Queries, to find out who it is that holds out in arms against the State of England.  
seeing the King is our prisoner, as in the Scottish Army, who by contract are our servants and our Army, and therefore not to do what they list, but what we command them, seeing they receive pay from us as mere mercenaries, and serve not freely as brethren; therefore if our State representative, the chosen Commons of England assembled in Parliament, shall give Order to the State of Scotland for the King presently to disband all his Forces in England, Ireland or elsewhere, and to deliver up all towns and Garrisons unto our state's hand,— Quere; I say if it be not done thereupon, if we may not conclude, that it is the Scots hold up arms against out State, for the King being our Prisoner, and in their power (our servants) hath no power, but must do as they will, and they will do as they list for him.  
For if they of themselves can prostrate their own opposite arms of Montrosse, &c.— and put his name thereto for a colour, as if done by him, or enforce him to do it, to colour their doing, why not the same form upon order from our State aforesaid,— Why, oh English States, is not this assayed, to discover who it is that holds up arms against you?— for what power hath one man that is in the power of others? And if our State will not give order for the same what may we not conclude there of? must the lives and estates of multitudes of men be sacrificed to the wilfulness of any? But our State performing their parts, we shall apparently see where it rests, for how can the King hinder what they please to do?  
Do not these that are called the French and Spanish States, what them please— & put— or their King must put their names thereto, to culour it, that the State may not be seen in it, but it may pass as if their King's act, not theirs— Can any be so simple to think their Kings may or can rule a State— which is as much as the wisest State can do— In short it is the States do all, and so do the Scot, and so ought our State— and not let the weal, safety, happiness, prosperity and being of a kingdom or kingdoms, and Millions of lives therein, lie at the will, or the wilfulness, folly, or madness of one man, whom they call their King, though the Parliament of England in their late letter to him when he was at Oxford, do tell him plainly, that he is guilty of all the innocent blood which hath been now shed in all the three kingdoms.  
Oh therefore, let not the world jeer us, that our prisoner can use his keepers as his prisoners, &c.— Who hath stood it out in open Hostility as long as possible he could, against his Earthly sovereign, Lord, King and Creator, the state universal; Whose legal and formal representative, the Parliament, (he hath unnaturally, wickedly, unjustly, and irrationally) proclaimed traitors and Rebels for doing their duty in endeavouring the preservation of those that trusted them, from the ruin and destruction endeavoured and intended to them by him, their rebellious servant.  
How can it be properly said, that the English Creator, the State of England, can commit Treason against its own mere creature, the King? If it be treason to assist the King with men moneys, arms and horses in this his unnatural war and Rebellion against the Parliament and people of England, as the Parliament hath often declared, than is it not the height of Treason for any of the Parliaments Armies privately to treat with him, and to receive him into their Army, and there protect him (from those who requite him and have right to him) and to dispose of him, yea, and afford him elbow room and liberty to send Messages and Embassages to Denmark, Holland, France, Spain and Ireland, or whether he pleaseth, that so he may lay new designs for the utter subversion and destruction of the State and kingdom: Oh the hght of— &c. no longer to be put up, borne, or suffered by trusties that desire to approve themselves faithful to their trusters.  
FINIS.   

London August, 1646.