which would infallibly follow if nothing were taken for granted without evidence and proof, which is the end of all counsels and Consultations, and the principal duty of every rational man: and reason is in nature before all the other faculties of the soul, and is the foundation of all other gifts and graces whatsoever, but not the perfection, and therefore is it given to all men as a difference and distinction between man and beast: when other gifts and abilities are given only to some; And the end of Government is discovered to man by the light of reason, and conduceth to the very being of man, which must be provided for, before any thought or consideration can be had of well being, or of any other perfection. And therefore unity, which is the preserver of human society, must be provided for before any other duty that is required of man. For the preservation of human society tendeth to the propagation of mankind, in which the being of man consisteth, as from which it is derived, without recourse to a new creation; and all Authority, which is the preserver of Unity, must be derived from one head or fountain which in this Kingdom is from the regal Power. For no man denieth that the King is the Head of his people; and all men know and acknowledge that He is never in his Supremacy nor absolute but by his Parliament. Which as it is the representative Body of the people; so is it the Supreme council of the King. And therefore without it He is neither the head of a complete body (but of a Faction) nor a complete head; For the Parliament being the representative of the people becomes thereby their living soul, including the will and desires of all the people, as comprehending them all: But being the King's great council, who is the head of the people, it doth supply the office and nature of all the external senses which are placed in the head for the use of the body, and especially to inform and assist the intellectual faculties inhabiting the head, for the giving of due influence upon the body, without which a body politic doth languish and consume; being fed and nourished by the vigorous operation of the intellectuals descending from the head, as a body natural doth by sustenance and meat. Wherefore what God hath conjoined, let no man separate: and whosoever wisheth well to the prosperity of this Kingdom, let him endeavour the conjunction of King and Parliament: And whosoever nourisheth division between them, let them be esteemed as the betrayers of their country, and enemies to mankind; and let God arise and his enemies will be scattered. But as my Lord of Canterbury had a legal trial, and just sentence, so may all such disguised Traitors to the Kingdom, and fraudulent deceivers of the King, in going about to steal from him his real right and Authority, by a counterfeit show of making it better, perish and be confounded in their own craft as public Enemies to King and Parliament, where only the Supremacy of all Authority in England doth rest, with the King, and in the King; but not in the Kings will, but in his reason: which as it rendereth him most absolute, so doth it appear most eminent, by concurring with the desires of all his people, when exhibited to him by them who represents them all; and are likewise his supreme council, to which all other counsels and Courts whatsoever are subordinate and accountable: by doing whereof only he is united with his people, and his people with him, wherein the strength of both consisteth, and then may he confidently say, If God be with us, who can be against us.  
FINIS.