Questions resolved, and propositions tending to accommodation and agreement between the King being the Royal head, and both Houses of Parliament being the representative body of the Kingdom of England.  

The first Question.  
1. Whether a King be ordained of God for the welfare of the people, or the people appointed subjects to the King for the honour and pleasure of a King.  
THis must needs be resolved that the King is instituted of God by his divine Ordinance, but by subordinate means of the people their first and primary Election, or by their approbation of his precedent Title or allowed merits, wherein though it be an hereditary or successive right of a Crown; Yet is that inheritance or succession either originally and immediately given, or subsequently and mediately approved and allowed to him and his posterity by the people: And by and with the means of the Laws, Customs, or Consttutions of the Nation whereof he becometh the head and Governor. To the end that he may and shall Rule, guide and govern and protect the people under his charge and care in the true worship and service of God, with love and faithfulness, and with such tenderness as a Lord and Master ought to use toward his family, a shepherd towards his flock, and a father towards his dear beloved children. Not that he should in any wise like a domineering Master cruelly beat and evil entreat his servants, or an hired (no true) shepherd, neglect or peel his flock; or be careless of their protection and safety from ravening Woolves, and biting Curs. Nor as an unnatural and hard hearted father, grieve and afflict his children with overmuch chastisement, or give them stones instead of bread. And although it cannot be denied that the Kings of Israel were anointed by the holy Prophets of their time by the immediate appointment of God their proper King and heavenly father, who miraculously ruled, guided and protected them from the beginning before they had any earthly King like other Nations: Yet when they desired a King (like as other Nations had) the Lord then told them what such Kings did and would take upon them and use to do. Not that God did appoint or assign or allow them so to do; for God did not tell any King by the mouth of his Prophets, that he would give him a people to use at his pleasure, but he granted the people a King to guide and command them as he Moses long before. And when Saul their first King was chosen (being the tallest man among the people) and anointed by the Prophet to be King over Israel (which height of stature did only note that the people should remark the height of his dignity when he was set over them) The declaration of God's divine grace and holy Spirit infused by the word of the Prophet made him fit and worthy to Rule (yea even to prophecy among the Prophets) and so was he accepted by the Acclamation of the people. For no sooner that Divine Spirit of grace had left him, but he became an Apostate from God, and his religious duty of well governing as a King; and was thenceforth relict of God, and neither the haughtiness of his stature, nor the dignity of his Throne availed him any longer; but the youngest and least of Ishai his sons was chosen from the sheepfoldes to be King and to Rule and Govern God's people, which after his anointment by the Prophet and the time of his exaltation to the Crown, he governed with a faithful and true heart, and ruled them prudently with all his power. And in after ages the Chronicles of the Kings do show how often the good Kings that maintained the true Worship of God did long continue in their States and Thrones and flourished, but such as were evil, and set up Idols and hill Altars, and caused or suffered the people to sin against their God, God did rend and divide and utterly take away their Kingdoms from them. Only it is specially remarkable of the good King Hezekiah who had slipped and erred, but repent and recollected himself, that the merciful God quickly heard his prayers and saw his tears, and added to his days and happy Reign fifteen years; which number if it be added to our good King Hezekiah, his Reign will exceed the time of many of his progenitors. But God may please to add fifty in steed of fifteen, and then the years both of his life and Reign will exceed all his noble progenitors.  
The like is to be observed of Christian Kings and Emperors after but Saviour his Incarnation, and that the Christian faith was established; they had their anointment from God by the hand of the Bishops, but their acceptance was by the people. And it is manifest that both the ancient Kings of Israel before the Incarnation of our Saviour, as also all Christian Kings since were bound by Oath taken, or by Royal obligation to Rule and Reign by and according to the Laws of the Land. For Bartolus saith, a King is Solutus legibus, but obligatus vinculo pietatis, to rule secundum leges. Of all which it followeth, that Kings Reigns are provided by God for the welfare of the people, and their honour and dignity prolonged in reward of their righteousness in government according to the Etymologies of the terms or titles, Quia Reges dicuntur a regendo in pace secundum. Regulam & normam Justitiae. Imperatores autem ab imperando in bello. Tyranni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod est saevire in populum.   

The second Question.  
2. Whether a King maketh or imposeth the Laws upon the people, or the Laws and ancient, native and national Customs of the Land do erect and establish the Throne and Crown of the King?  
IT is usual indeed amongst the flattering Courtiers and Royalists in this kingdom to term the Laws the King's Laws, Quasi dicerent, the King doth imponere leges populi. But that is their ignorance. For the Laws of England are most ancient right and rites and Customs of the Land, Non Juradata, nec leges impisitae, sed usu & longaevitate temporum inductae & tanquam innatae. For if it be as truly as vulgarly said, Consue●udo est altera Natura, Then are our Customary Laws the most natural Laws of this Land; whereby also appears the Levity of their conceits or Judgements, who having stepped a little over the Seas in a Fly boat, and parled a little French in Paris or Orleans, do peremptorily assume upon them to define and pronounce that our Laws are illiterall and imperfect, and that the Civil and Impartial Law in other parts of Christendom are the most excellent, absolute and best Laws for all, and for this Common wealth. Forgetting (in mean while) that even in those Foreign Lands where the Civil Law, Roman or Imperiall, hath place and Rule, the Natural and Nationall or provincial usages and Customs there do abridge and restrain the General Rules, Theses, or Hypotheses of that General Law.  
And for our Statutory Laws called Jus Statutorium, they are not Indicta or promulgata, but Enacted, Statuta facta, or Constituta by the King and both Houses of Parliament. In which the chiefest consideration and ponderation of the reasons of making of them are most in the debate and voting of both Houses, and the Royal assent is only left to the King with a le Rey le veult, or his disassent stayeth them; yet not peremptorily, but with a modest answer, Il Rey se advisera. Neither is the abrogation or remission of any penal Law received left to the King, though it be only malum prohibitum, not malum in se. But his Majesty may dispense with, or remit the penalty of a Statute, and that not merely and perpetually, but only Ad tempus, and that not de Jure, but by his prerogative Royal, upon collateral or accidental event happening ex post facto, after the making of the Statute, yet not without cause or consideration, and for experience of some further or more weighty cause or consideration of benefit or conveniency to the Commonwealth, which being discovered to be prejudicial to the Commonwealth, than the Letters Patents of the dispensation becometh void in Law, and frustrate, and vanisheth again, or is made utterly void and condemned for ever at the next Parliament.   

The third Question.  
3. What power or prerogative the King hath Supra legem, praeter legem, or contra legem terrae.  
ALthough it was anciently said by a King of this Land H. 3. Nolumus praerogativam nostram disputari, yet that was answered again by the Peers and Barons in Parliament with another Nolumus: Nolumus leges Angliae mutari. So that with favour and good manners and duty the King's prerogative may be talked of in respect of the Law of the Land, and of the natural right and Liberty and property of the Subject. And thus it is resolved, That the King hath in some Cases a regal power or prerogative supra legem, and in some Cases praeter or ultra legem. But in no Case hath his Majesty power or prerogative contra legem Terrae or Statuta Regni.  
The Cases of example wherein his Majesty may by his great Seal do something supra legem are divers; but especially those of his mercy and Grace extended to delinquent Subjects that fall into some offences and danger of Law by trespasses or felonies. Although the Law be positive and penal condemning the offenders, yet his Majesty may pardon them the trespass or felony, and the punishment, fine or forfeiture thereupon, Quoad interesse suum: but therein also the Law doth stay or restrain the King's power, that he cannot by his pardon remit or give away Interest partis: But that the party grieved or wronged, may and aught to have his action; And the son or wife may have and prosecute the Appeal, de morte patris or viri, and the King by no power Imperiall can take it from them.  
The Cases praeter legem, are some dispensative Proclamations or grants of experience, whether something be pro bono publico or not, as for importation or exportation of some or other foreign or native Commodity, or the exercise or practise of some new invented Art, Science, or Mystery among the people, which having most commonly the specious show of good, yet no sooner that it be discovered to be hurtful to the Commonwealth, or derogatory to the liberty or property of the Subject, or that it bring on any burden, tax, or charge, or do secretly exhaust, or diminish the rightful profits of any Trade, Mystery, or Science, before lawfully used, or belonging to any of the King's Liege people, or Subjects, than the same is to be abhorred, condemned, and suppressed, as an odious project, monopoly, or unwarrantable thing. And the Rule and reason of Common Law, which is that In omnibus salus populi suprema Lex esto, hindereth that no Regal, or Prerogative power can uphold or maintain it, though the case be praeter Legem, and not provided for by any Statute; Or if it be provided for, and the King hath dispensed by a Non obstante.  
The Cases of example Contra Legem, are either when the King doth grant, Authorise, or permit any thing whatsoever against the Common Law of the Land, or the rule or reason thereof, such his Majesties grant by Letters Patents, Proclamations, or other Commands, or such licence or permission cannot be, nor is of any force, or can, or aught to stand or be used, practised, or suffered in this Land. And this is first to be understood of the Common Law of this Land, in point of Commutative Justice, that concerneth the right and interest of every Subject, viz. Jus personarum, rerum & actionum, of every man, whereof the first is expressly preserved by the great Charter of England, Nullus liber homo capietur, imprisonetur, etc. The second is secured to every man, by the Law of property, wherein it is said, Quod nostrum est, sine furte aut assensu nostro a nobis tolli non potest, upon which no Regal power or Prerogative can trench. And the third, both by the words of the great Charter, Nulli negabimus, etc. justitiam, and by the Statute Ordaining that every man should enjoy the benefit of Law, and Courts of Justice for his Freehold Lands, Goods or Chattels. And that neither the great Seal, nor Privy Seal, should hinder the due course of Law.  
Secondly, in point of distributive Justice, either in paena or praemio, for good or evil behaviour in the public conversation or actions of one towards another. And in this part of Common Law of the Land, Malum in se is most concerned, that vice should be punished, and ought not to be spared by any Regal power, leave, or licence in any case whatsoever, for it were improper that the King (being God's Vicegerent) might or ever should connive at, or leave unpunished, any crime or offence, contrary to the Commandments of God, or the Law of Nature. For his Majesty is said to be like God, Dixi Dii estis, and the Schoolmen say, Deus non potest ma 'em agere quia non vult, & non vult, quod non potest: according to which the Lawyers say, Id possumus quod de jure possumus, and that Le Rey ne poit faire tort. And for the malum prohibitum, by Statutes or Ordinances of Parliament, his Majesty cannot, nor will go against them, but in Tutiorem partem, to pardon where there is hope of amendment. Otherwise see the Statute of Northampton, wherein some odious crimes are denied the King to pardon. Wherefore so it is, that if the King, through that natural propensity of Kings (spoken of by God himself) do more than he should do toward the people, or that by his omission some enormities are crept in, than it behoveth him to call together his great Council in Parliament, to advise with them for his own better direction, and for Reformation of abuses, and Corrections of such as have abused and misled his Majesty, whereupon the fourth Question ensueth.   

The Fourth Question.  
4. What Power or privilege the High Court of Parliament hath, when they are assembled together; and are become the Representative Body of the Kingdom?  
IT is Resolved, that they, with the King's assent, may, as cause shall require, make new Laws, or abrogate any former Statutes; But the main Common Law, and the Ancient Rites, Usages, and Native Customs of the Land, they themselves cannot alter. For (as the Lawyer's phrase is to say) it is Oppositum in objecto, that they that sit by the Common Laws, and by the ancient Rites, Usages and Customs of the Land, should alter and change that which gave them their Authority to be a Representative Body.  
Also the two Houses of Peers and Commons Rege absent & non consentiente, may declare the Common Law in Cases where doubt is, or ambiguity or difficulty, but they can make no Law without the King, to stand as a Law and Statute. Only they can make temporary Ordinances of Parliament, like Orders or Sentences interlocutory, sendente Paerliamento, and they may censure and punish delinquents.  
But in case the King will not call a Parliament, as in Richard the second his time, when the urgent occasions of the Commonwealth required it; the Peers called the Parliament. Then the Peers and Commons can do all things as a complete Parliament without the King. And at this time the King's Majesty having called a Parliament, and so far proceeded as he hath done already, in making some good and wholesome Laws for Reformation of the greatest errors and abuses that ever were in this Commonwealth. And especially having condescended to a Triennial Parliament to be for ever hereafter, and neither this present Parliament, nor any Parliament hereafter assembled, to be dissolved without the consent of both Houses: Yet now his Majesty being seduced by evil instruments, doth dissever himself from his Parliament, and by his absence, doth (as they say) hinder their proceed, to the making of good and wholesome Laws, for the kingdom and Commonwealth. What i● this Case may be done, is not to be resolved by any wit or judgement, but by the absolute Wisdom and Authority of that high Court, consisting of both Houses, to whom in all humbleness the Writer hereof leaveth it.  
Nevertheless, with the like humility and awful fear of offence against the Public, and with a faithful zeal to the Commonwealth, he offereth these considerations, scrutative of the matter or cause of the variances between his Majesty and his great Council of Parliament, viz.  
What is the very true cause of his Majesty's absence, and severance from his Parliament sitting at Westminster, whither they were first summoned, and which is the most convenient place of their assembly and fitting?  
The King allegeth that it was the tumultuous riot of the disordered Londoners, rash and young Prentices, and of furious and fanaticke Brownists, Anabaptists, and Sectaries of the City and Suburbs, pretending to cry out against Bishops, but intending and offering affront and disloyalty to his Majesty, his Regal authority, whereby his royal Person was endangered at Whitehall, had he not had a Guard about him, and so his Majesty saith, they were like to do again, if he were at London.  
The Parliament saith, it was a malignant party of Cavalieres, and others not well affected to peace, and enemies to the Commonwealth, who by flattery and false in sinuations did dissuade his Majesty from concurring with the grave advise of his great Council. And the Papists, and papal affected Bishops, dreading that their plots were discovered, and like to be prevented, and the delinquents punished by the more scvere Laws or Orders of the Parliament, did incite his Majesty to proceed in that ill advised Course.  
And further, that such the malignant party seducing his Majesty, endeavoured to bring in imperial power and Arbitrary rule for his Majesty to overrule the Laws, and ancient Usages, and Customs of England, and the privileges of Parliament, and abridge the liberty and property of the Subjects. The evidence whereof hath been partly shown forth by some Declarations divulged, and Printed by Order of both Houses of Parliament, expressing the precedent attempts of foreign force, and domestic, and coercive power of Arms, which late before the Parliament, was plotted and put in way of constraint upon the Commonwealth. And that moved the Parliament to crave and assume to themselves the Militia at home, for the securing of the Coasts of the Sea, and of guarding and fortifying the Ports and other places at Land. That though his Majesty were seduced and misled by the malignant party, and their Complices; Yet his Royal Person, Crown and Dignity, should be preserved in peace and safety, and the Commonwealth and people should be defended and kept in peace and prosperity, maugre the devilish plots abroad, and within the bowels of the Land, by Papists, Priests, papal Bishops, bloody and rapinous military men, Captains, and Cavaliers, whose disposition was, and is properly bend to war and bloodshed, and to rapine and spoil, and to make their prey on the wealth of the rich Citizens and other the quiet people of the Land.  
The King contrariwise taking high displeasure at that part or point of the Parliaments Demand for, and touching the Militia, Alleged that the right of Militia, or Command of Arms within the Land, belongeth properly to his Regality, and as a Flower of his Crown, not to be assayed, or attempted by any Subject, no not the High Court of Parliament, though they be the Representative body of the people, no more than it could be lawful for the people themselves to rise and take Arms against their Sovereign King.  
Wherein, as by some Written and Printed discourse or Declaration, It hath been already avowed, and maintained, that the Militia was not improperly desired of and from his Majesty, nor unlawfully assumed by them for a certain convenient time. They perceiving more than the King or people do know of the imminent danger both of his Royal Person, Crown and dignity, and to the privileges of Parliament, and to the Laws of the Land, and Liberties of the People like to been subverted, and most especially the whole honour and true worship of God, and true Protestant Religion to be overthrown, may and will, by and through God's grace and assistance, prevent and pervert or quell and subdue the evil and wicked attempts of all the malignant opposites. It is therefore by all true and sound reason of all Laws, Divine Laws of Nature and Nations, Civil policy, and the Provincial Rites, Usages, and Custom, which are the Laws of his Land, resolved that the Militiai to be distinguished of, and the point defined and determined thus, viz The King of this Land no less, but as much, and as amply as any other Foreign Christian King hath in himself, and pertaining to his Regalty, Crown, and Dignity, the Jus Militiae, at all times to use, and to lead and to command by his Lieutenant, the General and Captains, for the safety and peace of his Land and people, against any foreign foes, or domestic traitorous enemies: But this is to be understood, when his Majesty, with his own prospective eye, and watchfulness, or by the advice of his Privy Council, before Parliament or great Council in Parliament, hath or doth discover the Plots or purposes of foreign enemies intending mischief, assault or ruin, by Invasion foreign, or of domestic traitors, by Insurrection and Rebellion at home.  
For in truth it is a Flower of the King's Crown, and an incident of his Regality, (as he is a King) to have Liberam & absolutam potestatem, or, Jus Bellum indicendi & gerendi, to or against any Foreign Prince or Potentate; and again, Jus & potestatem pacis contrahendae & paciscendae, with any of them: and thus all the learned Authors, writing of Law and Policy, by the Titles of their Books de lege Regia, have averred, and maintained, and it is not to be denied, because the King is the head of the body politic; which compared to the natural body, wherein the five senses are operative, and do their Offices by their Organa rite disposita, yet the naturalists do affirm, that the Communis sensus is in the brain, or in Occipite, and that per discursum practicum, it judgeth and resolveth of the other senses, their pleasing or being useful and profitable to the whole body, or offending and annoying it: And so the King hath the Jus militiae, or power and command of Arms at home, throughout his kingdom, for he hath Potestatem vitae & necis, as the Civilians term it. And in our Law, the death of any is to be accounted for to the King, and the taking away of any Liege Subjects life, is in the Indictment said to be Contra Coronam & dignitatem Regis. But all this notwithstanding the general position of the Jus Principis, or Lex Regia, placing the power of Arms and Militia, in the Crown, yet his Majesty cannot otherwise levy the Militia, but by lawful means, and not by Commission of Array, as lately hath been, for that is an undue charge, not warranted by Law. And in case of particular accidents that the King the Head, be misinformed of his and the Commonwealth's enemies, conceiving them to be friends which are secret and desperate adversaries, complotting clandestine Ruin and destruction to the body, and refuse to afford aid for the prevention of imminent danger; will any judicious man doubt but the eyes of the body, being the great Council of Commonwealth, discerning the mischief and danger, do well and providently, if they call the Arms and Hands to strike and fight, the Loins to join in strength, and Legs and Feet; to go and run to help to defend the Totall, that so the Head being disquieted with ache and pains, may be preserved in rest, and quiet repose.  
Wherefore in such case as now it is here in England, the Representative body hath, and in all Reason, Prosalute Regis & Populi, aught to have and to use, and command the Militia, throughout the Land, until such time as the King be better informed, and the Commonwealth and Body be settled again in peace and safety, and that then some provident Law concerning the Mi itia, be made for time to come, to prevent such like accidents as this hath been.  
And hereupon it may be considered, whether the two Houses of Peers and Commons, had not cause to demand the approbation of some Officers of State. The Militia not consisting merely in the having of Arms, but also in the power of force to defend against Invasion, or the fierceness of an Enemy, wherein if such Officers as should be entrusted with the power and force of the Arms, and with the custody of the Forts, and other places of strength within the kingdom, should not be well and truly affected to the government of this Land: How easily may it be perceived, those strong holds, which already are, or at least are intended by the wisdom of the Parliament, shortly to be fortified for the greatest defence, will or may become the greatest offence, and those Bands of Military Forces, which are supposed to be for the safeguard of the kingdom, turn to the Ruin and Destruction of the Commonwealth?  
These then being the true and genuine causes or motives of the woeful severances between the King and Parliament, whereat all true hearts have grieved; What presumption shall it be deemed in a true English heart, bleeding with compassionate sorrow, for the head and body Politic so miserably endangered of utter perdition, by unnatural and civil broils, which Lucan writing of, lamenteth and describeth in these words and lines, 
Bella per Ematheos plusquam Civilia Campos,  
Jusque datum sceleri canimus, populumque potentem,  
In sua victrici conversum viscera dextra,  
Cognatasque acies, etc.   
If I say, such a true hearted English man, do propose these Sovereign Salves for so deadly a sore, and these present Remedies for so desperate a sickness, to prevent the instant death and desolation of this famous and renowned kingdom and Nation, whose people were of old time surnamed Angli quasi Angeli, or ab Angulo dicti, as being in an angle or corner of the world, and severed from the rest, according to that of the Poet, Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos; And which some Divines term one of the beloved Isles of the Gentiles, wherein the Gospel of Christ was soonly Preached after his Ascension.  
1. First then may it please his most Excellent Majesty piously and religiously to turn his Royal Heart and gracious affection toward his great Council of Parliament, who do represent all his dear people, and be advised by them, no more to respect or give ear to those Siren hallucinations of flattering seducers, the Papists and Jesuit Priests, the Papally inclined Bishops, who stand so much for their Hierarchy, as that they with Demas have forsaken the purity of the Gospel, and neglect the Preaching of the holy Word of God, and have embraced this present World, making themselves Lords over God's Heritage, not true Shepherds to feed his flock, as they ought to do, in Season, and out of Season, and to wait upon the Allseeing eye of God's providence for his beloved Spouse the Church, to be purged and cleansed of her late inbred and inbrought corruptions.  
2. Secondly, that his Majesty will abandon and quite put away the thought or imagination of any Tyrannical or Imperial Government over this Land, which the Papal Bishops and hierarchical Prelates and Priests, and other Lay Flatterers, did presume to use daily, and insinuate and inculcate to his Sacred Ears, under the pretence of telling his Majesty, that he is an absolute Imperial Monarch, free and above, and without all Laws, to Rule his people ad Arbitrium Principis, and that he being Gods Anointed is responsal only to God, if he do tyrannize or grieve his Subjects; Whereas they are or make themselves utterly ignorant of the true State and quality of the kingdom of England, after the old triple distinction of Empire, written by Bartolus and Baldus, the best Civilian Doctors, viz. That there is Imperium merum, and Imperium mixtum cum Jurisdictione, and that in some places there is only Jurisdictio sine imperio, as is the state of the Low Countries, and other Aristocratical and democratical Governments: whereof the first, i.e. Merum Imperium, was the Roman Empire gotten merely by the sword, and for the most part kept by the sword, according to the saying of Justin the Historian, in the beginning of his Book, Imperium iisdem modis tenetur quibus paratur. And by that Empire, Principis placitum legis babet vigorem. As Justinian in the first of his Institutes mentioneth. The second, i.e. Mixtum Imperium cum jurisdictione, is the Crown or Kingly power of England, Monarchichall indeed; for Rex in solio is sine paci; But in Parliamento or Concilio regendi, he hath Pares Regni, i.e. Peers, so dignifyed by him, and honoured from the Fountain of his Majesty's Honour. And he hath also the Communitatem Populi, which the blessed, and ever prosperous Queen Elizabeth accounted sibi preciosissimam. And all these three States of King, Peers, and Commons, were happily Conjunct and preserved together, by the ligaments of the ancient Laws of the Land, and Privileges of Parliament, which Laws and Privileges were never subjugated by any conquest; but ever over-lived the change of Kings, and appeased force, and induced Kings into their settled Reigns here. According as that learned Chief Justice, Sir Edward Coke, was bold in presence to tell his Majesty, the late King James, of famous memory, That the Law set the Crown upon his head. Whereat his Majesty seemed angry, but was so prudent and wise, as not to be so. And the old learned Bracton, that wrote like, as he was, a studied Civilian, as well as a Judge of the Common Law, in King Henry the second his time, adviseth every King of this Land in these words, Id tribuat Rex Legi, quod Lex attribuit ei.  
Which two main points or Principles in this present state of England, that is to say, the Church Government established with the true Protestant faith and Religion, and the free Regal power, qualifyed with the Natural and Nationall Laws of this Land, the untouched Privileges of Parliament, and the Rites and Liberties of the people, being not only Cordially professed, and protested by his Majesty, but secured by the high wisdom, and care of the Peers and Commons, and his Majesty joyously returning to his beloved Parliament.  
May it please the Almighty God of his infinite goodness, so to inspire both King, and Peers, and Commons, with his Divine grace, that Anarchy, and Dissolution of Church Government be avoided and prevented by due restraint, and correction of all Sectaries and schismatics, Brownists, Anabaptists, etc. Who in truth, if they might obtain their fanaticke intents, would have no King at all over them on Earth, nor Church, or material Churches; But in rapture of the Spirit would fly up to Heaven for the Judaicke King, and in the mean time would hold their Church and Conventicles in the Air, or Woods or Barnes, or Stables, or in their own holy breasts, whereas though Christ himself said his kingdom was not of this world, yet he taught his Disciples, that in this world they should obey Kings, as of God's ordinance, and be tributary to them. Date Caesari quae sunt Caesaris.  
And that no conceit of any popular or plebeian sway in this Land, be in any true English heart: But that the Members of both Houses may so prepare good and wholesome Laws for the Church, as may quite extirpate Popery, and prevent Schisms, and all rendings or divisions of Christ, his seamelesse garment of unity of the Spirit, to be fast girt with the bond of Peace. And for the Commonwealth that never hereafter there be any more Inroads upon the Laws, privileges, or Liberties of free English men.  
That finally God may be truly honoured, and purely served and worshipped, his holy Word rightly dispensed, and his Sacraments duly and decently administered; And than his Heavenly blessings will undoubtedly shower down upon this little Isle of Great Britain, and the words and wishes of an Ingenious Votary may be fulfilled. 
Long live King Charles, and leave  
Brave Britain to his Son,  
And he to his, and they to theirs,  
Until the world be done.     

In this Treatise may be discovered and noted six sorts of malignant parties, against this unity of King and Parliament, and the happy effects and fruits thereof.  
Whose Corrections or Reformation, if it so please God, the King, and Parliament, may be as followeth.  

1. All Papists, Priests, and Lay, who certainly in their secret dispositions (whatsoever they make show of) are against King and Church of England, and do plot and practise the advancement of Popish religion and Church, and to bring in again that foreign usurped power of the Pope, Supra Reges, which is banished and abolished by the Statute. 1. Eliz.  
These may and aught to have the Law and Statutes of the Realm put in execution against them, and more severe if need be to compel them to come to Church and receive the Communion, which if they will do, then let them not be branded with a name of Church Papist, so to deter them and drive them out again.   

2. All papal affected Bishops and Clergy, who though they contrariwise to the Papist Priests proffer to obey Kings, yet in their hearts could wish the Clergy to be separate from the Kingly Authority and Temporal Law, but to beat down Law and Privileges of Parliament, do Hyperbolically exalt and extol the Monarchical Arbitrary power of the King as above and solute of all Law, and responsal only to God.  
These must know their error and ignorance in their Tenets of Kingly power and government within this Realm, and be told by Sir Edward Coke, if he were living, that never any man in England kicked his heel against the Laws of the Land, but in fine the Law broke his neck; and let these Hierarchical Bishops be corrected of their superbity, and reform in their superiority and domination in the Church and their worldly mindedness in Country and Commonwealth, as please the King and Parliament.   

3. All Court flatterers and Royalists, who daily in their affections and discourses maintain absolute and Prerogative power in the King, to grant by his Letters Patents, what and how he will, above the Laws and Statutes, and would have Proclamations to be Laws, that so they might have Monopolies and projects to serve their turn.  
These weak men of Learning for the most part, in the deep points of Law and policy, must be taught to wait on the King their Master, with all diligent service and attendance, and leave off their discourses of Kingly Authority and of Parliamental Privileges and force of Laws, and content themselves henceforth with the King their Master's reward of their service, without peeling or preying on the people with their Monopolies and Projects.   

4. All Cavaliers, Captains, and Martial men, who desire war and tumult and disturbance in the Land and Commonwealth, that so they may have rapine and spoil.  
These must be sent into foreign parts where they may freely have and take their rapine and spoil upon foreign Enemies, and not to rake the bowels and bags of their own Countrymen. And there also they may gain honour by valour, which here is not to be used.   

5. All Sectaries and schismatics of the Church, who disaffect government, either Royal or Ecclefiastique.  
These must learn to Conform themselves to the uniformity of the Church, and to obey and submit themselves to their lawful King, who is the Lords Anointed, and set over them by his divine Ordinance.   

6. All popular and plebeian Humorists, who do affect and desire Democracy, (which they term or call a Free state) and by their leaves be it said, they would have neither this King nor his posterity, nor any King to sit on the Throne.  
These must be put in mind, or made to know, that Monarchy qualified by Law is the best Government. As the old Poet Homer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so all the best learned Authors writing of States and Policy do affirm and conclude, and the ancient Histories of England do show that here was ever one or more Kings. But this Land never more flourished, then since it hath been now these six or seven hundred years, under one Christian King, ruling according to the ancient Laws, Usages and Customs of the Land.    
FINIS.