QUAERE'S, SEASONABLE, TO BE humbly presented to King Charles, at Holmby, and others, for his Parliament at Westminster: With a few to be taken to heart, by the Common people of England, communicated: By PHILANACTODEMUS. Whereunto is added a Prologue and an Epilogue, for the better Illustration of the thing to the different Reader. April: 15th. London. Printed in the Year 1647. The Prologue. Malignant, I Know I shall be censured by thee, I would feign court thee into a true and good opinion of me, and it shall be in a Dramatic way. I know thou lovest Plays, as an old Protestant, yet it is a great wonder to me, that Papists should join with thee, as well as they did to fight for Protestant Religion, to go and see them in Lent, which is the principal time of their devotion. Then imagine thou seest act in these Quaeres, The Emperor, King of Spain, French King, King of Denmark, Bohemia, Hollander, Rocheller, Germane Princes, Scots, Pope, jesuit, Bloody Irish, nay, the Devil himself; and how to make this a Tragicomedy, will require a good Artist; sure none, but Heaven, can do it. I forgot to name thee amongst the Speakers, but if thou dost not find one, as like thyself as can be, in the heat of the Play, I am much mistaken. There is one, I am sure on't, that fought a great while for the liberty of the Subject in England, and when he would not find it here, he went over into France for it: There, there are brave Parliaments, ten for one, at least. After that he hath quarrelled with his Affronter, and his Host, and had half the time of experiment of them, as of this tedious English Parliament, he will satisfy, and comfort himself for all the losses, and dangers, he hath exposed himself, and his friends to, here. Well Malignant, see the Play, and when thou hast done, give me thy opinion of it. Quaeres to be humbly presented to his Majesty's Remembrance, in the Consideration, and his Resolution in the Answer. 1. WHether the non prosecution of the Palatinate War, begun with so many Protestations by King James, that he would never sheathe his sword, till by God's grace, it were recovered; and thereby divers Germane Protestants were engaged, was not a weakening to the cause there, and consequently to your Majesty's dishonour? 2. Whether the deserting of that War, and contracting of great debts, and pawning of the Crown Jewels, to the misdirecting of a fleet to Cales, against the advice of your then Parliament, were not a spoiling of your credit with the Hollander, and a blasting the bud of your reputation in War, with all Princes in Christendom? 3. Whether the engaging the King of Denmark against the Emperor, and then deserting him, and your Brother Palatine, to make the French King your Enemy (as if the Emperor and King of Spain had not been big enough) at the self same time when you would not be advised, nor agree with your Parliament, and to embroil the Rochellers in a war against the French King, after you had lent your Ships to the beating of them, whereby the French were taught the better use of Navigation, were not a shaking to the Basis of the Protestant Religion, and the welfare of your Kingdoms, and the taking away all hopes of recovering any of your right in France? 4. Whether the not aiding of the Swede upon Oxesterne his Embassy, were not the loss again of the Palatinate, and a great party in Germany, to their very regrett at this Day? 5. Whether the raising of ship money upon pretence of necesssitie, and setting out of fleets to sea to no use, were not a great oppression of your people, and another blasting of your reputation in War with all Foreign Princes? 6. Whether the sending of the Earl of Arundel Ambassador into Germany, when at the Diet at Ratisbone he was to be a spectator of the King of Hungary being made King of the Romans, and the Duke of Bavaria invested in the Palatinate, was not a confirmation of your Majesty's consent to both, and no intention of relief to the Palsgrave? 7. What motives had your Majesty to breed such a jealousy with your people (though it was not then known by the awe of your evil Council over them a long time) as the sending of several Agents to Rome, and receiving several Nuncios from thence, just at the time when you deceived your Subjects of their expectation, to fight abroad, for which to do you honour and service, they were contented with illegality, but you must needs turn your sword into your own bowels, As if the affronts, and disgraces, you had made yourself, not only with your enemies, but your friends, and kindred, must be revenged upon that flock, you were ordained to preserve? Your Majesty had the Goats, the Sheep by God's blessing are safe, yet they desire you to be their Shepherd if you please. 8. Whether your Majesty's raising of Arms against the Kingdom of Scotland, when you engaged your whole Nobility, and much Gentry of England, in a design of War, with an oath to fight for what your Majesty was contented to pacify upon the first Treaty, was either honour or advantage to your Majesty, or your Kingdom of England? Were not both Armies (though the English advance did impair many an estate) suddenly disbanded? and your Majesty no sooner come to London, but presently a paper of the Treaty, found in a Noble man's custody, must be burnt by the hand of the Hangman; and a new War must be proclaimed, and a new General nominated, almost a year before you were ready, though your Majesty called a Parliament, contrary to your promise to your Lord Keeper, for which you broke his heart, to advance the design with a pretextuous letter, Au Roy: And the Parliament, though you would never have agreed with them before, would have assisted in that blinded understanding, but that your Evil Council would have all present money, and give no reason for it, and therefore did not your Majesty dissolve that Parliament? 9 Was it your necessity against the income of Scots, or your own design, to bring them in, for you may easily practise what you will (upon your English people) or the providence of Heaven, to unite us both, that your Majesty called this Parliament; was not this Parliament begun in trouble, and combustion, when two Armies were ready to fight, and both invited to destroy this? Were not your Majesty's evil Counsellors of greatest esteem, accused by a just complaint, of which your Majesty's ears should be most open, to your three Kingdoms? What charge, and what danger, to the Kingdoms, was the keeping of those Armies on foot? What delay of justice? When the Armies we●e disbanded, what haste into Scotland? What attempts there? How your Majesty, and your people were there agreed, was beyond a than English Imagination, if we had had that constancy, to what Principles, belong to us, more than them, your Majesty's Cavaliers had never given such a common name to Englishmen, but we had gone the way to desire your Majesty, to know your friends here, as they did in Scotland. 10. Why your Majesty should ask us at your return from thence, why we were not a contented people, as they were, is beyond any reason you gave us then for it, and against it since, you convinced or passed most Delinquents; you displaced divers men, that were commanded to do their duty against the Earl of Strafford? you gave us a perpetual Parliament, which an assuredness of your good Acts, would have made short, and business easy, but such a Labyrinth have you brought it, and this Kingdom to, by your absence from it, and refusing to do those things, which must secure your Majesty, and the Members in it, that there must be a Counsel from Heaven, to which you must join in prayer, with your people, for the making of yourself glorious, and them happy by it. 11. Why your Majesty should offer such treaties, and still provide for Arms, keep your Agencies with so many several Princes, to bring strangers upon your own people (a principal judgement of God cited by the Prophet) why you should declare against Papists, and receive them not only into favour, but into Major General's Commands, is against the sense of any true Protestant? Why you should engage, and spill so much blood (as if blood would require no vengeance, especially when it is between Brother and Brother) for the denying yourself, and disabling so many of your Subjects of so many Paradices, as your Kingdoms afforded you, and them, deserves repentance, and regret. 12. Why after the Rebellion in Ireland, that War was so slackened, till your Majesty desired to go yourself, merely to get a life guard of 2000 men here first, which by the consequent may very well be supposed, was intended against your English People; for if you attempted this war with a fourth part of the number, and was able with that volant party, to seize upon so many Magazines, provided for the defences of several Counties, and offer at Hull itself, though you washed the Lord Digbies intercepted Letter to the Queen, to advise you to retreat into a strong place, with the vain fears, and jealousies of your Parliament, what could you have done with a greater force? 13. Why your Majesty pretended so much the prosecution of that war, and after took away the materials belonging to those, that were engaged in it, but to show you desired a cessation there, to make your war stronger with those false men here, though it was a strange hazard of State, to leave that Kingdom so slenderly guarded, and that poor remainder of Protestants unmassacred, to the mercy of such barbarous Rebels; who we may justly conjecture, had they not had some further assurance from your Ma. of a settlement by Law, to the ruin of Protestants with them, would not have left unattempted the murder of the rest, is against any understanding, but of deeper capacities? 14. Why should your Ma. send Glamorgan to make a peace with the Rebels, when you could not procure Ormond to do it, and then Digby to accuse Glamorgan, for so doing, both whom have been Agents for your Ma. there since, doth as much stumble us? 15. Did your Majesty ever read that any English Prince was ever fortunate, that was averse to Parliaments, and have you read of Edward the first, that fought so long in defence of his Father, against Parliaments, loved Parliaments best afterwards, and proved the most Victorious Prince of his time? 16. Was not the sending Prince Charles into France, against the sense of your Majesty, after you had passed it yourself? Was not the hazard of making you resign your Title to that Crown, before you should be released (if taken) then inculcated to you? Was there any necessity of so doing, after he had been so kindly invited to the Parliament? 17. Was your Majesty's request to your Parliament for the sending you so many Anticovenanting Priests either reasonable or seasonable, as if you had forgot what you had done with your Scots, or never considered what you did there, was agreeable with the most universal practice, of the Protestant Religion throughout Christendom? Were not Francis the first, and Henry the fourth your Majesty's Father in Law (the most valiant and powerful Princes of their time) the greatest favourers of Presbyterial Government, though they could not establish it by reason the Papacy was so inveterately settled, and their Reformation so young, as it wanted strength. 18 Whether their example is not a sufficient precedent for your Actions, as well as your profession of following your Father King james in his care of the Commonwealth? Which we see evidenced otherways, for he renownced Episcopacy in Scotland, and probably would have done it here, if he had been so desired by his Parliament, took the Covenant, and never denied justice, against any favourite, or Councillors whatsoever, whensoever his Parliament asked it? 19 Was the obtruding of the Common-prayer, and book of Cannons, agreeable with your Majesty's Oath, taken at your Coronation at Edinburgh? If nor, how could that Oath be dispensed withal, more than the Oath taken at the Coronation at Westminster? Was that Oath at Westminster taken according to the sense of the giver, or the receiver? are either, or both Oaths, obligatory to maintain old Laws, and Ceremonies obnoxious to the necessity of the season? If I? How came so much Reformation of Law, and Religion, by your Majesty's Predecessors, and in what state of soul's health, do you conceive them that did so, to be? May it please your Majesty: WE might enlarge and multiply Queres, but that we fear we have tired your Majesty with these already, but we humbly desire your Majesty, to inquire into your memory whether such things have not been counselled, and practised, and advise with your judgement, and conscience, whether such things for the honour of your Majesty, and the safety of your people were fit to be done; your Majesty is the great Shepherd of three flocks. No good Shepherd will separate his sheep, when he can keep them together, nor lodge them in three folds, when one will serve: and when your Majesty by your own experience hath cured one flock, by a known Medicine, will you deny that approved balsam to the other two? Unity was the thing that Christ left us to practise upon earth, when he went up into Heaven, and there he exercises it himself, for the three Persons to our understanding, acted rather here beneath. God hath made your Majesty our head to be a Pattern to us of unity. Nay, if we straggle, God hath given your Majesty the rod, and the shepherd's staff, to coerce us into the fold. We desire then your Majesty to bring us all into one practice of serving God, and obeying your Majesty; that your Majesty will encourage these our hopes by taking our Covenant, and take off the imputation which by the persuasion of those false Prophets, and Mountebancks of State (that have this long time kept your Majesty from your Parliament) you have taken upon yourself, and lay it justly upon those Locusts and Caterpillars, that by the serene countenance of your Majesty over your people, they may be destroyed from the face of the earth, that your Justice may shine like the Sun, and the same of your Majesty ring through the world, to the terror of your enemies, and the comfort of all your good people. Quaeres to be humbly proponed to the Lords, and Commons assembled in Parliament at Westminster. 1. Whether you can secure this Kingdom (as none other can or aught to do it) without settling your own houses, in a certain knowledge of your Members, to be true Members thereof? 2. Whether the enquiry into that knowledge, will not be too tedious by having those businesses examined by a Committee at Westminster? 3. Whether the charge of that enquiry, being for the Public good, is not fit to be borne by the Public purse? 4. Whether the charge of that enquiry will not be less, by sending a Commission into the Country, by Lords and Commons, for the trial of the truth, and the certainty more than by having the Counties and Corporations attending at Westminster? 5. Whether such a Commission be not more agreeable to the practice of the Laws, by Circuits, within this Kingdom, than any other way, and whether not of equal ease to the people? 6. Whether it is probable, that when the sword, and the purse, and all other coercive power hath been in the Soldier, Committee men, & their inferior Officers hands, and still remaineth so; That a Parliament Committee at Westminster should have a true information of the affairs of the Countries? 7. Whether it will not be a great engaging of the Country people's loves, to have their grievances visited at their own doors, to the staggering of all sorts of Malignant Parties, and confirming the people in a true sense of the Parliaments intentions, in the Reformation of the Church and State? 8. Whether such a Commission may not have a relation to the Sewres of the Kingdom, that because the horses are wasted, and will be for many years wanting, there may be carriage had by water, and that the Wears, and Mills belonging to Malignants, being taken away, in places proper, those that belong to the well affected, be bought out with the Public purse, for making the Rivers of England navigable? 9 Whether such a Commission may not extend to the relieving of the well affected, in the several Counties, against the malice of the constantly Malignant, the most worldly, & griping men, who by Suits in Law, Arrests, etc. may ruin many a well affected man, that hath lost and spent his estate in the Parliament service? Is it not a strange Paradox of State, that a Cane shall secure a man more than a sword? and a Committee of Complaints be erected to relieve Malignants, and none for those that have fought for the Parliament? As if defending of Garrisons against the Command of King and Parliament severally, were greater reason of protection, than the constant defending of the true Cause? 10. Whether it is possible, that except money be brought down to six per Cent. the particular debts of the Kingdom can be paid, or Land yield that value, as to satisfy the Public? May it please your Lordships. I Can multiply my requests in my Quaeres, but that I think there is work enough offered at already; yet no more than is easily feasible, with the seasonableness of the Spring, and the ready endeavour of some good Patriots of this Kingdom; if your Lordships will spare some to be itinerant to that purpose, you may find a juster account of your own strength, under God, and his Majesty, then can be otherwise brought you. I shall crave a pardon for my boldness in advising, and pray a blessing in whatsoever you shall order, though it be for the correcting of me, for my sauciness, in meddling with your affairs. Quaeres considerable by the Common people of Engl●nd. First for the Soldiery. 1. Whether the Law of Arm●s be agreeable with the Laws of Christiani●y? I so, whether a soldier employed in Arms, may preach in Church, or privately, to the dividing of the frame of Ecclesiastical Law, in the government of the Church? 2. Whether the Civil Magistrate may not punish such a Soldier, that doth so offend? 3. Whether it can agree with the essence of a true Christian, who ought to be Christ's Soldier, as a Member of the Church Militant to converse with, allow, or tolerate; nay rather is he not bound to fight against the Turk, Jew, Atheist, Pap●st, or any other false worshipper, profaner, or renter of the seamlesse garment of Jesus Christ, in the behalf, and for the cause of Christ Jesus? For the City. 4. Whether the City of London is not bound as well in policy, as conscience, to assist their Brethren of the Country, and they reciprocally them, in the joint maintaining of the liberty of the Subject, which hath been so gloriously vindicated, by the constancy of the two Nations of England and Scotland, in their Parliaments? was not that always the Physician of the Law, whensoever any ulcers broke out? and why should it be declined, much less reviled? 5. Whether is not this City, and indeed all other, that have held for the Parliament, in much better condition, now & at all times of this war, than those where the Royal Quarter's were kept? could there any thing be expected but the plunder of the City of London, if entered by the rattleheaded party? was not so much publicly professed by them? and yet will people wish for them again? For the Country. I● it possible to preserve a new Acquest without charge, and hazard, viz. the just liberty of the Subject? and shall we then gsumble at the Parliaments ordering the Quartering of a necessary Army, for the preserving of our peace, especially when it shall consist of such men, as shall give no scandal to Church or State, nor do any thing then secure the Country? My advice to all is, to be content with the government which God hath more expressly favoured this Island withal, more than any other Nation, that is, of this Parliament, that as the King never dies in Law, so the privilege of the Subject should not neither: and this being so difficultly brought on, and miraculously kept, it is against the sense of Earth, and I am confident against the will of Heaven, it should be attempted to be dissolved. We read the Patriarches used to evidence their serving of God with sacrifice, and though God did afterwards appoint his chosen people to serve him that way; yet to one of the best of his servants he says, Obedience is better: That Obedience which produces awe and unity, fear, love, and security. I desire the people of England to join in to the glory of God, the honour of the King, the privilege of Parliaments, and the settling of a firm peace and true Religion, among all good Christians. THE EPILOGUE, Discoursed by the Dramatist Semi Prelatical Protestant, Papist, and Independent. Dramatist. NOw Sir, what do you thing of this inlightment? do you Master Protestant know, what you have fought for all this while? were not you of the same opinion with me, at the instant of those misguidances demonstrated now unto you? did you not observe the practice of the latter Prelates, to be quite contrary to what was used in Queen Elizabeth, and King Jame's times? could you believe the profession of the Archbishop of Canterbury at his death, before your own eye sight, in your own experience in his life time? Are you bound to let the worship, and glory of God, to be dishonoured by your suffering, when by your sword you may preserve it? Doth the Church Militant consist merely in suffering? is God called the Lord of Hosts, because his people must submit rather than defend his true Religion? Is the Arbitration in Government of a Prince (though never so pious) more convincible to the reason of obeyers, than these laws, made for the necessities, and requests of those that are to be governed? Semi-Prelat. I must confess, I was of your opinion, but I have been in a dream a great while; I got by chance to Oxford, where I was so plied with College beer, and lewd Sack, and so followed by the Scholars, with drink, and sophistry, that I lost all my former remembrance, till I came home, where when I had considered a little, and began to waver in my opinion, my wife comes in, and posts me back to Oxford, to bring home some honour, and she added further, that besides the saving of my own life and my estate, the King might bestow such a round-headed neighbour's house and land upon me (for the King would surely hang all the Roundheads) upon this I returned, and raised what forces I could, but I did not find the King so bountiful as I expected, and the widows of some that had raised troops, and ventured their lives, but died by sickness were as hardly used for the wardships of their Children. I cannot blame the King for this, in all, (though he be close enough) but must lay it upon some Courtiers and some of the favourites of the two Germane Princes, who if we had the command of any Garrisons and did not pay our constant contributions extraordinary to them we were suddenly displaced and made Reformadoes, to prevent which we did plunder the Country sufficiently, and yet did not thrive in our Arms, and if there were any boon to be gotten, some of the forenamed crept between us, and it. We are now undone, saving the grace of the Parliament, which is extraordinary to us; (we are sure we should not have used them so if we had had the better,) and you have so dissolved our late taken up principles, that we must desire, you to Petition the Parliament, that no more of us, may be suffered to go over into France, for divers of us desire to go thither, upon great hopes the Queen will bring us back again with a powder. But a Gentleman whom I dare trust, came from thence lately, who says we are infinitely slighted there, and the Prince himself meanly Courted, and allowed his followers wretchedly. And for the Religion we professed at Oxford, there is no toleration for it there, but in Henry Jermyns Chapel and that is so nigh the Queens that it smells to much of Popery. If we should go to Charenton we must turn Presbyterial, and then lose that slight Alimony we have from the Queen, and all further hopes from the King. We humbly desire you will entreat the Parliament that staying here we may make use of a wood for the hearing of the Common Prayer, as the Independents exercised in their way; if not, and that you will force us to be Presbyterians, you will banish the Papists and Independents, and let us have but one settled form of Religion. Papist. Sir Dramatist, I pray forbear to request our banishment, as Master Protestant would have it; for either the French or Spanish or Italian Catholics would make such a prey of us as we had better pay all statute payments in England then endure their laws, or adventure at their charity; we had no Agents at Rome before, but were lustily maintained from hence, and yet great gratuities went to the Pope's favourites, for the allowing of us to venture our lives, and estates, against the laws of our Country, and our Priests and jesuits made as strong hazard, by oath, and our purses, as all. But Sir if an ingenuous confession will move with you I will make it. There be as many Sects of us, as of Jndependents; and if the Inquisition had not been set up to the awing of all, there would have been more. We English Catholics had been rend in the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's Reign by our own divisions; but when Bancroft came to be Archbishop, we had opportunity to plaster up a rent in a Gunpowder treason. And when that could take no effect nor we do any thing more during the life of Crookeback Cicill, though the than Northampton was our friend, we ventured on King James his weakness in his favourite, Somerset and more in Buckingham; we had then one of our own Religion, that governed favourite and King, and we brought in a principal instrument of Spain, Gundamore, to take of the main agent of the English designs against the Catholic and Spanish advance and to our own shame, be it spoken, we got that Agents head to be strucken off. How we pursued the rest of that design, when we desired one Queen Mary, and got another, though our design went on more cleaverly, than it could have done by the first, is beyond my knowledge of the secrets of State; but you may resemble it to this; the King held at once the Primate of Ireland, John of York, Doctor Prideaux, and Doctor Holsworth in disgrace, they were the great Puritants of the then times; The Spanish match was in the same relish with the people of England. The King when he was to engage his Protestant Subjects in a war, and had banished all Catholics from his Court, only with an explanation, that he expected their horses, and Arms, to set Protestant Riders on, found that Canterbury or Wren or any other Arminian faction could not advance any Protestant considerable party towards him, makes use of the first univesally, the other in Wales, third in Worstershire and Oxford the fourth in Cambridge and London to the following of their steps in the King's affairs. 'Tis true we laughed all this while at their indiscretion, in promoting our designs; for we knew well our Generalissimo was coming that did as much for the time, as we could expect, but then they preached our projects, and gave an outside to the King's cause when we had cemented the Junto within: we have laboured other Nations to, but the interest of Franceover Spain was so great that rather than lose their hold here, the French deferred us; the Hollander was jealous of the English match, the Dane embroiled by the Sweeds; the Loraynet had such a long march by land, and disinherited by the way he could not come at us; Only the Irish that begun our cause and would have continued it, but that they could not have our conditions by the dissimulation of Ormond; They have offered to relieve us if we may trust them, though I as English Papist expect as little favour from them as from French, Italian or Spaniard, or rather murder for my Nation's sake; My request is Sir, that you would prevail with the Parliament, that we may stay in England without a Priest, that our Children may be educated according to their direction, and if there be any Schools fit for the Aged of us (we have used to kneel to our Priest though much younger than ourselves) or other degrees we desire we may go thither, and if any Treason against God the King, or the Parliament be found, let us suffer according to that Law they have made, or shall make, for their own security, and our dissolution. Independ. I pay spare our banishment too, for if we should travile into Holland, our train would be so numerous (so many of us having been Militant) that we should breed a new jealousy there, if into France, the Presbyterians would defy us, and the Papists, and all the Queen's party, when they are out of hope of having any more good by us, an we stay not in England, to keep a division in the Parliaments party, will hate us more, than ever they complied with us; If we go to New England, we hear so much of their uniting, in the practice of Religion, and the Government of the Church, that we fear, we shall be worse put to it, there, then at home; We desire therefore that Master Protestant would be satisfied with a wood, we can spare him two, or three, and a River too, in hope that they may Baptise anew; for Master Protestant is very flexible in his Religion, saving that he takes Edward the Sixts Tradition for as good, and obligatory as Scripture, and in that, and his willingness to submit to absolute Monarchy he is only positive; If we should be banished, he would long for Bishops again, though the last courtesy they did him, when they were in their power, was to chasten him in all their Courts. You may see what ill humours the want of Discipline breeds to those men that used to be whipped; if they delight in it, I pray let them have it, and let us alone, we can be contented without several exercises in a Parlour or an upper Room. Nay for the edifying, and making of Proselytes, we can find vacant Churches enough. And for the further promulgation of our cause, we dare adventure into a possessed Pulpit; only the other day one of our Brethren was much forsaken of the Spirit, when he questioned a Minister for speaking against Bellarmine; for he asked him whether he could prove it by Scripture, that Bellarmine fayd so;; and an other being expounding, and being contraried by his Brethren, it was made appear, that the pocket Bible he had, though it was of the Amsterdam size, yet it was of the Remish translation; We thought very well of that Brother, that he was sanctified, and could not Sin, but certainly he did fall in that exercise. Sir we request all our errors may be attributed to the desire of knowledge in an excessive manner, (though some of us that are of the higher form, think they have enough because they have more than their Brethren) yet Sir, now I consider that the excessive desire of knowledge was the occasion of Adam's fall, and the consequent of more Ignorance, and all other evil and mischief to his posterity, I think it may be a good warning to us, to sit content with the mercy of Heaven, in that Peace, and Unity which it hath pleased God to provide for us. There wanteth nothing but a handsome Authority, over us, to bring us into the universal fold, which I hope you will speak to the Parliament for. Now I think of the Communion Christ left us, I think also of his practice, before, and at it, and after it, nay and after his Resurrection, for what greater Communion, then among sheep yet the last command, he gave his Apostles was, to feed his sheep, so that for my part I am convinced of my Separation, and I shall submit to what prudential government of the Church the power that it set over me, shall provide for me, and I shall be gladder, if it be that, which agrees with our other reformed Brethren abroad, and I shall labour to bring in as many stray sheep as I shall find, in the Wilderness, I will quit Parlour, and upper Room, for the serving of God in his true congregation, so that I hope there will be no need of my banishment. Dramat. Now I find you all so pliable, I will tell you more of your happiness then ever you heard before. If you turn truly you shall be called Roundheads, a name as much above a Cavalier as Heaven is above Earth. This you may consider by your own knowledge in the Arts, that the Heaven is Round, in the whole, and in its singularities. The Sun constantly, the Moon that is the Mistress of what man can do (without Gods other order) round in her perfection; they have both faces, probably heads. Why you should make this a name of scorn, is against the sense of Heaven. And if you contemplate below, and were as you offer a right Cavalier (the best name upon Earth) when you shall study and travail the Earth, you shall find that Earth round too, that Earth were you made off; and if you have a head made of Earth, certainly that must be round: Being thus constituted from the nature of Heaven and Earth, I can tell you what a true sense of your former franticness will bring you too; and as every sick man if he be strong enough to endure Physic, is to have his Malignant humours purged, except he will venture a Fever at his heart, at least an Ague in his bones, you being already purged are now to receive a Cordial against the venom that hath so long interlined your understanding, and if you do it willingly, the Physic will work the better. I have known many a sick Lady much comforted in her good opinion of her Doctor; what Medicine our great Physician prescribes (though it may destroy some, yet if it preserve many) we must not dispute. You may easily see what cures the Parliament have done already. Lewis the Eleventh when he had corrupted Edward the Fourths Councillors of War, and patched up his Peace with a Tribute of 50000 Crowns a Year to be paid in the Tower of London, when he had fooled Charles the hardy into a War against the Swisseses, (a People then more contemptible than ever the Scots were esteemed by the haughtiness of the Cavaliering party,) When he had possessed himself of the Duchy of Britain, and made every old Payrage of France his own, he then dissolved all Assemblies of State, which is just the same with English Parliaments, and then bragged that he had brought the Realm of France, horse du Paga, that is, out of Wardship. If now wicked Counsel hath advised His Majesty, to practise upon His People, when He was secure to all the World, and upon the example of Lewis the Eleventh's prosperity against Parliaments, to adventure at doing the like here, which was professed by Proclamation Royal; and yet by the providence of Heaven one was brought on, and that one by the same providence, to do such Miracles, and contrary to the Callers intention, to bring this Kingdom out of Wardship, I could advise such evil Council, for their soul's health hereafter, and preserving the Laws better, here to offer themselves up as Martyrs to the Justice of the Kingdom so much abused by them, and that those that are under the Parliaments obedience will think no adventure of their Lives and Fortunes too hard for the securing of the Public. FINIS.