Of a Free Trade A DISCOURSE Seriously Recommending to our Nation the wonderful benefits of TRADE, especially of a rightly Governed, and Ordered Trade.  
Setting forth also most clearly, The Relative Nature, Degrees, and Qualifications of liberty, Which is ever to be enlarged, or restrained according to that Good, which it Relates to, as that is more, or less ample.  
Written by HENRY PARKER Esquire.  
{non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}.  
Doing all things thou dost none:  
Business too vast makes thee a Drone.  
LONDON: Printed by Fr: Neile for Robert Bostock, dwelling in Paul's churchyard, at the sign of the King's Head. 1648.   

TO THE RIGHT worshipful JOHN KENRICK Alderman of LONDON, governor of the Merchant Adventurers of ENGLAND. TO THE RIGHT worshipful ISAAC LEE, Deputy of the said Company of Merchant Adventurers residing at Hamburgh. To all other Deputies, Assistants and Members of the said Famous Company.  
Worthy Gentlemen:  
IF in this brief Argument (which here treats of your Charters, and maintains your privileges) there be any thing beseeming an Advocate of yours: I desire the entire advantage thereof may redound solely to yourselves. For indeed the Merit of your Cause is such, as would require an able Orator: and when I first applied myself to serve you herein, I perceived your interest was the same as the Common interest of all Merchants, and that could have no termination, but in the common interest of our Nation: But if there appear any Error, or failure in these papers: if the workmanship be found too unworthy of the stuff: I shall then desire of all my Readers, that the blame may be only mine: and that none but myself may suffer the least disadvantage by my defects, and disabilities. I am certain all wise, impartial Judges will distinguish betwixt that which is mine in this weak piece, and that which is yours: and if they cast some disdain upon me for not pleading your cause, as I might: they will not proceed to a condemnation of your cause, for being no better pleaded here then it is.  
In Queen Elizabeth's days a Tract to this very purpose was Printed by Mr. Wheeler (a learned Gent: that preceded me in this place) were that Tract now reprinted, perhaps our Times would be better satisfied in this Case. It came not to my fight, till after I had formed the lump of this, and given it all those rude lineaments almost, which it now bears: and I was induced then to persist in my resolution of finishing this, and not of retroceding; the rather; because I saw my stile and method varied much from his: because, the face of the times (which has great influence upon the State and fate of merchandise) was not the same when He wrote, as it is now:, because, his Tract was in bulk more than twice, as great as mine; because, He might give some light to me in some things, and I add some to Him in other things; and so both might be more effectual for the ends proposed by both, then either: because, if He was more satisfactory in matters of this particular Company, I had some thoughts in myself, that I was more proper for the affairs of Merchants in general. These reasons kept from abortion this Essay of mine at that time: but for how long a space it was repreived, I cannot prognosticate: nor do I much regard how soon its fatal hour approaches, so the business which it aimed at may survive, and prosper. Gentlemen, my reputation in this case must run some hazard, and stand or fall, as the vogue of this age pleases: yet my intention is to be judged of only by you; wherefore let that only find your fair acceptation, and favourable construction, and that shall be a sufficient encouragement to  
Hamb: Decemb. 30. 1647. Your Worships obliged, faithful Servant, HEN: PARKER.   

A DISCOURSE CONCERNING FREEDOM OF TRADE.  
MAN is taught by the rules of Wisdom to begin at the End of his Actions, and to give the first place in his intention, to that which is to have the last in Execution. Now the end of this discourse is improvement of Trade; and it being a thing of late much controverted by divers; whether freedom in Trading be a proper means, or no, to improve Trade: These two terms (freedom and Trade) must be the subject matter of this Discourse. As for Trade the word is plain, and needs no explanation: and the thing is as obvious to every man's understanding, and so needs no definition. I will therefore premise something very briefly concerning the value, and importance of Trade, that my end here aimed at, to which my intention must needs give the precedence, may not seem inconsiderable to any: and then cursorily from my first term, I shall address myself to my second.  
My Lord Cook in his Commentary upon our Great Charter (where the merchant's contentment is so prudently provided for) tells us, that traffic is the merchant's livelihood, and that the livelihood of the Merchant is the life of the Common-weal, such as the King himself, and every Subject of the Land has an interest in. He observes also that the Merchant is the good bailiff of the realm, as well to export Native, as to import foreign Commodities for the benefit and necessary defence of the same. This politic Argonante in Law amongst matters of Law, thinks it no extravagance to deliver his judgement of matters in Trade; and if we rightly analyse his judgement herein, we shall find, that not a word of it falls to the earth without its due weight. The Merchant indeed has a great dependence upon him both of Land and Water men, and is often commander of great sums of ready money (greater than other men commonly though better landed, and estated can raise upon sudden, public exigences) and so even in his gown at home he is a profitable member of the Commonwealth: but look upon him in his employment serving the State by his traffic, and so he is more than profitable, He is necessary to the well being, nay to the being of the State. Those things which he exports conduce perhaps more to profit, and things imported to securance: yet 'tis well intimated here that both exportation, and importation do conduce to both. Native Commodities more immediately afford us Treasure: yet Treasure is as well firmamentum belli, as ornamentum pacis: and foreign commodities more usually are materials for Shipping, arms, supplies in times of dearth, and distress, &c. yet sometimes we retail the same to strangers for gain, and thereby convert them into ornaments of peace, as well as instruments of defence. How prodigiously did Antwerp formerly in a very few years aggrandise itself? and what an excess of splendour has Amsterdam attained to since? yet (for aught I know) Nature has bestowed no more previledge upon those two towns whereby to advance themselves with such facility: then it has upon Bristol, & Newcastle amongst us. Sure then, the Hollander and Fleming may infuse this secret into us from that wondrous degree of opulence, and pomp, which both by Trade have ascended unto▪ that importation of exotic commodities, if subtly managed, may become as great an improvement, as exportation is to others It is visible in the Hollander that the mines of Perue are as serviceable to Him, as to the poor Indian, that digs in them that the Furrs of Russiia are equally parted betwixt Him and the Muscovite: that the plains of Cots-would, and Lemster do as well graze his sheep, as they do the Englishman▪ And there was a time when the Antwerpian might have boasted as truly, that Arabia was his garden, that Spain was his Orchard, that Norway was his forest. That City ('tis true) which abounds with commodities of its own, has an easier, & shorter way to prosperity then that City which is destitute of the like helps, and opportunities, and yet experience discovers daily to us, that some Cities which have little of their own, being industrious, flow with more abundance, and swim in greater supefluity; then some other slothful Cities, that naturally want nothing. Hence is the difference betwixt the Merchant and the Husbandman, the husbandman's thrift is in vendendo, not emendo as old Cato tells him: But the Merchant has found out a way, how he may be emax, and vendax in the same thing, and often times the retaylor finds the second sale more beneficial to Him, than the first was to the Proprietor. Nay even the more unuseful Crawmarys of Norimburgh though they argue no thrift in them, that buy them at last hand, yet they also are no contemptible mines of Gold and silver to those which make, or buy them for a second utterance. Furthermore, if from merchandise itself, and these good bailiffs of the realm, which so actively purvey in all parts of the world habitable, and uninhabitable for Treasure, arms, and all other things, that partain to pleasure, health, and necessity: if from them, we turn to the instruments, of their negotiations our Ships, the wooden walls, and fortification of our State, of what respect ought these to be? Even these (under God) in times of Peace prevent War: in times of War procure Peace: in times of plenty they relieve our Friends abroad, in times of dearth they relieve us at home. For examples, 'tis loss of time to offer any in this argument, every man can tell how stupendiously Tyre, Sydon, &c. of old, and Venice, Belgia and other latter Signioryes have flourished since by the gains of merchandise, whilst their puissance, and magnificence has been more raised, and propagated by the Merchant, then either by the Husbandman, soldier, or scholar. 'tis admirable to see what vast revenues are purchased by some Nations (especially where Democracy takes place) out of mere commerce; and how far other Nations in the mean time (especially such as are swayed by Monarchs) though more commodiously situated, and advantageously qualified otherwise do neglect the same. The reason hereof may be, because in popular States the Merchant usually has more share in administration of public affairs: whereas in Monarchies, those that have the charge of the rudder, have commonly little insight into Trade, and as little regard of Traders. Howsoever either some singular happiness has hitherto attended Spain, and Portugal, or else doubtless the feats of merchandise have been in more than ordinary esteem with their Kings: for both these have not only enriched their own homes by Sea adventures, but also acquired thereby greater Dominions than their own. For indeed besides those purchases which have been made in the East Indies, we see in Mexico, and Peru, there is a new Hemisphere adjoined now to that old half world, which the Assyrians, Persians, Grecians, Romans with so much sweat, and blood laboured to subjugate heretofore. And if the Sun find no degree in all his circuit, where He can obscure himself from the Crown of Spain's Subjects; the thanks thereof is due to the Art of an old Navigator: and probably had Hen: 7. given as much credit to Columbus as Ferdinand did, either the Austrian Family had not spread its wings so wide, or the Kings of England had not been so closely entrenched within the four British Seas, as now they are. But I purposely wave the ostentation of many, and great instances, and therefore the whole weight of this Argument shall only be hung upon the single epitome (as it were) of this petty jurisdiction here, wherein we now reside.  
All the Land-intradoes, which tillage or pasturage yields to this Town of Hamburgh are not much more considerable than some Gentlemen and Esquires inherit in England; yet the wild Ocean, as these restless Copemen plow it with their fleets, and harrow it with their nets; (though they creep into that too through a River, not wholly at their command) is forced to pay them as great a Tribute, and ample a rent as three the richest and goodliest Counties of England are annually worth. Nevertheless England more abounding with all habiliments, and necessary accommodations of Trade, and seeming to be as much courted by the circumambient Sea, as any part of the Universe, for want of encouragement to her Merchants at home, and Plantators abroad owes little of her grandeur, and power to that Element. Foreign Nations easily become greater gainers by trading into England, than the English can by trading abroad: 'tis too probable, that foreign Merchants reserve an entire gain to themselves out of all their own▪ Commodities brought in hither: yet share a half profit with us, in all our Commodities exported hence by them. And thus whilst we leave many benefits to our emulous hostile neighbours, which by the same industry (as they commendably use) might by us be anticipated to our own behoof; our own supine sluggishness is the cause that we remain so much the weaker, and our Enemies become so much the stronger. Thus much of the advantages of traffic; thus much of the necessity of that noble profession, which teaches us to be the curious, & laborious mariners of all the world's Oceans, Straits, and Creeks; if we have any desire to be more formidable to our Enemies, or more aidful to our Friends, or more gainful to ourselves, this may be held sufficient.  
From the benefit, I come now to the Freedom of Trade: I mean, that particular degree of freedom, which is at this day pleaded for, and patronised by some, that profess themselves no unfriends to Trade. Herein this method shall conduct me: In the first place, I shall inquire, whether that Freedom, which is affected by these times can stand with due order, and discipline, or not: secondly, whether Trade probably can flourish, or not, without due order and discipline: and in the last place, I shall answer such Arguments, as are framed for liberty, and do militate against our Order and Discipline.  
Liberty in a right acception, and understanding, is that which delivers, and exempts us from some evil noxious, and offensive to us; such as is oppression, too much restraint, &c. but it includes not any wild condition, such as leaves us loosely in all things to our own discretion. That famous Roman, that had the happiness to set Greece (in that age the Eye of the world) at liberty, and did break in sunder the yoke of Macedon, when He saw in the people too much wantonness, and immoderation, He advised them to more continency, and to retire into narrower bounds; Vt saltem meram libertatem non haurirent. Herein he seemed wisely to distinguish betwixt that sheer, unmixed freedom, which uses to intoxicate us, and to bring detriment, and danger with it; and that allayed, or mixed freedom, which God, and Nature have made so sweet to all Generous minds: whose property it is ever, to set restraints to itself in some things, as well as to take restraints off from us in other. In politics, there are Free Monarchs, and there are Free Subjects: and the freedom of Monarchs is not incompatible with the freedom of Subjects: for neither is it necessary to the freedom of a Prince, that He should be unlimitable in all things, and beyond control as well when He destroys, as when He saves: nor to the freedom of a Subject to live absolved from all Laws, and obedience. Without all question, He is the freest Prince that has the most power to do good, and the least to do harm: and He is the freest Subject, who is to pay his obedience to the mildest Laws, and indulgentest Magistrates. So in ethics: He enjoys the purest and most refined freedom in his own breast, which has the least furious passion to serve, and the least impetuous appetite to master; not He that is becalmed, as it were, and finds no mobility at all in his spirit. The various Luminaries in Heaven have their distinct magnitudes, motions, and stations: and the blessed Intelligences in the Heaven of heavens (nay even those spirits that are fall'n from blessedness) retain several distances of power, place, and office. All these things prove to us, that restraint, and liberty, are relative things, and not to be accounted simply good, or simply bad in themselves. When restraint deprives us of that good which is in temperate liberty it degenerates into oppression: when it only saves to us that good, which is in harmonious order, it is fully answerable to Liberty. So liberty when it only discharges us from that evil, which is in oppression, it approaches to the perfection of Order: but when it dissolves all Order, it precipitates us headlong into confusion.  
Liberty is either intensive, or extensive, and both ways it must be reduced to a just standard: for if it be in degree too void of temperature, and qualification the ruder sediment of the people cannot bear it, it strangely inebriates them: and if the degree of it be moderate, yet the dilatation of it to too many makes it incommodious. There are two vicious extremes in government; the one is rigorous, and makes nothing lawful, or safe to any: the other is remiss, and leaves all things free and safe to all: now by the consent of all; that extreme, which straitens too much, is not so desperately ill, as that which enlarges too much. The reason is, because those which govern are fewer in number then the governed: and therefore clashing, and confusion (which must needs inevitably follow, where all limits, and restraints are taken away) is less damageable amongst a few, than it would be amongst many.  
Liberty therefore may well be compared to fresh waters, it is potable, and sweet whilst it endures a just confinement in the veins and channels of the earth. But when it once refundes itself into the bosom of the briny Ocean, it retains no longer its former relish. And even so we must censure of Liberty by the last, whilst it produces good effects it remains Liberty, the name and thing agree well: but when it supplies to us no good at all, or bereaves us of some good greater than it supplies, it remains no more than the shadow, or mere misnomer of Liberty. Exempli gratiâ: If all Land-inclosures were everywhere laid open, and all evidences canceled, upon which men's private interests, and proprieties depend, many poor men would expect to have their conditions meliorated; yet undoubtedly their expectations at last would fail them; and together with community in all things a general confusion of all persons, and things would break in to the fatal destruction both of poor and rich.  
Our common proverb puts us rightly in mind, that he which dwells everywhere, dwells nowhere: that every man's interest is no man's interest, & that every man's business is no man's business: now this being true in matters of Husbandry, and in all other interests, and negotiations, why should it not be as true in matters of commerce, for if agriculture generally be more necessary than trade: and if confusion in agriculture be more mischievous than confusion in Trade, yet by the same consequence confusion in trade? is as mischievous to Traders, as confusion in tillage would be amongst those that till the earth.  
Thus much of the word freedom generally taken, I must now speak more particularly of that freedom, whose expedience, or inexpedience is so much questioned in the business of Trade.  
freedom and restraint are things opposite (we see) yet both admitting of several degrees, and limitations, they are not so opposite but that some kind of restraint may be reconciled to some kind of freedom, for in as much as it is sometimes convenient to be restrained, though not always, and from all things; and sometimes it is inconvenient to be loosed, or enlarged though not always, and from all things: in regard that restraint at sometimes only upholds Order, and liberty at other times introduces confusion: Our main Quaere, is only this; Whether that restraint in Trade which hitherto has been established amongst such and such Companies of Merchants, be conducing to Order, or no: And whether that freedom of Trade which irregular Interlopers dispute for be the usher of confusion, or no.  
For the just discussion of this, the benefit of Order, regulation, and approved discipline amongst Merchants, is to be considered and brought into the school of this hand, whilst the advantage of openness, looseness, and unconfinedness in trading is to be brought into the other.  
For out of all question, liberty is not to be poized by the mere sound of its name, but by the solid privileges which it brings with it, & in like manner restraint is not to be rejected except one lie for the certain, substantial disadvantages which are found to accompany it. Let us then draw up an exact balance.  
The 1. Benefit which we now enjoy by our government, and incorporation is in things appertaining to God's worship, & the true Religion: though we live amongst Lutherans, Papists, Jews, Mahometans, Pagans: Yet we have a free exercise of our Religion, and in some places the Ordinances are as duly, profitably, and comfortably administered amongst us, as if we were in the bosom of our own Church.  
How much this privilege tends to the honour of God, the propagation of the true faith, how much to the prosperity of trade (Godliness having not only the promises of the world to come, but also of this life) & how much to be bewailed the want of the Word, and Sacraments is amongst our Merchants in Spain, Italy, Portugal; let all men judge. Yet how this divine blessing can be continued amongst us, after that we are bound together by no links of Association, but that we may trade at large arbitrarily where we list, how we list, and when we list, is worthy to be considered; and I believe all men who have a true sense, and tincture of Religion in their hearts will consider it seriously. The next benefit is in matters of Justice: Though we are far distant from our own Judges & Courts, and cannot have timely recourse to the remedy of our own Laws, nay though we should otherwise be exposed to the snares, and rigours of foreign Laws, and Magistrates, we are now (in matters where appeal is not requisite) tried by men of our own Religion, of our own Nation, and education, and such also as are present upon the place.  
All Partners that enter into a joint Trade for the most part Covenant here mutually, and voluntarily in all cases of dispute, and doubt to stand to the judgement of this Court, I never saw any Indentures hitherto without that express clause in them. Nay even strangers here have often declined their own Tribunals, and submitted their cases to our decisions, and I never yet heard of any of them that departed not from our Court fully satisfied both with our Justice, and expedition: it cannot therefore be expected, that our own Merchants which know so well what a privilege it is to be judged by Merchants, especially being present upon the place, and such as guide their judgements by the same merchant's Law, as is in force in England, should not set a great price upon this especial privilege. Hen: the 4th. and Hen: the 7th. were as wise Kings as ever reigned in England, and when the one of them granted our Charter, & the other enlarged the same, the main consideration, which both of them had in their eyes, was the prevention of many mischiefs empeachments, & obstructions which at that time sensibly oppressed Merchants, and confounded Trade, ob defectum boni, & sani Regiminis.  
A Third Benefit which we are now capable of by being incorporated into Companies is, that hereby we are enabled to do many egregious works of charity, which by our disfranchisement would all be utterly lost, and extinguished.  
The Merchant Adventurers are but one branch of the Merchants of England, and the Merchants here residing are but one branch of the merchant's Adventurers, yet how many hundreds has this branch sustained, and releived in cases of necessity? and how many widows, and poor families doth it constantly feed and refresh? About 16 years since, when the expedition of marquis Halmilton had miscarried here in Germany many, sick, distressed soldiers that were the woeful splinters of his broken ararmy came hither, and were not only saved from perishing, but also shipped for England at this Companies charge. M: Ant: Beding-field was then our Deacon, and had the charge of the poors' box, he is now a Parliament man, and can aver upon his knowledge that this society issued no less at that time within 6 months' space then 400 pound, for such devout purposes.  
A Fourth Benefit afforded by our present Governments, is, that hereby we are rendered far more considerable instruments to serve and honour our own Country, then else we should be, and that not only in Trade, but also in diverse other eminent, public Offices.  
As we are now embodied, and compacted, we can by our common seals raise great sums of money: We are in a qualification to entertain Princes, to oblige Cities, to procure right, and timely intelligence, and sometimes to prevent public misunderstandings: and so to merit much oftentimes of the Nation, from whence we are.  
That formidable Armado which in 1588. was designed to swallow us up, had inprobability been far more fatal than it was if it had been appointed sooner, and arrived when Queen Elizabeth was not so well appointed as it found her afterwards. And yet this is well known, that Gresham and other Merchants by taking up the moneys at Genoa, and our Company by doing the like at Keeler Mart in Holsteine: did so prevent Philip that his Invasion was retarded thereby for a whole year, and that retardment being so much to the disadvantage of Spain, and to the advantage of England, was under God a powerful means of preserving us. Charles the 5th. by calculation found that in Antwerp 20000 souls, and in all the Low Countries at least 60000 had a livelihood, and subsistence from the English Trade: wherefore when he was very resolute to bring the inquisition into Antwerp, and remained unmoovable against all other arguments, and supplications of that Town: yet this motive, that the English Company would be dislodged by introducing of that rigor, diverted him from his purpose.  
Also when the same Charles had transferred all his signiories, & Dominions to his son Philip, that branch of the Merchant Adventures appeared in gallant state to grace those Solemnities, consuming above 2000 Crowns in sumptuous furniture, shows and triumphal arches. In the year 1581. likewise the Duke of Alanson in the same City was entertained by 80 English Merchants of the same Company, all bravely mounted on horse back, apparelled in black velvet, & most of them with brooches & chains of gold about their necks: for which they received thanks from Queen Elizabeth and the Lords of her council. The King of Bohemia, and some of our King's Nephews (besides diverse ambassadors) have found some seemly receptions also from us here at Hamburgh, and from our brethren at Rotterdam, upon several occasions, but I forbear prolixity in this point. An other excellent singular Benefit of our government is, that thereby we are put into a capacity of enjoying all that is good and profitable in union, and all that is good, and profitable in division withal. Take away that Order, and Harmony that is now settled amongst us, and has been settled by all our Kings, and countenanced by all our Parliaments from Hen: the 4th. till this very day, and as fully confirmed by this Parliament as by any: and our Trade will become instantly both straggling, and confused: and as a straggling Trade will deprive us of whatsoever is good in union, so a confused Trade will abridge us of all that is good in a due method, and distribution.  
This may be demonstrated most plainly in a military body: 20000 men well armed, and imbattaild, are of greater force, then 40000 drawn together in an unformed, undigested heap; and when that shall be accounted an Army of so many soldiers effective, this shall be despised as a rout of so many men rudely conglomerated, and thronged together. For 'tis not sufficient that there be together in one field a due proportion of Commanders and soldiers, of Horse and Foot, of Arms offensive, and defensive: all these must be severally ranged, and distantly employed: the Commander must move here, the soldier there, the Horse must charge here, the Foot there; such a Regiment must be assigned its post here, such a Brigade must advance there: wise men know experimentally, that there is an art in division sometimes, such as in many cases gives life to Union: and it is as true on the contrary: that the queintest division makes miserable music, when it is not subservient to Union. For let a battle be marshaled in all its members, and parts according to the most exact rules of soldiery either ancient, or modern: yet if the Trumpets sound contrary points of war, if the superior Commanders give contrary Orders, if all these curiously fashioned digestions, and divisions be not inspirited with one, joint design, which like the soul is to overrule all the Organs, what can be expected from this great, moliminous frame? Now if we make any doubt whether or no the use of tactics be as great in mercatorian, as in military affairs let us come to nearer application, and bend ourselves to consider, as well what the want of union, as what the want of distribution usually occasions amongst Traders.  
Union amongst Merchants cannot be denied to be of exceeding great importance, for in all places where we six our residence, we see, it makes as more valuable, and acceptable: whilst we are looked upon as an orderly, united Society, we are known to be able to make, or divert a Trade in or from any one Town, or Province. How soon was Bruges in Flanders despoiled of its fame, and opulence after our Company withdrew from it? and how soon did Antwerp transcend Bruges in fame, and opulence after our Commodities were stapled in Brabant? When 'twas too late, Bruges, besides enlargement of former privileges, could offer us moneys, and descend to strange entreaties for the wooing and winning of our return: but Antwerp had first prevailed with us, and having prevailed, it sent forth its Magistrates to meet, and welcome us with processions. And well it was for Antwerp, that the English were so taken with their civilities, for in the space of 60 or 70 years, whereas it had, before it was our Mart, not above four able Merchants, and six Ships, it became the glorious Magazine of all Europe. The like instance might be given in Stodt, and Hamburgh, the same cause that now makes Hamburgh rich, did once do the like at Stodt: and the same cause that made Stodt poor, may hereafter perhaps work the same effect in Hamburgh. Who sees not therefore that from the benefit which strangers receive from us, whilst we are thus associated, and made capable of marrying our Company to them, arise those reciprocal obligations, and special dowries, as it were, which they by their concordates confirm unto us? Where we are unprofitable, we must expect to be held despicable: and what extraordinary profit can other Nations expect from our Merchants, when they appear only as so many individual persons, or straggling Traders.  
The English had at the Narre in Leisland a good Trade, and good sales for our Native Commodities for a while, but about 1565. divers straggling Merchants resorted thither out of England and so brought themselves, and their wares into great contempt. Divers of them went about the Town with Cloth in their arms, and Measures in their hands, and so when they had shamefully embased our English Draperies, to the disreputation of our country, and decay of themselves, the Lords of the council at the next Parliament were enforced, for prevention of the like sordid, Pedlar-like traffic thereafter, to comprise the Narre within the Muscovie Companies Charter.  
Thus is Union, or a politic Association amongst Merchants, beneficial to the places where we trade, and by resultance beneficial to ourselves, and in the last resort beneficial to our whole Nation: for all these interests are so interweaved, that the benefit of the Stranger is requited with the benefit of the English Merchant; and the benefit of the English Merchant is to be regarded as the benefit of the English Nation. For in some things that which immediately advantages the English Merchant, advantages mediately the English Nation: even as in other things that which immediately brings prosperity to the English Nation, mediately brings prosperity to the English Merchant. This is to illustrate the Commodities which flow from our Union, now the Commodities which flow from a due distribution, and division in Trade are no less visible. The whole world almost is now aptly cantonized amongst several Societies of our Merchants, whilst some trade East, some West, some nearer, some further off; and were it not for this apt partition, it would unavoidably fall out, that some Mart Towns would prove over-pestered, or like a Common of Pasture overlaid, whilst others in the mean time would be left utterly unfrequented. And sure if the world were not spacious enough for all our Traders, some pretence might be framed, why all men ought to be licenced in all places: but since the contrary is most true, and no man is so straited for want of room, but that He may trade in some places to his own advantage, though he be bounded that he may not trade in all places to other men's disadvantage: nothing but an emulous desire to interfere with others, and to encumber trade could provoke men to be opposite to our regular distributions. I need not amplify hereupon, 'tis enough that I further refer to the example of our thriving Neighbours in Holland; whosoever will behold Order in its beauty, and perfection amongst Merchants there, He may observe them so politicly associated, and their Associations so equally distributed, that no one impedes the other abroad, nor no one Town engrosses all Trading to itself at home.  
Hitherto I have instanced in the manifold expediences of Order, and Government, especially in matters of piety, equity, charity, and policy as well in relation to the Common weal of Merchants, as to the Common-weal of England: now whether there be any thing in freedom of Trading that can preponderate, and excel all these, I leave to all sober men to discern; if there be, I wish it may prevail, and obtain a just preference before all these: if there be not, more need not be inferred out of these premises: sober men cannot be affected with the name, or empty sound of a relative, that is rather to be judged by its circumstances, effects, and additions then by itself: sober men cannot but distinguish betwixt that true freedom which always disenthralls us of some evil, and that shadowy ghost of freedom, which often denudes us of our greatest privileges. I hope I have now discharged, what was to be expected from me in my first point, and made it apparent that the freedom in Trade which is to be admeasured, and balanced with all these expediences here enumerated had not need to be of large extension.  
It remains now that I come to my next head, and therein inquire whether trade be likely to flourish or no, being stripped, and robbed of all those powers and preeminences which our Charters convey to us.  
I have hitherto looked upon Merchants as Travaylers sojourning abroad, I must now come nearer, and look upon them as very Merchants, buying, selling, bartering, bargaining, &c. with other Nations; & from general Order, and harmony amongst Merchants, I must come to instance in such, and such species of that Order, and harmony, which has hitherto been so fortunate to them. And first let us look into that provision of our Government, which limits the education, and admission of Apprentices, & though I have not leisure to cite all our rules concerning the same which are very many, & each of them very useful, yet consider the sumum genus itself, see if the breeding of Apprentices be not absolutely necessary. Grant to all without exception an open licence to trade at large, & who will endure the strict duty and bondage of Apprenticehood? and yet without that strict duty, and bondage, who can be sufficiently instructed, and prepared to gain all those Arts, and subtleties, which we know are absolutely necessary to all Traders. In all sciences, and occupations breeding is necessary, but amongst Merchants it is more than ordinarily necessary: For if Divines may pretend something to divine, secret illapses from above; and soldiers by their general tactics learned in one country, may be qualified for command in all Countries; and if agriculture be a skill that depends much upon natural sagacity: yet with Merchants 'tis far otherwise. For unto a Merchant not only a breeding, but a particular breeding in such or such a place, in such or such a Trade is requisite. He that is experienced to trade in Russia is not thereby enabled to trade in Spain, and he that can deal warily enough with Indians, Turks and Barbarians, is not always prepared enough to cope with the Jews, Hanse towns, and Hollanders. questionless to license all men to trade without breeding, nay without the particular advertisements, and preparations of such a breeding is to send men naked into battle, and to render them up as a prey to vulpine, circumventing neighbours. I might here take occasion to commend the training up of our Youths on this side the seas, as it is publicly advantageous, there being infused into them thereby something of the soldier, and something of the scholar, and indeed (if I am not deceived) there is commonly instilled something into them, that better qualifies them to serve the State, than what we see in mere scholars or soldiers. I wish our young gallants which learn in France to wear ribbons, and in Spain and Italy to be perfidious, and do worse things, did always return home as much improved, and as well accomplished as our Merchants use to do. But this is not within my lists, and that thought shall supersede me.  
For our next evidence, we may appeal unto our many Orders made to prevent, and reform, the ill and faulty making or Cloth, and other English woollen Commodities, without which Orders all our Manufactures would be falsified, and corrupted, and consequently our Nation disparaged, all buyers of Cloth at home, and abroad abused, and Trade itself much desolated. At the solicitation of our Merchants, wholesome Statutes have been Enacted, and to second them strict Proclamations have been published: and to back them the Merchants have appointed Officers, furnished stipends, and applied divers other preventions, that our Draperies might be kept to their just measures, weights, and numbers; yet we find all is too little. The Clothiers begin to sophisticate of late more than ever, and all our power will be insufficient to withstand them; except the State reach forth their helping hands yet further; and do more exactly poise both our ends and pretensions. The clamours of the Clothiers against the merchant's privileges arise chiefly from this offence, though they are commonly palliated with other pretexts, and 'tis a wondrous thing, that when they are sensibly gainers by transgressing Laws, and we are as sensibly at a charge to maintain them, they should be so well, and we so ill interpreted.  
In my Lord Cook's opinion nine parts of ten of all our English Staple Commodities, are such as we shear from the sheep's back, we had need therefore be careful how abuses break in upon us in these Commodities, and how we countenance those that are the abusers, and yet thereby discountenance the zealous reformers of the same. M: Anth: Wither is now a Justice of Peace about London, He was once employed by the Merchant Adventurers besides others about reforming of these abuses, let it be inquired what a liberal yearly stipend He obtained for the same.  
In the third place we may produce our many prudent Orders against misshipping, whereby, first, the Shipping of the Kingdom is the better maintained, in as much as by our government it is not permitted to any particular men for cheapness sake either to ship in foreign bottoms, or in vessels of our own that are undefensible. Secondly, by our regularity in shipping many fraudulent attempts of such as use to steal customs, bribe searchers, colour strangers goods, &c. are disappointed. Thirdly, by the due observation of our rules, whilst we ship our goods hand in hand together we go stronger through the Seas, are in less fear of Rovers, and other dangers. We also are less injurious to our common Trade, yea and to particular persons amongst ourselves: in as much as now we forestall not one another, nor bring down our common prices by the precipitate haste of some few; by this means also foreign buyers are accommodated by their certainty, knowing in due season when to repair to our Marts; and we are not disaccommodated by our uncertainty, because we know when to sell, and when to forbear selling, and thereby we keep our Commodities from being blown upon, either by having our. Warehouses too full at sometimes, or too empty at others.  
In the fourth place, the many Cautions, Orders made by us for the reglement of our sales may justly be here cited: by some of these, we are limited to such certain shew-dayes partly for our own ease, and partly for the buyers advantage. The Cities of Lubeck and Bremen have lately been urgent with us to set more shew-dayes here at Hamburgh then two in a week: but we seeing our Trade no ampler, than it is at present, found the inconvenience of altering our show days, and so denied them satisfaction in that point. By others of our Orders we are restrained from giving gratifications to Merchants or Brokers, from all petty sales, and retails, which (if allowed) would reduce us soon to ignoble, vulgar Pedlars: by others we are bound from giving credit without liquid bills, and specialties, also from pawning bills, or rebating under such a certain rate, and hereby we prevent many Suits with strangers, and many strifes amongst ourselves. By others we are inhibited from allowing Tare out of the Mart Town, or out of due time, or without due inspection: and we are all convinced, that were it not for regulation in this matter of Tare, there were no abiding in Germany. How our Trade languishes in Holland at this time by reason of Oppression in matter of Tare is known too well, our council Table in King James his days took notice of it, and sought the redress of it: and sure our Merchants hitherto have only continued trading there, out of some hope of better times, and conditions hereafter, as Husbandmen use to manure the earth in times of dearth, as well as in times of plenty. Commissioners from Lubeck and Bremen seconded by the Senate of this Town have assailed us lately, and eagerly pressed us to allow the same Tare, as is in Holland, but our answer was resolute, that rather than to submit to such a thraldom we should be forced to abandon all Trade in Germany.  
Many more instances than these (if it were not for prolixity) might be made: but as those which have any knowledge in merchandise will acknowledge these are matters of grand moment, and importance: so to other men that are ignorant, or careless of our affairs, more would be to little purpose. I will only add this, that as we enjoy many conveniencies by being an united, embodied Fraternity, so by virtue of the same we are guarded and protected from many inconveniences. As we have a jurisdiction amongst us, we are enabled upon all new emergencies to contravene new devised arts of fraud, and circumvention in bargaining, selling, &c. by making new Orders against them.  
Also as we are a Corporation, we are armed thereby with a competence of power to enforce, & execute our Orders so made, and if any violence of foreign States, and Potentates contrary to our Intercourses, and Treaties of amity interposes to our prejudice, or if any new Tolls, imposts, or exactions oppress us, we are in this posture better qualified to relieve, or vindicate ourselves, than else we should be. A thousand private men intending their own particular interests as so many particular men, having no common purse, nor public Officers to solicit the business of them all, cannot expect that authority with foreign States, nor hope to make so vigorous a resistance against oppressions and innovations, as one hundred Merchants may, that are closely linked, and cemented together under one, and the same policy. For want of such policy, all other Nations were long since eaten out of their Trade by the Antwerpians, and Esterlings, and had the Merchant Adventurers been destitute of those powers, and immunities which Hen: the 4th. Hen: the 7th. and other famous Kings of England established amongst them, they also had been long since driven out of Trade in like manner.  
One man is wolvish to another, as the old proverb advertises, nay when Bears will not prey upon Bears, nor wolves upon wolves, man will scarce prey upon any other than man. And yet this notwithstanding private man to private man is not so unnatural; as Nation is to Nation: for amongst particular men the primary laws of our Creation, which enjoin us to do as we would be done unto, and to be kindest to them that are nearest in kind, are not so totally abrogated to us, and eraced on of our consciences, as they are amongst Nations.  
If there be any fiercer feud, and violenter antipathy than other, 'tis commonly seem amongst those States that are most consanguineous, and nearest conjoined in other relations, and as for doing to other Nations, as we would have done unto us; that seems a ridiculous principle amongst statesmen, inasmuch as to do justice to a stranger when he is plaintiff against a Native, is no less reputed then to do injustice to a Native: and to let slip any advantage whatsoever that is offered us of spoiling foreigners, is the same accounted as to spoil domestics.  
Republics have no breasts, or seats where any such thing as conscience or true honour can reside; were it not for fear of requital, and return of injuries from those that are injured, all people would be at the same pass, as Algiers is now at.  
That bold Roman that expostulated with Alexander, why it might not be as lawful for him to seize boats, as it was for Princes to invade whole Empires, seemed to conceive that the Laws of Nature extended to communities of men, as well as to inidividuals: but alas that would neither justify his private roving at sea; nor condemn Alexander's royal roving by land.  
In matters of war Monarchies especially, and in matters of Trade republics, lay hold of all advantages, as if their patrimonial rights were never bounded by any thing but invincible difficulties, and necessities, nor honour had any rules to measure things by but those of profit, and disprofit.  
This is the reason why the Jewish Lombards are odious for their excessive gains exacted, and extorted out of all such as they contract with, and therefore are pursued as petty pirates: but the Hollanders and Hanse towns for the same exploits done more publicly are extolled as great Merchants, nay are crowned as glorious Conquerors. We that live here in Hamburgh, and our Brethren in Holland are too sensible of this: our often removals from one Mart Town to another, to ease ourselves of insupportable pressures most fedifragously brought in upon us, have preserved that life in our English Trade that is yet remaining in it: yet the vast expenses of our removings have left us in a sad condition.  
This concludes my two first points: I am now in order to answer such arguments as are brought for a free Trade, and such objections as are urged against our privileged way of Trading.  
The first Argument is founded upon this maxim: Bonum quo communius, eo melius: If merchandise (say our Adversaries) be good for the Common-weal, than the more common it is made, the more open it is laid, the more good it will convey to us. But all grant merchandise to be good Ergo. Ans. To detect the fallacies of this Argument: we must confess that this maxim is true of all such good things as are absolutely, or infinitely good: yet we may deny that merchandise is either absolutely, or infinitely good. For first, merchandise secundum quid, that is, if it be rightly managed, and regulated may be profitable to such a man, or such a State: but (we all see) that merchandise at sometimes, for want of good government, and order, undoes many private men, and in their undoing proves injurious to the State. Secondly, merchandise may be reckoned amongst good things, but not amongst things infinitely good, therefore though the diffusion, or enlargement of it may bring profit to the State unto such bounds, and degrees; yet this is no proof, but that there are bounds, and degrees beyond which it may not be diffused, nor can be enlarged without disprofit. Those good things which are ample enough to satisfy all, may be extended to all, and the further they are extended, the more good they do: but Trade is not of that amplitude as to satisfy all men in all places, and at all times, and therefore not within the same maxim. If there were in the fruits, and increase of the earth an overflowing abundance to sustain all, and answer all men's desires without our labour and sweat, than hedges and ditches would be to no purpose: but since the earth is not so profuse of its favours, nor so immense in its revenues, we must maintain mounds, and terriers; priority of possession, expense of toil, purchase, &c. must be regarded, or else we shall all be soon at a loss.  
Before the Land of Canaan was fully stocked, Abraham and Lot might intercommon freely, and graze their Herds sociably in all places where they traveled; but in process of time, when their flocks became more numerous, and when consequently the surface of that milk-and honey flowing country began to shrink before them, they were both necessitated to journey several ways, and to provide for themselves more fixed, and distinct habitations. The water is a more unmeasured element than the earth, and therefore formerly it was ever held a common patrimony to all: yet since Navigation is improved to this degree, even this also is now disterminated, and made subject to imaginary lives for avoiding of encroachments, and strife about fishings, &c. And not only navigable Rivers, but Seas, and Oceans begin to submit to particular Proprieties, and to own the special prerogatives of such, and such signiors. Lawyers say, Cuius est Solum, eius est etiamusque ad Coelum: wherefore if neither air, Water, nor Land resist the Laws of propriety, we cannot think the Trade of Merchants is a thing more empty, and uncapable of limits and rules, than any of the Elements: if our grounds may be pestered with cattle; if Ponds may be over-stockt with Fish; if the several Climates of the lower Region be severally peopled, and frequented with fowl that seem to understand their several seasons: we can hardly imagine that such a country, or such a Mart Town in such a country should not be overcharged with too great a confluence of Merchants.  
Second Argument. That which seizes too great matters into the hands of too few, and so is in the nature of a Monopoly, has been always condemned as a preventing Trade, and held injurious to the major part of mankind: but such is the Trade which privileged, and incorporated Merchants drive, &c.  
Ans. The force of this Objection is, that if Trade may not be set at liberty to all, yet it may be set at liberty to more than it is, except we will incur the name and blame of Monopolists. In behalf of the Merchant Adventurers who have, I think, the fullest Charters, & have ever met with the greatest oppositions, though I am not so well acquainted with other Companies, I may with much confidence give these Answers hereunto. First, though Wools endraped be the main matter of our Trade, yet we deal not only in those Draperies, but also in all kinds of Wares, and, other Merchandizes. Secondly, neither doth our Company alone transport these Draperies: all other English Merchants, nay the Hanse Towns, and all other Strangers in amity with the Crown of England, at their pleasure may buy, and vend again all sorts of English Wares that are fully manufactured, as uncontrollably as they bring in their own Commodities. Wherefore it cannot be said that this chief Trade of the Kingdom is engrossed, or monopolised by us in either of these two respects, for as much as our privileges neither confine that Trade to us alone, nor us to that Trade alone.  
Thirdly, The name of Monopolists cannot be fixed on them in respect of the bounds allotted them for their Trade: for by calculation we find there are above 6000 persons free of our Company, and from the Some in France to the Scaw in Germany, (the nihil ultraes of our commerce) is no extraordinary proportion, for such a proportion of men, let the number of the Merchant Adventurers be compared with the number of all other Merchants, and then compare this space of earth in France and Germany with all the globe besides; and it will soon appear, that the confines of our Trade are rather too narrow, then otherwise. Some hundreds, nay thousands of our Company that are capable of our freedom by service, or by Patrimony are fain to leave their callings, & to betake themselves to other employments: and necessity hath now taught us to confine ourselves to a certain stint of Apprentices, in regard that our Trade is too narrow for our Traders, & therefore whilst we are enforced to break out, what can invite other men thus to break in, and to invade our precincts?  
Fourthly, The price that is set upon our privileges cannot condemn us of monopoly: for if a sufficient number could not be admitted by service, or patrimony: yet the State hath left a door open for any that are qualified for trading to be admitted upon a mean, inconsiderable rate.  
Any Out Port Merchant might have had his freedom for 25. l. sterling, and any of London for 50. l. and those which neglected that opportunity, are yet capable for the double sum.  
Fifthly, The stint which we set upon ourselves in buying cloth cannot be objected to us, as savouring of monopoly: For first the whole Company by common advice, and consent sets this stint for its own good; and as the whole Company best understands its own interest, so neither has it, or can it have any interest, but such as is consistent with the interest of the State. 2ly, the Company had never resolved upon any such stint, but in contemplation of the narrowness of Trade: and so far is this stint from making trade more scarce, that itself was ordained merely as some ease and remedy against the scarcity of Trade.  
We know well that 'tis possible for some one Merchant to exceed forty others in purse, or credit; yet sure it cannot be expedient for the commonwealth, that one Merchant should grasp too much, and swell up to an excessive bulk, whilst forty other Merchants being over shadowed by him, can attain to no growth at all. Thirdly, As the stint of Clothes is now set, it remains larger than is made use of by diverse, the fourth part of our Merchants scarce ever buys to the fourth part of Clothes that is allowable by the stint, wherefore it is a most indirect and preposterous thing to call that a monopoly, or straightening of Trade; which is the only remedy against monopoly, & the mere effect of straightness in Trade.  
They which know the difference betwixt Common certain, and Common sans number; and see how the Husbandman in dressing his vine, makes it more fruitful by paring away the luxuriant products of its fertility, will easily judge by these stints, that the Merchants were grown too numerous for their Trade, and not that their Trade was grown too copious for their managing. Sixtly, As our Trade cannot be called an engrossing Trade, or a monopoly in respect of any other of its privileges or powers, so neither can it be accused thereof in regard of our covinous, false dealing in merchandise. 'tis true, our Company in Qu: Elizabeth's days found much opposition from the Hanse towns, and in that bando which was procured against us, to remove us from Stadt, the main pretence was monopoly used by the English Merchants, but for a further Account of that matter, we are to be informed: that the Hanse Towns had anciently by their great skill in merchandise, made themselves very famous, and procured to themselves privileges in many Countries. Amongst other Nations also that did privilege them, the English was not the last, or least.  
In London therefore they had the Steelyard assigned them with power to exercise Merchant Law there, for their own better regulation: and amongst many other old immunities, they were to pay for wares brought in, and carried out one and a quarter per centum custom, and no more.  
This custom whilst the chief Trade of the land was in wool undraped, was no great loss to us: but after that the full Art of clothing was made ours in Ed: the 3ds. days, and the wool Trade was almost quite decayed, our State found that it lost exceedingly by passing out cloth at the old custom, and that the Hanse Towns privileges were diverse otherways abused to our public detriment. Hereupon after some contests, (Ed: the 6th. reigning Anno 1550.) the said privileges were looked into, and found both defective in themselves, and also forfeited by diverse breaches of conditions: the formalities of their incorporation were so void, that none could safely contract with them, and therefore being detected of diverse injuries in colouring of foreign goods, not within the verge of their privileges, and other falsehoods: it appeared, that they were such an uncertain, misconstituted body, that they were not liable to any account, nor answerable for any trespass.  
This procured a judgement to annull, and abrogate the Hanse Towns privileges, and in Anno 1557. under Phil: and Mary, our customs were improoved from 14. d. to 6. s. 8. d. per Cloth payable by the English and 13. s. 4. d. by strangers, and this improvement did but equal the old custom of wool undraped. Till the death of Q: Mary, whilst Spain and England were united, the Hanse towns seeing their profit so far impaired, and Trade in England in so good a measure advanced, grew sullenly envious, but durst attempt nothing.  
Nevertheless Anno 1564 when Queen Elizabeth was at enmity with the Spaniard, with more resumed courage the Hanse Towns laboured to suppress the growth of our merchandise: and therefore to make the King of Spain their abettor against us in Germany, and the Netherlanders, they made themselves parties against us in Spain, by furnishing arms, ammunition, &c. Thus some acts of hostility were done on both sides, Queen Elizabeth in a defensive way seized some of their Ships sent to supply the Spaniard, and the Spaniard at their solicitation banished us out of the Low Countries, and caused us to be interdicted Germany also.  
Anno 1567. the English Merchants being expelled out of the Netherlands, contracted for entertainment at Hamburgh for 10 years: these 10 years being expired, no longer residence could be had there, inasmuch as all the Hanse Towns could not enjoy us wholly to themselves, & for any one to enjoy us, they thought it unequal, and prejudicial to the rest.  
From Hamburgh we remooved to Embden, and there the same parties prosecuting and renewing their clamours of a monopolising Trade in the English, a new Edict from the Emperor Anno 1582. was thundered out against us. The Grave of Embden nothing troubled at this Edict, sent his Chancellor Doctor Moller, since Syndicus of Hamburgh to the Spiers, who there defended the English Trade against the slanderous imputation of monopoly, and for a while gave such satisfaction, that the Emperor's Edict was not put in execution against us.  
Queen Elizabeth also in 1595. wrote thus to the Emperor, Monopolium de quo Hanseatici subditos nostros criminantur calumniae potius quam verae accusationis rationem per se ferre videtur. To wipe off this calumny, we can also instance in several letters of attestation under the Common Seals of Antwerp, Midlebourgh, Embden, Stadt justifying our fair, and just manner of trading: and if such legible proofs be not so available, we could appeal to all the places where ever we resided, as so many visible arguments, proving fully for us, that our way of traffic hath not been only blameless, and just, but also strangely fortunate and propitious.  
From Embden (for the Spaniard prevailing in Freisland had now made those parts dangerous to us) we betook ourselves to Stadt, and there we continued till 1597. so desirous was each of the Hanse Towns singly to have harboured us, if all jointly had not envied that single advantage: and being there then disaccommodated, 10. or 11. of the chief Towns under the States sent to invite us, and made offers of large accommodations amongst them.  
We may further take notice, that Ed: the 6th. reserved for the Hanse Towns after forfeiture of their privileges, as ample a freedom of commerce, as for any strangers whatsoever: That Queen Mary restored the said Towns upon engagement that their inordinate Trade should be forborn, and this engagement being violated, She yielded to a new Treaty about a sit moderation of their Intercourses. Yet the Hanse Towns did not only neglect to send Commissioners within the time perfixed, but at the same time published an Edict at Lubeck, prohibiting all Trade with the English, Queen Mary for her husband's sake was much a friend to the Austrian family, and for the Austrians sake to these Easterlings, and therefore she offered again another treaty in 1557. but this offer was rejected likewise with an opprobrious pretence, that in England they could expect no competent Judges of their cause. If they durst not trust their cause to England in Q: Mary's days, because it was a Monarchy, than they judged dishonourably of all Monarchies: if they made no difference of Monarchies, but diffided in it, because it was a foreign State, where they should not be their own Judges, this reflects also upon all foreign States: but the truth is, they had an ill cause, and so were diffident of all Judges, but themselves. Howsoever Queen Elizabeth in 1560. offered yet a new Moderation, and this not accepted of from the beginning of her Reign, she commanded they should be used here as her own Subjects, and better than any other foreigners. This is also most certain, till She saw her Subjects driven from Hamburgh in 1578. and an exaction of 7 ¼. per centum set upon all English Goods at Lunenburgh in 1579. and all the English generally ill Treated at Dantzig, Deventer, &c. and not only her Enemies of Spain assisted by them, but other Princes also exasperated against Her, She made little difference betwixt them and her own Subjects. I hope this will be a sufficient justification of our English Trade: and now since it appears, that this opposition was procured to us by strangers and enemies, that sought not to reduce us to a fair Trade, but to eject us out of all Trade: methinks it should be very unworthy of any Englishman to make use of the same Objections.  
3. Arg: That Trade which is not only complained of by Strangers, but Natives also, and in all ages has encountered with so many Complainants, is likely to be a monopoly, or some private, anticipating, indirect way of commerce: but such is that of all Merchants incorporated by particular Charters, &c. All privileged Merchants, especially the Adventurers of England (whose privileges are looked upon as so ample) have had Adversaries always to wrestle, and contest with both abroad, and at home: yet this may be truly said of them (as of Cato) they have been as often absolved, as accused: and their Patrons have ever been far more honourable, than their Adversaries. Clothiers, Interlopers, some Officers of the Outports, and Court projectors have molested them on the one side: but on the other side Parliaments, Kings, privy-councillors, and the wisest of Statesmen have protected them, and their Cause; and upon a full, and due hearing it continually appeared, that their friends had honourable, but their opposers dishonourable ends. As for the Clothier, He stomaches much that He must be so strictly held to the Statute, and may not digress from the just weight, and measure, that is there set for his Clothes. The Interloper takes offence, that without contributing for Himself, He may not enjoy the benefits of that policy, which is maintained at other men's charge: that the same hedges which keep other men from trespassing him, should keep him from trespassing other men. The Outport Officer is prevented of some bribes, for stolen customs, false-coloured goods, &c. by the regular shipping of our Merchants, and by our Ministers, which keeps too severe a check upon him, and therefore his indignation is raised. In the mean time the begging Courtier, He finds it profitable for the commonwealth, that accusations should be favoured, and that all Complainants should be heard: for whether the Complaints be true or false, just, or unjust, profit comes in to Him both ways, and the Innocent must gratify him for his quietus est, as well as the nocent for his impunity. King James anno 1613. found that his Progenitors had been deceived in their Grants to us, and therefore suspended and sequestered our privileges: but in anno 1616▪ and 1617. after that the Merchants had been drained of 20, or 30000 l. and Cockayns new project (so obstructive to Trade) was fall'n to the ground of itself, the same ancient Charters, and Liberties were revived with more honourable testimonials then ever; the Courtiers were again sensible that King James and his Progenitors had been well advised in their Grants.  
The merchant's Adventurers long before the Art of Endraping Cloth was introduced into England, had privileges abroad from the Dukes of Brabant, and other Potentates. Edw: the 3d. having transplanted the Manufacture out of the Netherlands, for the better watering, and cherishing of it, confirmed to the said Adventurers whatsoever had been granted in the year 1248. by John D: of Brabant. Hen: the 4th. seeing the good effects of his grandfathers indulgence, added a more beneficial and large Charter of privileges in Feb: 1406. H. 5. H. 6. Edw: 4. and R. 3. were followers of that good example by several ratifications, But H. 7. seeming to transcend all his Predecessors in policy, and desiring to testify the same by his care of Merchants, proceeded further to dilate their privileges, and preeminences. Polydor Virgil gives him this Encomium: Mercatores ille saepenumerò pecuniâ multa data gratuito juvibat, ut Mercatura (Ars una cunctis aeque mortalibus tum commoda, tum necessaria) in surregno copiofier esset. In his reign (enmities and hostilities interrupting our commerce with the Burgundians) we had a Staple provided for us at Calais; and then under our own sovereign, within our own Dominions we saw our own fellow Subjects as tenderly entertained with divers Franchises, and Indulgences, as if they had capitulated with a strange Prince.  
Since H. 7. all his Successors have confirmed, or enlarged what was granted before; within few years also this King; and since that, this Parliament in 1643. have added strong ratifications, and that not without honourable acknowledgements of this famous Companies services to the public. Moreover in the times of Hen: 4. and Hen: 7. some Complaints were preferred by Clothiers, &c. against the Merchant Adventurers: but after due examination, and hearing, the Company had a favourable issue, and not only obtained a fuller establishment of former Charters, but also new express clauses against straggling Merchants, and all other intermedlers, that might impeach, or disturb their Trade. Other Informations were under Edw: 6. exhibited against the same Company by some of their own Brethren: but after the council Table had taken a full cognizance thereof, the two chief of the Informers were committed to the Fleet, and the rest were Fined, and more strictly enjoined to submit to the Companies Orders for the future. The same Informers also not so acquiescing, made new addresses to the Parliament held after by Queen Mary: but the business was soon quashed there also, and the accusers without further remedy dismissed.  
The like or more grievous Complaints were revived by the Clothiers, &c. in Queen Elizabeth's days, but what event did attend them? after that the Cloth Trade was set at liberty for a while, after that the George at Westminster was made as free a Mercat for Cloth as Blackwell-Hall in London, and upon trial the poor people of Wiltshire, Glocestershire, &c. saw their miseries not relieved, but increased by dissolving the Company of Merchant Adventurers: The Lords of the council anno 29. Eliz: to prevent mutiny in those parts, were fain to send for the Merchant Adventurers, and desire them cheerfully to proceed in their Trade, to which no countenance, nor assistance from them should be wanting for the future.  
Alderman Cockayns Project in King James his days was guilded over with a more specious pretext then that in Queen Elizabeth's, and when our Company was at that time dissolved, Trade was not absolutely laid common (as before) without all manner of regulation: but to prevent general confusion (which had proved itself continually so fatal) a new Company was erected, and incorporated: yet neither so could this project prosper, or subsist. King James in his Proclamation Anno 1617. published for the restitution of our Company and its and 〈◊〉 privileges, (after that the consumption, and miserable languishment of Trade for above two years' space had better instructed him) attestated to the world the excellent method, and discipline of our ancient Corporation, and now ineffectual his new looser jurisdiction had proved for the vending of our English Cloth manufactures. And it should seem this was sufficient to satisfy the world, yet the Courtiers would not be so satisfied for they thought they had gratified the commonwealth in restoring the ancient Company of the Adventurers, and that they had gratified the Merchant Adventurers in restoring them to their due rights, and therefore to enclose by bargain for themselves a gratification of 20, or 30000 li. was no ill office.  
There is another clog remaining upon our Trade to this day, and it is continued still upon the same reason: the Merchant Adventurers at first were stinted to a certain number of Clothes, which number in their exportations they might not exceed: now it appears since to the State, that that number was too straight, and that it is very inexpedient for Trade to circumscribe our Merchants rigorously with that stint; and yet notwithstanding Courtiers must be still feed for releasing Trade of this inexpedience. The Earl of Cumberland in Queen Elizabeth's days was Sweetened with a Present for obtaining an enlargement of our stint; but that Present now is become a Rent, and is successively granted by Patent; and though the Patentee be a single person, and cannot be said properly to gratify the commonwealth, yet He receives such a yearly revenue in consideration that the commonwealth shall not be disserved: and this revenue itself being an encumbrance upon our Draperies, and raised out of Woollgrowers, Clothiers, Merchants Retailors, and so charging Trade in general, is no less than a disservice itself to the commonwealth. Thus we see our Charters have been often times, and several ways attempted against: and yet if they had not been so much shaken, their power of resistance had not been so experimentally known; for the more the Anchor is straightened, the faster hold it ever gains.  
4th. Arg: Since every man is presumed to be most knowing in that Craft wherein He has been bred up; we may presume the Clothiers in matters of cloth to be more knowing then the Merchant.  
Ans. First, in the making of Cloth we deny not but there may be more skill in the Clothier then in the Merchant: but the question here is about the uttering and vending, not about working or preparing of cloth: and therefore, it follows not that the breeding of the Clothier does so much enable him to sell cloth, especially in great quantities, and that to foreign Nations, as the Merchants: but rather the contrary, even by the truth of the same granted rule. Forasmuch as there is not only an Art and mystery in the sale of cloth as aforesaid, but also an Art more abstruse, eminent, and exquisite then that is which consists in the mechanical way of making and dressing the same.  
Secondly, the State is not to consider what is most beneficial to the Merchant, what to the Clothier separatim, or whether the benefit of the one alone, or of the other be more to be favoured, but how they may be both favoured conjunctim, and how the State may be most benefited by twisting their interests both together. Now then general interest of the State requires that all our Lanificia, or English commodities be raised in price unto other Nations as high as may be without injustice, or inconvenience, and that as many persons and professions in England as may be, may come to be sharers in the general interest. If the question then be, whether the merchant's interest, or the Clothiers do more conduce to this public reason of State; sense itself will presently distinguish, that the merchant's advantage is more compliant with the public than the Clothiers. For the clothier's aim is to drown that gain, which the merchant's industry and employment now serves for, and which by his service is kept within the bounds of our own Island, to the maintaining of so many families at home, and busying so many men, and Ships abroad, and thereby to abridge the same the more to Natives, the more it is publicated unto strangers. The Hollanders are so subtle as to clog our English Woollen manufactures with great Impositions, and to free their own of the same, that the prices of their meaner Draperies may be raised up to our better ones, or the prices of our better Draperies may be beaten down to their meaner ones: but our subtlety must be for the pleasure of our Clothiers to intercept from the Merchants all that livelihood which they now earn, and by vilifying of our own Wares to prostitute the same unto Strangers: nay and by the same means to expose themselves to the danger of having worse treatance from foreigners, than now they have from their own countrymen.  
Thirdly, if more regard be had of the Clothier, then of the Merchant, or State, yet constant experience teaches us, that this favour and preference which the Clothier challenges herein above the Merchant, is no real favour, nor preference at all. For it has been always seen, that the setting at liberty of the merchant's Trade has proved more obstructive to the Clothier then to the Merchant, in as much as the Merchant has a more large employment, and can better subsist without the Clothier, than the Clothier can without the Merchant. Moreover as it doth not always fall out, that the breaking up of the merchant's Trade brings any present quickness to Trade: so if it doth, that quickness never lasts; 'tis but bonum presens; 'tis but like cold water to a feverish man, it procures some short refreshment, but repays that short refreshment within a short space after with a prolongation of sharper extremities. So it proved it in Qu: Elizabeth's times; so it proved in King James his times; and so it is likely to prove hereafter: wherefore if men of mechanical education will only contemplate present things, and neither look forward nor backward, Statesmen may, and must disaccommodate them for the present, that they may be accommodated the better for the future.  
5th. Arg: That power in private men which onerates the chief Commodities of the Realm with arbitrary impositions to maintain itself, is dangerous: but such is the merchant's power, &c. Ans. Our Companies ordinary charge is scarce considerable in respect of the great sums we deal for; and the extraordinary charge is always drawn on by some extraordinary, unavoidable inconvenience: for example, the removals of our Residence from one Mart Town to another is commonly a great burden to us, but that burden is undertaken to avoid some greater detriment, and without it either we should lose old privileges, or be made to submit to some new exactions: or be some other way aggrieved in a worse degree. Now this is for the common good, and we may rather expect favour from the Kingdom, than disfavour for such services.  
Secondly, we have a Bill now in the Houses, prepared for His majesty's Assent, and in that Bill the future Impositions of our Company are reduced to a certainty.  
Thirdly, there is an absolute necessity of these Impositions, for neither can our Trade prosper without government, nor government be maintained without some charge: neither is our government necessary only for ourselves, but also for the Clothier, for as much as we are a good screen, or bank betwixt the Merchant stranger, and the English Clothier, and were not the prices of our clothes kept up by us, and that partly by the charge of our government, the Clothier would be more enslaved to the Stranger, than now He is.  
Lastly, our Accounts are kept most exactly, and audited punctually, and the hands through which all things pass are so many that there can be no error, nor fraud. The Hanse Towns in Germany, anciently 72. in number, found it expedient to incorporate, and maintain a common correspondence: for which end Lubeck of the Wendish, Brunswick of the Saxon, Dantzig of the pruss, and Collen of the Westphalish Towns was appointed to be chief; and the chief of all was Lubeck. These Towns so united for adjusting all common, and particular interests obtained several places of Residence in England at London, in Norway at Bergen, in Russia at Novograde: in the Netherlands at Antwerp: and in each of these residencies they had their Alderman, Assistants, Secretaries, Treasurers, Stewards, and other Officers, by whom their public affairs were administered, and Merchant Law was exercised. Wherefore if the expense of their government was more than countervailed by the benefit of their unity; and if they were gainers by that expense, why should that be imprudent in us which was prudent in them? or why should that be damage to us, which was profit to them?  
The ordinary pleas for Freedom are thus answered, and the Objections against Reglement in Trade removed; we will now only reinforce all that has been said in a word, or two.  
The most solid glory, and magnificence that ever dazzled human eyes upon earth: was that of Solomon's royal Court, at that time, when his unparalleled wisdom had made Silver as stones in Jerusalem, and Cedars as vulgar as Sycamores used to be in other places.  
'tis written of his reign (by an inspired Author) that it made Silver of no account, that in one year there flowed into his Exchequer 666 Talents of pure Gold; that besides all his Masses of Ophir gold, he abounded with other various Treasures, precious stones, &c. such as the Merchants of Spices, the governors of the country, and the Kings of Arabia did import. Solomon was no warrior, nor born Lord of many Nations, nor did his Jewish Signiory extend itself over any large Tract in the universe: 'tis only written of him, that he had at Sea a navy of Tarshish with hiram's, & the same navy once in 3 years returned home freighted with gold, silver, ivory &c. Hiram being hitherto straightened in the mediterranean Seas, could not gain the strands of Arabia, Persia, India, China, &c. without encompassing the Capes or Africa, and crossing the sun's torrid line: but upon terms of partnership Solomon is now able to let him in to that Southern Ocean by a way far more compendious.  
Pharaoh on the further side of the red sea is Solomon's near ally: and the Edomites on this side are his tributary servants: hereupon things▪ are so composed betwixt the Jews, and Tyrians, that it is as beneficial for the Tyrians to serve the Jews with their skill in Astronomy, and Hidrography, as for the Jews to serve the Tyrians with their harbours, and ships. Therefore the Queen of Sheba (till her eyes were ascertained with substances) might well withhold her belief from entertaining, that stupendious report which was blown about the world concerning Solomon; and well might her spirit after sink within her, when her eyes had once encountered with the radiant Majesty of Solomon, whereby the blasts of fame's Trumpet were so far drowned, and transcended. Of all Solomon's successors we read of none but Jehosaphat, that ever thought of rigging new navies in Ezion-geber; and He nevertheless though he had the Edomites his homagers, and was also much renowned for his wisdom, and grandeur, found this design unfeasible, and the way to Ophir altogether unpassable. This is a clear crisis to indicate how profound the judgement, and how broad the comprehension of Solomon was, before whom (till apostasy had aliened his God from him) no difficulties were able to stand: yet 'twas not so admirable in Solomon, that he amassed such incredible treasures, as that he amassed them by peaceful arts, and not by the dint of his sword.  
The tragical exploits of Alexander, and Caesar, may be accounted magna, & splendida Latrocinia, if they be compared to the feats of merchandise exercised by Solomon and the other Kings of Tyre and Arabia; and yet we may doubt too, whether the spoil of the East to Alexander, or of the West to Caesar were equal in value to all Solomon's cargazoa.  
Whilst the cruel depredations of war impoverish, dispeople and by horrid devastations root up, and so shrink (as it were) great Empires into small Provinces: Merchandise on the other side beautifies, inriches, empowers little States, and so altars their natural dimensions, that they seem to swell, as it were, into spacious Empires. This martial Hero has inscribed upon his Statue: that he has fought so many pitched battles, that he has with his rapid lightnings spread a sudden conflagration over so many kingdoms; that with the loss of 100000 fellow soldiers he has purchased the slaughter of 1000000 Enemies, at least such as he would needs make, and style his Enemies. But in the mean time that gentle unbloody Prince which by his several dispersed carracks visits each climate of the world only to plunder the earth's caverns of her metals, or the Rocks of their Diamonds, or the deep itself of its pearls; merits to be celebrated for the common benefactor of mankind, as well for the necessaries which he convays unto other Nations, as for the more precious wares▪ which he recovers out of the dark abyss of nature, and relades for the use of his own Subjects.  
Howsoever this one instance of Solomon (to lay aside all other instances of Princes, that have engaged themselves in such like mercatorian negotiations) makes it plain, that the most majestical of all Kings that ever reigned, was the most ample adventurer that ever trafficked, and that he had not been so great a Prince, if he had not been so ample a Merchant: for it is more than probable that all the Tributes of Judea were inconsiderable in comparison of the returns which Tarshish did afford.  
It must needs follow therefore from the same very instance, that the devouring, piratical Trade of war is not so honourable, or so fit to magnify Princes, and make happy Nations, as that ingenious just Art of commerce, which may be exercised without rigor, or effusion of blood.  
I shall then close up all with this application to our own Nation: if Merchandise be truly noble: if the rays which streamed so plentiful from Solomon's diadem were more supplied by traffic, then by tribute; let not England totally neglect Merchants. Let us look into the causes that make Trade so dead amongst us at present, and the fittest remedies that possibly may recover it. In the East Indies we know who they are, that by cruelty have oppressed us; In Russia we may take notice who they are, that by subtlety have supplanted us. Here in Germany our privileges are ill kept; in Holland they are worse.  
In many Countries the manufactures in silks, and Cottonwools increase. In High, and Low Germany the store of sheep is increased, and of late the kind of them especially in Silesia is much improoved, hereby, and by the help of Spanish wools, nay of English wools too, & fuller's Earth daily exported against Law, our English Draperies are extremely brought low.  
The late obstructions and calamities of civil war in our kingdom, concurring with other annoyances done us by the King's Agents abroad, and military Commissions upon the Sea, have added more to our ruin. Moreover, in other things the Times seem to look towards a Reformation, but in matters of Trade Order and regulation itself is opposed, and confusion under the Name of Liberty is now more than ever publicly pleaded for. The King by his Proclamation had formerly abetted his Progenitors grant to us, and the Parliament lately has corroborated the King's Proclamations, yet nothing can secure as against intruding Interlopers. By this means merchandise is brought to a low ebb, 20 Ships yearly in former times did attend us here in Hamburgh, now 6. are sufficient to supply us, and though our Company be in this Consumption; some other Companies waste away worse than ours. All these mischiefs perhaps are not remediable, yet let us use the best remedies we can, and such as are most seasonable.  
In Plato's Opinion those commonwealths were most likely to prosper where learned men ruled, or Rulers were learned. Within the circle of Plato's learning let us comprehend the mysteries of commerce. In Solomon's days that kind of learning did wonderful things towards the advancing of States; and of late as Venice a City of Merchants has been the Bulwark of Europe against the Turk: so the seats in the United Provinces by Trade more than Arms, have gotten the sword of Arbitration into their hands. Spain, and France, and other Nations no ware fain to court those Merchants, which not long since were below their scorn. Let it then be lawful to propose: either that a certain number of able Merchants may be made Privy councillors: or so many Privy councillors specially designed to intend matters of Trade; or let some other Honourable council be empowered solely▪ to promote the Common weal of Merchants.   

By the King. A Proclamation for the better Ordering the Transportation of Clothes, and other Woollen Manufactures into Germany, and the Low-countries.  
Whereas We have taken into our Princely Consideration the manifold benefits that redound to this Kingdom by the Manufacture of Woollen Clothes, and the Transportation and venting thereof in foreign parts: and finding how much good government, and managing the said Trade in an Orderly way will conduce to the increase, and advancement of the same: We for the better settling of Order therein for the time to come, have thought fit with advice of Our Privy council, to declare Our royal pleasure herein: And do therefore hereby strictly will and Command, that no Person, or Persons, Subject, or Subjects of this our Realm of England, shall at any time from and after the Feast of Purification, &c. now next coming, Ship, transport, carry, or convey, or cause to be shipped, &c. either from Our City and Port of London, or from any other City, Town, Port, Haven, or Creek of this Our Realm of England by way of merchandise any White-clothes, coloured Clothes, Clothes dressed, and Died out of the Whites, Clothes called Spanish Clothes, bays, Kersys, Perpetuanoes, Stockings, or any other English Woollen commodities unto any the Cities, Towns, places in Germany, or the 17. Provinces of the Netherlands, save only, and except to the Mart, and Staple-towns of the Fellowship of Merchant Adventurers in those parts for the time being, or to one of them.  
And further, to the end that the said Trade may be hereafter reduced, and continued in an orderly and well governed course: We do hereby declare Our royal pleasure to be, that the Fellowship of Merchant Adventurers shall admit into their Freedom of their said Trade all such our Subjects dwelling in our City of London, and exercised in the Profession of Merchants: and not shopkeepers, except they give over their Shops, as shall desire the same, for the Fines of 50 li. apiece; if they shall take their Freedom before midsummer next; And that the said Fellowship shall likewise receive and admit into their Freedom such our Subjects of the Outports of this Our Kingdom, as being exercised in the Trade of Merchants shall desire the same, paying them 25 li. apiece for their Fine or Income: if they shall take their said freedom before Michaelmas next▪ And that the Sons, and Servants of such as shall be so admitted, as aforesaid, shall pay to the said Fellowship at their several admissions thereunto the sum of 6— 13— 4. apiece. And that all such persons, as shall not accept, and come into the said Freedom before the days herein prefixed, shall pay the double of the Fines before limited respectively, in case they shall afterwards desire to be admitted into the said Fellowship.  
And Our further will, and pleasure is, and We do hereby command and inhibit all, and every of our Subjects, not being Free of the said Fellowship of Merchant Adventurers, that they, or any of them shall not presume to Trade in any the forenamed Commodities into any the parts or places of Germany, or Low-countries from or after the said Feast of Purification next ensuing, upon pain of Our high displeasure, and of such punishments as Our Court of Star-Chamber, whom We especially charge with the execution of Our royal pleasure herein, shall think fit to inflict for such contempts.  
White Hall: Decemb. 7. 10. of Our Reign. 1634▪   

Die. Merc. 11. Octob. 1643. An Ordinance of the LORDS and COMMONS in Parliament Assembled.  
For the upholding of the Government of the Fellowship of Merchant Adventurers of England, to the better maintenance of the Trade of Clothing, and Woollen Manufacture of the Kingdom.  
FOr the better encouragement and supportation of the Fellowship of Merchant Adventurers of England, which hath been found very serviceable and profitable to this State: and for the better government, and regulation of Trade, especially that ancient and great Trade of Clothing, whereby the same will be much advanced to the Common good, and benefit of the people: The Lords and Commons in Parliament do Ordain: that the said Fellowship shall continue, and be a Corporation, and shall have power to levy moneys on the Members of their Corporation, and their goods, for their necessary charge, and maintenance of their Government: and that no person shall Trade into those parts, limited by their Incorporation, but such as are Free of that Corporation, upon forfeiture of their goods. Provided, that the said Fellowship shall not exclude any person from his Freedom, and Admission into the said Fellowship which shall desire it by way of Redemption, if such person by their custom be capable thereof, and hath been bred a Merchant, and shall pay 100 li. for the same, if He be Free, and an Inhabitant of the City of London, and trade from that Port, or 50 li. if He be not Free, and no Inhabitant of the said City, and trade not from thence: and that the said Fellowship shall have power to imprison Members of their Company in matters of their government, and to give such an Oath, or Oaths, to them as shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament. Provided, that all rights confirmed by an Act of Parliament, or ancient Charters, shall be hereby saved. And the said Lords and Commons do further Ordain, That withal convenient expedition, a 〈◊〉 shall be prepared in Order to an Act of Parliament to be passed in this present Parliament, for the further settling, and full confirming of the privileges to the said Fellowship, with such other clauses, and provisions as shall be found expedient by both Houses of Parliament. This Ordinance to remain in full force, until a Bill or Act shall be prepared and passed, according to the intent and true meaning of this Ordinance. And it is Ordered, that this Ordinance be forthwith Printed and published, that all persons concerned therein may take notice thereof, as appertaineth.  
Jo: Browne Cler: Par. 〈◊〉: Elsing Cler: Par. Dom. Com.  
FINIS.