A REPLY To the House of COMMONS. Or rather to an IMPOSTOR, Giving answer in their Names to the LONDONERS PETITION, presented to the said Honourable House. Sept. 11. 1648.  
LONDON, Printed for William Larnar, at the sign of the Black-moor, within Bishopsgate. 1648.   

A REPLY To the House of COMMONS.  
Our being continual losers and sufferers by the War, is an Argument sufficient that we are for Peace, since war in itself is of all humane things the most , except to such as blinded with the honour or commodity it brings them, and well secured by others from the dint and danger thereof, care not how long the Tempest lasts; since what is cast out of the ship, is received into the gulf of their Ambition and Avarice.  
And as we have been continual losers and sufferers, so do we not admit any hopes to make up our fortunes, or enrich ourselves by the prolongation of the war; but propose (as we ever did) to get our live by our Trades and honest Industry, and esteem a good Peace the Crown of our earthly happiness.  
A good Peace, we say, for we are not so in love with it, as to wish it upon any terms; in a Dungeon, in the Galleys, under the most insufferable Tyranny, there may be peace; but we would willingly, that that we are in expectation of, may be linked with such a measure of just Freedom, as should make some recompense for the former war: that it should likewise be lasting, which it cannot be, unless it be sound: And that it may be so, we presented our Petition to the House of Commons, containing such things as are not of any particular behoof to ourselves, as such or such a people; but of a diffusive and common concernment, importing an universal good to every honest man: And truly, we will not count it our boasting, because it is but our duty, in these selfseeking days especially, to manifest a greater measure of self-denial. Hence do we in our public motions (as we ought) bear both in the heart and front of them, a communicative happiness, of which, the greatest, the meanest, may partake: And though the establishment of those things we desire, may haply dis-relish the sickly appetites of lordly and avaricious men, yet we are well assured, that even such upon a settl meant would quickly find, that they have been mistaken in their way to felicity, and that it is much more easily attainable; and will prove less disturbed, and more lasting by these expedients that we propose, than any that we have yet seen.  
For the scruples and objections which are raised against our Petition, in the name of the House of Commons (which had been proper enough if the pretended one at Oxford had been now sitting) we will reduce the weight and material circumstances thereof, to certain heads; which if we can clear, we question not but the whole frame and fabric of that answer will fall to the ground.  
First therefore, Concerning the King's Supremacy over the House of Commons; We yield that the stile of many of our Laws, the traditional exercise and belief thereof, are strong on your part; and from hence, certainly many of you (Royalists we mean) were persuaded even to your very great prejudice, to assist him in its vindication; and the Parliament likewise and their Adherents, though excessively abused and trampled upon by him, did timorously and but faintly engage themselves against him; so that at first the superstition being strong, and our understandings misguided with the delusions of above 500 year's practice upon us, every King making it his business not only by power, but by Law and Parliament, to rivet the opinion of his Prerogative and Supremacy in our hearts; and having all the advantages that could be thought upon to accomplish the same, as the Scholars to preach it, and mix it even with the most sacred mysteries; the Lawyers to plead it; the Officers and Power of the Kingdom to support it; the custody of all Records, of the embezelment whereof every Age hath complained; the Licensing of Books, whereby nothing but what made for it had public view; and a thousand more particular advantages that might be recited: all which considered, we say it is no wonder if at first both Parliament and People looked upon the King, as Recusants upon the Pope, on whom the superstition is not more strong; for we esteemed him a thing Sacred, Inviolable, as the Breath of our Nostrils, the Apple of our eyes, in all causes, and over all Persons, next and immediate under God, Supreme Head and Governor, God's Vicegerent, accountable only to him, and thereupon declared the war for him. Then were we likewise entangled with our oaths, that slyly and politicly were at first insinuated, and have been since customarily and Traditionally taken, without regard to the end, or suspect of the design in imposing them, which was purposely to ensnare the weak, and bind us to the adoration of an Image our fancies and follies have erected.  
But when we came to consider the freeness of the times administering means and matter thereunto, and good men daily writing for our Information; the King on the one side persisting in his Tyranny, and endeavouring by force of Arms to establish that power we had so smarted under before the Parliament: Hereupon (by degrees) the clouds vanished, the mists of error and deception began to scatter, and the shine of Truth to appear, the eyes of both Parliament and People began to open: and though at first, when the Parliament at Oxford was mixed with the Parliament at Westminster, we professed absolutely, and without conditions, in May 1641. to defend the King's person; yet afterwards in the Vow that absurdity was omitted, and in the Covenant the condition was wisely inserted, in the defence of true Religion, the Laws and Liberties of England. And not only so, but in time the Parliament altered their Commissions, that to our present renowned General, making no mention of the defence of the King's persons. Afterward in their last message to him at Oxford, they charge him with the guilt of all the blood that has been shed in this War: and tell him, that before they treat with him, he must make satisfaction to the Kingdom, calling it in their Declaration of the 11 of February 1647. a destructive Maxim or Principle, viz. That he oweth an account of his actions to none but God alone: and voting no more addresses to him, but that they will of themselves settle the present Government, so as may best stand with the Peace and Happiness of the Kingdom. So that (we hope) according to your own rule, you will not prefer those unripe expressions that at first passed from the Parliament, before those that after long debates, and the wisdom of much experience did maturely proceed from them.  
The King's Supremacy was at first believed, because not considered: as Turkish children believe the divinity of Mahomet, because bred up to it: but good Sir, Let it be convased a little. To make it good the King must show an express grant of it; that he is above both Parliament and People: and when that's done, (which we think is impossible to be done,) for we believe the King never durst propose it in plain terms, but rather aimed at insinuating it in by degrees and circumstances, that so it might insensibly steal into our understandings, to avoid disputes and controversies thereupon. However we say, Admit the worst, that the King can produce such a Commission made to some of his Predecessors, and successively conveyed to him wherein he was so erected from the equal Flat whereon he with the rest stood, (for the strongest Royalists allow us at first equal) yet there is this further to prove, that this power was so alienated as not to be assumed; and more than that, that the preceding people in matters of Power and Liberty, can so bind their successors as that it is not in their power to free themselves, notwithstanding never so apparent necessity thereof, or dangers that compel them thereunto. This is the great point the Royalists fail in; They suppose, and take it for granted, and build upon it; But prove it not.  
Besides, we conceive that the King's power is a Trust, as all power must needs be that is not primitive, especially over others of the same line and dignity, (as we must needs be granted to be before the Assignation of such a power:) Now a power in Trust implies Conditions, mutual agreement, compact, and an inferiority in the betrusted: a liberty of revocation, of caling to account; all which are implied in the relative Trust: Now that the King's power is a Trust, is undeniably evident, unless you will say that Kings are born such, and had from the beginning inherent Characters of their Royalty, without any deputation from others: which is so absurd, that no reasonable man will assert it.  
Again, suppose former Parliaments made the King supreme, not only over every one singly, but over all collectively: we say they either did it for his sake or their own good and safety: for his sake it is not imaginable, grant them to be of sound minds, especially if you consider what is employed in Supremacy: viz. the Legislative power, the Sword, the dispose of every man's person and estate. If then they did it conditionally, as conceiving it most conducing to their good and welfare, and find afterwards by thousand experiments, that it proves otherwise, (their end being frustrate,) What hinders but that they may reassume and manage their so much abused power themselves. All this and much more we have to argue, the case being stated to the greatest disadvantage of the House of Commons. But let us tell you, we judge the pretended supremacy of Kings in this Country, never to have been fairly granted by a free and un-packt Parliament; but either forcibly usurped, or politicly gained by the practice of that Kingcraft which every Prince hath endeavoured to make himself Master of, whose ultimate end is to encroach upon the People's Rights, and establish its own absoluteness.  
We mentioned packt-Parliaments, and the truth is, much hath been gained that way, to the People's greatest dis-advantage, since all intrenchments so gotten seem to have the face of consent and allowance. But yet here Kings have been more modest, as dealing with some adversaries at least, for though by the potency of his Dependencies, by the interests of his Lords, Officers and Courtiers, by his conferring Baronies, and making of Burrough Towns, he hath usually corrupted that Fountain, which is the only orderly means of our Preservation: yet hath there at all times in every age some been found, whose honest hearts have engaged them to oppose the respective Kings; for which, though they have afterwards suffered, (for that's a stratagem Kings never failed in) yet have they thereby lest notable. Memorandums to the People of the unjust seizures of their Liberties.  
That the two Houses are called His, (as you urge) is an expression not derived from a just Right, but imposed and customarily used to beget a false opinion of it in the hearts of weak people. So has the Militia been cared His, the Forts and Magazines, the Ships, yea, and the very Highway: for they that would usurp the Right, must insinuate Expressions agreeable thereunto: and in this trifle (as one would think) they have been very punctual, for though there is nothing in it to convince the sound, yet is there much to seduce the weak.  
Whereas you urge that the House of Commons was instituted by the King's Predecessors; it's a foul mistake: 'tis true indeed Henry the first revived what his Predecessors William the first, and second, had purposely disused, and what he then revived and called a Parliament, according to the Norman expression, was before entitled Commune Concilium Regni, The Common Council of the Kingdom; a name both more proper for us English, and not as the other, importing our Norman bondage. But there is this further considerable in it, that as that King revived it, so he might model and frame it best for his advantage, both in the Expression of the Writ, and manner of the elections.  
That the King is the chief Officer, is not indeed agreeable to the exercise of what he hath usurped upon us, for an Officer is tied to his rules, and bounded by the Laws; But Kings have known no such Bondaries, witness their Proclamations, and Arbitrary Impositions, in which their Will only was their rule; by which, though they have done much injury to us, yet they might do more, even ad infinitum; for what have they according to your principles, to restrain them? Now that the exercise of his usurpations should be an Argument to the Parliament to establish them, we see no reason, but rather on the contrary, a motive to their speedy abolition: and therefore do we style him in our Petition, the Chief Public Officer; which is both honour enough for any one man, and by which he may do as much good as his heart can wish, and cannot do that hurt that hath been usual with Kings; and is likewise an appellation most properly signifying the nature of his dignity, importing a Trust, and deputation of Power, which may be an effectual means to keep succeeding Kings from those exorbitancies the best of them have through the encouragement of their Place and usurped power launched into.  
You say, The King is not accountable, because he hath not received his Office from the People, but from God.  
You are strangely mistaken, as well in your Assertion, as in the Reason of it. In the reason of it first; for who of your wifest Clerks, the greatest supporters of Regality, allow not that Fundamental Maxim, That all Government is by Consent, since it is a restriction of that liberty for mutual and common good, that every man is born withal. Hear but one of the ablest and greatest Champions for the King and Church, Mr Hooker l. 1. Eccl. Pol. p. 28. The lawful power of making Laws to command whole Politic Societies of men, belongeth so properly unto the same entire Societies, that for Prince or Potenrate of what kind so ever upon earth, to exercise the same of himself, and not either by express Commission immediately and Personally received from God, or else by Authority derived from their consents upon whose Persons they impose Laws, it is no better than mere Tyranny. And this is the common opinion of all, but such as have devoted themselves, bodies and souls, to the service of a King: I urge not hooker's words, as if there were weight in his Authority, but to show how deeply superstitious our Answerer is, in principles that even Royalists condemn; who though they derive the authority of Kings from God, yet they grant it to be conveyed by a Concession of the People.  
But let us come nearer to the point, and search into times past, where we shall find, that notwithstanding the vigilant care and industry of Kings to blot out and bury in oblivion whatsoever might seem to evidence his dependeney upon the people, yet notwithstanding, some glimmerings remain of that light which they thought they had wholly eclipsed. For the Conqueror, though the sword made his entrance, yet he could not think himself fast, till he come to an Agreement with the People, and was sworn by them to maintain their Laws. William the second, by the mediation of the Archbishop La●frane, his own large bounty and, wide promises Obtained the Crown. Henry the first says Daniel, was Elected, and Crowned within four days after his Brother's death. After the death of Henry, Stophen, Earl of Bologn●, was Elected by 〈…〉, and invested in the Crown of England: So the same Daniel. Now him, Henry 〈◊〉, though a, Frenchman born, was Admitted after the usual Oath, to the Crown of Engl. Richard the first having broke his Father's heart by an un-natural defection, and joining with the King of France, was established by the Power of the said King, to whom he first swear fealty, so that his admission was forcibly and disorderly. King John upon condition of restoring the people their. Rights, and governing with moderation, was Admitted to the Crown. Thus have even our Court Historians, whether through 〈◊〉 advertency, or a little honesty, I know not, but thus have they manifested unto us, the manner of King's Admission; to ●it, by Election, and upon conditions: which yet is more notably specified by St●w, in his Henry the fourth, where you may find, that the 〈◊〉 in being put in Parliament whether they would have this of that man, for the●e was four or five 〈◊〉, and all refused, till Henry Earl of Lancaster 〈…〉, and generally accepted. And the very Solemnity of the Coronation, is it is recorded, evidences as much; for there (after the King hath taken his Oath) the Archbishop who crowns him, turns to the People, and tells them what he hath promised and sworn; and then by the mouth of an Herald at Arms, asks the people, Whether they be content to submit themselves unto this man, as unto their King; or no? and stay is made till they give their consents. And this you shall find in Stow, the most favourable to Kings of all Chroniclers, in his Stories of the admissions of Henry, and Edward the fourth. We might abundantly enlarge this point, but what spend we time to find evidences of that, the equity whereof, were there no footsteps for the practice extent, as it is a wonder there should be, is yet in itself so clear and manifest. Those Kings that have been made so by Odds appointment, he hath given visible and Personal commands for which he 〈◊〉 did for any of 〈◊〉 Kings: and though it, be his Ordinances that the 〈◊〉 should be 〈…〉 which the necessity of human 〈…〉 likewise require, yet for the 〈◊〉 of it, and for the Persons Governing, it is neither appointed by any Law, Natural or Divine, (for then it should 〈…〉 Country's or Nations), but ordamed by 〈…〉 we 〈◊〉 of every Country 〈…〉 ●●spective people shall 〈◊〉,  
Being then admitted by the People, it will easily follow, that they are accountable to them (which cannot orderly be taken, but by the House of Commons their Deputies) For their Power being not Potestas absoluta, but Vicaria, & Deligata, not absolute, but delegate, and by Commission given them, with Restrictions, Cautels, and Conditions, upon Promises and Oaths, how can it be that they should be at liberty to do what they please to the People? and as they have, trample upon all Oaths, Laws, and Obligations, and for this be above all human question or account; is not much of the evil Kings have so plentifully showered upon this Nation, justly attributable to the licentiousness of this opinion, under the shelter whereof they have no question been animated to the perpetration of those unjust actions they have continually abounded in? the talk of a general Account at the day of Judgement, being a scarecrow their Wisdoms contemn too much to be affrighted with. And though this Parliament have said that it never entered into their thoughts, to do what other Parliaments have done against their Kings, yet that implies not but that they may justly do as much, and his many cruelties, and obstinate prosecution of the War since, may haply bring it into their thoughts. We see they allow not the maxim, of his being accountable to God only, but condemn it as destructive; by which they intimate, that he is accountable to them; for to whom else can he be accountable?  
You think much, that we charge the King with the Oppressions brought upon this Nation, and tell us, that the House lays it upon his Ministers.  
We are very sorry for it, as thinking the Principal a greater sharer in the guilt, than the accessaries, the Commander, than the Agents: Alas Sir, it was as much as any man's place was worth, not to say or do as the King would have him: how many lost his favour by their reluctancy: how many gained it by their officious servility? The reward of other men's treachery to their Country, was haply some glean of an Imposition, a Place, a Fine, an Office; but had the King gone through with his work, he had been lord of all, of every man's person and estate; and he that is the chief Agent, and greatest Gainer in the Design, we thought contracted the greatest guilt, Besides Sir, this man haply was employed in this business, that man in a second, another in a third, and several men were instrumental in several evils brought upon us, but the King's hand run through them all; and therefore according to our understandings, the accumulative guilt of the whole frame and model of the building belongs to him, as the prime and chiefest Architect.  
And though at first the House of Commons (the awe of tyranny being upon them) charged the King's Ministers rather than himself; yet since they have placed the saddle right, imputing (and that most justly) our former miseries, and the induction of the War, to the King himself.  
For our charging the Lords and Bishops with the oppressions brought upon us, truly as there was a general conjunction of them both with the King in bringing in the same, so could not we disjoin them in our expression, and though it be an usual fault to asperse an order or whole Society for the Personal escapes of a few, yet here we can discern no crime in it, since it was not a few, but almost all that partook in the Tytannie, and the very nature and dependency of the order itself upon the Prerogative is such, that it very much inclines them thereunto.  
For taking away some of the Laws established, (which you count heinous in us) so it be done in an orderly way by the House of Commons, as we intent it, we can see no crime in it. It being the business and constant work of Parliaments, and at this time as needful as ever, since this House hath found, that all kind of tyranny, and those Prerogatives which they have judged most destructive to the Commonwealth, have very much support and countenance from the present Laws; and Ba●icadoes made up by them, against those just means and expedients which necessity and the People's welfare enforce them to make use of.  
For that excellent Maxim, The safety of the People is above all Law: which you say we mis-understand and misapply, in using it to shake off obedience, and in making the People Judges of safety. Truly Sir, we think you have misunderstood us, for we make the House of Commons Judges of Safety, which they themselves declared to be endangered, by the Kings setting up his Standard, before we engaged in the War. The Maxim we do but suggest, and would have them make use of, and we know they have frequently done it, where the Law doth not provide sufficient remedy.  
You tell us, The House of Commons have not denied the King's Negative voice, And yet Sir, they have waged a War without him; and the People, that part I mean that have assisted them, have judged themselves sufficiently obliged by their Orders. And though hitherto they have yielded to that customary formality, mistaking a Ceremony for a Fundamental; a Compliment for a necessary requisite to the essence of our Laws, yet do they begin to see through it, as appears by their Vores of no more Address, and their manner of proceeding in the Treaty; where they allow not the King that liberty which a Negative voice implies, but insist upon the passing their Propositions in their own way and terms. And though we think they have even in this yielded the King too much, considering the disproportion betweem them, and his being conquered; yet by this little they give us to understand, that they allow not his Negative voice in that latitude he hath, claimed it.  
Thus by degrees you see all usurpations are like to be seen through amongst which this is one of the greatest, (most conducing I mean to establishment of Tyranny:) for by it, it is at the pleasure of Kings, who have ever studied themselves and their own elevation, above the People; to admit the passing of no Laws (unless forced thereunto by the subjugation of Strength, as at this time) but what conduce thereunto. And though at the beginning of this Parliament he yielded to the taking away of many oppressions, yet they were but such as he had brought upon us; and that in policy too, for the stopping of the People's mouths, and to prevent the questioning of that power, by which he forced them in; for the maintaining where of he hath since sought, and had he conquered, all on our parts had been 〈◊〉, and Parliaments must either have no longer been, or been (as heretofore) chief serviceable to his Designs.  
'Tis to be considered too, that Kings have upon the yielding to the taking away of Oppressions, demanded allowance, So many Subsidies, (for example, twelve, for the taking away of Shipmoney,) or some other satisfaction in 〈◊〉 thereof, as at this time, Consideration is demanded for the Court of Wards, 100000. l. per annum. So that what was unduly brought upon us, and for the doing whereof, amends, aught to be made to the persons damnified, shall yet at their very removal give us one gird more to put us in mind (were we by any injuries to be awaked) of the notorious injustice of such usages.  
Lastly, To this Negative Voice, I will add only this, That what was at first in Kings, but as the Lord Majors setting to the Seal, or as Acts passing in Holland in the name of the Earldom of Holland, or in Venice in the name of S. Mark, (for in some name they must pass) has been by craft and the advantages of times crept into a liberty of Will, a Power of passing or not passing and to this the King thought to bring it in Scotland, but that they had courage to tell, him that he was bound to pass those Laws they brought, which the King then wisely did, to avoid the Dispute, and that England might not take example, and insist upon the time here.  
Where we desire that all should be alike subject to the Laws, you say, nothing thereunto, but bring in a consequence of your own from thence, altogether foreign from our meaning: telling us that our desire tends to have all alike, and to destroy all Civil Subordination. This is the usual sophistry of the times, to blast that which is just, and by all good men desirable, by scandalising us with an opinion we as much condemn as yourself; wise men should decline such foul play; as if there were no difference between ●●onomy, and Community; between all men's being subject alike to the Laws, and all men's being alike for order and degree. Our desire imports distinction of Conditions, since it makes mention, of the several degrees we would have equally subjected to the Laws: As if a Lord could not be a Lord because he is liable to be arrested, or impleaded at Law. For shame leave such ridiculous inferrences, and see your aptness to abuse us; which yet we have no reason to advise you to, for such weaknesses turn to our advantage.  
You tell us, We are not the whole People. We easily grant it, but all that notwithstanding, though we were by many thousands fewer than we are that approve that Petition, we hope we have that liberty which we think every single man has, to present Petitions to the Legislative power, for the alteration, addition, or substraction of any thing our Laws abound or are defective in. And though many haply may descent from us, yet is it lawful for us to desire the foresaid Power to take what we present them into consideration; which is not only not unlawful, but our duty, to which we are obliged by our gratitude and affection to our Country, of the welfare whereof every good man ought to be considerative.  
For our seeking Indemnity of the House, of Commands for what we have done in order to their Commands, and the necessity of the Service and for the good of the Commonwealth, (no further we desire it) as so reasonable, so necessary, that little importunity we hope will gain it; especially when it shall be considered that the House itself is in equal danger of the Revival of the Enemy's power as we ourselves, and somewhat more, as being more eminent, and partaking in the profits of this Indemonitie; which can only be made good, by the inviolable preservation of the House of Commons Supremacy, we therefore at this time were the more urgent for, fearing that by the Treaty and Act of oblivion, we should not only be rendered (for our faithful services) guilty of the blood and miseries of the war, (for what else does the King's pardon and Act of oblivion import?) than which we had rather die a thousand Deaths, but also be made liable to the mercy (that is to the cruelty and revenge of our conquered Enemies.  
For the guilt you suppose we have contracted, by doing many things opposite to the Laws in Being, we can with ease bear it, since it extends but to the Letter, not the end and intention of Laws, to preserve which, all our Actions have been directed; which yet neither were justifiable had we not had the Commands of that Power which we judge Supreme, to whom the safety of the Commonwealth so requiring, of which they and they only are the Judges,) it seemed necessary that many things should be done against the present Laws, which they then (during the violence of the Rebellion against them) had not time to alter: and this had they not done, they had hazarded the slavery or destruction of the Commonwealth, and the subjugation of all Law, to the Will and Pleasure of a Tyrant.  
You often urge us to ask pardon, as if you had already the rod over us, and were certain that this Treaty will make you our Masters: but the best is, we had experience enough how pitifully apt you are to flatter your-selves, thinking all cock sure and your own, when the success hath proved quite otherwise. Your pride and presumption indeed has undone you, which yet you will not renounce, but crow in your rags, and upon the dunghill: so that a man by your writings would judge you Victors, or at least in great hope to prove so; by some fancied Stratagem; such as the Treaty, which yet we hope will deceive you.  
That we are against the Treaty; 'Tis because that's against the good of the Commonwealth: and that was lately the opinion of the House itself. We conceive there is a nearer way to Peace, (we are sure to a better Peace) than the Treaty can produce; What-ever-may be pretended on the other side, the Treaty (notwithstanding the seeming large Grants) is not for Peace, but to gain abilities for War, which at this time are utterly wanting: and therefore is it that we say That party are the greatest Promoters of it, that are most opposite to the House of Commous. For Prince's breach of Oaths, of which you say you are ignorant: it were an easy matter to show you by the practice of the whole line of our Kings, and by their principles too, that no obligatious can be strong enough, when they have power and opportunity to break them. Be pleased to look upon the Royal Project lately printed; or but take any History of the English Kings, and read over any King's rain, and you will find their Oaths and Obligations to be like nets of sister's thread, made for necessity, and to divert (as they use to express themselves) the present Torrent of Power. The House cannot make him so free but at his time he will urge restraint, and 'tis the common discourse of his Party, that he has no way to gain all, but by granting all, that to deceive the deceivers will be no deceit: when in the mean season, the Prince keeps up, and the Castles hold out, Time is gained, and foreign Princes are solicited, as in their own quarrel, to yield assistance. So that we cannot but say, That what seems to be the way to Peace, is indeed the means of a New war, and the last hopes of a conquered enemy to revive and appear again in the maintenance of their old quarrel.  
The true way to Peace, is the good establishment of the Common wealth according to just and equal expedients, as we have presented: Which would give such good satisfaction to the People, (to all we mean that are not interested in the Tyranny) that no considerable part of them would ever be drawn to engage in a New war: and that would both keep down homebred Insurrections, and keep out foreign Invaders, who will never venture in, unless there be a considerable party to receive them. And though many at present dislike what we present in our Petition, yet upon the settlement thereof, they will find such a real happiness to themselves in the Freedoms thereof, and so little particular or private advantage to us or any else, that they will soon, with us, bless God for the same, and blame themselves for having been both their own enemies and the Commonwealths.  
And thus I have run through the most material scruples of our Answerer, for the rest, another time shall serve, because we would not weary the readers with too large a Treatise. We shall say no more at this time, but pray to God to bless us, and all men else, in our motions for common good, and blast us and others, when ever we or they shall wittingly prosecute aught that may tend to the damage of our Country.  
FINIS.