REASON'S WHY THIS KINGDOM ought to adhere to the Parliament.  
HOw soon do men forget the bygon time of their affliction? or if they retain a dark and misty remembrance of the time past, they want the discretion by comparing it with the time present to foresee and prevent evil times to come. And this seems to be now the condition of us the people of England, who have almost forgot how our Religion, Laws, liberties, and properties in our estates lay bleeding almost to death at the feet of a Malignant party of Papists, Prelates, and Court Priests, Innovating Councillors, corrupt Judges, with their dependants, Pettifoggers, Solicitors, Projectors, Monopolisers, and other Prerogative Parasites: How unjust and destructive a war was projected by the said Malignants between us and our brother Nation of Scotland? wherein we were sure, if we were conquered, to lose ourselves and all we had to the Conqueror with whom we fought; and if we did conquer, to the Malignant party for whom we fought: How (to secure our bondage) the old English Souldiary of Protestants being disbanded in Ireland, an Army of 8000. Irish Papists, (the conductors at this day of the bloody rebellion there) were raised by Strafford, and kept hover over our heads, ready to fall upon us (weakened with an unhappy conquest) and to lay that Iron yoke upon our necks to which we should unworthily have subdued our brethren.  
But what our oppressions and grievances were in particular, who were the Authors, what aims they had, and what means they used, how fare they proceeded before this Parliament, and since; what the faithful endeavours of this Parliament are, and what they have done already for us, and at how little a charge, considering the great burdens and slavery they have freed us from, what dangerous oppositions, attempts, and designs (destructive to the being of Parliaments and to their own persons) they have (through the goodness of God) overcome, and are still environed withal: How faithfully to our benefit they have disbursed the public money, and upon what just, necessary, legal grounds, and with what respect to the King and Kingdom they have managed all our affairs. How (as Christ was led aside into the Wilderness to be tempted) his Majesty is led aside from his great Council the Parliament (in whom there is strength) into a Wilderness of errors and weaknesses: And what the points of difference between his Majesty and the Parliament are at this time. He that is capable of satisfaction, and desires withal to know what share he is likely to have in the public calamities (if not prevented) and how to carry himself therein, let him read the third Remonstrance, the several Declarations, the general accounts of the Kingdom published by the Parliament, together with those most excellent Observations; the one upon his Majesty's answer to the Lords and Commons of the 19 of May, 1642. The other upon some of his Majesty's late Answers and Expresses.  
Likewise the Answer to the Summer set shire Petition, and a good plain Paper, called Some more new Observations concerning King and Parliament, containing 20. considerations. Another Paper entitled Jesuits plots: And a Paper called a short discourse tending to pacification of differences between his Majesty and his Parliament; where these truths appear as clear as the Sun, in despite of Envy and her black mouthed daughter, Slander, which always attends good deeds in a bad age, as the shadow attends the body.  
But that after so many prayers and petitions to God for a Parliament, we should so much forget his mercies, our own sufferings and complaints, and the Parliaments faithful, wise, and effectual endeavours, as to hearken to the voice of a Malignant party, who flatter us, calumniate them, and abuse all; this showeth us to be the Sons of Adam, apt to be tempted, even with an Apple. But let us examine the causes of this our inconstancy and ingratitude, which may be partly inward in ourselves, and partly outward in others.  
1. Inward in ourselves, as, 

First, long discontinuance of Parliaments hath filled this Kingdom so full of diseases, that we grow weary of Physic before our Physicians can perfect the cure, and had rather venture a relapse then confirm our healths by stirring up more humours.  
Secondly, because the Parliament did not seasonably satisfy our anger with punishment of Delinquents, we are now tired with expectation, and as angry with the. Parliament as with Delinquents. But if we consider how, and by whom they are protected, where they take Sanctuary: and how the multitude of offenders, their friends and abetters is such, that— Hos defendit numerus, junctoque umbone phalanges; They are too many, too strong to be brought to punishment, unless the Parliament found more ability in themselves and more constancy in the people than they have yet met withal, the Parliament is to be excused.    
Secondly outward causes of our unconstancy and ingratitude proceeds from the subtlety and industry of the malignant party; who with all diligence in their reports, discourses, writings and publications, nay in Churches and Pulpits set fair glosses upon their own fowl actions, and with foul paintings, stain the fair merits of the Parliament. Let us examine some of their calumnies, for all is impossible.  
First, the Malignants observing us to be freed from painful Symptoms, and willing to take our rest and ease (upon the advantage of our sloth) persuade us to take this for a cure (though the disease lie yet lurking in our Bowels) and to grow angry with, and suspicious of our Physicians, as if they kept us in an unnecessary course of Physic to continue their power and government over us. But their delays proceeded partly from the throng of great and weighty businesses, which (like waves continually falling in one upon another) hinder themselves in the crowd; And principally from the slights of the Malignants.  
Secondly, the Malignant's object, that this Parliament is a burden to the Commonwealth, that they free us from Taxations of Shillings, by impositions of Pounds, by Subsidies, Polemoney, Loans, etc.  
First, In desperate diseases (such as the Malignants had infected this Commonwealth withal) Blood-letting is necessary, the veins will fill again if the vital parts be preserved; if we contribute part of our particular wealth to free the Commonwealth from slavery and superstition (the parents of repining sloth and dejected Cowardice) we shall encourage industry, and renew our stock: but if we stoop under an Arbitrary government, who will work that others may devour the fruits of his labours? Liberty is the fountain of industry, & industry of wealth.  
2. Besides, the Parliament hath already paid us liberally for all the Taxes they have made us pay; and our payments are but for the present; their benefits and good Laws are perpetual. The abolishing of superstition and reforming our Religion. The vindicating our Laws, Liberties and Properties are inestimable. Shipmoney did yearly cost the kingdom above 200000. pound, Coat and Conduct money, and other military charges (besides the trouble and terror) almost as much. A few Monopolies did yearly prejudice the Subject a Million. Soap 100000. pound, Wine 300000. pound, Leather almost 400000. pound, Salt 400000. pound; all these, with many other Monopolies this Parliament hath taken away. Besides what infinite damage those discouragements of trade brought invisibly upon the Commonwealth, as well Lucro cessante, as Damno emergente. And (which is the benefit of all benefits, the Quintessence, the Elixir, the spirit extracted out of all their endeavours) the root of all these wrongs is declared to be against law by an Act of Parliament, being an arbitrary power, which (for their own benefit more than his Majesties) the prerogative parasites pretended to be in the King) of taxing the Subjects & charging their estates at pleasure, without limitation, and without consent in Parliament.  
3. This Parliament had not been so chargeable to the kingdom, had not the Malignant party continually multiplied their troubles, charges and dangers, and retarded the remedies.  
Thirdly, this Parliament is more hated then any former Parliament hath been: First, because it hath found more Delinquents, and hath gone farther in searching and curing wounds and diseases, and establishing a perfect reformation both in Church and State, than ever any did. Long intermission of Parliaments having filled this Commonwealth so universally with ill humours, that (in this old doting age, wherein it draws to its period) we can neither endure its diseases, nor the remedies. And herein this Parliament is most unhappy. Secondly, because it cannot be broken without their own consent: Ever since which act past, all ways have been taken by the Court faction, to dissolve or destroy it; before those quarrels about Hull or the Militia were thought of.  
All which plots failing, they now attempt (what no age will ever believe, unless it be as wicked as this) to render odious and suspected to the people this only Sanctuary of their Religion, Laws, Liberties, and properties. The representative body of the whole Kingdom.  
Fourthly, they labour to make this and all other Parliaments invalid and of no authority or reputation with the people, by infusing such opinions and doctrines into them as are inconsistent with the nature of Parliaments, and will strike dead the very root of them, if they be generally believed. First, that if the King desert the Parliament, it is a void assembly, and without power to defend the kingdom, even from open violence. A Right, not denied to a private person assaulted. Secondly, that Parliament privileges are not where to be read, and so the Representation of this whole kingdom gives them no privilege nor authority. Thirdly, that the major part in Parliament is not considerable, when many are absent or descent. But to stay until all, or almost all are present and assenting, and not to acquiesse, in the majority, is never to bring any thing to conclusion, nay to bring all to tumults and confusion. Fourthly, that the major part is no major part, because the fraud of some few misleads them. This Position divides the Parliament into two unworthy sorts of men, Deceivers, and Deceived. Fiftly, that Parliaments may do dishonourable, nay treasonable Acts. And that this Parliament hath been so blinded by some few Malignants, as to abet Treason in Sir John Hotham. (Answer to the 19 Propositions p. 2. See the Answer to the Declaration May 26. p. 1. 2. 11. and 28. 29.) Here you see Treason charged upon the representative body of the kingdom, and consequently, by reflection, upon the whole body of the kingdom represented. If therefore his Majesty take Arms, it must be against us all (Parliament and People) involved in one common crime of Treason. And yet the maxim of the law is, that no dishonourable thing is to be presumed of Parliaments. And (I believe) neither reason, nor example can show any thing against this rule. Sixtly, that the Parliament hath trampled upon all Law, and the King's Prerogative, & sought to enslave the whole Kingdom. During the long absence of Parliaments, the Prerogative had swallowed the Law, which this Parliament caused to be vomited up again, and restored to the people, when the Malignant party thought it had been digested and converted into the very nature of the Prerogative. And this is one dangerous effect of the long want of Parliaments, that whatsoever the Prerogative devours, though it digest and incorporate not with it, but break forth into Wens and other unwholesome excretions; yet (because they are of some continuance) both Prince and people, but especially evil Counsellors (who only thrive by the abuse of exorbitant power) take it for a part and member of the Prerogative, and make it a matter of scandal and quarrel, that after so long a sufferance, the Parliament should lance or pair away those tumours. But that the Parliament (so small a body armed only with a derivative power of representation, having an Active Anti-parliamentary faction of Monarchists in the heart of it, and which hath been put to labour for its preservation ever since the Bill passed for perpetuating of it) should trample upon the Law, and enslave the whole kingdom, seems wonderful; it being the only fountain and foundation of our Laws, the Sanctuary whither the people fly for secure when they are oppressed in their Laws, Liberties, and Properties; and which so lately hath redeemed the People and all they can call theirs, out of bondage, and the members thereof being sure to suffer amongst the multitude, whensoever our Laws fail us. Seventhly, that the Parliament sought the betraying of Church and State; and to effect the same, had erected a new upstart authority in the Militia, and levied war upon the King. They may properly be said to betray Church and State; who corrupt the doctrine and discipline in the one, and subvert the Laws and form of government in the other. And if any man be so great a stranger in our Israel as not to know who they are, I will tell him. First, the Prelates, and Court Priests brought many alterations into our Liturgy and Rubric (contrary to the Act of Parliament, whereby the Common Prayer book is established) vain Ceremonies, Altars, and many new doctrines into our Church (to make us more consonant to the Church of Rome) as Episcopacy and Tithes, Jure Divino. That the King hath a Divine Prerogative paramount to all our Laws. That the Church of Rome is a true Church and errs not in fundamentals (and then we are schismatics at least) That Auricular confession is of necessity, etc. These are a few of their corruptions in Doctrine: Discipline follows: They enlarged their jurisdiction against Law. The High Commission used the Temporal Sword by fining, imprisoning, as well as the spiritual. They used an independent jurisdiction, not derived from the King (which they claimed Jure Divino) in their own name, and under their own seals, contrary to the Stat. H. 8. C. 17. 1. Ed. 6. C. 2. still in force: In the State, The attempts of the Malignant party to subvert our Laws, Liberties, and Properties, and to reduce this well tempered Monarchy into a mere Arbitrary Government have been sufficiently proved in the trial and attainder of the Earl of Strafford; yet I will not omit the testimony of the Lord of Faulkland, who wittily tells us: The King was persuaded by his Divines, that in conscience, his Counsellors, that in Policy, and his Judges, that by Law he might do what he list: And if this be not a conspiracy to, introduce Arbitrary Government, and change our State, I know not what is.  
For the Militia, they desire not to remove it from the King, but from his subordinate Ministers, and place it upon other Ministers whom they suspect not; and to satisfy the fears of a whole Nation in time of danger, is wisdom. Besides, extraordinary diseases require extraordinary cures; the High distempers and dangers of the Kingdom compels the Parliament (That supreme Court and Counsel now deserted by the King) to have recourse to the supreme Law, Salus populi; Whose immediate rise is from the Law of Nature, which teacheth every worm, much more a man, and most of all a whole Nation to provide for its defence.  
Besides, it neither belongs to the person, nor calling of the King to expound the Laws: But that the Parliament hath a power to declare Law without the King's consent, nay, against it, (though not to make it without him) is apparent; for all inferior Courts have the same. And what Counsellors and Interpreters of the Law his Majesty hath now about him, to be put in balance with the faith and learning of a whole Parliament? What Expositions of Laws and Stat. they have made, Let his late publications and Commission of Array, against the petition of Right, and their opinions and judgements given since that was enacted upon Ship-money, Habeas corpora, etc. testify. 8ly. That Parliaments cannot declare Law, but in particular Cases, legally brought before them. It should seem by this, that Parliaments have no Conusance of Causes, but upon complaints ab extra: But the House of Commons, being the great Enquest of the Kingdom, may, and aught to take Conusance of Causes, of public concernment, ex officio: and is accounted misconusant of nothing. 9ly. That Parliaments are questionable and triable elsewhere. The Parliament is the supreme Court, and hath the last appeal; Anciently errors in other Courts were tried there: Therefore no other Court can have Conusance of their Actions nor persons; which were to appeal ridiculously, upwards and downwards. And if a Parliament be triable and arraignable before the King himself: Then hath the King an unlimited declarative power of Law above all Courts, in his own breast; and the last Appeal must be to his discretion and understanding, and consequently, the Legislative power His alone. And yet his Majesty is pleased to confess himself not skilful in the Laws. I know no third trial to which a Parliament can be liable, unless it be the trial by the Sword: from which, and from those that counsel it, the God of Battles defend us; and grant us courage to defend ourselves. (These last recited) Doctrines and positions have received Answers of another nature at large, In the Observations upon his Majesty's last Answers and Expresses.  
5. But the Bugbear which works most upon the people, is, Lest these differences between his Majesty and Parliament should entangle us in a civil War. It seems they have little belief in his Majesty's protestations and imprecations, to govern peaceably and legally, who fear this: and they less faith, who threaten them with it. But take heed you do not draw on a War, by fearing it: Courage is the best Antidote against it.  
Wherefore I shall admonish you, that no War can be more destructive to you, and all that is yours, than your own Cowardice, if it should so far fright you from your constancy, faith, and gratitude, as to make you desert this Parliament:  
For,  
First, you cannot forsake this Parliament, and leave it to the mercy of the Malignants, but you shall forsake yourselves, and your Religion, Laws, Liberties, and properties open to the spoil and oppression of an Arbitrary Government (more remediless and not less wasting then a war.) And either have no more Parliaments (for, when they may take what they list you shall never be called to give) or (if by virtue of your trianniall Act) there should be another Parliament summoned, what faith and courage can you expect from such Members as must either offer up your Laws, Liberties and properties that sent them, or (being destitute of your Protection) become themselves a Sacrifice? Such a slavish Parliament will lay the sure foundation of all our slaveries: For as our Laws protect us and all that is ours, and Parliaments protect our Laws, so we must protect them and their privileges from violence. Next consider how foreign kingdoms are governed, where (for want of Parliaments) the will of the Prince and his Favourites is the Law of the People. And how this kingdom was governed during the long intermission (when honest men were out of hope, and knaves out of fear) of Parliaments?  
Secondly, He that thinks a Parliament can be forsaken, knows not the power of Parliaments; for if the Parliament please to imitate your unconstancy & faithless cowardice, and, deserting your interest, pursue only their own, and comply with the King, They are able to do him more service in one week, than Joseph did to Pharaoh in twice seven years. They can make him more absolute than any Prince in Christendom, nay then the Turk or Muscovite. They can repeal all the good Laws they have got for you: They can revive the Star-Chamber, High-Commission, etc. and set the Pillory upon your necks, and little Laud upon your ears again: They can bring in and naturalise the Excises of the Low-Countries, the Gabels of France, the Alcavales of Spain, and all the Taxes of Florence, and make England the Map of all the oppressions in the world, they can give away your Laws, Liberties, and Properties by a Statute, and establish a perpetual Tyranny by a Law, which shall stop your mouths for ever, when you shall be told that the Act of the Representative body is the Act of the whole Kingdom, and you are bound by the Laws of the Land; Complaints against illegal Taxes shall then no more be heard in your Streets for want of Laws. Neither think this plot so shallow, that the members of this Parliament, or their posterity shall draw in the same yoke with you: No, they may entail their several Votes and Seats in this already perpetuated Parliament to themselves and their heirs Males for ever: And (as the Fable saith, that the Lion proclaiming a general day of hunting, all beasts of prey waited upon him for their shares) so these may have a subordinate share, according to their several capacities, in your spoils and booties. The L. Treasurer Burleigh was wont to say, He knew not what a Parliament could not do; And truly I know not what a Parliament (concurring with his Majesty) cannot be. They may be the only favourites and Privadoes, and strike all others into the Box, and lie in their rooms. Bishop's shall not strain their Consciences nor brains to invent a Theological engine, called a Divine Prerogative for battering your Laws, Liberties, and Properties; the Votes of the Parliament shall shake them in sunder: They shall be the King's Cavaliers, and subdue you and all yours (fear not a Civil War) without blow stricken, and with a most permanent victory. And this whole Kingdom shall consist only of a King, a Parliament, and Slaves. What King will reject such servants, or neglect such a Compendium of power and profit upon any conditions? Mistake me not: I do not say or think they will do this, they have showed themselves more pious, just, faithful, then to deserve such a suspicion. But take heed you do not cancel the obligation your election hath laid upon them, by an undeserved, ignoble mistrust: Many a man hath provoked his wise to lewdness, by thinking her lewd; Teach them not by your example to be, what you would not have them to be: If either indignation or fear should prepare their minds to make a politic use of your faithless cowardice; what might not they get, and you lose? Who will not rather forsake then be forsaken, and sacrifice himself for the safety of a company of ungrateful, unfaithful cowards? Honour is the reward of virtuous actions, and protection is due to them who protect your Religion, Laws, Liberties, and Properties. Give it them for their sakes and your own, or blame them not if they follow the dictates of nature, and provide for their own safety, by deserting you who would deliver up them. Be true to yourselves, that they may be true to you; for who will stick to him that abandons himself? Let not fear betray those helps which reason offers you. And God send us all minds prepared for peace, hearts fit for War, and no cause to use our hands in such a service: yet if so sad an occasion do come, let us meet it with the manly alacrity of Christians; Knowing that all things work together for the best to them that love God. I conclude with Seneca, Leave est quod ferre possum; Breve est quod ferre non possum.  
FINIS.