A SHORT DISCOURSE BETWEEN MONARCHICAL AND ARISTOCRATICAL Government.  
Or a Sober persuasive of all truehearted Englishmen, to a willing conjunction with the PARLIAMENT of ENGLAND In setting up the Government of a Commonwealth.  
By a true Englishman, and Wellwisher to the good of this NATION.  
Ad juga cur faciles populi cur saeva volentes Regna pati; Pereunt.  
Quoniam non contenti certa libertate in dubiam imperii servitiique aleam imus.  1 SAM. 8. 6, 7. 
In ask a King, they have not rejected me, but thee, that I should not reign over them.  
LONDON, Printed by John Macock for Francis Titan, and are to be sold at his shop at the three Daggers near the Inner-Temple, Fleetstreet. 1649.   

A Short Discourse BETWEEN MONARCHICAL, AND ARISTOCRATICAL Government.  
IT is not to be expected by any wise, or considerate person, to find an exact Logical series, or Mathematical Demonstration in Public or Political Transactions; In which, as there are commonly many unknown difficulties to be waded through, so there are multitudes of emergencies (not possible to be be foreseen) daily breaking forth, which give cause, as of altering men's thoughts, so of changing, and shifting the Mediums, by which they should have been at first effected. Nor can it be imagined, That the absolute order of Nature should be strictly kept in these affairs, which only Prudence, and Providence Govern.  
The want of such like considerations as these, hath been a great reason of the discontents, and disaffections of the most spirits, concerning the management of the great concernment of this Nation. Some have looked more after Modum, then Rem, the circumstance, than the action; rather how things are done, than what is done, thinking nothing well done, but what they have either been predominant instruments in themselves, or else could Analitically resolve, according to the rule of their own prejudiced apprehensions. It is to be acknowledged, That of late (through the Apostasy of some, and the Indifferency of others, and the change of many spirits by cunning, yet Malignant influences) our affairs in this Nation, for the external, and circumstantial acting of them, have not gone one so smoothly, or takingly unto every spirit; present necessity, absolute conveniency, and providence (which especially hath had a supremacy over them) putting us on many sudden overtures, and to leap over many lesser things (which some think considerable) yea, hath forced us to do much at once, and to hasten on to these works, which at another time, and in some other cases, would have admitted many steps and degrees, in the attaining of them. Though it's no great disadvantage to a work, if it be done throughly, that it's done suddenly, and expeditiously; yea, many times, more time and cost is spent in a Ceremony, then by diligent prosecution of advantages, would be to attain the thing itself. As in great men's houses, the paint and the hang, cost more than the house itself. But besides, the nature of some affairs call for a doing them now or never; and men being remote from the Actors, and so unacquainted with the present grounds, and reasons on which they are acted, storm at that, which they themselves in the same case, and on the same principles, would be most forward to attempt; not considering (until it come to their own cases) That where men have to deal with humours, as well as persons, with Forces, and Fictions, with general, and particular, Subordinate, Divided, and subdivided Interests, some special liberty must be given, to act according to present overtures, and some occult reason's pre-supposed, which every eye cannot, nor may not look into.  
These things premised; He that with a sober, and untainted judgement, considers the late Transactions of the Parliament, and Army, with the King, Their own members, and the changing of the former Government, into a Commonwealth, hath more reason to be astonished at what is done, then be discontented at the way, and manner of doing them; no man being able to imagine, That by any means what ever we should have been able to attain to the condition we are now in, and especially not so suddenly, and with so much advantage, to free ourselves from such a yoke, that neither our fathers nor we were able to bear; and certainly had not there been something divine in it, (which men care not to observe) and had not the finger of the Almighty wrought it for us, we had been far from so much as a hope of recovery, and ere this day had been reduced to a worse bondage than ever England yet saw: And if we will consider what straits and extremities they have been often put unto, by the falseness of some, and the folly of others, what varieties of difficulties they have been encompassed about with, through the malice of the common enemy, and the imprudence of their own friends, and subtle designs of many pretended Patriots, we shall see cause enough to wonder where we are come, and by what a miraculous strain of providence they have been carried on to this happy change: And however things may be represented in the Glasses of Malignant and humorous Spirits, yet if men will make use of a plain Optic, and not look through their PASSIONS or ENGAGEMENTS, they will see no such Disproportion between the first PRINCIPLE of this WAR, and the present actings of things, especially (considering how we have been led into them) though the first Instruments could not see the ultimate end at so great a distance of time, and through so many mountains of difficulties that lay in their way: God himself also is (who loves to nonplus the best of men) by his providence acting his own designs, beyond the first motions and intentions of men.  
As the first beginnings of all things are usually fair and modest, so were they among us in the beginning of this War; and though our first principle was fundamental, and large enough, when we took up Arms, viz. The Liberties of this Nation, from that Tyrannical Power which was exercised by the late King, and for the setting up a free Court of Justice in the Nation, in order to which, care was taken to put the power of the Militia in the best hands we could find, yet the hopes we then had of a sudden effecting it, and that by the first means we could use, and the controversy being suddenly to be debated, and honest men not so well acquainted with their own privileges, nor the ground of the quarrel, the Parliament was constrained to express great respects to the King, and to state the difference very tenderly, and put all the weight of miscarriages on his Council, salving as much as they could his honour, yea made many Engagements for advancing of his Grandeur and Majesty, which was carefully kept and observed, as honestly intended, until that the necessity of affairs grew on, and the King took advantage by all respects to harden his own heart, and had quite changed his own condition from what it was when these Engagements were made; yea, almost all the principles and spirits of men, both in Parliament, City and Country, being altered, by the subtle Insinuations of the King and his Agents, and not only a first but second War levied by the King's Commission against the Parliament, more dangerous than the former, though miraculously passed over: It was now time to take the advantage of providence, and make use of that honest power yet left to prosecute our first principles to the best end, and go through with that which we did but dally with before; and seeing that the King was the only cause of the first and second War, and of corrupting all interests and spirits which ever came nigh him, and that his evil Council (on whom all was formerly laid) was sequestered from him, and yet the same things and worse done by him, could imagine no other Expedient to preserve the Nation, but by removing the prime cause of their misery; and seeing the disease was grown desperate to apply a remedy proportionable. That if any thing have been acted, that seems Heterodox to our first Intentions and Engagements, it hath been but to follow the King, who frustrated all our hopes, and grew to be so dangerous and implacable an Enemy, that he left us no other remedy but his death to give us any hope of recovery. And now you see that we are like to attain our End, Liberty and Justice, though we could not at first see the way how, and it's brought about by other mediums than we first intended it; neither is any disparagement to us, that our Liberties are procured by such a Royal Sacrifice. But it is in vain to repeat; Those which stumble so much at that unparaleld, and most glorious act of Justice done on the late King, may be desired to consider, what way else was left us to preserve the honest party of this Nation, yea the whole Nation besides; and to prefer the life of our grand Enemy before the good of a Nation, is foolish pity indeed: for that our Liberty and his life were grown to be incompetible, and inconsistent, is most demonstrative, seeing he was not so much as sensible of any miscarriages, nor repent of a drop of blood shed so plentifully by his Commission, but grew so hardened, that he would rather die, than consent to these absolute and just grounds of Liberty and Safety that the Parliament so often sent him, in order to his advancement, and the security of the Kingdom. What ever had been done besides, would have been but the skinning over the wound while it did inwardly fester and gangrene, and have given our Enemy's advantage to undo us by our own respects, which they could not by their open hostility and force.  
But I am sorry I have detained the Reader so long from a ready compliance with this present Government, by repeating the miseries of the old: But it's good sometimes to look back, that we may see what Mercies we enjoy at present. For my part, I cannot but think that Scaffold sacred, and no other Sacrifice could have been so expiatory before God, or men, for that Blood which hath been shed in this Nation, than His who was the only cause of it; And yet I cannot blame those that think him to be above Law, should judge him to be above punishment: And though, unto some tender spirits, it may seem hard, and of ill consequence, yet, upon second thoughts, they will see it necessary, and just, and the fruits answerable, if our new discontexts, as well as former pity, and indulgence, do not frustrate it: And certainly our Ancestors, were they alive, would admire their children's fortunes and happiness, who have had the opportunity to act that, which they thought (but durst not speak) would be their greatest Mercy, viz. To cast off that usurped Government, which they felt the Tyranny and Oppression of so many years, without hope of Remedy. But if any thing of Conscience should be in that, your dissent and non-acting may satisfy you, and their acting against them, who held their Judgements well informed, and acted accordingly in that great and impartial work of Justice: Let us therefore forget these things which are impossible to be helped, and fall on to those things which are possible, and necessary; and labour to be as conscientious in avoiding ways of making new Divisions, as we are in remembering former Miscarriages: We are now (through providence) on a new Foundation, and have time to consider our own good, and want nothing to make us the happiest Nation under the Sun, but the blessing of the Gospel, which yet we have, (and are like to have it shine in greater splendour,) and a hearty and free compliance with the Government now set up, by all honest and ingenuous men, who mean to share in the fruits of Truth and Peace together.  
And truly Prudence and Reason, that teacheth men to make virtues of necessities, may well make men ingenuous in improving advantages and conveniences. I know there are many sorts of men to be dealt with in this paranatick: Some who can only be persuaded by force and violence, as Malignants and debauched spirits; and we can only secure their persons, hardly ever gain their consents, they have drank so deeply of that cup of delusion: Yet the remembrance of their former Compositions may possibly awe them, and screw them into obedience. I have better matter to deal withal in this Discourse, viz. with honest hearts, which are either miscarried through deceitful pretences, or discontented through mistaken apprehensions, or have been at least disheartened through want of observance of God's actings in these affairs, and so sit at too great a distance from compliance with this present Government: For it's most true, that as many men get their own ends through pretence of Religion, so others weakly look on Religion through the disguizes of cunning Politicians, which they converse withal. And it hath been a great misery to our Cause, That honest men have, either in the actings of things, consulted too much with flesh and blood, or suffered themselves to be abused by the specious insinuations of those men, who have had no reserve of honour and respect, but what they could get by such stratagems. I dare not undertake to plead for any person, or party, or to justify men in any thing; I am now pleading for a common good, by a convenient Government, (though I know no reason why men should dis-affect good things out of any prejudice to parties and persons). I can love Gold, though in the Oar, and prise Diamonds, though unfiled and unset: But to the thing. It is not only to be wished and desired, but that which all honest men (who love the Interest of England, and desire to see but any comfortable issue of these late sad Distractions) should be engaged in, unanimously to close in with the present Overtures, and promote, by all means and faithfulness, the Government set up by the Parliament, and laying aside all particular animosities, and waving lesser differences, pass an Act of Oblivion for all former miscarriages, whether real or supposed, and take the advantage of advancing our good by the present opportunity, having cause to fear, that if we neglect this, we shall never enjoy the like advantage for Truth and Liberty.  
And least men might pretend Conscience or Reason to countenance their disaffection to this Government of a Commonwealth, I shall humbly entreat honest men to consider, That there is no such supernatural stamp, or Jus Divinum, set on Monarchical Government, which should engage men's hearts unto it so peculiarly, more than on any other, excepting only such a State which hath not form and order in it. What ever men's affections may be to one Government more than another, I know not, but there is no Divine Character of respect more on one than other; But God, who is a God of Order, hath ordained Governments, and delights to see his Creatures made happy by them, and therefore hath left them to choose what they think may be most fit for that end, and to call it by what name they please; and that Government which is in one place called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Ordinance of God, is in another called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a creature, or institution of man, the power itself being from God, the distinction and personal administration from man; and if it were not so, no Government but one could be lawful, or to be obeyed by any people as an Ordinance of God: And by consequence, if Monarchy have this impression only from Heaven no Government but that is to be accounted lawful, or obedience to it from any spiritual rule but force and necessity, which not any that hath his veins never so full of royal blood will maintain. Those that take the divinity of Regal power from its similitude and likeness it hath unto God and his Supremacy, and oneness in the Government of the World, plead rather for the Turkish, or Russian Monarchy, then for England's, they holding for a more exact likeness to God (in their sense) ruling all by their own wills independently from any; whereas only that Government hath God's heart in it specially which is founded in Righteousness, and propagated by Justice, and doth most bless a Nation with Truth and Peace But if men will refer the judgement of Monarchy to what God says of it when it was first mentioned to him by his own People, as desirous to be under it, it's most observable (though I would not make it an argument) That no distinct Order of Government had ever such a signal blur, and stamp of dislike from God, as Monarchy, nor did ever any people receive a public check from Heaven for choosing any Government, but King-ship; and it stands on record to this day, that God was displeased but at the motion of the children of Israel to have a King, as the Heathens, they being not content with the wisdom of God, who chose another Government for them, as better, and more fit for honest and godly men, he gave them a King, but in wrath. And if God were so displeased with them, but for ask a King after the manner of the Heathens, which King God himself should have a vote in the choice of, how will he be with us, who will have a King which God hath rejected.  
But though many good hearts may think the jus divinum to be alike, yet they may find many Obligations to Kingly Government in England which are sacred, and may lie on their Consciences as an impediment to a full closing with this Government, which they may in Reason be convinced is fit and necessary.  
I confess there is nothing of more reverence in the eyes of any serious spirit then solemn Oaths and Covenants, whereby men are obliged to God as well as men, and have their Consciences to answer as well as Reason: Yet there may be too scruplous a Conscience, and many times Conscience is made too great a pretence and covert for inward malignity, and dislike of things themselves. Yet what ever pretence men may make of their Obligation by Oath to another Government, such Oaths cannot be binding now, when not only the persons, but the Government itself is removed; the very Commands of God, which are affirmative, bind not ad semper to all times and particular movements; and I hope no godly man thinks any other Covenant to be everlasting, but the Covenant of Grace. We all grant, that no Oath binds me when I am dead, neither can any Oath bind me to dead persons, or things not in being; and what ever Oaths men have taken, relating to the person of the late King, or that Government, cannot be in force, but must needs be out of date, and unobliging, when the person is dead, and the Government itself necessarily altered; especially when the matter about which the Oath made is civil and changeable, and made not absolutely, but conditionally, as the late Covenant was, we binding ourselves to preserve his Majesty's person, etc. in the Preservation of Religion and Liberty, which we have found absolutely contrary, and inconsistent together. And let me say, it were to be wished, that this tenderness of Conscience were in some of the scruplers about this Government; formerly, when the Covenant and Ecclesiastical Government was first urged, the matters of which were sacred, as well as the Oath itself, and yet nothing would then serve, but force and violence, banishment, with many such threats, to those that would not submit to it, the matter and manner of which belonged properly to Conscience, and was controverted by the best and ablest men, and yet a rational dissent by one side entered, and the thing itself hardly determinable in some points: But I am for union, and may not open old sores: It's well the Cause is changed, and the Trial come about to others, that they may know what Conscience means Yet it's still to be desired, that men would consider, what sin against any man's Conscience it can be, to join in with a Government, which is not only most lawful in itself, but most necessary at present? or how they can in Conscience (without some other Reason) maintain their engagements to a nonentity? or how they can discharge their Conscience from one sin, by doing another? or make an atonement for present disobedience to an Ordinance of God, (as every Government in itself is) by former pretended Obligation to that which they have not at present, or, it may be, never shall have opportunity to perform.  
I know the Parliament will have regard to tender Consciences, and lay nothing which may be a burden on them: But it will be very sad and ominous, that all men's malignity and state-distempers should have such a plausible disguise as Conscience; or that necessary and civil affairs, which are but reductively and secondarily belonging to Conscience, should be simple, and absolutely destroyed by such a plea, which is common to one as well as another. But I doubt not but that the justness and honest fruits of this Government will end at men's hearts to it, as their former Engagements, or rather disaffections, have made men conscientious against it.  
And now seeing that there is no more divinity in one Government more than another, and former Obligations die with the things themselves, that our Consciences (rightly informed) cannot be bound by them, let us consider our conveniencies, and reflect on Kingly power in this Nation, and the sad fruits and effects of it, especially of late, and we shall see little reason of being so endeared to it, much less to dote on it as we do. How nigh were all our Liberties to give up the ghost under it? What bloody and cruel attempts have there been made by it on the Souls, Estates, and persons of many thousands in England and Ireland, but only to please the will or lust of one Tyrant? We have felt too much of this, and I need not repeat; These have been the natural offsprings of that Government, not only here, but in all Nations, no people living in peace under it, but those which are quietly content either with no Liberty, or but with only the shadow or name of it; I may affirm it by all Histories universally, That Royalty and Liberty have never hearty embraced each other, or have shined together in the same splendour or beauty, but one hath either quite extinguished, or eclipsed the others glory.  
God himself (who best knew the nature of all Governments, and foresaw their effects) makes Monarchy and Tyranny very near of kin, and as soon as ever Israel would have a King, tells them what they must necessarily expect, as inseparable adjuncts or effects of it, (2 Sam. 8. 11. 12, 13.) This shall be the manner of the King which shall reign over you, he will take your sons and appoint them for himself, for his Charets, and Horsemen, and some shall run before his Charets; with many other expressions of like nature, all the fruits of Tyranny which can be imagined, and all this inseparably annexed to it, by the foresight of God himself. Yea, Liberty and Monarchy have been ever so Incompetible, That in the best Histories of that Government, they have been not only distinguished, but opposed; especially, those that look over the Roman Histories (who had experience of both) will find, when Kingly Power began to flourish, LIBERTY decayed, and so è contra. Tacitus Annal. 1. Vrbem Romam ab initio Reges habuere, Libertatem & Consulatum, L. Brutus instituit. The Romans had first KINGS, but L. Brutus brought in Liberty, and the Consulship: So Livy Lib. 45. Non in Regno Populam Romanum, sed in Libertate esse; and the same Author Lib. 1. Regem volebant Libertatis dulcedine nondum experta: None love Kingly Government, or can desire to be under it, but those that never tasted the sweets of Liberty. And shall we now strive to join those two together in our expectations, which (I had almost said) God, and Nature have divided, I am sure all Nations have had experience of inconsistency of? Have we ventured so hard, for to gain our Liberties, and shall not we now take the advantage of procuring them? Or do we think that slavery is any whit the more amiable, because it hath the name of Royalty annexed to it? If we be not yet sensible of our condition, we may hereafter; when some have got their wills, we shall have our eyes opened, though it be but to see our misery, when past recovery.  
Aristocracy hath many more curbs, and bridles on it to restrain it from Exorbitancy, then can be set on Monarchy, and is so less capable of doing mischief to a Nation then the other. The distance of their place, the remoteness of Princes from vulgar sight, the many screens they have between them and the people, and that great reverence they get by their retiredness from ordinary converse, give them unavoidable advantages of doing that more secretly, and effectually, and with less guilt, then can be imagined to be done by a Public State, who are more open to the view of the world, and are but themselves in power, quam ain bene se gesserint.  
We have seen of late, how hard it hath been but to make the people think the King could offend, or was liable to any guilt, or charge, laying all on his Council, while he was the Malignant Genius that led them; and yet being so much out of sight, so far off from Popular view, went free for a long time from any positive charge, and had gone to this day as an Innocent one, and one uncapable of Spot, or blame, had not God stirred up such a spirit of courage and Justice in that remnant of faithful Patriots, who have Anatomised his wicked, and Tyrannical practices before all the world, and done suitable justice on him for it; And yet the old Maxims, received by Custom, and invented by his Parasites, and Favourites, (That the King can do no wrong, That he is accountable to none but God for his Actions) lie in the breast of most men, as Orthodox Law, and Gospel, and will be soon embraced again, and reprinted in a larger Character, if ever the same power be set up again, though never so contrary to Reason, or Liberty; yea, the late King himself sealed the confirmation of them with his own Blood, and therefore would not plead, or answer any thing to the High Court of Justice, not so much because he thought the Authority of it to be illegal, as that he thought himself above the judgement of any Authority on earth; and would have doubtless refused to have answered to Lords and Commons, though in a full house, and in one Judicature, if they should have laid such a Charge against him; for in his former Declarations, he was so far from owning their Authority, That he proclaimed both Houses (when in their full power and grandeur) Traitors and Rebels, because they sat without his presence; and yet we have thought ours but a limited, and bounded Monarchy.  
And what hopes we can have of Kingly power in this Nation, which is founded on such principles, and propagated on the same terms, let wise and honest men judge.  
Besides, when we have most solemnly considered Monarchy in its real use and end, it will be found to be in effect but an Aristocracy, though far more dangerous and mischievous; The same things are done, as to the good of the Public, by States and Counsels, which are done by Kings and Counsels together; and either the King must rule by his own will, and then he is a professed Tyrant, or else by Counsel of his Parliament, and Public Senators, and then it's the Council that rules the Kingdom, who can do it as well, and with less hazard, without him; As being free from the Temptations of Majesty, and the Courtship of Royal favours, whereby the best of men (ere they were ware) have been corrupted, and the wisest Counsellors suborned to act suitable to the Regal interest, contrary to the good of the Commonwealth; whereas, while they act in a Parity among themselves, as their judgements are most free from being acted by Superior influences, so their Debates, and Results, must needs be of more common and public concernment, they themselves, having an equal share in that good, which is done unto the whole.  
That if we do but cast up our accounts right, we shall find that Kings are but mere chargeable Ceremonies, or cyphers, of little use but to contract humours, and promote personal designs destructive to the being, and well-being of Commonwealths; for they neither are executioners of justice themselves, nay, scarce (many times) Counsellors, nor do any special or public work; and yet for mere custom and formalities sake, we must have one man adored, having a supreme power invested in him, and be maintained in the greatest State, and Glory, merely to sit still and have the best, and wisest, and most faithful, and gallant instruments bow down, and rejoice, but to kiss his hand. If any King hath ever yet been more then ordinarily active, or instrumental, it hath been to prosecute some design which would advance his Supremacy more Independently against the Public Good, as the late King was in his Wars against this Nation.  
And what ever other Nations may experiment, if we have found any good by Monarchy in this Nation, it is, that it hath made us (I hope) know what Liberty and Law is, and to prise them the more; Quae libertas ut laetior esset proximi Regis superbia saceret, Which Liberty we should esteem more, had we but one trial of the next KING'S Reign.  
And as there is nothing more virtually, and really in Monarchical then what is in Aristocratical Government, and nothing to be expected by the one, but what may be done by the other with less fear of danger, and without such costly formality: So Aristocracy, (or this Government of a Commonwealth the Parliament have set up) is the most even, and just Government, that any men have yet come to the knowledge of, it being a middle State between Popular Anarchy, and Prerogative Tyranny, whereby men are freed from the necessary exorbitancies of both, and seated securely in a uniform and equal condition free from all extremes, in which the people are best represented, and by which the Laws and dispatches of Justice, and other affairs have a quicker and easier passage, with less noise, & Tumult, then if they should run down from the high mountains of Prerogative and Majesty, in the dispensations of which, you have little cognisance of justice, or reason, but of grace, and favour; Kings and Princes seldom granting any thing, though never so just, but it's ever as from grace, so with an expectation of something from the people to advance their Prerogative, the doing of which may be a greater loss, and hazard, than the former grant could be of concernment to them.  
But in this other Government, as justice runs more smoothly, and clearer, and is not painted with Royal colours, so the people have a more immediate way to the redress of all their grievances, and are not forced as to climb too high, so not to go to far about, or through so many mercenary Favourites, or rooms of State, or be scared with the sudden beams of supposed Majesty, but come to their own Representatives that themselves have chosen, and who may be in the same condition, and are to be tried by the same Laws themselves, which they for the present judge others by. And it's observable, These few Nations which have once got the opportunity (which some have ventured hard for with little success) of casting off Kingly Power, have naturally, and out of choice, fallen into this Government, as the middle, and best, and that which was most safe, and suitable to Liberty and Justice; and how these Nations which have been under it have flourished, I could mention (if it were needful) in multitudes of testimonies; And not to go so far back unto the Roman State, that little time it enjoyed it; Let us view these little spots of Land in Europe that live under this Government, how do they lift up their heads in strength, and wealth, above all their neighbours, to name no more but the Netherlands, and Venice; The first, even on a sudden, even by its Wars against Monarchy, enriching of itself beyond many Kingdoms of ten times a larger continent; and the other defending itself, yea, annoying one of the greatest Empires under the Sun. And there is no reason why England should not flourish under it much more, who hath a more Natural defence of itself, than other places have, and more reason, and advantage of setting it up, than any other people have yet had; and doubtless the Climate, and Air, is not incompetible to it. Had other Nations but the Liberty to speak, and the Freedom to choose as we have, we should soon hear which way the Vote would go.  
But let it be found out (as a Phoenix) That some Nations have had Liberty and Justice under the Reign of some Kings, which were of singular tempers and virtues; or, it may be, had not time enough, or opportunity, both to plot and act designs together; yet when Government shall come to be hereditary, & Regal Power advanced by succession, there must needs be unknown mischiefs propagated together with it: And all men's liberties are cast away on a peradventure at the best; for be he young or old, wise or unwise, virtuous or vicious, talis, qualis, he must be entrusted with all the Liberties (it may be, of many Nations,) and a necessity of bondage and misery, without remedy, successively entailed on men and their posterity: All liberty of dissent or choice (which is the birth right of rational and freemen) being utterly denied to them, and destroyed by a titular plea of succession to that which, it may be, the person is neither fit for the mannagement of, being a child, or weak, or worthy of, through vice, or ill conversation.  
And however other Nations may, out of hidden secrets of State, think Monarchy best for them, and be willing to venture at succession, yet to us it would not be only inconvenient, but mischievous; Having justly cut off the Father's head for a wicked and ill Government, to enthrone the Son, who was engaged in the same quarrel, and hath entertained the same principles, with an addition of more malice and revenge; and what were it but to give that power to undo us, which we (through the providence of God) have happily deprived his Father of? For as we had no hopes of the late King, but were in continual danger of taking advantages by us; so we cannot have any probable expectation from his Son, who was engaged Body and Soul in his Father's Interest, and trained up from his cradle in blood, who, besides his Youth, (and so his unfitness to manage the Affairs of such a State,) hath a double portion of his Father's Spirit of Pride and Tyranny on him, besides his Mother's blessing, and is the perfect and natural Heir to his Father's Quarrel and Design, as to his Crown and Dignity.  
But the great thing to be wondered at, is, That any which love Presbyterial Government should dote on Monarchy, especially after the Reign of such a person, and stand out against this Government which the Parliament have now set up. Aristocracy in Church, and Monarchy in State, do not run so parallel in the expressions, what ever they may do in the sense. Kingly Government hath never been yet very propitious, or benign to Presbytery; the most favour it hath got in any Kingdom, is but to have a Toleration, as in France, and in this Nation; it's hardly a probationer: but Episcopacy hath been that ancient Government, which hath been bred up with Monarchy, and hath of late been its greatest Darling, to maintain which, much of the Royal Interest hath been engaged; the late King making one of the grounds of his War to be the taking away of that Government, which he thought to be so fundamental and sacred, that all Religion was wrapped up in it, and to confirm his love unto it, died with a Bishop in his arms. And such inseparable union is between Monarchy and Episcopacy, that King James himself, as soon as ever he came out of Scotland into England, (and found himself to be a King) made this State Maxim, No Bishop no King, which is to this day unrepealed, and by experience confirmed, for they have both died together as Twins in the bosom of each other; and if we do but look a little back, we shall find, that Presbyterial Government never thrived well, no not in Scotland, (the most fertile soil, and natural climate wherein it flourisheth most) until the King was removed at such a distance; and yet what attempts have both King James and Charles made, but to overthrow it in Scotland, as being most unsuitable to Kingly Government? and they have little cause to think, that their Charles the Second will forget his Grandfathers and Father's Legacy.  
And now we have begun to mention Scotland, it may be some may bring in them as a precedent to us, (as formerly to the Church, so now to the State,) who, notwithstanding all their inconveniencies, which they have found by Monarchy, yet have thought fit to continue it, and that in the right line of Succession: It's well known, the Scots love the Name, but care little for the Company or Power of a King; Neither is it much to be admired, that they should proclaim King whom they never intent shall rule over them; for they well know how to make use of the Name, though they mean not to subject to the Power: The Scots are not a Nation of as much state and riches as other Kingdoms, but of as much design as any, and they well foresee, that whose King soever he be, England must maintain him, and bear the greatest burden, while they enjoy his small Revenue in Scotland, and get places and pensions from him in England, so that he must be their King, but our Tyrant: All that understand the Affairs of Scotland, know, that were it not for the name of the King, the factions of their Nobility and Gentry are so great, that Peace could never be kept among themselves, and yet if they had a King really among them, it would impoverish both Gentry and Nobility, who must contribute to maintain him, who in England by pensions and places hath set up them. But I would not too much open the nakedness of that Nation, but wish them much good with their King, and his hideous train of Malignants, which must necessarily follow him where ever he himself is entertained with any respect or honour: Only they should have given him title to their own Nation, and have left our Parliament to have chosen for us, who are come to sufficient years of discretion, and have learned to understand both their King and them; but it seems it would profit them little to have him King of Scotland, if he were not also of Great Britain. It is for us to consult our own concernments, and not trouble ourselves with examples: If we chance to differ from other States, it's because they have not the same advantages, nor we the same causes and grounds of following them. All that is proposed by the Parliament, is, to reduce us into a Commonwealth, and if the name do not offend, I know not why should the thing.  
And as to that reverend plea of the Antiquity of Monarchy in this Nation, we may answer with grief, it hath been too long; and we have had time enough to try and feel the sad effects of it; and Kingship may very well, after so long a personal reign and advancement of itself, give way to a Commonwealth, that the Nation may get some good, and enjoy some Liberty, after their long servitude to it. Antiquity is an argument for nothing but truth and goodness, else error and usurpation will plead its grey hairs, and make a demonstration of its divinity with the best advantage.  
And whereas many wise men object the danger of changes in States and Governments, & the unknown consequences which may follow, it's confessed, and therefore the Parliament hath took time and deliberation, and tried all expedients; and made the best essays for security of the Nation without it; But that change cannot be dangerous, where the continuation of a former Government, in such persons, hath proved, and is, inevitably mischievous, as it is in our cause; and yet we have not changed our Laws, or the Fundamentals of the former Government, but only the persons and mal-administrators of it; that it's but a change of persons and names, which have acted, and are like to act to our destruction, and so hinder mischief from running in a blood: And if we will with seriousness and observance look about us, we may discern a bright Star of Providence leading us directly to it, and a harmony of wonders and mercies accompanying it, and blessing on the Parliaments proceed in it, that men which shall oppose it, may well be said to fight against the very arm of the Almighty, and slight many a glorious work which God hath done by weak and ordinary instruments. And whereas many men nourish their discontents against it, by the present distempers they find in the Nation, and are apt to think, and be made believe, That our condition is worse than it was in the time of the late King, by reason of Taxes and Oppressions; They should consider the cause may be in themselves, who give no better ground of security to the Parliament of an honest and faithful compliance, but by their new discontents keep up our fears, which makes them keep up an Army: and had they been wise men who thus object, they would have considered, that we are not only framing a new Government, but changing the old, and that we are not in in Republica Platonis, but in face Romuli.  
It's easy to frame an Idea of a new Government, and as easy to live under it in peace, had we all one mind; but not so easy (without much cost) to alter an old one, where so many parties are engaged and dis-affected, and so much rubbish to be removed. Were we to begin the world again, and to choose for ourselves, having hearts, we should not need Swords, and then An AGREEMENT of the PEOPLE (though not according to the Levellers Anarchical model) might be a Foundation of PEACE; but as it is with us, Men must be awed with Swords, as children are with rods, until they have learned Reason, and come to be sensible of their own good, and learn to distinguish between what is done for present necessity to prevent farther misery, and what is done in times of Peace, by absolute Prerogative and Tyranny. Me thinks to see what is done, and how hopeful affairs look, should be enough to swallow up the present sense of pressures, and allay the murmur of men's spirits, whereby these oppressions are like to be continued and made heavier; And though it cannot be denied but the keeping up of the Army is a burden, yet, it is so necessary, That it's an absolute preservative against more intolerable oppressions, that would not only burden us, but utterly undo us. And if we all expect ease, let us contribute to the procuring of it; if it seem hard by our purses, let us go a nearer, and cheaper way by our compliances, and the entire union of our hearts and affections in these ways which are lawful and necessary, for were it not for our Classical discontents, and secret dislikes which we nourish against persons, and things, all these Taxes and Impositions would soon be removed; and we may well bear a little of the trouble, who are causes or instruments to create it; And truly for us who have had such experiences of the sad and doleful effects of Monarchical Government, it were almost worth the hazarding the peace of one Generation, but to make an experiment of another Government, and spend our time in War (if it must be so) to procure peace for our Posterity, as our Ancestors have done in slavery, but to keep theirs.  
I can only wish, That all honest men would reflect on their condition, and what a perfect Dilemma is upon them, which cannot be avoided, that either they must espouse the old quarrel they first fought against, and incorporate with that Generation of Malignants which we have professed against, and God hath appeared against, and so recover their lost hopes, or else join in with the Parliament and Army in this present Government, and diligently prosecute the remainders of Peace and Liberty, which we are in so promising a way to obtain. How much better is it to join in with our friends, though they have acted a little faster, or somewhat beyond our model (seeing a surer foundation is laid, though it be somewhat deep) then to give encouragement to our common enemy to destroy both themselves and us together; and if we cannot meet in every line of the Circumference, yet, it's safe to meet in the Centre.  
I can but speak for myself, Quem fugiam scio, I know whom to avoid: Two sorts of men which are the utmost extremes, The old Malignants, and the new Levellers; This last was begotten in the same womb, only there was a mixture of seeds in the conception, and is designed as a reserve to effect that which malignancy could not do; they both have one end, the destruction of this Government, though the pretences and ways of acting it are different; we have yet sailed safe between these two rocks, and may (if we have hearts) prevent the mischiefs of both, and see Liberty exactly stated, and justly restrained with the Golden reins of Justice, Sobriety, and limited by Religion and Conscience, and Justice sitting on the Throne, poised with Tru●h, whose fresh and Crystal streams shall glide sweetly, and insensibly, yea, run by every man's door to refresh all his enjoyments. Whereas while we grate on the distempers of the times, and repine at former actings through inconsideration of our present opportunity, and ignorance of the designs that are upon us under specious pretences, not making improvement of what is before us, we shall ere we are ware, either be reduced back to Prerogative Tyranny, and be a thousand times in worse bondage than we were, or run into Levelling Confusion; The Parliament and Army have done their endeavour, if men will be miserable, and suffer themselves to be deceived, they must blame none but themselves, if they be miserable. God will go on with his work, and finish it in righteousness, and will prepare hiding places for those which have faithfully opposed the common Enemies of Religion and Liberty, while these men, who to please their own discontents, or to gratify Malignant instruments, are contented to sell away their birth right for a mess of pottage, and sacrifice their dear bought advantages on their own humours.  
I would only add this as my prayer and desire for any honest, zealous, abused hearts, That they may never feel that misery, which, by their distance and secret differences, they may bring on this Nation, which is in so fair and hopeful a condition of enjoying that happiness, which all the Kingdoms, round about us, will envy us for, if our own unreasonable distempers do not hinder.  
— Et sic liberavi animam meam.  
FINIS.