SCRINIA SACRA; Secrets of Empire, IN LETTERS Of illustrious Persons.  
A SUPPLEMENT OF THE CABALA.  
IN WHICH Business of the same Quality and Grandeur is contained: With many famous Passages of the late Reigns of K. HENRY 8. Q. ELIZABETH, K. JAMES, and K. CHARLES.  
LONDON, Printed for G. Bedel, and T. Collins, and are to be sold at their Shop at the Middle-Temple-gate in Fleetstreet. 1654.   

THE STATIONERS To the READER.  
WE cannot suppose here that words will be needed to raise opinion; yet it may be expected we should give some account of what we have done, and we will do it. Not long ago we printed that excellent collection of Letters known by the name of Cabala, which the world has seen and approved. Since, another volume of Letters hath come to our hands; a volume which may justly be called a second Cabala, not unworthy to keep that company, a part which must add much to the other, as illustrious in its titles, as considerable and as weighty for the matter. In which, besides not a few noble monuments of the former years from the deserting of the Roman Church by our great Henry downward, of his daughter the most glorious virgin Queen's life and government recorded, some of the same great actions are begun, many continued; much of the policy, contrivances, and workings of the same succeeding Princes and their Ministers, of the carriage of the same things farther prosecuted, and more fully discovered. Like sister-twins of lovely faces they have both apart their native sweetness, their several worths and graces; yet they are not so fully taking, so perfectly beautiful, as where they are drawn together in one frame. In the new more is discovered, not only of the foreign affairs in Germany, Italy, France, Spain, and other Countries whither the interest of the late Reigns engaged the Sovereign actors; but of our home-Councels, Orders, and provisions both for the Church and Commonwealth, enough to show the prudence, judgement; and foresight of those who swayed in chief then, and to let us know now the Ages past have had the honour to be governed by men, who did not permit all things to fortune; who if they could not assure themselves of the events, yet they could command; design, and understand: Their designs and counsels (which will be admirable to some, but ridiculous to others) being ever directed and ruled by equity and justice, ever aiming at honest ends, such as may venture abroad, such as will appear fair and handsome in the light: whereas if we cast our eyes upon the Popes in the same leaves, we shall find nothing but combustions, nothing but fire, brimstone and alarms to war and blood. If upon the French, nothing but inhuman cruelty and violence upon the conscience too. If upon the Imperialists and Spaniards, nothing but artifice, nothing but cunning perfidiousness; all their plots and consultations, their cheating Treaties, tending merely to the advancement of the Austrian house, without any respect to piety and justice, faith or honour. A taste of which unworthiness we find in this second Part, where the Spanish Match is first moved by the Duke of Lerma, the grand Minion in Philip the 3. his reign; this Duke damns himself in oaths for his sincerity and reality toward the Match, which Olivarez, the present King's Favourite, tells his Master here was never intended. It would be too tedious but to touch in passing by, upon the generals in these Letters; upon the calamities and miseries of the Palatine Germans, of the Hugonots, the siege and taking in of Rochel, etc. Heresy and Superstition every where triumphing over truth. To speak of the spirit and worthiness of our Hero's were impossible; we might cull out some Letters here, of which (were there no more) might be said,  
— An hand or eye  
By Hyliard drawn, is worth a History.  
Of these Letters we may safely be believed, though they come out thus late, and are so little known, their merit will easily weigh down the age and fame of those which have gone before.  
Temple-Gate, May 1. 1654. 

G. B.  
T. C.     

ERRATA.  
Pag. 13. movendis for moventib. p. 16. l. 13. deal Statue of usus. l. 17. d. port-corn. p. 21. d. a few days before my departure. p. 20. l. 22. d. opera. p. 33. l. 22. put in not. p. 50. taglaes, r. tailles. 61. tain, r. retain. 75. Quadruials, r. Quadrivials. 77. in, r. in. 80. r. cartel. 81. Lo, r. Lee. 83. nos, r. eos. p. 85. l. 14. put in no less. l. 17. Claudius, r. Clodius. 88 temeriti, r. emeriti. 93. Fintons, r. Fenton. 98. Almonte, r. Ayamonte. 105. d. nimis. l. 13. vel quod in villa villae & in incolarum, etc. l. 17. dislata, r. dilatata, tenenda, r. tenendae. aucupandam, r. aucupanda, obstrictam & reverentiam, r. obstricta est reverentia. vetera, r. veteri. 124. Bristol, r. Digby. 130. l. ult. add requires. 145. r. ewig & einig. 15●. Inijosa, r. Ynoyosa. p. 202. d. Mook or. 229. sacrum & sacrum, r. sacrum & saxum. eadem, r. iter. 241. solely, r. fully.   

A Table of the Letters contained in this COLLECTION.  

KIng Henry 8. to the Clergy of the Province of York, An. 1533. touching his title of Supreme head of the Church of England. P. 1  
Q. Anne of Bullen to K. Henry from the Tower, May 6. 1536. P. 9  
Q. Elizabeth's Letter to the Lady Norris upon the death of the son. P. 10  
Thomas Duke of Norfolk to Queen Elizabeth. P. 11  
A Defiance sent by the Grand-Seignieur to Maximilian the second. P. 12  
Sir John Perrots Commission for Lord Deputy of Ireland. P. 13  
The whole Contents of the Commission for the Lord Deputy. ibid.  
The Queen's Warrant to the Lords etc. of Ireland for ministering the Oath, and delivery of the sword to him, Jan. 31. 1583. P. 14  
Another for his Entertainment there. P. 15  
The Queen's Instructions to him. ibid.  
Sir John Perrot to the Lords of the Council, Jan. 31. 1583. P. 16  
Earl of Desmond to the Earl of Ormond, June 5. 1583. P. 18  
Sir Henry Wallop to the Queen, Aug. 12. 1583. P. 19  
The Earl of Essex to Mir. Secretary Davison. P. 20  
Again to Secretary Davison. P. 21  
Again to Secretary Davison, July 11. 1589. P. 22  
Again to Secretary Davison, ibid.  
E. of Essex to K. James concerning Secretary Davison, April 18. 1587. P. 23  
Earl of Essex to Mr. Secretary Davison. P. 24  
Again to Secretary Davison, upon the death of Secretary Walsingham. P. 25  
Earl of Essex to the Queen. ibid.  
Again to the Queen. P. 26  
Sir Tho. Egerton L. Chancellor to the Earl of Essex. P. 27  
The Earls Answer. P. 29  
Two Letters framed, one as from Mr. Anthony Bacon to the Earl of Essex, to other as the Earls answer. P. 31. & 34  
Lord Mountjoy to the Earl of Essex. P. 35  
Sir Robert Cecil, after Earl of Salisbury, to the Lord Burleigh his father, from France, Feb. 26. 1597: P. 36  
Sir Francis Walsingham Secretary to Mr. Critoy Secretary of France. P. 38  
Sir Fr. Bacon to the Earl of Essex, when Sir Ro. Cecil was in France. P. 42  
Sir Fr. Bacon to the Earl of Essex concerning the Earl of Tyrone. P. 43  
Another to the Earl before his going to Ireland. P. 45  
Another to him after his enlargement. P. 48  
Sir Fr. Bacon to Sir Ro. Cecil, after defeat of the Spaniards in Ireland. ibi  
Considerations touching the Queen's service in Ireland. P. 49  
Sir Fr. Bacon to the L. Treasurer, touching his Speech in Parliament. P. 54  
Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Northampton. P. 55  
To the Lord Kinloss, upon the entrance of King James. P. 56  
To King James. ibid.  
To the Earl of Northumberland, concerning a Proclamation upon the King's entry. P. 58  
To the Earl of Southampton. ibid.  
To the Earl of Northumberland. P. 58  
To Sir Edward Coke, expostulatory. P. 60  
To the same after L. Chief Justice, and in disgrace. ibid.  
To Sir Vincent Skinner, expostulatory. P. 66  
Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Chancellor. P. 71  
To King James. P. 72  
Mr. Edmond anderson's Letter to Sir Francis Bacon. P. 73  
Sir Thomas Bodeley to Sir Francis Bacon, upon his new Philosophy. P. 74  
Mr. George Brook to a Lady in Court. P. 79  
To his Wife. P. 80  
King James to the Major and Aldermen of London, after he was proclaimed, Mar. 28. 1603. P. 81  
The Roman Catholics Petition to King James for Toleration. P. 82  
Sir Walter Raleigh to King James before his Trial. P. 85  
Sir Walter Raleigh to Sir Robert Car, after Earl of Somerset. P. 86  
Sir Tho Egerton Chancellor, after L. Ellesmere, to the E. of Essex. P. 87  
Lord Chancellor Ellesmere to King James. ibid.  
Again to the same King. P. 88  
Sir Francis Norris to King James. P. 89  
A Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland. P. 90  
A Commission to divers Lords, etc. for the delivery of Flushing, Brill, etc. May 14. Jac. 14. P. 92  
A Commission to Visc. Lisle Governor, to deliver them up, May 22. J. 14. P. 93  
Countess of Nottingham to the Danish Ambassador. P. 94  
Sir Charles Cornwallis Lieger in Spain, to the Spanish King, July 23. 1608. ibid.  
Again to the Spanish King, Jan. 16. 1608. P. 98  
Again to the Spanish King, P. 100 & 101  
K James to the University of Cambridge, Mar. 14. 1616. P. 105  
Mr. Ruthen to the Earl of Northumberland, P. 106  
Sir Henry yelverton's submission in the Star-chamber, P. 107  
Ferdinand the second, Emperor, to the Catholic King, P. 109  
Ferdinand Emperor to Don Balthasar de Zuniga, Octob. 15. 1621. P. 110  
K. James to Ferdinand Emp. concerning the Palatinate, Nou. 12. 1621. P. 113  
His Imperial Majesty to King James, Jan. 14. 1621. P. 116  
Earl of Bristol to King James, P. 117  
Ab ignoto to Conde Gondomar, concerning the death of Philip 3. P. 125  
K. James to the Earl of Bristol Ambassador in Spain, Octob. 3. 1622. P. 127  
Earl of Bristol to King James, Octob. 21. 1622. P. 129  
K. Philip the third of Spain to the Conde of Olivarez, P. 133  
Conde Olivarez his answer to the King, ibid.  
K. James to the Earl of Bristol, Octob. 8. 1623. P. 136  
Earl of Bristol in answer to King james, Octob. 9 1623. P. 137  
Again to King james, Novemb. 1. 1623. P. 141  
King james to the Palsgrave, P. 143  
The Palsgraves' answer to King james, P. 145  
Ab Ignoto from Madrid, P. 151  
A Memorial to the King of Spain, by Sir Walter Ashton Ambassador in Spain, Aug. 29. 1624. P. 152  
The Petition of Francis Philips to King james, for the release of Sir Robert Philip's prisoner in the Tower, P. 155  
Oliver St. John to the Major of Marlborough, against the Benevolence. P. 159  
The Justices of Peace in Com. Devon to the Lords of the Council. P. 182  
The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishops, concerning K. James his Directions for Preachers, with the Directions, Aug. 14. 1622. P. 183  
King James his Instructions to the Archbishop of Canterbury, concerning Orders to be observed by Bishops in their Dioceses, 1622. P. 187  
Bishop of Winchester to his Archdeacon to the same effect, P. 189  
The Bishop of Lincoln Lord Keeper, to the Bishop of London concerning Preaching and Catechising. P. 190  
Instructions for the Ministers and Churchwardens of London, P. 193  
Mons. Bevayr Chancellor of France, discharged to the French King. ibid.  
Mons. Richere forced, recants his opinions against the Papal supremacy over Kings, P. 196  
Car. Richlieu to the Roman Catholics of Great Britain, Aug. 25. 1624. P. 197  
Mons. Balsac to the Cardinal de la Valette, ibid.  
Mons. Balsac to the King Lovis, P. 200  
Mons. Toyrax to the Duke of Buckingham, P. 201  
Ab ignoto, concerning the estate of Rochel after the surrender, P. 202  
The Protestants of France to Charles King of Great-Britain, P. 204  
The Duke of Rohan to his Majesty of Great-Britain, Mar. 12. 1628. P. 208  
Pope Greg. 15. to the Inquisitor-general of Spain, April 19 1623. P. 210  
Pope Urban to Lewis the 13. Aug. 4. 1629. P. 211  
The Duke of Buckingham, Chancellor Elect, to the University of Cambridge, june 5. 1626. P. 213  
King Charles to the University of Cambridge, in approbation of their election, june 6. 1626. P. 214  
The University of Cambridge its answer to the Duke, june 6. 1626. P. 215  
The University of Cambridge its answer to the King, P. 216  
A Privy-Seal for transporting of Horse, june 6. 1624. P. 217  
The University of Cambridge to the Duke, P. 218  
The Duke's answer, P. 219  
The Vicechancellor of Cambridge to the King upon the Duke's death, ib.  
King Charles to the University of Cambridge for a new election, P. 220  
The Earl of Holland to the University, P. 221  
The Vnimersity of Cambridge to the King, P. 222  
An Order made at Whitehall betwixt the University and Town of Cambridge, Decemb. 4. 1629. P. 223  
The University of Cambridge to the Archbishop of York, P. 224  
The University of Cambridge to the Earl of Manchester, P. 225  
The University of Cambridge to Sir Humphrey May, P. 226  
Instructions by K. Charles to the Vicechancellor and Heads of Cambridge for Government, etc. Mar. 4. 1629. P. 127  
The University of Cambridge to the Lord chief justice Richardson, P. 228  
The Bishop of Exeter to the Lower-House of Parliament, P. 229  
King Charles to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, P. 230  
A Councel-Table Order against hearing Mass at Ambassadors houses, March 10. 1629. P. 232  
The King of Spain to Pope Urban, Sept. 11. 1629. P. 234  
The Council of Ireland to King Charles, in defence of the Lord Deputy Faulkland, Aug. 28. 1629. P. 235  
Ab ignoto, Of the affairs of Spain, France, and Italy, June 5. 1629. P. 239  
The Lords of the Council of England, to the Lords of the Council of Ireland, Jan. 31. 1629. P. 240  
The Lord faulkland's Petition to the King, P. 242  
The Duke of Modena to the Duke of Savoy, July 30. 1629. P. 243  
Sir Kenelm Digby to Sir Edward straddling, P. 244  
Mr. Gargrave to the Lord Davers, P. 253  
A Declaration of Ferdinand Infanta of Spain, July 5. 1636. P. 257   
FINIS.   

King HENRY the 8. to the Clergy of the Province of York, An. 1533. Touching his Title of Supreme Head of the Church of England.  
RIght Reverend Father in God, Right trusty and well-beloved, We greet you well, and have received your Letters dated at York the 6. of May, containing a long discourse of your mind and opinion concerning such words as hath passed the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the Proem of their Grant made unto us, the like whereof should now pass in that Province. Albeit ye interlace such words of submission of your Judgement, and discharge of your duty towards us with humble fashion and behaviour, as we cannot conceive displeasure nor be miscontent with you, considering what you have said to us in times passed in other matters, and what ye confess in your Letters yourself to have heard and known, noting also the effect of the same; We cannot but marvel at sundry points and Articles, which we shall open unto you, as hereafter followeth.  
First, ye have heard (as ye say ye have) the said words to have passed in the Convocation of Canterbury, where were present so many learned in Divinity and Law, as the Bishops of Rochester, London, S. Assaph. Abbots of Hyde, S. Bennets, and many other; and in the Law the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Bath; and in the Lower House of the Clergy so many notable and great Clerks, whose persons and learning you know well enough. Why do ye not in this case with your self as you willed us in our great matter, conform your conscience to the conscience and opinion of a great number? Such was your advice to us in the same (our great matter) which now we perceive ye take for no sure counsel; for ye ●earch the grounds, not regarding their say. Nevertheless forasmuch as ye examine their grounds, causes and reasons, in doing whereof ye seem rather to seek and examine that thing which might disprove their do, then that which might maintain the same, We shall answer you briefly without long discourse to the chief points of your said Letters: wherein taking for a ground, that words were ordained to signify things, and cannot therefore by sinister interpretation alter the truth of them, but only in the wits of perverse persons that would blind or colour the same, by reason whereof to good men they signify that they mean only doing their office, and to men of worse sort they serve for maintenance of such meaning as they would imagine: so in using words we ought only to regard and consider the expression of the truth in convenient speech and sentences, without overmuch scruple of super-perverse interpretations, as the malice of men may excogitate: wherein both overmuch negligence is not to be commended, and too much diligence is not only by daily experience in men's writings and laws shown frustrate and void; insomuch as nothing can be so clearly and plainly written, spoken and ordered, but that subtle wit hath been able to subvert the same; but also the Spirit of God, which in his Scripture taught us the contrary, as in the places which ye bring in & rehearse:— if the Holy Ghost had had regard to that which might have been perversely construed of these words, Pater major me est; and the other, Ego & Pater unum sumus▪ there should have been added to the first humanitas, to the second substantia. And wherefore doth the Scripture call Christ primogenitum? whereupon, and the Adverb donec, was maintained the error contra perpetuam virginitatem Mariae. Why have we in the Church S. Paul's Epistle, which S. Peter writeth to have been the occasion of errors? Why did Christ speak of many words, which the Jews drew ad calumniam, and yet reform them not? as when he said, Solvam Templum hoc, etc. meaning of his body, where Templum with them had another signification; And such other like? There is none other cause but this, Omnia quae scripta sunt, ad nostram doctrinam scripta sunt. And by that Learning we ought to apply and draw words to the truth, and so to understand them as they may signify truth, and not so to wrest them as they should maintain a lie. For otherwise as Heretics have done with the holy Scripture, so shall all men do with familiar speech; and if all things shall be brought into familiar disputation, he that shall call us Supremum & unicum Dominum, by that means, and as goeth your argument, might be reproved: For Christ is indeed unicus Dominus & Supremus, as we confess him in the Church daily; and now it is in opinion that Sancti be not Mediators: The contrary whereof ye affirm in your Letters, because of the Text of S. Paul, Vnus est Mediator Deum & hominum. And after that manner of reason which ye use in the entry, if any man should say, This Land is mine own, and none hath right in it but I; he might be reproved by the Psalm, Domini est terra: For why should a man call terram aliquam only his, whereof God is the chief Lord and Owner? Why is it admitted in familiar speech to call a man dead, of whom the soul which is the chief and best part yet liveth? How is it that we say this man or that man to be founder of this Church, seeing that in one respect God is only founder? We say likewise that he is a good man to the Church, a special benefactor of the Church: and that the Church is fallen down, when the stones be fallen down, the people preserved and living. And in all this manner of speech when we hear them, it is not accustomed ne used to do as ye do, that is to say, to draw the word Church to that sentence wherein the speech may be a lie, but to take it in that wherein it signifieth truth. Which accustomed manner if ye had followed, you should not have needed to have laboured so much in the declaration of the word Ecclesia, in that signification wherein it is most rarely taken, and cannot without maintenance of too manifest a lie be applied to any man. For taking Ecclesia in that sense ye take it, S. Paul wrote amiss writing to the Corinthians, saying, Ecclesia Dei quae est Corinthi: for by your definition, non circumscribitur loco Ecclesia. In the Gospel where Christ said Dic Ecclesiae, must needs have another interpretation and definition than ye make de Ecclesia in your said Letters, or else it were hard to make complaint to all Christendom, as the case in the Gospel requireth. Sed est candidi pectoris verba veritati accommodare, ut ipsam referre quod eorum officium est non corrumpere videantur. Furthermore the Lawyers that writ how Ecclesia fallit & fallitur, what blasphemy do they affirm, if that definition should be given to Ecclesia which you writ in your Letters, wherein albeit ye writ the truth for so far, yet for as much as ye draw that to the words spoken of us to the reprobation of them, yet ye show yourselves contrary to the teaching of Scripture, rather inclined by applying a divers definition to make that a lie which is truly spoken, then genuino sensu addita & candida interpretatione to verify the same. It were nimis absurdum, Us to be called Caput Ecclesiae representans corpus Christi mysticum, & Ecclesiae quae sine ruga est & macula quam Christus sibi Sponsam elegit, illius partem vel oblatam accipere vel arrogare. And therefore albeit Ecclesia is spoken of in these words, touched in the Proem, yet there is added, Et Cleri Anglicani: which words conjoined restraineth by way of interpretation the word Ecclesiam, and is as much to say as the Church, that is to say the Clergy of England. Which manner of speaking in the Law ye have professed ye many times find, and likewise in many other places.  
But proceeding in your said Letter, ye have showed Christ to be Caput Ecclesiae, ye go about to show how he divided his power in earth after the distinction temporalium & spiritualium, whereof the one ye say he committed to Princes, the other Sacerdotibus; for Princes, ye allege Texts which showeth and proveth obedience due to Princes of all men without distinction, be he Priest, Clerk, Bishop, or Layman, who make together the Church: and albeit your own words make mention of temporal things, wherein ye say they should be obeyed; yet the Texts of Scripture which ye allege having the general words obedite & subditi estote contain not such words, whereby spiritual things should be excluded; but whatsoever appertaineth to the tranquillity of man's life is of necessity included, as the words plainly import, as ye also confess; wherefore Gladium portat Prince ps not only against them that break his Commandment and Laws, but against him also that in any wise breaketh God's Law; For we may not more regard our Law then God, ne punish the breach of our Laws, and leave the transgressor of God's Laws unreformed: so as all spiritual things by reason whereof may arise bodily trouble and inquietation, be necessarily included in Prince's Power, and so proveth the Text of Scripture by you alleged: and also the Doctors by you brought in, confirm the same. After that ye intent to prove, which no man will deny, the ministration of spiritual things to have been by Christ committed to Priests to Preach and minister the Sacraments, them to be as Physicians to men's souls; but in these Scriptures neither by spiritual things so far extended, as under colour of that vocabule be now adays, ne it proveth not that their office being never so excellent, yet their persons, acts and deeds, should not be under the power of their Prince by God assigned, whom they should knowledge as their Head; the excellency of the matter of the Office doth not always in all points extol the dignity of the Minister. Christ who did most perfectly use the Office of a Priest, & nihil aliud quam vere curavit animas, gainsaid not the authority of Pilate upon that ground; and St. Paul executing the Office of a Priest, said, ad tribunal Caesaris sto, ubi me judicari oportet: And commanded likewise indistinctly all others to obey Princes, and yet unto those Priests being as members executing that Office, Princes do honour, for so is God's pleasure and commandment; wherefore howsover ye take the words in the proheme, we indeed do show and declare that Priests and Bishops preaching the word of God, ministering the Sacraments according to Christ's Law, and refreshing our people with ghostly and spiritual food, we not only secure and defend them for tranquillity of their life, but also with our presence, and otherwise do honour them as the case requireth, for so is God's pleasure: Like as the husband, although he be head of the wife, yet saith S. Paul, Non habet vir potestatem sui corp●ris, sed mulier, and so is in that respect under her: And having our Mother in our Realm, by the commandment of God we shall honour her, and yet she for respect of our dignity shall honour us by God's commandment likewise: And the Minister is not always the better man, sed cui ministratur; the Physician is not better than the Prince, because he can do that the Prince cannot, viz. curare morbum. In consecration of Archbishops, do not Bishops give more dignity by their ministration than they have themselves? The Doctors ye bring in, taking for their Theme to extol Priesthood, prefer it to the dignity of a Prince; after which manner of reasoning it may be called dignius imperare affectibus quam populis, and so every good man in consideration of every dignity to excel a King not living so perfectly as he doth. And why is a Bishop better than a Priest, seeing and considering in the matter of their office Episcopus etiam si administret plura, non tamen administrat majora. Emperors and Princes obey Bishops and Priests as doers of the message of Christ, and his Ambassadors for that purpose: which done, statim fiunt privati, and in order and quietness of living knowledge Princes as head. For what meant Justinian the Emperor to make Laws de Episcopis & Clericis, and such other spiritual matters, if he he had not been persuaded Illi esse curam Ecclesiae à Deo mandatam? This is true, that Princes be filii Ecclesiae, that is to say, illius Ecclesiae which ye define: wherewith it may agree that they be nevertheless Suprema Capita of the Congregations of Christian men in their Countries; like as in smaller number of Christian men, Non est absurdum vocare Superiores capita, as they be called indeed, and may be called Primi & Supremi, in respect of those Countries. And why else doth the Pope suffer any other besides himself to be called Archbishop, seeing that he himself indeed challengeth to be Princeps Apostolorum & Episcoporum in Peter's stead, which the name of an Archbishop utterly denieth. But by addition of the Country they save the sense: whereunto in us to be called Ecclesiae Anglicanae ye at the last agree, so that there were added in temporalibus; which addition were superfluous, considering that men being here themselves earthly and temporal, cannot be head and Governor to things eternal, nor yet spiritual, taking that word spiritual not as the common speech abuseth it, but as it signifieth indeed: For, quae spiritu aguntur, nulla lege estr●●guntur, as the Scripture saith, Quae Spiritu Dei aguntur libera sunt. And if ye take Spiritualibus for Spiritual men, that is to say, Priests, Clerks, their good acts and deeds worldly, in all this both we and all other Princes be at this day chief and heads, after whose ordinance either in general or in particular they be ordered and governed. For, leaving old stories, and considering the state of the world in our time, is there any Convocation where Laws be made for the order of our Clergy, but such as by our authority is assembled? And why should not we say as justinian said, Omnia nostra facimus quibus à nobis impartitur aucthoritas? Is any Bishop made but he submitteth himself to us, and acknowledgeth himself as Bishop to be our subject? Do not we give our Licence and assent to the election of Abbots? And this is concerning the Persons and Laws spiritual. As touching their goods, it is in all men's opinions learned in our Laws, Extra controversiam, that debate and controversy of them appertaineth to our decision and Order. And as for the living of the Clergy, some notable offences we reserve to our correction, some we remit by our sufferance to the Judges of the Clergy; as murder, felony and treason, and such like enormities we reserve to our examination; other crimes we leave to be ordered by the Clergy; not because we may not intermeddle with them, for there is no doubt but as well might we punish adultery and insolence in Priests, as Emperors have done, and other Princes eaten this day do; which ye know well enough; so as in all those Articles concerning the persons of Priests, their Laws, their Acts and order of living, forasmuch as they be indeed all temporal, and concerning this present life only, in those we (as we be called) be indeed in this Realm Caput; and because there is no man above us here, be indeed supremum Caput. As to spiritual things, meaning by them the sacraments, being by God ordained as instruments of efficacy & strength, whereby grace is of his infinite goodness conferred upon his people; forasmuch as they be no worldly nor temporal things, they have no worldly nor temporal head but only Christ that did institute them, by whose ordinance they be ministered here by mortal men, elect, chosen and ordered as God hath willed for that purpose, who be the Clergy; who for the time they do that, and in that respect tanquam ministri versantur in his quae hominum potestati non subjiciuntur, in quibus si male versantur sine scandalo Deum ultorem habent si cum scandalo hominum cognitio & vindicta est. Wherein, as is before said, either the Prince is chief doer, r his authority proceeded to the execution of the same; as when by sufferance or privilege the Prelates intromit themselves therein; wherefore in that which is derived from the Prince at the beginning, why should any obstacle or scruple be to call him Head from whom that is derived? Such things as although they be amongst men, yet they be indeed Divina, quoniam supra nos sunt nihil ad nos.— And being called Head of all we be not in deed nor in name to him that would sincerely understand it head of such things being not spiritual as they be not temporal, and yet to those words spoken of us adevitandam illam calumniam, there is added quantum per legem Christi licet; for interpretation of which Parenthesis your similitude added of homo immortalis est quantum per naturae legem licet, is nothing like; for naturae lex is not immortality, as is lex Christi to superiority: for lex naturae ne speaketh, ne can mean of any immortality at all, considering that the law of Nature ordaineth mortality in all things; but Christ's law speaketh of superiority, admitteth superiority, showeth also and declareth obediendum esse Principibus, as ye do allege. Wherefore if the law of God permitteth superiority, and commandeth obedience: to examine and measure modum obedientiae & superioritatis, there can to no other thing so good a relation be made. For as ye understand the Scripture, though it say nay to part, it saith not nay to the whole, whereas nature denieth utterly all immortality; and so though in speaking of immortality of man it were superfluous to say quantum per naturae legem licet; yet is not so speaking de superioritate & modo Principatus, referring the certain limits to the law or Christi, ad cujus normam quicquid quadrat planum & rectum est, quicquid non quadrat pravum & iniquum. And as touching the doubt and difficulty you make to give a single answer yea or no, for that the question propounded containeth two things, whereof the one is true th'other false, as ye say, meaning as ye writ, that in temporalibus we be Caput, and in spiritualibus we be not. It seemeth that neither your example agreeth in similitude with that ye bring it in for, nor is there in learning or common speech used the scrupulosity in answers ye writ of. Truth it is, that the question in plain words containeth two parts expressly, whereof the one is true, th'other false; our yea or nay cannot be answered▪ for there should appear a manifest lie, which Gods law detesteth, and naturally is abhorred: as if it should be asked Us, if We were King of England and of Denmark our nay or yea should not suffice: But it is fare otherwise both in matters of Learning and common speech, where the words in the question may by divers interpretations or relations contain two things, and yet in expression contain but one: As if a man should ask Us, An filius & pater unum sunt? We would not doubt to answer and say, Yea, as the Scripture saith, for it is truly answered, and to make a lie is but Sophistication, drawing the word unum to person, wherein it is a lie. If one were asked the question, Whether the man and wife were one, he might boldly and truly say, Yea, and yet it is distinctione corporum naturalium a lie, and to the question, Vtrum Ecclesiam constet ex bonis & malis; Yea, and yet as ye define Ecclesiam it it is a lie. The reason of diversity is this, for th●t it is not supposed men would abuse words, but apply them to signify truth, and not to signify a lie, wherein the Arrians offending, took occasion of heresies.  
For that which is in Scripture written is a most certain truth; and as it is there written, so and no otherwise would Christ have answered, if the question had been asked An Pater esset major illo? he would have said yea, as it is written. And if the Arrians would have taken for a truth that of him that is truth, and speaketh truth, and from whom proceedeth but truth, they would have brought a distinction with them to set forth truly, and not disprove that it was truly written, by sophistication of the word. When S. James wrote, Fides sine operibus mortua est, he wrote truth; and so did S. Paul, Quod fides justificat absque operibus legis: which it could not do, if it were mortua. Either of these made a single asseveration of a sentence, by interpretation containing two; trusting that the Reader would pio animo so understand them, as their say might, as they do indeed, agree with truth. It is never to be thought men will willingly & without shame lie; And therefore the sense, if any may be gathered true, or like to be true, is to be taken, and not that which is a lie. And when we writ to the Pope Sanctissimo, we mean not holier than S. Peter, though it sound so; and he that in our Letters should object that, should be thought ridiculous. He that should say he road beyond the sea, were not conveniently interrupted in his tale by him that would object sailing upon the sea, where he could not ride at all. And rather than men would note a lie when they know what is meant, they will sooner by allegory or methaphor draw the word to the truth, then by cavillation of the word note a lie. Hath not the Pope been called Caput Ecclesiae? and who hath put any addition unto it? Have not men said that the Pope may dispense cum Jure divino, and yet in a part Juris divini, viz. moralis & naturalis, the same men would say he might not dispense: wherefore if in all other matters it was never thought inconvenient to speak absolutely the truth without distinction, why should there be more scruple in our case? The truth cannot be changed by words: that we be, as God's law suffereth us to be, whereunto we do and must conform ourselves. And if ye understand, as ye ought to understand Temporalibus for the passing over this life in quietness, ye at last descend to agree to that which in the former part of your Letters you intent to impugn; and sticking to that, it were most improperly spoken to say, We be illus Ecclesiae Caput in temporalibus, which hath not temporalia.   

Queen Anne of Bullen to King Henry from the Tower, May 6. 1536.  SIR, 
YOur Grace's displeasure and my imprisonment are things so strange unto me, as what to write or what to excuse I am altogether ignorant. Whereas you send unto me (willing me to confess a truth, and so to obtain your favour) by such a one whom you know to be my ancient professed enemy, I no sooner received this message, than I rightly conceived your menning: And if, as you say, confessing a truth indeed may procure my safety, I shall with all willingness and duty perform your command; but let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor wife will ever be brought to acknowledge a fault, where not so much as a thought ever proceeded: And to speak a truth, never Prince had wife more loyal in all duty and in all true affection, than you have ever found in Anne Bullen: with which name and place I could willingly have contented myself, if God and your Grace's pleasure had so been pleased. Neither did I at any time forget myself in my exaltation, or received Queenship, but that I always looked for such an alteration as now I find, the ground of my preferment being on no surer foundation than your Grace's fancy, the least alteration whereof I knew was fit and sufficient to draw that fancy to some other subject.  
You have chosen me from a low estate to be your Queen and Companion, far beyond my desert or desire. If then you find me worthy of such honour, Good your Grace let not any light fancy or bad council of my Enemies withdraw your Princely favour from me; neither let that stain, that unworthy stain of a disloyal heart towards your good Grace ever cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful wife, and the Infant-Princess your daughter. Try me, good King, but let me have a lawful trial, and let not my sworn enemies sit as my accusers and Judges: yea let me receive an open Trial, for my truths shall fear no open shames: then shall you see either my innocence cleared, your suspicion and conscience satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the world stopped, or my guilt openly declared. So that whatsoever God or you may determine of me, your Grace may be freed from an open censure; and my offence being so lawfully proved, your Grace is at liberty both before God and man, not only to execute worthy punishment on me as an unfaithful wife, but to follow your affection already settled on that party for whose sake I am now as I am, whose name I could some while since have pointed to, your Grace being not ignorant of my suspicion therein. But if you have already determined of me, and that not only my death, but an infamous slander must bring you the enjoying of a desired happiness, than I desire of God that he will pardon your great sin herein, and likewise my enemies the instruments thereof, and that he will not call you to a strict account for your unprincely and cruel usage of me at his general Judgment-seat, where both you and myself must both shortly appear, and in whose just judgement I doubt not, whatsoever the world may think of me, my innocence shall be openly known and sufficiently cleared.  
My last and only request shall be, That myself may bear the burden of your Grace's displeasure, and that it may not touch the innocent souls of those poor Gentlemen who as I understand are in straight imprisonment for my sake. If ever I have found favour in your sight, if ever the name of Anne Bullen have been pleasing in your ears, let me obtain this last request, and I will so leave to trouble your Grace any further, with my earnest prayers to the Trinity to have your Grace in his good keeping, and to direct you in all your actions.  
From my doleful prison in the Tower, this sixth of May. Your most loyal and faithful wife, ANNE BULLEN.   

Queen Elizabeth's Letter to the Lady Norris upon the death of her Son.  
ALthough we have deferred long to represent unto you our grieved thoughts, because we liked full well to yield you the first reflections of our misfortunes, whom we have always sought to cherish and comfort; yet knowing now that necessity must bring it to your ears, and nature consequently must move many passionate affections in your heart, we have resolved no longer to smother either our care for your sorrow, or the sympathy of our grief for his death; wherein if society in sorrowing work diminution, we do assure you by this true messenger of our mind, that Nature can have stirred no more dolorous affections in you as a mother, for a dear son, than the gratefulness and memory of his services past hath wrought in Us his Sovereign, apprehension of the miss of so worthy a servant. But now that nature's common work is done, and he that was born to die hath paid his tribute; let that Christian discretion stay the flux of your immoderate grieving, which hath instructed you both by example and knowledge, that nothing of this kind hath happened but by God's providence; and that these lines from your loving and gracious Sovereign, serve to assure you, that there shall ever appear the lively characters of you and yours that are left, in our valuing rightly all their faithful and honest endeavours. More we will not write of this subject, but have dispatched this Gentleman to visit both your Lord, and condole with you in the true sense of your love, and to pray you, that the world may see, that what time cureth in weak minds, that discretion and moderation may help in you in this accident, where there is so opportune occasion to demonstrate true patience and true moderation.   

Thomas Duke of Norfolk to Queen Elizabeth.  
O Most dear and dread Sovereign and Lady Queen, and most gracious Mistress,  
when I consider with myself how far I have transgressed my duty to your most gracious Majesty, I dare not now presume to look up or hope for your gracious favour, I confess myself so far unworthy thereof: but again, when I look into your Highness manifold merciful and most pitiful nature, of which so many have so abundantly tasted of since your Majesty's most prosperous reign, I am emboldened with penitent and sorrowful heart, to make my trembling hand to offer unto your Highness my most rueful & lowly submission, having none other means to ease my oppressed mind, I am for my sins and disobedience to ask pardon, that is, of Almighty God, and of your most excellent Majesty: the first I have done to Almighty God, and so I by the grace of him will continue with a new heart and full mind of amendment, not doubting but ask mercy, to receive it, according to the Scripture, he that knocketh at the door shall have it opened unto him. Now do I prostrate myself at your Highness most gracious feet, my poor children, and all that I have, hoping more in your Majesty's most gracious clemency, then in any of mine unadvised deserts; I seek to excuse myself no way, but wholly submit myself to what shall please your most merciful heart like a most gracious Queen to a man that hath been astray, who finding mercy hath afterwards with bad service oftentimes redoubled his former folly. O most noble Queen, it is in your most gracious power to make of my wretched mould what it pleaseth you, my faith and religion reserved to my Saviour, my body being already to your Highness' subject, and imprisoned for my most just desert, I dedicate my mind and heart to be hereafter as it shall please your Majesty to direct it; I do not seek favour at your Majesty's hands in respect of my former good service, I confess undutifulness hath now blotted the same out, neither dare I remember which heretofore was my greatest comfort, because I deserve not that honour which was that it hath pleased your Highness to account me indeed your unworthy kinsman. woe wretch that day when I entered into that matter which hath made such alteration of your Majesty's most gracious favour unto me, and hath heaped upon myself these intolerable troubles. O unworthy that I am, that in all the days of my life counting upon nothing but a quiet life, I take God to witness, whatsoever some have judged the contrary of me, I was so unhappy to give ear to that which hath done, and ever was like to bring me to the contrary.   

A Defiance sent by the Grand Signior to Maximilian the second.  
BY the sufferance of the great God, We Solyman, God in earth, great and high Emperor of all the world, Patron and Distributer of all Christians, We send and declare unto thee Maximilian, all wrath and ill fortune and infidelity, and to all thy Princes, subjects and helpers, We give it known unto thee, That We by the sufferance of the great God, named the Perpetual and Universal God in earth, most mighty Emperor, Sultan in Babylon, Lord of Armenia, the most mightiest in Persipolis and Numidia, the great helper of God, Prince from the Road of Barbary unto the mountains of Achaia, King of Kings from the Meridian to the Septentrian of the earth, from the rising place of the Sun to the setting of it, the first and chiefest, placed in the Paradise of Mahomet, the destroyer of all Christendom, and of all Christians, and that do profess Christianity, the keeper and defender of the Sepulchre of thy God crucified, the only victorious and triumphant Lord of all the world, and of all Circuits and Provinces thereof: Thou Maximilian, which writest thyself King of our Kingdom of Hungary, which is under our Crown and obeisance, We will visit thee for that cause, and also persuade thee that with our strength and force of thirteen Kingdoms with might and strength, to the number of one hundred thousand as well Horsemen as Footmen prepared for war, with all the power and strength of Turkish munition, and with such power as thou nor none of thy servants have seen, heard, or had knowledge of, even before thy chief City Vienna, and the Country thereabouts: We Solyman, God on earth, against thee with all thy assisters and helpers, with our Warlike strength, do pronounce & protest your uttermost destruction and depopulation, as we can by all means possible devise it. And this we we will signify unto thee, to the which thou and thy miserable people may prepare yourselves. With us it is determined, with our men appointed, thee and all thy Germane Kingdoms and Provinces altogether to spoil: This misery we have consented unto against thee and thy Princes, and have thou no doubt but we will come.  
Dated in the City of Constantinople, out of the which we did expulse your predecessors, their wives, children and friends, and made them most miserable slaves and captives, the year of our reign forty seven.   

Sir John Perrots Commission for Lord Deputy of Ireland.  
ELizabetha Dei gratia etc. omnibus ad quos presentes literae pervenerint, salut.  
Sciatis quod nos certis urgentibus causis & considerationibus nos specialiter movendis, de provida circumspectione & industria praedilecti & fidelis nobis Johannis Perrot milit. plenius confidentes de advisamento Concilii nostri assignavimus, fecimus, ordinavimus, constituimus & deputavimus, & per praesentes assignavimus, etc. eundem Johannem Perrot milit. Deputat. nostrum Generalem Regni nostri Hiberniae, habend. tenend. gaudend. exercend. & occupand. officium praedict. eidem Johanni Perrot milit. durante beneplacito nostro dantes & concedentes eidem Deputat. nostro Generali plenam tenore praesentium potestatem ad pacem nostram ac ad leges & consuetudines regni nostri praedict. custodiend. & custodirifaciend. & ad omnes & singulas leges nostras, etc.   

The whole Contents of the Commission for the Lord Deputy.  
TO conserve the peace, to punish offenders, to make Orders and Proclamations, to receive offenders to grace, to give pardons and impose fines, to levy forces, to fight and make peace, to dispose Rebels lands, to pardon all treasons saving touching the Queen's person, and counterfeiting of coin; to give offices, saving the Chancellor, Treasurer, two chief Justices, chief Baron and Master of the Rolls; to dispose of Ecclesiastical live, except Archbishops and Bishops; to receive homage and the oath, to make provision for his household according to the ancient custom; to assemble the Parliament with her Majesty's privity, to receive the account of Officers, saving the Treasurers, to exercise martial law.   

The Queen's Warrant to the Lords, etc. of Ireland for ministering the Oath, and delivery of the Sword to him, 31 jan. 1583.  RIght Reverend Father in God, right trusty & well-beloved, and trusty and right well-beloved, we greet you well: 
Whereas upon the departure from thence of our right trusty and well-beloved the Lord Grace of Wilton, late our Deputy there, we thought it meet for our government there, to appoint you jointly to have the place of our Justices, until such time as we should resolve to send another thither to be our Deputy there; We let you wit, that meaning now no longer to burden you with such a charge; wherein you have, according to the trust imposed in you, very wisely behaved yourselves, greatly to our contentation, we have chosen and appointed our right trusty and well-beloved Sir Jo. Perrot Knight, this bearer, to be our Deputy of that our said Realm, & that for that purpose to send him presently thither: Wherefore our will and pleasure is, and by virtue of these our Letters we authorise you, upon the view of our letters Patents made and delivered unto him in that behalf, both to minister unto him the oath accustomed to be given unto the Deputy there, & also to deliver unto him the Sword, as heretofore hath been used. And further, that you communicate unto him amply the present estate of that our Realm, and of all our affairs there for his better instruction, at his entrance into that Government, and the advancement of our service. And these our Letters shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalf▪  
Given under our Signet, etc. the last of January 1583. the 26 year of our reign.   

Another for his Entertainment there.  
TRusty and well-beloved, we greet you well.  
Whereas we have now appointed our right trusty and well-beloved Sir John Perrot Knight to be our Deputy in that our Realm of Ireland, for which Office allowance aswell of diets as of entertainments for certain Horsemen is to be given him: These be therefore to let you wit, that we allow unto him for his ordinary diet one hundred pounds sterling, according to the last Establishment in March 1589. and for his Retinue fifty Horsemen and fifty Footmen, with such wages for every Horsman and Footman and for their Officers, as was allowed to Sir William Fitzwilliams and Sir Henry Sidney Knights, in the late times of their Governments in that Realm. After which rates as well for his own diet, as for the said fifty Horsemen and fifty Footmen, and for their Officers, We will and command you to make payment to him during his employment and service in that place, from the date of our Letters-Patents authorising him to that government; And these our Letters shall be sufficient Warrant as well to you as to any Treasurer or Vice-treasurer there for the time being, and to your and their Substitutes, as also to the Auditor or his Deputies, and to all other Commissioners to be appointed over your Accounts, to pass and allow the same payments to you accordingly.  
Given etc. the fourth of April 1583. in the 26. year of our Reign of England, etc.   

The Queen's Instructions to him.  
YOU shall see immediately upon your arrival into that Realm assembled our Council there, and confer with them what course of Government upon due consideration had of the present estate of the said Realm may be held, so as Justice may take place, our Charges be lessened, our Revenues increased, and our Subjects there not oppressed.  
You shall also consider what Forces are meet to be continued in pay, and how the rest chargeable unto us and burdensome unto the Country may be discharged; and also how the Horsemen and Footmen serving there may be reduced to their old pay, which by reason of the general Rebellion in that Realm (the Country being wasted) we were driven to increase: And therefore we see no reason but the Band residing in those Countries that are not wasted may live well enough of the old pay, especially being victualled by us; and for the ease and diminishing of our charges in that behalf, We do think it meet that you should treat with those Countries that are not wasted, as well in Munster or elsewhere in that Realm, to see if you can draw them with good contentment to contribute something towards the finding of that Garrison, at Carberrie heretofore hath done.  
And for that our Subjects in that Realm, etc.  
To advise of the inhabiting of Munster, the attainted Lands to be let out at easy rents. Survey, certify what States, Statute of Vsus. 5. Port-Corn. 6. Th'attainted Lands to be bestowed in reward upon Servitors. 7. Younger Brothers of Noblemen, Diminish Pensioners. 9 Review former Instructions. 10— 11. Renewing of forfeited Leases for three years: Beef, Port-Corn, Remittal of Arrearages. 12. Reversion of Lands to the Governors. 13. Lands of the attainted to be appointed to house-keeping. 14. Reservation of Timber-woods. 15. Residence of Officers. 16. Report to the State outrages of disloyal Subjects. 17. Profits of Customs, Escheats, etc. 19 Establishment for Connaught. 20. Precedent for Munster, allowance begin at May, Transportation. 21. Councillors, B. of Meath, John Norris, Richard Bi●gham, Tho. Strange. 22. Refer the choice of a person to the Chancellor and others. 23. Certificate of the last Treasurer's Receipts and Expenses.  
Every one of these Articles doth contain half a side of Paper, and therefore I have rather thought fit to abbreviate them then to transcribe them at large, the whole Contents being contained in this Abbreviation.   

Sir John Perrot to the Lords of the Council. Jan. 31. 1585.  
May it please your good Lordships,  
ALthough I and this Council have by our joynt-Letters truly declared unto you the dutiful state of things here, and the causes both foreign and domestical whereupon we gather it; and withal have showed our extreme wants, and what supplies are desired: Yet understanding thence, but not from your Lordships, (for I have had no kind of advertisements, answer, or resolution from the same these twelve months) that there is a great preparation made by the Spanish King against the Realm, and that your Lordships have intelligence thereof; I cannot but as one whose chief charge and care it is, importune your Lordships to cast your eye more carefully this way, humbly praying you to consider what case we are in to try with a most mighty Prince, whether this Realm shall be still her Majesties or his, if there be any such matters (as your Lordships know best) than I beseech your Lordships to think whether it be more safety to say that we have sent provision to encounter the danger, or else you will send when perhaps it will be too late. And withal for mine own discharge, if I shall tarry, and have nothing wherewith: I have but a life to yield for her Majesty and my Country; for the loss thereof I grieve not, but rather for the harm that through defects I fear may come to her Majesty and the State, and the shame I shall leave behind me. This foreign preparation, if there be any such thing, is likely to be spent against Munster, to seize upon and to spoil the Cities and Towns of the same, which in truth are very weak. If I shall go thither, what for the late wars, and this last bad season, there is not so much to be had there as will maintain that one Band of 200. that is under Mr. Thomas Norris the Vicepresident there, but that I am enforced to shift them from Town to Town, who by reason of their extreme penury do receive them with great grief and grudge. And though I had men sufficient to encounter the Enemy that should come, yet for want of victuals I should be driven to abandon the place with danger and shame, where they that are to come over are like to bring their provision with them, and to settle it in some Town that they will soon seize upon for that purpose: whereof what may ensue amongst this unconstant people naturally delighting in change, your Lordships may soon gather. Besides this that I have said of the bare estate of Munster, where there is not so much to be had as will serve for mine own family, or yet to feed my horses till grass grow, I refer you to understand not only the same more fully, but also the great wants of the rest of the Realm by the declaration here enclosed, which as Beverley the Victualler maketh it, so I know it to be true. And therefore I most humbly beseech your Lordships to send speedy order, that such a Staple of victuals may be provided and be sent over, as your Lordships shall think requisite to serve as well for the numbers here already, as also for those that are to be sent over to encounter such an accident as may fall out. And herein I would wish your Lordships to consider the winds and weather, how untowardly they have framed this year: for as some have lain at Chester nine weeks to come over hither, so hath there been no passage since this six weeks. Moreover if there be such purposes in hand, it were good some shipping were dispatched for the guard of the Coasts. And to all these and other difficulties, may I with your Lordship's favour add one more to be considered of, How weakly I am seconded, if need fall out by those foreign attempts, whereof I would say little for any other cause: The Marshal is old, and not able either to ride on go; the Master of the Ordnance is both absent, and old, and I wish there were a more sufficient man in his place: The Lord President and Sir William Stanley, who are men of good conduct, are drawn away: Sir H. Harrington, Mr. Edward Barkley, and the Senescal Dantry are suffered to remain still there; but I humbly pray they may be sped away, together with all other that are Servitors by any manner of pay there. And so having herein discharged my duty, I humbly end.  
From the Castle of Dublin, the last of January 1585. Your Lordship's most humble at commandment, JOHN PERROT.   

Earl of Desmond to the Earl of Ormond, june 5. 1583.  
My Lord,  
GReat is my grief when I think how heavily her Majesty is bend to disfavour me; and howbeit I carry the name of an undutiful Subject, yet God knoweth that my heart and mind are always most lowly inclined to serve my most loving Prince, so it may please her Highness to remove her heavy displeasure from me. As I may not condemn myself of disloyalty to her Majesty, so cannot I excuse my faults, but must confess that I have incurred her Majesty's indignation; yet when the cause and means which were found and devised to make me commit folly shall be known to her Highness, I rest in an assured hope that her most gracious Majesty will both think of me as my heart deserveth, and also of those that wrung me into undutifulness, as their cunning device meriteth. From my heart I am sorry that folly, bad counsels, sleights, or any other thing hath made me to forget my duty: And therefore I am most desirous to get conference with your Lordship, to the end I may open and declare to you how tyrannously I was used, humbly craving that you will vouchsafe to appoint some time and place where and when I may attend your Honour, and then I doubt not to make it appear how dutiful a mind I carry, how faithfully I have at mine own charge served her Majesty before I was proclaimed, how sorrowful I am for my offences, and how faithfully I am affected ever hereafter to serve her Majesty.  
And so I commit your Lordship to God, the 5. of June 1583. Subscribed GIRALD DESMOND.   

Sir Henry Wallop to the Queen, 12. Aug. 1583.  
IT may please your Majesty, a rumour hath been raised not long since at Dublin (I know not how, nor by what particular person, but strongly confirmed since the last passage out of England) (neither doth your service now in hand upon this Northern border, suffer me to examine it) that your Majesty conceived some hard opinion of me, from which your Highness is not yet removed; but what the offence is, or how conceived, is neither by the reporters published, nor secretly revealed unto me: And like as it is easy to judge what effects this may work in the service of your Majesty, or to a man in public office, as I am, in such a government as this is, where the obedience for the most is constrained, and all reputation with the people either growing or diminishing as your Majesty graceth or disgraceth your Officers; so how much this quiet burden overpresseth my most devoted and dutiful mind towards your Majesty. I feel to my exceeding grief and discomfort. In examining myself in what root this your judgement should spring, I confess Madam, I have viewed in myself many imperfections, some in nature, others perhaps for lack of ability and sufficiency to be a cooperator or an assistant in so great and so ticklish a government & charge, into which not ambition in me, but your Majesty's will & commandment hath intruded me. But in all that my memory can hitherto present unto me, I find my loyalty in your service, and my sincerity in employing your Majesty's treasure according to your intent, so unspotted and direct, as I cannot but comfort myself in opposing my innocency to the envy of the informer, or to any other his hard construction whatsoever: yet since in general consideration I cannot feel such a particular error, as might settle in your Majesty's grave judgement, an offence meriting your disfavour, I am most humbly to beseech your Majesty, that by knowing my fault I may either purge myself by a just denial, or by confessing it crave pardon of your Highness, and reform myself. If therefore it shall stand with your Majesty's good pleasure to declare to my honourable good friend Mr. Secretary Walsingham, commanding him to charge me with it, I will thereupon simply answer, even as before the Lord God, without concealing any matter of truth any wise, for mine own defence. This grace the sooner I shall obtain, the apt I shall be found for your other services, from which I find myself distracted, because the end of my travels is none other but to purchase that grace and favour which I may now fear to be alienated from me till my cause be better explained.  
And so I humbly end, praying the Lord to bless you with a long and prosperous reign. At your town of Dundalk, August 11. 1583. Your Majesty's most humble servant and subject, HENRY WALLOP.   

The Earl of Essex to Mr. Davison.  
IF this Letter do not deliver you my very affectionate wishes, and assure you that I am both careful to deserve well, and covetous to hear well of you, it doth nor discharge the trust that I have committed unto it. My love to your worthy Father, my expectation that you will truly inherit his virtues, and the proof that I have seen of your well spending your time abroad, are three strong bands to tie my affection unto you; to which when I see added your kindness to myself, my reason tells my heart, it cannot value you, or affect you too much: you have laid so good a foundation of framing yourself, as if now you do not perfect the work, th'expectation you have raised will be your greatest adversary: slack not your industry in thinking you have taken great pains already, Nusquam enim nec opera sine emolumento, nec emolumentum sine impensa opera est: Labour voluptasque dissimilia natura, societate quadam naturali inter se conjuncta sunt. Nor think yourself at any time so rich in knowledge or reputation, as you may spend on the stock: For as the way to virtue is steep and craggy, so the descent from it is headlong. It is said of our bodies, that they do lente augescere & cito extinguntur, it may be as properly said of our minds. Let your virtuous Father, who in the midst of his troubles and discomforts, hath brought you by his care and charge to what you are now in, you receive perfect comfort & contentment; Learn virtutem ab illo, fortunam ab aliis. I writ not this as suspecting you need be admonished, or as finding myself able to direct; but as he that when he was writing, took the plainest and naturallest stile of a friend truly affected to you: Receive it therefore I pray you as a pledge of more love than I can now show you. And so desiring nothing more than to hear often from you, I wish you all happiness, and rest,  
Whitehall, Jan. 8. Your affectionate and assured friend, R. ESSEX.   

Earl of Essex to Secretary Davison.  
SIR,  
AS I have ever loved you, so now taking leave of my good friends, I cannot forget you of whose love I desire to be ever assured, and whom I would desire to satisfy in all things that I shall do. If you be troubled with the suddenness of my unlooked for journey, let my resolute purpose to perform it, which could not be without secrecy, excuse me: if you call it rashness, I will better allow it to be heresy then error; for many months ago it was resolved: if you doubt of the success or event thereof, I say, that the same God who hath given me a mind to undertake, may according to his good pleasure make me in it, or it with me to prosper or die, as it shall seem best unto him. And so purposing that you shall see me return happy, or never, I take my leave a few days before my departure. Let me be commended to your good self, and such other of my good friends, as in my absence you find I am beholding to, especially to Sir Drew Drury, and Sir Edward Waterhouse.  
Your assured friend, R. ESSEX.   

Earl of Essex to Secretary Davison, july 11. 1589.  
SIR,  
AS at my departure, so upon my return, I must needs salute you, as one whom then, and now, and ever, I must love very much. I would gladly see you, but I am tied here a while, when I may have occasion to show my love to you, I will do more than I now promise. In the mean time wishing you that happiness which men in this world ought to seek, I take my leave  
At the Court this 11. of July 1589. Your assured Friend R. ESSEX.   

Again to Secretary Davison.  
SIR,  
I Had speech with her Majesty yesternight after my departure from you, and I find that the success of my speech (although I hoped for good) yet did much overrun my expectation. To repeat many speeches and by-matters, as of my acquaintance with you, and such like, it will be fit for such a time when I shall have conference with you. But in effect, our end was thus: I made her Majesty see, what in your health, in your fortune, and in your reputation with the world you had suffered since the time that it was her pleasure to commit you; I told her how many friends and wellwishers the world did afford you, and how for the most part, throughout the whole Realm her best subjects did wish that she would do herself the honour to repair for you, and restore to you that state which she had overthrown; your humble suffering of these harms, and reverend regard to her Majesty, must needs move a Princess so noble and so just, to do you right; and more I had said, if my gift of speech had been any way comparable to my love. Her Majesty seeing her judgement opened by the story of her own actions, shown a very feeling compassion of you, she gave you many praises, and among the rest, that which she seemed to please herself in, was, that you were a man of her own choice. In truth she was so well pleased with those things that she spoke and heard of you, as I dare (if of things future there be any assurance) promise to myself that your peace will be made to your own content, and the desire of your friends, I mean in her favour and your own fortune, to a better estate then, or at least the same you bad, which with all my power I will employ myself to effect. And so in hast I commit you to God.  
Your friend most assured, R. ESSEX.   

Earl of Essex to King James concerning Secretary Davison. April 18. 1587.  
MOst excellent King, for him that is already bound for many favours, a stile of thankfulness is much fit than the humour of suing; but so it falls out, that he which to his own advantage would have sought nothing in your favour, but your favour itself, doth now for another become an humble petitioner to your Majesty: your Majesty cannot be such a stranger to the affairs of this Country, but as you know what actions are done in this place, so you understand the minds of the men by whom they are done. Therefore I doubt not, but the man for whom I speak, is somewhat known to your Majesty, and being known, I presume of greater favour, Mr. Secretary Davison fallen into her Majesty's displeasure and disgrace; beloved of the best and most religious of this land, doth stand as barred from any preferment or restoring in his place, except out of the honour and nobleness of your own Royal heart, your Majesty will undertake his cause. To leave the nature of his fault to your Majesty's best judgement, and report of your own servant, and to speak of the man, I must say truly, that his sufficiency in Council, and matters of State, is such, as the Queen herself confesseth, in her Kingdom she hath not such another; his virtue, religion and worth in all degrees is of the world taken to be so great, as no man in his good fortune hath had more general love than this Gentleman in his disgrace: And if to a man so worthy in himself, and so esteemed of all men, my words might avail any thing, I would assure your Majesty would get great honour, and great love, not only here amongst us, but in all places of Christendom where this Gentleman is any thing known, if you should now be the author of his restoring to his place, which in effect he now is, but that as a man not acceptable to her Majesty, he doth forbear to attend. I do in all humbleness commend this cause to your Majesty, having the warrant of a good conscience, that I know to be both honourable and honest; and your Majesty to the blessed protection of that mighty God, to whom will pray for your Majesty's happy and prosperous estate, He that will do your Majesty all humble service,  
Greenwich April 18. R. ESSEX.   

Earl of Essex to Mr. Secretary Davison.  
SIR,  
I Have as I could, taken my opportunity since I saw you, to perform as much as I promised you; and though in all I have been able to effect nothing, yet even now I have had better leisure to solicit the Queen then in this stormy time I did hope for. My beginning was, as being amongst others entreated to move her in your behalf: my course was to lay open your sufferings and your patience; in them you had felt poverty, restraint and disgrace, and yet you shown nothing but faith and humility; faith, as being never wearied nor discouraged to do her service; humbleness, as content to forget all the burdens that had been laid upon you, and to serve her Majesty with as frank and willing a heart as they that have received greatest grace from her. To this I received no answer but in general terms, that her honour was much touched, your presumption had been intolerable, and that she could not let it slip out of her mind. When I urged your access, she denied it, but so as I had no cause to be afraid to speak again. When I offered in them both to reply, she fell into other discourse, and so we parted. So all that I have done you know; what I shall do ye shall prescribe. If you hear any man's else— I pray you let me know, for so I shall perceive whether she will open her heart more to me then them, which being known I may deal accordingly. And so I commit you to God.  
Windsor, Octob. 2. Your most assured friend, R. ESSEX.   

Again to Mr. Secretary Davison, upon the death of Mr. Secretary Walsingham.  
SIR,  
Upon this unhappy accident, I have tried to the bottom what the Queen will do for you, and what the credit of your Solicitor is worth. I urged not the comparison between you and any other: But in my duty to her, and zeal to her service, I did assure her that she had not any other in England that would for these three or four years know how to settle himself to support so great a burden. She gave me leave to speak, heard me with patience, confessed with me that none was so sufficient, and could not deny but that which she lays to your charge was done without hope, fear, malice, envy, or any respect of your own, but merely for her safety both of state and person. In the end she absolutely denied to let you enjoy that place, and willed me to rest satisfied, for she was resolved. Thus much I writ to let you know, I am more honest to my friends, then happy in their cases. What you will have me do for your suit, I will as far as my credit is any thing worth. I have told most of the Council of my manner of dealing with the Queen; my Lord Chamberlain tells me he hath dealt for you also, and they all say they wish as I do; but in this world that is enough. I will commit you to God for this time, and rest  
Your constant and true friend, R. ESSEX.   

Earl of Essex to the Queen.  
MY dutiful affections to your Majesty always overweighed all other worldly respects; that seeking in all particulars to manifest my truth, I have maimed my estate in general, as I dare in the heat of my thoughts compare with the greatest that ever vowed for faithful service, so is there not the meanest that hath overslipped me, I will not say in recompense, but in some gracious estate of service. Thus whilst my faith wrestleth with my fortune, the one wins breath to beat th' other down. Though I have no hope to repair the ruins of my oversight, yet I cannot but presume your Majesty will suffer me to preserve them from blowing up; and what youth and forward belief hath undermined in mine estate, providence by a retired life may underlay. In which discontinuance from Court there shall be added (if any thing be added) increase of loyalty: Nor so solitary shall be my course, as it shall seem to proceed of discontentment, but of necessity; and all actions both with living and my life so forward, as though some may have overrun me in fortunes, none shall in duty.  
Next my allegiance to your Majesty, which shall be held most sacred and inviolable, the report of mine Honour challengeth chief interest; which that I may preserve in my wont state, reason draws me to stay myself slipping from falling. That of late (by what secret and venomous blow I know not) my faith hath received some wounds, your Majesty's wont grace withdrawn assures me: But truth and my patience in this case were one with me, and time in your Princely thoughts did wear it out from me. Let time be Judge; I will leave you with as great lothness as I were to lose what I love best. But your favour failing, in which I have placed all my hopes, and myself less graced after seven years then when I had served but seven days, may be a reason to excuse, if there were no other reason. These things pressed out of a distressed mind, and offered in all humility, I hope it shall not be offensive if I choose this wearisome course, rather to be retired then tired. If any of envy take advantage of absence, seeking by cunning to draw me into suspicion of discontentment, my conscience is settled in your never erring Judgement, that if he come with Esau's hands and Jacob's voice, your Highness will censure it a wrought malice under such simplicity. It is true that grief cannot speak; but this grief hath made me write, lest when I leave you I should so far forsake myself as to leave this unsaid. To your gracious acceptance I commit it, and with all humble and reverend thoughts that may be, rest ever to be commanded to die at your Majesty's feet,  
RO. ESSEX.   

Again to the Queen.  
FRom a mind delighting in sorrow, from spirits wasted with passion, from a heart torn in pieces with care, grief and travel, from a man that hateth himself and all things that keepeth him alive, what service can your Majesty expect, since your service past deserves no more than banishment or prescription in the cursed'st of all other Countries? Nay, nay, it is your Rebel's pride and success that must give me leave to ransom my life out of this hateful prison of my loathed body: which if it happen so, your Majesty shall have no cause to mislike the fashion of my death, since the course of my life could never please you.  
Your Majesty's exiled Servan●, RO. ESSEX.   

Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Chancellor to the Earl of Essex.  
My very good Lord,  
IT is often seen, that he that stands by seethe more than he that playeth the game; and for the most part every one in his own cause standeth in his own light, and seethe not so clearly as he should. Your Lordship hath dealt in other men's causes, and in great and weighty affairs with great wisdom and judgement; now your own is in hand, you are not to contemn or refuse the advice of any that love you, how simple soever. In this order I rank myself among others that love you, none more simple, and none that love you with more true and honest affection; which shall plead my excuse, if you shall either mistake or mistrust my words or meaning: but in your Lordship's honourable wisdom I neither doubt nor suspect the one nor the other. I will not presume to advise you, but shoot my bolt and tell you what I think. The beginning and long continuance of this so unseasonable discontentment you have seen and proved, by which you aim at the end: If you hold still this course, which hitherto you find to be worse and worse, (and the longer you go, the further you go out of the way) there is little hope or likelihood the end will be better: You are not yet gone so far, but that you may well return: The return is safe, but the progress is dangerous and desperate in this course you hold. If you have any enemies, you do that for them which they could never do for themselves: Your friends you leave to scorn and contempt, you forsake yourself and overthrow your fortunes, and ruinated your honour and reputation: You give that comfort and courage to the foreign enemies, as greater they cannot have; for what can be more welcome and pleasing news then to hear that her Majesty and the Realm are maimed of so worthy a Member, who hath so often and so valiantly quailed and daunted them? You forsake your Country, when it hath most need of your Council and aid: And lastly you fail in your indissoluble▪ duty which you own unto your most gracious Sovereign, a duty imposed upon you not by nature and policy only, but by the religious and sacred bond wherein the divine Majesty of Almighty God hath by the rule of Christianity obliged you.  
For the four first, your constant resolution may perhaps move you to esteem them as light; but being well weighed, they are not light, nor lightly to be regarded. And for the four last, it may be that the cleverness of your own conscience may seem to content yourself, but that is not enough; for these duties stand not only in contemplation or inward meditation, and cannot be performed but by external actions, and where that faileth, the substance also faileth. This being your present state and condition, what is to be done? what is the remedy, my good Lord? I lack judgement and wisdom to advise you, but I will never want an honest true heart to wish you well; nor being warranted by a good conscience, will fear to speak that I think. I have begun plainly, be not offended if I proceed so. Bene cedit qui cedit tempori: and Seneca saith, Cedendum est fortunae. The medicine and remedy is not contend and strive, but humbly to yield & submit. Have you given cause, and yet take a scandal unto you? then all you can be is too little to make satisfaction. Is cause of scandal given unto you, yet policy, duty and religion enforce you to sue, yield and submit to our Sovereign, between whom and you there can be no equal proportion of duty, where God requires it as a principal duty and care to himself, and when it is evident that great good may ensue of it to your friends, yourself, your Country, and your Sovereign, and extreme harm by the contrary. There can be no dishonour to yield; but in denying, dishonour and impiety. The difficulty (my good Lord) is to conquer yourself, which is the height of true valour and fortitude, whereunto all your honourable actions have tended. Do it in this, and God will be pleased, her Majesty (no doubt) well satisfied, your Country will take good, and your Friend's comfort by it; and yourself (I mention you last, for that of all these you esteem yourself least) shall receive honour; and your Enemies (if you have any) shall be disappointed of their bitter sweet hope.  
I have delivered what I think simply and plainly, I leave you to determine according to your own wisdom: if I have erred, it is error amoris, and not amor erroris. Construe and accept it, I beseech you, as I meant i●; not as an advice, but as an opinion to be allowed or canceled at your pleasure. If I might conveniently have conferred with yourself in person, I would not have troubled you with so many idle blots. Whatsoever you judge of this my opinion, yet be assured my desire is to further all good means that may tend to your Lordship's good. And so wishing you all happiness and honour, I cease.  
Your Lordship's most ready and faithful, though unable poor Friend, Tho. Egerton, Cust. Sigil.   

The Earls Answer.  
MY very good Lord, though there is not that man this day living whom I would sooner make Judge of any question that might concern me, than yourself; yet you must give me leave to tell you, that in some cases I must appeal from all earthly Judges: And if in any, then surely in this, when the highest Judge on earth hath imposed upon me the heaviest Punishment without trial or hearing. Since than I must either answer your Lordship's Arguments, or else forsake mine own just defence, will force mine aching head to do me service for an hour. I must first deny my discontentment (which was forced) to be an humorous discontent; and in that it was unseasonable, or is so long continuing, your Lordship should rather condole with me then expostulate: natural seasons are expected here below, but violent and unreasonable storms come from above: There is no tempest to the passionate of a Prince, nor yet at any time so unseasonable as when it lighteth on those that might expect an harvest of their careful and painful labours. He that is once wounded must needs feel smart till his hurt be cured, or the part hurt become senseless. But cure I expect none, her Majesty's heart being obdurate; and be without sense I cannot, being of flesh and blood. But you may say, I may aim at the end: I do more than aim, for I see an end of all my fortunes, I have set an end to all my desires. In this course do I any thing for mine enemies? when I was present I found them absolute, and therefore I had rather they should triumph alone, then have me attendant upon their Chariots: Or do I l●●ve my friends? When I was a Courtier I could sell them no fruit of my love, and now that I am an Hermit, they shall bear no envy for their love to me. Or do I forsake myself? because I do not enjoy myself? Or do I overthrow my fortunes, because I build not a fortune of paper-walls, which every puff of wind bloweth down? Or do I ruinated mine honour, because I leave following the pursuit, or wearing the false mark or the shadow of honour? Do I give courage or comfort to the enemies, because I neglect myself to encounter them, or because I keep my heart from business, though I cannot keep my fortune from declining? No, no, I give every one of those considerations his due right, and the more I weigh them, the more I find myself justified from offending in any of them. As for the two last objections, that I forsake my Country when it hath most need of me, and fail in that indissoluble duty which I own to my Sovereign: I answer, That if my Country had at this time any need of my public service, her Majesty that governeth it, would not have driven me to a private life. I am tied to my Country by two bonds; one public, to discharge carefully and industriously that trust which is committed to me; the other private, to sacrifice for it my life and carcase, which hath been nourished in it. Of the first I am free, being dismissed by her Majesty: Of the other nothing can free me but death, and therefore no occasion of performance shall sooner offer itself, but I will meet it half way. The indissoluble duty I own unto her Majesty, the service of an Earl and of Marshal of England, and I have been content to do her the service of a Clerk; but I can never serve her as a villain or a slave. But you say I must give way to time. So I do, for now that I see the storm come, I have put myself into harbour. Seneca saith, we must give way to Fortune: I know that Fortune is both blind and strong, and therefore I go as far as I can out of the way. You say the remedy is not to strive: I neither strive nor seek for remedy. But you say, I must yield and submit: I can neither yield myself to be guilty, nor this my imprisonment lately laid upon me, to be just; I owe so much to the Author of Truth, as I can never yield Truth to be Falsehood, nor Falsehood to be Truth. Have I given cause, you ask, and yet take a scandal? No, I gave no cause to take up so much as Fimbria his complaint: for I did totum telum corpore accipere, I patiently bear and sensibly feel all that I then received when this scandal was given me. Nay, when the vilest of all indignities are done unto me, doth religion enforce me to sue? Doth God require it? Is it impiety not to do it? Why? cannot Princes err? Cannot subjects receive wrong? Is an earthly power infinite? Pardon me, pardon me, my Lord, I can never subscribe to these principles. Let Solomon's fool laugh when he is stricken; let those that mean to make their profit of Princes, show to have no sense of Prince's injuries; let them acknowledge an infinite absoluteness on earth, that do not believe an absolute infiniteness in heaven. As for me, I have received wrong, I feel it; my cause is good, I know it; and whatsoever comes, all the powers on earth can never show more strength or constancy in oppressing, than I can show in suffering whatsoever can or shall be imposed upon me. Your Lordship in the beginning of your Letter makes me a Player, and yourself a looker on; and me a player of my own game, so you may see more than I; but give me leave to tell you, that since you do but see, and I do suffer, I must of necessity feel more than you. I must crave your Lordship's patience to give him that hath a crabbed fortune, leave to use a crooked stile. But whatsoever my stile is, there is no heart more humble, nor more affected towards your Lordship, then that of  
Your Lordship's poor friend, ESSEX.   

Two Letters framed, one as from Mr. Anthony Bacon to the Earl of Essex, the other as the Earls answer.  
My singular good Lord,  
THis standing at a stay doth make me in my love towards your Lordship jealous lest you do somewhat, or omit somewhat that amounteth to a new error: For I suppose that of all former matters there is a full expiation; wherein for any thing which your Lordship doth, I for my part (who am remote) cannot cast or devise wherein my error should be, except in one point, which I dare not censure nor dissuade: which is, that as the Prophet saith, in this affliction you look up ad manum percutientem, and so make your peace with God. And yet I have heard it noted, that my Lord of Leicester, who could never get to be taken for a Saint, yet in the Queen's disfavour waxed seeming religious. Which may be thought by some, and used by others as a case resembling yours, if men do not see, or will not see the difference between your two dispositions. But to be plain with your Lordship, my fear rather is, because I hear how some of your good and wise friends, not unpractised in the Court, and supposing themselves not to be unseen in that deep and unscrutable Centre of the Court, which is her Majesty's mind; do not only toll the bell, but even ring out peals, as if your fortune were dead and buried, and as if there were no possibility of recovering her Majesty's favour; and as if the best of your condition were to live a private and retired life, out of want, out of peril, and out of manifest disgrace. And so in this persuasion to your Lordship-wards, to frame and accommodate your actions and mind to that end, I fear (I say) that this untimely despair may in time bring forth a just despair, by causing your Lordship to slacken and break off your wise, loyal, and seasonable endeavour and industry for reintegration to her Majesty's favour, in comparison whereof all other circumstances are but as Atomies, or rather as a Vacuum without any substance at all.  
Against this opinion it may please your Lordship to consider of these reasons which I have collected; and to make judgement of them, neither out of the melancholy of your present fortune, nor out of the infusion of that which cometh to you by others relation, which is subject to much tincture, but ex rebus ipsis, out of the nature of the persons and actions themselves, as the truest and less deceiving ground of opinion. For though I am so unfortunate as to be a stranger to her Majesty's eye, much more to her nature and manners, yet by that which is extant I do manifestly discern that she hath that character of the Divine nature and goodness, as quos amavit, amavit usque ad finem; and where she hath a creature, she doth not deface nor defeat it: insomuch as if I observe rightly in those persons whom heretofore she hath honoured with her special favour, she hath covered and remitted not only defections and ingratitudes in affection, but errors in state and service.  
2. if I can Scholarlike spell & put together the parts of her Majesty's proceed now towards your Lordship, I cannot but make this construction, That her Majesty in her Royal intention never purposed to call your do into public question, but only to have used a cloud without a shower, and censuring them by some restraint of liberty and debarring from her presence. For both the handling the cause in the Star-chamber was enforced by the violence of libelling and rumours, wherein the Queen thought to have satisfied the world, and yet spared your appearance: And then after, when that means which was intended for the quenching of malicious bruits, turned to kindle them, because it was said your Lordship was condemned unheard, and your Lordship's Sister wrote that private Letter, than her Majesty saw plainly that these winds of rumours could not be commanded down without a handling of the Cause by making you party, and admitting your defence. And to this purpose I do assure your Lordship, that my Brother Francis Bacon, who is too wise to be abused, though he be both reserved in all particulars more than is needful, yet in generality he hath ever constantly and with asseveration affirmed to me, That both those days, that of the Star-chamber, and that at my Lord Keepers, were won of the Queen merely upon necessity and point of honour, against her own inclination.  
3. In the last proceeding I note three points which are directly significant, that her Majesty did expressly forbear any point which was irrecuperable, or might make your Lordship in any degree uncapable of the return of her favour, or might six any character indelible of disgrace upon you: For she spared the public places, which spared ignominy; she limited the Charge precisely not to touch disloyalty, and no Record remaineth to memory of the Charge or Sentence.  
4. The very distinction which was made in the sentence of Sequestration from the places of service in State, and leaving to your Lordship the place of Master of the Horse, doth in my understanding point at this, that her Majesty meant to use your Lordship's attendance in Court, while the exercises of other places stood suspended.  
5. I have heard, and your Lordship knoweth better, that now since you were in your own custody, her Majesty in verbo Regio, and by his mouth to whom she committeth her Royal grants and Decrees, hath assured your Lordship she will forbid, and not suffer your ruin.  
6. As I have heard her Majesty to be a Prince of that magnanimity, that she will spare the service of the ablest Subject or Peer, where she shall be thought to stand in need of it; so she is of that policy, as she will not blaze the service of a meaner than your Lordship, where it shall depend merely upon her choice and will.  
7. I held it for a principle, That those diseases are hardest to cure, whereof the cause is obscure; and those easiest, whereof the cause is manifest. Whereupon I conclude, that since it hath been your errors in your lowness towards her Majesty which have prejudiced you, that your reforming and conformity will restore you, so as you may be Faber fortunae propriae.  
Lastly, Considering your Lordship is removed from dealing in Causes of State, and left only to a place of Attendance, methinks the Ambition of any which can endure no Partners in State-matters may be so quenched, as they should not laboriously oppose themselves to your being in Court. So as upon the whole matter, I cannot find neither in her Majesty's person, nor in your own person, nor in any third person▪ neither in former precedents nor in your own case, any cause of peremptory despair. Neither do I speak this, but that if her Majesty out of her resolution should design you to a private life, you should be as willing upon the appointment to go into the wilderness as into the land of promise; only I wish that your Lordship will not despair, but put trust (next to God) in her Majesty's grace, and not be wanting to yourself. I know your Lordship may justly interpret, that this which I persuade may have some reference to my particular, because I may truly say testante non virebo, for I am withered in myself; but manebo, or tenebo, I should in some sort be, or hold out. But though your Lordship's years and health may expect return of grace and fortune, yet your Enclipse for a time is an ultimum vale to my fortune: And were it not that I desired and hope to see my Brother established by her Majesty's favour, as I think him well worthy for that he hath done and suffered, it were time I did take that course from which I dissuade your Lordship. Now in the mean time I cannot choose but perform those honest duties unto you, to whom I have been so deeply bound, etc.   

The Earl of Essex his Answer to Mr. Anthony Bacon's Letter.  
Mr. Bacon,  
I Thank you for your kind and careful letter; it persuadeth that which I wish for strongly, and hope for weakly, that is, possibility of restitution to her Majesty's favour: Your arguments that would cherish hope, turn into despair: You say the Queen never meant to call me to public censure, which showeth her goodness; but you see I passed it, which showeth others power. I believe most steadfastly, her Majesty never intended to bring my cause to a public censure; and I believe as verily, that since the sentence she meant to restore me to tend upon her person: but those which could use occasions (which it was not in me to let) and amplify and practise occasions to represent to her Majesty a necessity to bring me to the one, can and will do the like to stop me from the other. You say, my errors were my prejudice, and therefore I can mend myself. It is true; but they that know that I can mend myself, and that if I ever recover the Queen, that I will never lose her again, will never suffer me to obtain interest in her favour: and you say, the Queen never forsook utterly where she hath inwardly favoured; but know not whether the hourglass of time hath altered her, but sure I am, the false glass of others informations must alter her, when I want access to plead mine own cause, I know I ought doubly, infinitely to be her Majesties both jure creationis, for I am her creature; and jure redemptionis, for I know she hath saved me from overthrow. But for her first love, and for her last protection, and all her great benefits, I can but pray for her Majesty; & my endeavour is now to make my prayers for her and myself better heard. For thanks be to God, that they which can make her Majesty believe I counterfeit with her, cannot make God believe that I sergeant with him; and they that can let me from coming near to her, cannot let me from drawing nearer to him, as I hope I do daily. For your brother, I hold him an honest Gentleman, and wish him all good much rather for your sake; yourself I know hath suffered more for me and with me, than any friend that I have: But I can but lament freely▪ as you see I do, and advise you not to do that I do, which is to despair. You know Letters what hurt they have done me, and therefore make sure of this: and yet I could not, as having no other pledge of my love, but communicate openly with you for the ease of my heart and yours.  
Your loving friend, R. ESSEX.   

Lord Mountjoy to the Earl of Essex.  
MOst noble Lord,  
the Queen is now removing towards a Progress; wherein, after I have somewhat waited upon her, I shall have a desire to write to your Lordship of some things more at large, which I will do as safely as I can; your Lordship's virtue, and your clear conscience must be your own brazen wall: for we that are not of the Council do see no hope to keep long together this State from assured ruin. I pray God the Queen may with all prosperity outlive their negligence, and your care, to be a just Judge, if not a rewarder thereof. In the mean time you own unto her, and your own virtue, extraordinary patience. Your Lordship's mind (I do protest) cannot labour more in the storm wherein you are, then mine doth in this dangerous and miserable calm. For it is some comfort to perish doing somewhat; and yet, my Lord, why should we despair, since there is a Providence that looks beyond, and concludes contrary to the practices of the world; which Providence hath showed us ways, how rugged soever they be, which will bring unto true happiness; and though we lose these mortal Barks we sail in, yet he will assuredly save the passengers. Noble Lord, in respect of that great Haven, contemn these tempests and shipwrecks at sea. Your Lordship's servant Mr. Bushel, doth fear to have you impute his slow dispatch unto any want of his diligence, and hath showed his fear in exceeding sorrow that it could not be sooner, and with as much care by all his best means to effect it. I much thank your Lordship for your favour to Sir Charles Blunt, of whom (if he be not thankful) I shall not only be deceived, but also revenged. I will pray continually for your Lordship's prosperity,— and that it shall be impossible to make me otherwise then  
Your Lordship's most honest and faithful servant, MOUNTJOY.   

Sir Robert Cecil, after Earl of Salisbury, to the Lord Burleigh his Father, from France. Febr. 26. 1597.  
MY duty humbly remembered to your Lordship: Having lately made dispatches from Diep, and having made little way in France, by reason of Sir Thomas Wilks indisposition, your Lordship can expect little from me; especially having joined with my associates in a letter to your Lordship: Nevertheless, because love and duty will find easily occasion to express themselves, I am bold to yield your Lordship some more trouble by my private Letter. I have met here with the premier Precedent of Rouen, a man of great credit and reputation, one that until mere necessity did force him, kept much hold here for this King: he afterward retired, and kept the Parliament at Caen; he is learned, grave, of good person, good discourse, & well affectionate to England, his name is Claude Grollart; he is now next the Duke Monpencier, the stay of all those quarters, insomuch that when the King will be merry with him, he calls him one of the petty Dukes in Normandy: he did visit me with great respect, and fell into familiar discourse with me of your Lordship, whom he had known in England many years since, and hath had correspondency with your Lordship by letters in Mr. Secretary Walsinghams' time: And being talking thereof, he desired me to tell your Lordship by occasion, that when these troubles were like to grow by the League, you writ him a letter of advice to stick fast to the King, and not to be doubtful though he saw difficulties; for you did hold it for a true Oracle, That the Kings on earth are like the Sun, and that such as do seek to usurp are like falling Stars: For the Sun, although it be eclipsed and obfuscated with mists and clouds, at length they are dispersed, where the other are but figures of stars in the eyes view, and prove no more but exhalations, which suddenly dissolve and fall to the earth, where they are consumed. Because I have little else to fill my paper, I presume to trouble your Lordship thus far, to whom I think it cannot be offensive to hear that for your sake I am by many the better used, and that by your own wisdom you are by men of place and gravity both honoured and remembered. The marriage of the Duke of Tremoville to the Count Maurice his sister, hath drawn the Duke of Bovillon towards Britain, where I am informed by this Precedent, that he meaneth to stay, and to attend the King, to whom he will clear himself if he take any knowledge of any jealousy; and the rather because he is there well fortified in a Country full of those that are of the religion. It shall behoove me being there to carry myself tenderly towards him. The King's prosperity in Britain, hath already made his Catholics begin to quarrel with the Accord which hath been made at the Assembly: For the persons that were appointed to frame the Articles into an Edict, have varied upon some principal points, only to trifle out the time, thereby to discover whether the King may need their assistance or no. But the Duke of Bovillon hearing inkling of it, made more haste, and hath been with the King and doth return forthwith to him as soon as he hath been at the marriage of the Lady Tremoville. Your Lordship knows the circumstances of my journey are not such as can afford me any means to judge; but this your Lordship may assure, that by that time I have spoken to the King, things will break out one way other so far as it will appear whether it be worth the tarrying to treat or no; after once the King has been dealt with, to which I will address myself with all speed, and not tarry for the States, who may be come to Paris by that time I do return: for I believe they will be content to treat any where. I shall have a miss of Sir Thomas Wilks▪ were it not we were well instructed; and surely, he was grown very heavy of late, and dull: If I should stay here to attend his recovery, it would comsume me to no purpose. I have written a Letter to the Queen of some such gathering as I have gotten, and of the speeches between me and the Precedent, because her Majesty may not be offended that I writ not particularly to herself of something. Although the Spaniards from Calais have spoilt Base-Bologne, yet it is not holden here that the Cardinal will sit down before any Town speedily, for he will not be able. Nevertheless the Constable is come into Picardy, to give stay to the Province; if that be the fruit of the Treaty, we shall have less need to dissuade the King.  
I much fear Sir Tho. Wilks to be in a Lethargy. Since your Lordship's Letter of Feb. 15. which found me at Dover a little before my embarking, the wind hath not served to bring me any Letter out of England. The Lord of heaven send me tidings of your Lordship's health, for whom I will daily pray. I received also a Letter from the Earl of Essex of the 16. and did embark the 17. I humbly take my leave, and rest  
Feb. 26. 1507. Your Lordship's humble and obedient Son, RO. CECIL.   

Sir Francis Walsingham Secretary, to Monsieur Critoy Secretary of France.  
SIR,  
WHereas you desire to be advertised touching the proceed here in Ecclesiastical causes, because you seem to note in them some inconstancy and variation, as if we sometimes inclined to one side, sometimes to another, and as if that clemency and lenity were not used of late, that was used in the beginning; all which you impute to your own superficial understanding of the affairs of this State, having notwithstanding her Majesty's doing in singular reverence, as the real pledges which she hath given unto the world of her sincerity in Religion, and of her wisdom in Government well meriteth: I am glad of this occasion to impart that little I know in that matter to you, both for your own satisfaction, and to the end you may make use thereof towards any that shall not be so modestly and so reasonably minded as you are. I find therefore her Majesty's proceed to have been grounded upon two principles.  
1. The one, That consciences are not to forced, but to be won and reduced by the force of truth, with the aid of time and the use of all good means of instruction and persuasion.  
2. The other, That the Causes of Conscience wherein they exceed their bounds, and grow to be matter of faction, lose their nature; and that Sovereign Prince ought distinctly to punish the practice in contempt, though coloured with the pretence of Conscience and Religion.  
According to these principles, her Majesty at her coming to the Crown, utterly disliking the tyranny of Rome, which had used by terror and rigour to settle commandments of men's faiths and consciences, though as a Prince of great wisdom and magnanimity she suffered but the exercise of one Religion, yet her proceed towards the Papists was with great lenity, expecting the good effects which time might work in them: And therefore her Majesty revived not the Laws made in the 28. and 35. of her Father's reign, whereby the Oath of Supremacy might have been offered at the King's pleasure to any Subject, though he kept his conscience never so modestly to himself; and the refusal to take the same oath without further circumstance was made Treason. But contrariwise her Majesty not liking to make windows into men's hearts & secret thoughts, except the abundance of them did overflow into overt and express acts or affirmations, tempered her Laws so as it restraineth every manifest disobedience in impugning and impeaching advisedly and maliciously her Majesty's supreme power, maintaining and extolling a foreign jurisdiction. And as for the Oath, it was altered by her Majesty into a more grateful form, the hardness of the name and appellation of Supreme Head was removed, and the penalty of the refusal thereof turned only into disablement to take any promotion, or to exercise any charge, and yet with liberty of being reinvested therein if any man should accept thereof during his life. But after when Pius Quintus had excommunicated her Majesty, and the Bulls of Excommunication were published in London, whereby her Majesty was in a sort proscribed; and that thereupon as upon a principal motive or preparative followed the Rebellion in the North: yet because the ill humours of the Realm were by that Rebellion partly purged, and that she feared at that time no foreign invasion, and much less the attempt of any within the Realm not backed by some potent succour from without, she contented herself to make a Law against that special case of bringing and publishing of any Bulls or the like Instruments, whereunto was added a prohibition upon pain not of treason, but of an inferior degree of punishment against the bringing in of Agnus Dei, hallowed bread, and such other merchandise of Rome, as are well known not to be any essential part of the Romish religion, but only to be used in practice as Love-tokens to inchant the people's affections from their allegiance to their natural Sovereign. In all other points her Majesty continued her former lenity: but when about the 20. year of her reign she had discovered in the King of Spain an intention to invade her Dominions, and that a principal point of the plot was to prepare a party within the Realm that might adhere to the Foreigner; and that the Seminaries began to blossom and to send forth daily Priests and professed men, who should by vow taken at Shrift reconcile her Subjects from their obedience, yea & bind many of them to attempt against her Majesty's sacred person; and that by the poison which they spread, the humours of most Papists were altered, and that they were no more Papists in conscience and of softness, but Papists in faction; then were there new Laws made for the punishment of such as should submit themselves to such reconcilements or renunciations of obedience. And because it was a Treason carried in the clouds, and in wonderful secrecy, and came seldom to light, and that there was no presuspition thereof so great as the Recusants to come to Divine Service, because it was set down by their Decrees, that to come to Church before reconcilement was absolutely heretical and damnable: Therefore there were added Laws containing punishment pecuniary against such Recusants, not to enforce Conscience, but to enfeeble and impoverish the means of those of whom it resteth indifferent and ambiguous whether they were reconciled or no. And when notwithstanding all this provision this poison was dispersed so secretly, as that there was no means to stay it but by restraining the Merchants that brought it in; then lastly there was added another Law, whereby such seditious Priests of new erection were exiled, and those that were at that time within the Land shipped over, and so commanded to keep hence upon pain of Treason.  
This hath been the proceeding, though intermingled not only with sundry examples of her Majesty's grace towards such as in her wisdom she knew to be Papists in conscience, and not in faction and singularity, but also with an ordinary mitigation towards the offenders in the highest degree committed by Law, if they would but protest that in case this Realm should be invaded with a foreign Army by the Pope's authority for the Catholic cause, as they term it, they would take party with her Majesty, and not adhere to her enemies. For the other part which have been offensive to this State, though in other degree, which named themselves Reformers, and we commonly call Puritan, this hath been the proceeding towards them a great while: When they inveighed against such abuses in the Church, as Pluralities, Nonresidence, and the like; their zeal was not condemned, only their violence was sometimes censured: When they refused the use of some Ceremonies and Rites as superstitious, they were tolerated with much connivency and gentleness; yea when they called in question the Superiority of Bishops, and pretended to bring a Democracie into the Church, yet their Propositions were heard, considered, and by contrary writings debated and discussed. Yet all this while it was perceived that their course was dangerous and very popular: As because Papistry was odious, therefore it was ever in their mouths, that they sought to purge the Church from the relics of Popery, a thing acceptable to the People, who love ever to run from one extreme to another. Because multitudes of Rogues, and Poverty were an eyesore and dislike to every man, therefore they put it into the People's head, that if Discipline were plaintive, there should be no Beggars nor Vagabonds; a thing very plausible. And in like manner they promise the people many other impossible wonders of their Discipline. Besides they opened the People a way to Government by their Consistory & Presbytery, a thing though in consequence no less prejudicial to the liberties of private men then to the sovereignty of Princes, yet in the first show very popular. Nevertheless this (except it were in some few that entered into extreme contempt) was borne with, because they pretended but in dutiful manner to make Propositions, and to leave it to the Providence of God, and the authority of the Magistrate. But now of late years, when there issued from them a Colony of those that affirmed the consent of the Magistrate was not to be attended▪ when under pretence of a Confession to avoid slanders and imputations, they combined themselves by Classes and Subscriptions; when they descended into that vile and base means of defacing the Government of the Church by ridiculous Pasquil's; when they began to make many Subjects in doubt to take an Oath, which is one of the fundamental points of Justice in this Land and in all places; when they began both to vaunt of their strength and number of their partisans and followers, and to use the communications that their Cause would prevail, though with uproar and violence; than it appeared to be no more zeal, no more conscience, but mere faction and division: And therefore though the State were compelled to hold somewhat a harder hand to restrain them then before, yet it was with as great moderation as the peace of the Church and State could permit. And therefore to conclude, consider uprightly of these matters, and you shall see her Majesty is no Temporizer in Religion. It is not the success abroad, nor the change of servants here at home can alter her; only as the things themselves alter, so she applied her religious wisdom to correspond unto them, still retaining the two rules before mentioned in dealing tenderly with consciences, and yet in discovering Faction from Conscience. Farewell.  
Your loving Friend, Francis Walsingham.   

Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Essex, when Sir Robert Cecil was in France.  
My singular good Lord,  
I Do write because I have not yet had time fully to express my conceit, nor now to attend you, touching Irish matters, considering them as they may concern the State, that it is one of the aptest particulars that hath come, or can come upon the stage for your Lordship to purchase honour upon, I am moved to think for three reasons: Because it is ingenerate in your House in respect of my Lord your Father's noble attempts; because of all the accidents of State at this time, the labour resteth most upon that; and because the world will make a kind of comparison between those that set it out of frame, and those that shall bring it into frame: which kind of honour giveth the quickest kind of reflection. The transferring this honour upon yourself consisteth in two points: The one, if the principal, persons employed come in by you, and depend upon you; the other, if your Lordship declare yourself to undertake a care of that matter. For the persons, it falleth out well, that your Lordship hath had no interest in the persons of imputation: For neither Sir William Fitz-Williams, nor Sir John Norris was yours: Sir William Russel was conceived yours, but was kerbed: Sir Coniers Clifford, as I conceive it, dependeth upon you, who is said to do well; and if my Lord of Ormond in this interim do accommodate well, I take it he hath always had good understanding with your Lordship. So as all things are not only whole and entire, but of favourable aspect towards your Lordship, if you now choose well: wherein in your wisdom you will remember there is a great difference in choice of the persons, as you shall think the affairs to incline to composition or to war. For your care-taking, popular conceit hath been, that Irish causes have been much neglected, whereby the very reputation of better care will be a strength: And I am sure her Majesty and my Lords of the Council do not think their care dissolved, when they have chosen whom to employ; but that they will proceed in a spirit of State, and not leave the main point to discretion. Then if a Resolution be taken, a Consultation must proceed; and the Consultation must be governed upon Information to be had from such as know the place and matters in fact: And in taking of information I have always noted there is a skill and a wisdom. For I cannot tell what account or inquiry hath been taken of Sir William Russel, of Sir Ralph Bingham, of the Earl of Tomond, of Mr. Wilbraham: but I am of opinion much more would be had of them, if your Lordship shall be pleased severally to confer, not obiter, but expressly upon some Caveat given them to think of it before; for, bene docet qui prudenter interrogat. For the points of opposing them, I am too much a stranger to the business to deduce them: but in a— Topique methinks the pertinent interrogations must be either of the possibility and means of Accord, or of the nature of the War, or of the reformation of the particular abuses, or of the joining of practice with force in the disunion of the Rebels. If your Lordship doubt to put your sickle in others men's harvests, yet consider you have these advantages. First, Time being fit to you in Mr. Secretary's absence: Next, Vis unita fortior: Thirdly, the business being mixed with matters of war, it is fittest for you: Lastly, I know your Lordship will carry it with that modesty and respect towards aged Dignity, and that good correspondency towards my dear Ally and your good friend now abroad, as no inconveniency may grow that way. Thus have I played the ignorant Statesman, which I do to no body but your Lordship, except I do it to the Queen sometimes when she trains me on. But your Lordship will accept my duty and good meaning, and secure me touching the privateness of that I writ.  
Your Lordships to be commanded, FR. BACON.   

Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Essex, concerning the Earl of Tyrone.  
THose advertisements which your Lordship imparted to me, and the like, I hold to be no more certain to make judgement upon, than a Patient's water to a Physician: Therefore for me upon one water to make a judgement, were indeed like a foolish bold Mountebank or Doctor Birket. Yet for willing duties sake, I will set down to your Lordship what opinion sprung in my mind upon that I read. The Letter from the Council there leaning to distrust, I do not much rely upon for three causes. First, because it is always both the grace, and the safety from blame of such a Council, to err in caution: whereunto add, that it may be they or some of them are not without envy towards the person who is used in treating the Accord. Next, because the time of this Treaty hath no show of dissimulation, for that Tyrone is now in no strai●s, but like a Gamester that will give over because he is a winner, not because he hath no more money in his purse.  
Lastly, I do not see but those Articles whereupon they ground their suspicion, may as well proceed out of fear as out of falsehood for the retaining of the dependence of the protracting the admission of a Sheriff, the refusing to give his son for hostage, the holding from present repair to Dublin, the refusing to go presently to accord without including O Donell and others his associates, may very well come of a guilty reservation, in case he should receive hard measure, and not out of treachery, so as if the great person be faithful, and that you have not here some present intelligence of present succours from Spain, for the expectation whereof Tyrone would win time. I see no deep cause of distrusting the cause if it be good. And for the question, her Majesty seemeth to me a winner three ways: First, her purse shall have rest: Next, it will divert the foreign designs upon that place. Thirdly, though her Majesty is like for a time to govern Precario in the North, and be not in true command in better state there then before, yet besides the two respects of ease of charge, and advantage of opinion abroad before mentioned, she shall have a time to use her Princely policy in two points: In the one to weaken by division and disunion of the heads; the other by recovering and winning the people by justice, which of all other causes is the best. Now for the Athenian question you discourse well, Quid igitur agendum est, I will shoot my fools bolt, since you will have it so. The Earl of Ormond to be encouraged and comforted above all things, the Garrisons to be instantly provided for: For opportunity makes a thief, and if he should mean never so well now▪ yet such an advantage as the breaking of her Majesty's Garrisons, might tempt a true man. And because he may as well waver upon his own inconstancy as upon occasion, and wont of variableness is never restrained but with fear, I hold it necessary he be menaced with a strong war, not by words, but by Musters and preparations of forces here, in case the Accord proceed not; but none to be sent over lest it disturb the Treaty, and make him look to be overrun as soon as he hath laid down Arms. And but that your Lordship is too easy to pass in such cases from dissimulation to verity, I think if your Lordship lent your reputation in this case, it is to pretend that if not a defensive war as in times past, but a full reconquest of those parts of the Country be resolved on, you would accept the charge, I think it would help to settle him, and win you a great deal of honour gratis. And that which most properly concerneth this action, if it prove a peace, I think her majesty shall do well to cure the root of the disease, and to profess by a commission of peaceable men chief of respect and countenance, and reformation of abuses, extortions, and injustices there, and to plant a stronger and surer government than heretofore for he ease and protection of the subject; for the removing of the sword or government in Arms from the Earl of Ormond, or the sending of a Deputy which will eclipse it if peace follow, I think unseasonable. Lastly, I hold still my opinion, both for your better information, and your fuller declaration of your care, and meddling and meriting service, that your Lordship have a set conference with the persons I named in my former writing. I rest,  
At your Lordship's service FR. BACON.   

Another to the Earl before his going to Ireland.  
MY singular good Lord,  
your note of my silence in your occasions hath made me set down these few wand'ring lines, as one that would say somewhat and can say nothing touching your Lordship's intended charge for Ireland; which my endeavour I know your Lordship will accept graciously and well, whether your Lordship take it by the handle of th'occasion ministered from yourself, or of th'affection from which it proceedeth, your Lordship is designed to a service of great merit and great peril; and as the greatness of the peril must needs include no small consequence of peril if it be not temperately governed: for all immoderate success extinguisheth merit, and seareth up distaste and envy, the assured forerunner of whole changes of peril. But I am at the last point first, some good spirit leading my pen to presage to your Lordship's success: wherein it is true, I am not without my Oracle and Divinations, none of them superstitious, and yet not all natural: For first, looking into the course of God's providence in things now depending, and calling into consideration how great things God hath done by her Majesty, and for her collect he hath disposed of this great dissection in Ireland, whereby to give an urgent occasion to the reduction of that whole kingdom, as upon the rebellion of Desmond there ensued the reduction of that Province. Next, your Lordship goeth against three of the unluckiest vices of all other, Disloyalty, Ingratitude, & Insosolence: which three offences in all examples have seldom their doom adjourned to the world to come. Lastly, he that shall have had the honour to know your Lordship inwardly, as I have had, shall find bona extra, whereby he may better ground a divination of good, then upon the diffection of a Sacrifice. But that part I leave; for it is fit for others to be confident upon you, & you to be confident upon the cause; the goodness & justice whereof is such, as can hardly be matched in any example, it being no ambitious war of Foreigns, but a recovery of subjects, and that after lenity of conditions often tried; and a recovery of them not only to obedience, but to humanity and policy from more than Indian Barbarism. There is yet another kind of divination familiar in matters of State, being that which Demosthenes so often relieth upon in his time, where he saith, That which for the time past is worst of all, is for the time to come the best, which is, that things go ill, not by accident, but by error; wherein if your Lordship have been a waking Censor, but must look for no other now but Medice cura teipsum: And although your Lordship shall not be the blessed Physician that cometh to the declination of the disease, yet you embrace that condition which many Noble Spirits have accepted for advantage, which is, that you go upon the greater peril of your fortune, and the less of your reputation; and so the honour countervaileth the adventure: of which honour your Lordship is in no small possession, when that her Majesty known to be one of the most judicious Princes in discerning of spirits, that ever governed, hath made choice of you merely out of her Royal judgement (her affection inclining rather to continue your attendance) into whose hands & trust to put the commandment & conduct of so great forces, the gathering in the fruit of so great charge, the execution of so many Counsels, the redeeming of the defaults of so many former Governors, and the clearing of the glory of so many happy years reign only in this part excepted. Nay further, how far forth the peril of that State is interlaced with the peril of England; and therefore how great the honour is to keep and defend the approaches of this kingdom, I hear many discourse; and indeed there is a great difference whether the Tortoise gather herself into her shell hurt or unhurt: And if any man be of opinion, that the nature of an enemy doth extenuate the honour of a service, being but a Rebel and a Savage, I differ from him; for I see the justest Triumphs that the Romans in their greatest greatness did obtain, and that whereof the Emperors in their styles took additions and denominations, were of such an enemy, that is, people barbarous and not reduced to civility, magnifying a kind of lawless liberty, prodigal of life, hardened in body, fortified in woods and bogs, placing both justice and felicity in the sharpness to their swords. Such were the Germans and ancient Britain's, and divers others. Upon which kind of people whether the victory be a Conquest, or a Reconquest upon a rebellion or revolt, it made no difference that ever I could find in honour. And therefore it is not the enriching predatory war that hath the pre-eminence in honour; else should it be more honour to bring in a Carrock of rich burden, than one of the twelve Spanish Apostles. But then this nature of people doth yield a higher point of honour (considering in truth and substance) than any war can yield which should be achieved against a civil enemy, if the end may be Pacique imponere morem, To replant and refound the policy of that Nation, to which nothing is wanting but a just and civil Government. Which design as it doth descend to you from your noble Father, who lost his life in that action, though he paid tribute to nature, and not to fortune; so I hope your Lordship shall be as fatal a Captain to this war, as Africanus was to the war of Carthage, after that both his Uncle and his Father had lost their lives in Spain in the same war.  
Now although it be true, that these things which I have writ (being but representations unto your Lordship of the honour and appearance of success of the enterprise) be not much to the purpose of my direction, yet it is that which is best to me being no man of war, and ignorant in the particulars of Estate: for a man may by the eye set up the white right in the midst of the But, though he be no Archer. Therefore I will only add this wish, according to the English phrase, which termeth a wel-willing advice a wish, That your Lordship in this whole action looking forward set down this Position, That merit is worthier than fame; and looking back hither would remember this text, That obedience is better than sacrifice. For designing to fame and glory, may make your Lordship in the adventure of your person to be valiant as a private Soldier rather than as a General; it may make you in your commandments rather to be gracious then disciplinary; it may make you press action in the respect of the great expectation conceived, rather hastily then seasonably and safely; it may make you seek rather to achieve the war by force, then by intermixture of practice; it may make you (if God shall send you prosperous beginnings) rather seek the fruition, of that honour then the perfection of the work in hand And for your proceeding like a good Protestant (upon warrant, and not upon good intention) your Lordship knoweth in your wisdom, that as it is most fit for you to desire convenient liberty of instruction, so it is no less fit for you to observe the due limits of them, remembering that the exceeding of them may not only procure (in case of adverse accident) a dangerous disadvow, but also (in case of prosperous success) be subject to interpretation, as if all were not referred to the right end.  
Thus I have presumed to write these few lines to your Lordship in methodo ignorantiae, which is, when a man speaketh of any subject not according to the parts of the matter, but according to the model of his own knowledge. And most humbly desire your Lordship, that the weakness thereof may be supplied in your Lordship by a benign acceptation, as it is in me by my best wishing.  
FR. BACON.   

Another to him after his enlargement.  
My Lord,  
NO man can expound my do more than your Lordship, which makes me need to say the less, only I humbly pray you to believe that I aspire to the conscience and commendation of Bonus Civis and Bonus Vir, and that I love some things better I confess than I love your Lordship; yet I love few persons better, both for gratitude's sake and for virtues, which cannot hurt but by accident. Of which my good affection it may please your Lordship to assure yourself of all the true effects and offices that I can yield: for as I was ever sorry your Lordship should fly with many wings, doubting Icarus fortune; so for the growing up of your own feathers, be they Ostriches or other kind, no man shall be more glad; and this is the Axletree, whereupon I have turned and shall turn. Which having already signified unto you by some near means, having so fit a Messenger for mine own Letter, I thought good to redouble also by writing. And so I commend you to God's protection.  
From Gray's Inn, etc. FR. BACON.   

Sir Francis Bacon to Sir Robert Cecil after defeat of the Spaniards in Ireland.  
It may please your Honour,  
AS one that wisheth you all increase of Honour, and as one that cannot leave to love the State, what interest soever I have, or may come to have in it, and as one that now this dead Vacation time have some leisure ad aliud agend. I will presume to propound unto you that which though you cannot but see, yet I know not whether you apprehend and esteem it in so high a degree, that is, for the best action of importation to yourself, of sound honour and merit of her Majesty and this Crown, without ventosity or popularity, that the riches of any occasion, or the tide of any opportunity can possibly minister or offer. And that is the Causes of Ireland, if they be taken by the right handle: For if the wound be not ripped up again, and come to a festered sense by new foreign succours, I think that no Physician will go on much with letting blood in declinatione morbi, but will intent to purge and corroborate. To which purpose I send you mine opinion without labour of words in the enclosed; and sure I am that if you shall enter into the matter according to the vivacity of your own spirit, nothing can make unto you a more gainful return: For you shall make the Queen's felicity complete, which now as it is incomparable: and for yourself, you shall make yourself as good a Patriot, as you are thought Politic; and to have no less generous ends, then dexterous delivery of yourself towards your ends; and as well to have true arts and grounds of government, as the facility and felicity of practice and negotiation; and to be as well seen in the periods and tides of estates, as in your own circle and way: then the which I suppose nothing can be a better addition and accumulation of honour unto you.  
This I hope I may in privateness write, either as a Kinsman that may be bolder, or as a Scholar that hath liberty of discourse without committing of any absurdity. If not, I pray your Honour to believe I ever loved her Majesty and the State, and now love yourself; and there is never any vehement love without some absurdity, as the Spaniard well saith, De suario con la calentura. So desiring your Honour's pardon, I ever continue, etc.  
FR. BACON.   

Considerations touching the Queen's service in Ireland, by Sir Francis Bacon.  
THe Reduction of the Country as well to Civility and Justice, as to Obedience and Peace, which things as th'affairs now stand I hold to be unspeakable, consisteth in four points.  

1. The extinguishing of the Relics of War.  
2. The Recovery or the hearts of the People.  
3. The removing of the root and occasions of new trouble●  
4. Plantation and buildings.   
For the first, concerning the places, times and particularities of further prosecution in fact, I leave it to the opinion of men of war, only the difficulty is to distinguish and discern the propositions which shall be according to the ends of the State here, that is, final and summary towards the extirpation of the trouble, sfrom those, which though they pretend the public ends, yet may refer indeed to the more private and compendious ends of the Council there, or other particular Governors or Captains. But still as I touched in my letter, I do think much letting blood in declinatione morbi, is against method of cure and that it will but exasperate necessity and despair, and per case discover the hollowness of that which is done already, which none blazeth to the best show: For Taglaes▪ ●nd proscription of two or three of the principal Rebels, they are, no doubt jure Gentium lawful, in Italy usually practised upon the Banditi, best in season when a side goeth down, and may do good in two kinds; the one if it take effect, the other in the distrust which followeth amongst the Rebels themselves. But of all other points (to my understanding) the most effectual is, the well expressing or impressing of the design of this State, upon that miserable and desolate kingdom, containing the same between these two lists or boundaries: the one, that the Queen seeketh not an extirpation of the people, but a reduction; and now that she hath chastised them by Royal power and Arms, according to the necessity of the occasion, her Majesty taketh no pleasure in effusion of blood, or displanting of ancient generations; the other, that her Majesty's Princely care is principally and intentionally bend upon that action of Ireland; and that she seeketh not so much the ease of charge, as the Royal performance of her Office of Protection, and reclaim of those her Subjects: And in a word, that the case is allowed as far as may stand with the honour of the time past, which it is easy to reconcile, as in my last note I showed. And again I do repeat, that if her Majesty's design be ex professo to reduce wild and barbarous people to civility and justice, as well as to reduce Rebels to obedidience, it maketh weakness true Christianity, and conditions turn graces, and so hath a fineness in turning utility upon point of honour or these times. And besides, if her Majesty shall suddenly abate the lists of her Forces, and shall do nothing to countervail it in the point of reputation of a public proceeding, I doubt things may too soon fall back into the state they were in. Next to this, adding reputation to the cause by imprinting an opinion of her Majesty's care and intention upon this action, is the taking away the reputation from the contrary side, by cutting off the opinion and expectation of foreign succours: to which purpose this enterprise of Algiers, if it hold according to the advertisement, and if be not wrapped up in the period of this Summer, seemeth to be an opportunity Coelitus demissa. And to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a Treaty, or a shadow of Treaty of a Peace with Spain, which methinks should be in our power to fasten, at lest rumore tenus, to the deluding of as wise a people as the Irish. Lastly, for this point that the Ancients called potestas facta redeundi ad sanitatem, and which is but a mockery when the Enemy is strong or proud, but effectual in his declination; that is, a liberal Proclamation of grace and pardon to such as shall submit and come in within a time prefixed, and of some further reward to such as shall bring others in, that our sword may be sharpened against another's, as a matter of good experience; and now I think will come in time. And per case though I wish the exclusions of such a Pardon exceeding few, yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their strength, but to translate them and their generation into England, and give them recompense and satisfaction here for their possessions there, as the King of Spain did by divers families of Portugal. The effecting of all the which fall within the points aforesaid, and likewise those which fall within the divisions following: Nothing can be in priority either of time or matter precedent to the sending of some Commission of the continuance ad res inspiciendas & componendas. For it must be a very significant demonstration of her Majesty's care of that Kingdom, a credence to any that shall come in and submit, a bridle to any that have their fortunes there, and shall apply their propositions to private ends, and an evidence of her Majesty's politic courses without neglect or respiration; and it hath been the wisdom of the best examples of Government. Towards the recovery of hearts of the people, there be but three things in natura rerum.  
1. Religion. 2. Justice and Protection. 3. Obligation and reward. For Religion, to speak first of Piety, and then of Policy. All Divines do agree, that if Consciences be to be enforced at all whereby they differ, yet two things must precede their enforcement; th'one means of information, th'other time of operation: Neither of which they have yet had. Besides till they be more like reasonable men than they yet are, their society were rather scandalous to true Religion then otherwise, as pearl cast before swine: For till they be cleansed from their blood, incontinency, and theft, and which are now not the lapses of particular persons, but the very laws of the Nation, they are incompatible with Religion form with Policy. There is no doubt but to wrestle with them now, is directly opposite to their reclaim, and cannot but continue their alienation of mind from this government. Besides, one of the principal pretences whereby the heads of the Rebellion have prevailed both with the people and the Foreigner, hath been the defence of the Catholic religion; and it is that likewise hath made the Foreigner reciprocally more plausible with the Rebel. Therefore a Toleration of Religion for a time not definite, except it be in some principal Towns and Precincts, after the manner of some French Edicts, seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable by Religion, and in Policy of absolute necessity; and the hesitation of this, I think, hath been a great casting back of the affairs there. Neither if any English Papist or Recusant shall for liberty of his conscience transfer his person, family and fortunes thither, do I hold it a matter of danger, but expedient to draw on undertaking, and to further population. Neither if Rome will cousin itself by conceiving it may be some degree to the like Toleration in England, do I hold it a matter of any moment, but rather a good mean to take off the fierceness and eagerness of the humour of Rome, and to stay further Excommunications and Interdictions of Ireland. But there would go hand in hand with this some course of advantage. Religion indeed, where the people is capable of it, is the sending over of some good Preachers, especially of that sort which are vehement and zealous persuaders, and not Scholastical, to be resident in the principal Towns, endowing them with some stipend out of her Majesty's revenues, as her Majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire; and the recontinuing and replenishing the College begun at Dublin, the placing of good men Bishops in the Sea there; the taking care of the versions of Bibles, Catechisms, and other books of Instruction into the Irish language, and the like religious courses, both for the honour of God, and for the avoiding of scandal and insatisfaction here, by a toleration of Religion there. For instance, the Barbarism and desolation of the Country considered, it is not possible they should find any sweetness at all of it, (which hath been the error of times passed) formal and fetched far off from the State, because it will require running up and down for process of polling and exactions by fees, and many other delays and charges: And therefore there must be an interim in which the Justice must be only summary, the rather because it is fit and safe for a time the Country do partioipate of Martial government. And therefore I do wish in every principal Town or place of habitation there were a Captain or a Governor, and a Judge, such as Recorders and learned Stewards are here in Corporations, who may have a Prerogative-Commission to hear and determine secundum sanam discretionem, and as near as may be to the Laws and Customs of England, and that by Bill or Plaint without Original Writ, reserving from their sentence matter of Freehold and Inheritance to be determined before a superior Judge itinerant, to be reversed if cause be, before the Council of the Province to be established with fit Informations.  
For obligation and reward, it is true no doubt which was anciently said, That a State is contained in two words, Praemium & Poena: And I am persuaded, if a penny in the pound which hath been spent in poena, a chastisement of Rebels, without other fruit or emolument of this State, had been spent in praemio, that in rewarding, things had never grown to this extremity. But to speak forwards: The keeping of the principal Irish persons in term of contentment, and without particular complaint, as generally the carrying of an even course between the English and the Irish, whether it be in competition, or whether it be in controversy, as if they were one Nation, without the same partial course which hath been held by the Governors and Councillors, that some have favoured the Irish, and some contrary, is one of the best medicines for that State. And as for other points of governing their Nobility as well in this Court as there, of Knighthood, of Education of their Children, and the like points of comfort and allurement, they are things which fall into every man's consideration.  
For the extirpating of the seeds of troubles, I suppose the main roots are but three: The first, the ambition and absoluteness of the chief of the Families and Sects; the second, the licentious idleness of their Kerns and Soldiers that lie upon their Country by sesses and such oppressions; the third, the barbarous customs in habits of apparel, in these Poets or Heralds that inchant them in savage manners, and sundry other such dregs of Barbarism and Rebellion, which by a number of politic Statutes of Ireland meet to be put in execution are already forbidden, unto which such additions may be made as the present time requireth. But the reducing of this branch requireth a more particular notice of the state and manners there then falls within my compass.  
For Plantations and buildings, I do find it strange, that in the last plot for the population of Munster, there were limitations how much in Demesnes, and how much in Farm and Tenantry, how many buildings should be erected, how many Irish in mixture should be admitted; but there was no restraint that they might not build sparsim at their pleasure, much less any condition that they should make places fortified and defensible, the which was too much secureness to my understanding. So as for this last point of plantations and buildings, there be two considerations which I hold most material; th'one of quickening, th'other for assuring: The first is, that choice be made of such persons for the government of Towns and places, and such undertakers be procured as be men gracious and well-beloved, and are like to be well followed; wherein for Munster it may be, because it is not Res integra, but that the former undertakers stand interessed there, will be some difficulty; but surely (in mine opinion) either with agreeing with them, or by overruling them by a Parliament in Ireland (which in this course of a politic proceeding, infinite occasions will require speedily to be held) it will be fit to supply fit qualified persons for underakers. The other, that it be not left as heretofore, to the pleasure of the undertakers and adventurers, where and how to build and plant, but that they do it according to a prescript or formality. For first, the places both Maritine and Inland, which are fittest for Colonies or Garrison, as well for doubt of Foreigners, as for keeping the Country in bridle, would be found surveighed and resolved upon; and than that the Patentees be tied to build those places only, and to fortify as shall be thought convenient. And lastly, it followeth of course in Countries of new populations, to invite and provoke inhabitants by ample liberties and Charters.  
FR. BACON.   

Sir Francis Bacon to the Lord Treasurer touching his speech in Parliament.  
It may please your good Lordship,  
I Was sorry to find by your Lordship's speech yesterday, that my last speech in Parliament delivered in discharge of my conscience, my duty to God, her Majesty, and my Country, was offensive: if it were misreported, I would be glad to attend your Lordship to disavow any thing I said not; if it were misconstrued, I would be glad to expound my words to exclude any sense I meant not; if my heart be mis-judged by imputation of popularity, or opposition, I have great wrong, and the greater because the manner of my speech did most evidently show, that I spoke most simply, and only to satisfy my conscience, and not with any advantage or policy to sway the cause, and my terms carried all signifification of duty, and zeal towards her Majesty and, her service. It is very true, that from the beginning, whatsoever was a double Subsidy, I did wish might for precedents sake appear to be extraordinary, and for discontents sake might not have been levied upon the poverty; though otherwise I wished it as rising as I think this will prove, or more. This was my mind, I confess it: and therefore I most humbly pray your good Lordship, first to continue me in your own good opinion, and then to perform the part of an honourable good friend towards your poor servant, and all in drawing her Majesty to accept of the sincerity and simplicity of my zeal, and to hold me in her Majesty's favour, which is to me dearer than my life. And so, etc.  
Your Lordship's most humble in all duty, FR. BACON.   

Sir Francis Bacon to the Earl of Northampton.  
May it please your good Lordship,  
AS the time of sowing of a seed is known, but the time of coming up and disclosing is casual, or according to the season; so I am witness to myself, that there hath been covered in my mind a long time, a seed of affection and zeal towards your Lordship, sown by the estimation of your virtues, and your particular honours and favours to my brother deceased, and to myself; which seed sti l springing now bursteth forth into this profession. And to be plain with your Lordship, it is very true, and no winds or noises of evil matters can blow this out of my head or heart, that your great capacities and love towards studies and contemplations of an higher and worthier nature than popular, a matter rare in the world, & in a person of your Lordship's quality almost singular, is to me a great and chief motive to draw my affection & admiration towards you: and therefore, good my Lord, if I may be of any use to your Lordship, I humbly pray your Lordship to hold me your own: and therefore withal, not to do so much disadvantage to my good mind, as to conceive that this commendation of my humble service proceedeth out of any straits of my occasions; but merely out of an election, and indeed the fullness of my heart. And so wishing your Lordship all prosperity, I continue yours, etc.  
FR. BACON.   

To the Lord Kinloss, upon the entrance of K. James.  
My Lord,  
THe present occasion awaketh in me a remembrance of the constant amity and mutual good offices which passed between my Brother deceased and your Lordship, whereunto I was less strange than in respect of the time I had reason to pretend; and withal I call to mind the great opinion my Brother (who seldom failed in judgement of a person) would often express to me of your Lordship's great wisdom and soundness both in head and heart towards the service and affairs of the Lord our Sovereign King. The one of those hath bred in me an election, and the other a confidence to address my good will and sincere affection to your good Lordship, not doubting in regard that my course of life hath wrought me not to be altogether unseen in the matters of the Kingdom, that I may be in some use both in points of service to the King and your Lordship's particular: And on the other side I will not omit to desire humbly your Lordship's favour in furthering a good conceit and impression of my most humble duty and true zeal towards the King, to whose Majesty words cannot make me known, neither mine own nor others, but time will to no disadvantage of any that shall forerun his Majesty's experience by their humanity and commendations. And so I commend your Lordship to God's protection.  
From Grays-Inne, etc. Your etc. FR. BACON.   

To King James.  
MAy it please your most excellent Majesty:  
It is observed upon a place in the Canticles by some, Ego sum Flos Campi & Lilium Convallium; that it is not said, Ego sum flos horti & lilium montium: because the Majesty of that Person is not enclosed for a few, nor appropriate to the great. And yet notwithstanding this Royal virtue of access, which nature and judgement hath placed in your Majesty's mind as the portal of all the rest, could not of itself (my imperfections considered) have animated me to have made oblation of myself immediately to your Majesty, had it not been joined to a habit of like liberty which I enjoyed with my late dear Sovereign Mistress, a Princess happy in all things, but most happy in such a Successor. And yet further and more nearly I was not a little encouraged, not only upon a supposal that unto your Majesty's sacred ears (open to the air of all virtues) there might have come some small breath of the good memory of my Father, so long a principal Councillor in your Kingdom, but also by the particular knowledge of the infinite devotion and incessant endeavours beyond the strength of his body, and the nature of the times, which appeared in my good Brother towards your Majesty's service, and were on your Majesty's part through your singular benignities by many most gracious and lively significations and favours accepted and acknowledged, beyond the thought of any thing he could effect: All which endeavours and duties for the most part were common to myself with him, though by design between brethren dissembled. And therefore, most high and mighty King, my most dear and dread Sovereign Lord, since now the cornerstone is laid of the mightiest Monarchy in Europe, and that God above, who is noted to have a mighty hand in bridling the floods and fluctuations of the seas, and of people's hearts, hath by the miraculous and universal consent (the more strange, because it proceedeth from such diversity of causes) in your coming in, given a sign and token what he intendeth in the continuance; I think there is no Subject of your Majesty, who loveth this Island, and is not hollow and unworthy, whose heart is not on fire not only to bring you Peace-offerings to make you propitious, but to sacrifice himself as a Burnt-offering to your Majesty's service: Amongst which number no man's fire shall be more pure and fervent; but how far forth it shall blaze out, that resteth in your Majesty's employment. For since your fortune, in the greatness thereof, hath for a time debarred your Majesty of the fruitly virtue which one calleth the principal, (Principis est virtus maxima nosse suos) because your Majesty hath many of yours which are unknown unto you, I must leave all to the trial of further time; and thirsting after the happiness of kissing your Royal hand, continue ever  
Your etc. FR. BACON.   

To the Earl of Northumberland, concerning a Proclamation upon the King's entry.  
It may please your Lordship,  
I Do hold it a thing formal and necessary for the King to forerun his coming, be it never so speedy, with some gracious Declaration for the cherishing, entertaining, and preparing of men's affections. For which purpose I have conceived a draught, it being a thing to me familiar in my Mistress her times to have my pen used in politic writings of satisfaction. The use of this may be in two sorts: First properly, if your Lordship think convenient to show the King any such draught, because the veins and pulses of this State cannot but be known here; which if your Lordship should, than I would desire your Lordship to withdraw my name, and only signify that you gave some heads of direction of such a matter to one of whose stile and pen you had some opinion. The other collateral, that though your Lordship make no other use of it, yet it is a kind of pourtraicture of that which I think worthy to be advised to the King, to express himself according to those points which are therein conceived, and perhaps more compendious and significant then if I had set them down in Article▪ I would have attended your Lordship, but for some little Physic I took. To morrow morning I will wait on you. So I ever continue, etc.  
FR. BACON.   

To the Earl of Southampton.  
It may please your Lordship,  
I Would have been very glad to have presented my humble service to your Lordship by my attendance, if I could have foreseen that it should not have been unpleasing unto you. And therefore because I would commit no error, I chose to write, assuring your Lordship how credible soever, yet it is as true as a thing that God knoweth, that this great change in me hath wrought no other change towards your Lordship then this, that I may safely be now that which I was truly before: And so craving no other pardon then for troubling you with this letter, I do not now begin to be, but continue to be  
Your Lordship's most humble and devoted, FR. BACON.   

To the Earl of Northumberland.  
It may please your Lordship,  
I Would not have lost this journey, and yet I have not that I went for: For I have had no private conference to purpose with the King, no more hath almost any other English; for the speech his Majesty admitteth with some Noblemen, is rather matter of grace then matter of business: with the Attorney he spoke, urged by the Treasurer of Scotland, but no more than needs must. After I had received his Majesty's first welcome, and was promised private access, yet not knowing what matter of service your Lordship carried, for I saw it not, and knowing that priviness in advertisement is much, I chose rather to deliver it to Sir Thomas Hoskins then to let it cool in my hands, upon expectation of access. Your Lordship shall find a Prince the furthest from vainglory that may be, and rather like a Prince of the ancient form then of the latter time; his speeches swift an cursory, and in the full Dialect of his Nation, and in speech of business short, in speech of discourse large: he affecteth popularity by gracing them that are popular, and not by any fashions of his own; he is thought somewhat general in his favours; and his virtue of access is rather because he is much abroad, and in press, then that he giveth easy audience: he hasteneth to a mixture of both kingdoms and nations, faster perhaps than policy will well bear. I told your Lordship once before my opinion, that methought his Majesty rather asked counsel of the time past, then of the time to come. But it is yet early to be found in any settled opinion. For other particularities I refer to conference, having in these generals gone further in these tender arguments than I would have done, were not the bearer hereof so assured. So I continue your, etc.  
FR. BACON.   

To Sir Edward Coke expostulatory.  
Mr. Attorney,  
I Thought best once for all to let you know in plainness what I find of you, and what you shall find of me. To take to yourself a liberty to disgrace and disable my Law, experience, discretion: what it pleases you, I pray think of me. I am one that know both mine own wants and other men's, and it may be perchance that mine may mend when others stand at a stay: And surely I may not in public place endure to be wronged, without repelling the same to my best advantage to right myself. You are great, and therefore have the more enviers, which would be glad to have you paid at another's cost. Since the time I miss the Solicitors place, the rather I think by your means, I cannot expect that you and I shall ever serve as Attorney and Solicitor; but either to serve with another upon your remove, or to step into some other course. So as I am more free than ever I was from any occasion of unworthy conforming myself to you, more than general good manners, or your particular good usage shall provoke: And if you had not been  in your own fortune (as I think) you might have had more use of me; but that tide is past. I writ not this to show any friends what a brave Letter I have writ to Mr. Attorney, I have none of those humours: but that I have written is to a good end, that is, to the more decent carriage of my Master's service, and to our particular better understanding one another. This Letter, if it shall be answered by you in deed, and not in word, I suppose it will not be worse for us both; else it is but a few lines lost, which for a much smaller matter I would adventure: So this being to yourself, I for my part rest  
Your etc. FR. BACON.   

To the same after Lo. Chief Justice, and in disgrace.  
My very good Lord,  
THough it be true, that who considereth the wind and the rain; shall neither sow nor reap, Eccles. 9.15. yet there is a season for every action: And so there is a time to speak, and a time to keep silence; there is a time when the words of a poor simple man may profit: and that poor man in the Preacher which delivered the City by his wisdom, found, that without this opportunity, the power both of wisdom and eloquence lose but their labour, and cannot charm the deaf Adder. God therefore, before his Son that bringeth mercy, sent his servant the Trumpeter of repentance to levelly a very high hill, to prepare the way before him, making it smooth and straight. And as it is in spiritual things, where Christ never comes before his Way-maker hath laid even the heart with sorrow and repentance, since selfconceited and proud persons think themselves too good and too wise to learn of their inferior, and therefore need not the Physician: so in the rules of earthly wisdom it is not possible for nature to attain any mediocrity of perfection, before she be humbled by knowing herself and her own ignorance. Not only knowledge, but also every other gift (which we call the gifts of fortune) have power to pull up earthly— Afflictions only levelly these Molehills of pride, plough the heart, and make it fit for Wisdom to sow her seed, and for Grace to bring forth her increase. Happy is that man therefore both in regard of heavenly and earthly wisdom, that is thus wounded, to be cured; thus broken, to be made strait; thus made acquainted with his own imperfections, that he may be perfected.  
Supposing this to be the time of your affliction, that which I have propounded to myself is, by taking this seasonable advantage, like a true friend (though far unworthy to be counted so) to show you your true shape in a glass, and that not in a false one to flatter you, nor yet in one that should make you seem worse than you are, and so offend you, but in one made by the reflection of your own words and actions, from whose light proceeds the voice of the people, which is often not unfitly called the voice of God: but therein (since I purposed a truth) I must entreat liberty to be plain, a liberty that at this time I know not whether or no I may use safely, I am sure at other times I could not: yet of this resolve yourself, it proceedeth from love, and a true desire to do you good, that you knowing the general opinion, may not altogether neglect or contemn it, but mend what you find amiss in yourself, and tain what your judgement shall approve; for to this end shall truth be delivered as naked as if yourself were to be anatomised by the hand of opinion. All men can see their own profit, that part of the wallet hangs before. A true friend (whose worthy office I would perform, since I fear both yourself and all great men want such, being themselves true friends to few or none) is first to show the other, and which is from your eyes.  
First therefore behold your errors: In discourse you delight to speak too much, not to hear other men; this some say becomes a pleader, not a Judge: for by this sometimes your affections are entangled with a love of your own arguments though they be the weaker, and rejecting of those which when your affections were settled, your own judgement would allow for strongest. Thus while you speak in your own Element, the Law, no man ordinarily equals you; but when you wander, (as you often delight to do) you then wander indeed, and give never such satisfaction as the curious time requires. This is not caused by any natural defect, but first for want of election, when you having a large and fruitful mind, should not so much labour what to speak, as to find what to leave unspoken; rich soils are often to be weeded.  
Secondly, you cloy your auditory when you would be observed, speech must either be sweet or short.  
Thirdly, you converse with Books, not men, and Books specially humane, and have no excellent choice with men, who are the best Books: for a man of action and employment you seldom converse with, and then but with your underlings, not freely, but as a Schoolmaster with his Scholars, ever to teach, never to learn. But if sometimes you would in your familiar discourse hear others, and make election of such as know what they speak, you should know many of these tales you tell to be but ordinary, and many other things which you delight to repeat and serve in for novelties, to be but stolen. As in your plead you were wont to insult over misery, and to inveigh bitterly at the persons (which bred you many enemies whose poison yet swelleth, and the effects now appear) so are you still wont to be a little careless in this point to praise or disgrace upon slight grounds, and that sometimes untruly, so that your reproofs or commendations are for the most part neglected and contemned; when the censure of a Judge (coming slow, but sure) should be a brand to the guilty, and a crown to the virtuous. You will jest at any man in public, without respect of the persons dignity or your own. This disgraceth your gravity more than it can advance the opinion of your wit, and so do all actions which we see you do directly with a touch of vainglory, having no respect to the true end. You make the Law to lean too much to your opinion, whereby you show yourself to be a legal Tyrant, striking with tha● weapon where you please, since you are able to turn the edge any way. For thus the wise Master of the Law gives warning to young Students, that they should be wary lest while they hope to be instructed by your integrity and knowledge, they should be deceived with your skill armed with authority. Your too much love of the world is too much seen, when having the living of 10000l. you relieve few or none. The hand that hath taken so much, can it give so little? Herein you show no bowels of compassion, as if you thought all too little for yourself; or that God had given you all that you have (if you think wealth to be his gift, I mean that you get well, for I know sure the rest is not) only to that end you should still gather more, and never be satisfied, but try how much you could gather to account for all at the great and general Audit-day. We desire you to amend this, and let your poor Tenants in Norfolk find some comfort, where nothing of your estate is spent towards their relief, but all brought up hither to the impoverishing of your Country.  
In your last, which might have been your best piece of service to the State, affectioned to follow that old rule which giveth Justice leaden heels and iron hands, you used too many delays, till the Delinquents hands were loosed, and yours bound. In that work you seemed another Fabius, here the humour of Marcellus would have done better: What needed you have sought more evidences then enough? While you pretended the finding out of more, (missing your aim) you discredited what you had found. This best Judgements think, though you never used such speeches as are fathered upon you, yet you might well have done it, and but rightly: For this crime was second to none but the Powder-plot: That would have blown up all at one blow, a merciful cruelty; this would have done the same by degrees, a lingering, but a sure way; one might by one be called out, till all opposers had been removed. Besides, that other Plot was scandalous to Rome, making Popery odious in the sight of the whole world: This hath been scandalous to the truth of the whole Gospel, and since the first nullity to this instant, when Justice hath her hands bound, the Devil could not have invented a more mischievous practice to our State and Church then this hath been, is, and is like to be. God avert the evil.  
But herein you committed another fault, that you were too open in your proceed, and so taught them whereby to defend themselves; so you gave them time to undermine Justice, and to work upon all advantages both of affections and honour, and opportunity, and breach of friendship: which they have so well followed, sparing neither pains nor cost, that it almost seemeth an offence in you to have done so much indeed, then that you have done no more: you stopped the confessions & accusations of some, who perhaps had they been suffered, would have spoken enough to have removed some stumbling-blocks out of your way: and that you did not this in the favour of any one, but of I know not what present unadvised humours, supposing enough behind to discover all, which fell not out so. Howsoever, as the Apostle saith in another case, you went not rightly to the truth, and therefore though you were to be commended for what you did, yet you were to be reprehended for many circumstances in the doing; and doubtless God hath an eye in this cross to your negligence, and the briers are left to be pricks in your sides, and thorns in your eyes. But that which we commend you for, are those excellent parts of Nature, and knowledge in the Law, which you are endued withal; but these are only good in their good use: wherefore we thank you hearty for standing stoutly in the Commonwealths behalf, hoping it proceedeth not from a disposition to oppose Greatness (as your enemies say) but to do justice, and deliver truth indifferently without respect of persons; and in this we pray for your prosperity, and are sorry that your good actions should not always succeed happily. But in the carriage of this you were faulty, for you took it in hand in an evil time, both in respect of the present business which it interrupted, and in regard of his present sickness whom it concerned, whereby you disunited your strength, and made a gap for the enemies to pass out at, and to return and assault you.  
But now, since the case so standeth, we desire you to give way to power, and so to fight that you be not utterly broken, but reserved entirely to serve the Commonwealth again, and do what good you can, since you cannot do all the good you would; and since you are fallen upon this rock, cast out the goods to save the bottom, stop the leaks and make towards land, learn of the Steward to make friends of the unrighteous Mammon. Those Spaniards in Mexico who were chased of the Indians, tell us what to do with our goods in our extremities, they being to pass over a river in their flight, as many as cast away their gold swum over safe; but some more covetous, keeping their gold, were either drowned with it, or overtaken and slain by the Savages: you have received now learn to give. The Beaver learns us this lesson, who being hunted for his stones, bites them off: You cannot but have much of your estate (pardon my plainness) ill got, think how much of that you never spoke for, how much by speaking unjustly or in unjust causes. Account it then a blessing of God if thus it may be laid out for your good, and not left for your heir to hasten the wasting of much of the rest, perhaps of all; for so we see God oftentimes proceeds in judgement with many hasty gatherers: you have enough to spare, being well laid, to turn the Tide, and fetch all things again. But if you escape (I suppose it worthy of an if) since you know the old use, that none called in question must go away uncensured; yet consider that accusations make wounds, and leave scars; and though you see your tale behind your back, yourself free, and the Covert before, yet remember there are stands, trust not a reconciled enemies, but think the peace is but to secure you for further advantage, expect a second and a third encounter, the main battle, the wings are yet unbroken, they may charge you at an instant, or death before them: walk therefore circumspectly; and if at length by means of our good endeavours and yours, you recover the favour that you have lost, give God the glory in action, not in words only, and remember us with sense of your past misfortune, whose estate hath, doth, and may hereafter lie in the power of your breath. There is a great mercy in dispatch, delays are tortures wherewith we are by degrees rend out of our estates: do not you (if you be restored) as some others do, fly from the service of virtue to serve the time, as if they repent their goodness, or meant not to make a second hazard in God's House; but rather let this cross make you zealous in God's cause, sensible in ours, and more sensible in all, which express thus. You have been a great enemy to Papists, if you love God, be so still, but more indeed then heretofore: for much of your zeal was heretofore wasted in words: call to remembrance that they were the persons that prophesied of that cross of yours long before it happened, they saw the storm coming, being the principal contrivers and furtherers of the plot, the men that blew the coals, heat the Iron, and made all things ready, they own you a good turn, and will, if they can, pay it you, you see their hearts by their deeds, prove then your faith so too. The best good work you can do, is to do the best you can against them, that is, to see the Law severely, justly, and diligently executed. And now we beseech you, my Lord, be sensible both of the stroke, and hand that striketh: learn of David to leave Shimei, and call upon God, he hath some great work to do, and he prepareth you for it, he would neither have you faint, nor yet bear this cross with a Stoical resolution. There is a Christian mediocrity worthy of your greatness I must be plain, perhaps rash. Had some notes which you have taken at Sermons, been written in your heart to practise, this work had been done long ago, without the envy of your enemies: But when we will not mind ourselves, God (if we belong to him) takes us in hand; and because he seethe that we have unbridled stomaches, therefore he sends outward crosses, which while they cause us to mourn, do comfort us, being assured testimonies of his love that sends them: to humble ourselves therefore before God, is the part of a Christian; but for the world, and our enemies, the counsel of the Poet is apt, Tune cede malis, sed contra andentior ito.  
The last part of this counsel you forget, yet none need be ashamed to make use of it, that so being armed against casualties, you may stand firm against the assaults on the right hand and on the left. For this is certain, the mind that is most prone to be puffed up with prosperity, is most weak and apt to be dejected with the least puff of adversity. Indeed she is strong enough to make an able man stagger, striking terrible blows; but true Christian wisdom gives us armour of proof against all assaults, and teacheth us in all estates to be content: for though she cause our truest friends to declare themselves our enemies, though she give heart then to the most cowardly to strike us, though an hours continuance countervail an age of prosperity, though she cast in our dish all that ever we have done, yet hath she no power to hurt the humble and wise, but only to break such as too much prosperity hath made stiff in their own thoughts, but weak indeed and fitted for renewing, when the wise rather gather from thence profit and wisdom by the example of David, who said, Before I was chastised, I went wrong. Now then, he that knoweth the right way, will look better to his footing. Gardan saith, That weeping, fasting, and sighing, are the chief purgers of griefs: Indeed naturally they help to assuage sorrow; but God in this case is the only and best Physician: the means he hath ordained are the advice of friends, the amendment of ourselves: for amendment is both Physician and Cure. For friends, although your Lordship be scant, yet I hope you are not altogether destitute; if you be, do but look on good books, they at true friends, that will neither flatter nor dissemble; be you but true to yourself, applying what they teach unto the party grieved, and you shall need no other comfort nor counsel. To them, and to God's holy Spirit directing you in the reading of them, I commend your Lordship, beseeching him to send you a good issue out of these troubles, and from henceforth to work a reformation in all that is amiss, and a resolute perseverance, proceeding, and growth in all that is good, and that for his glory, the bettering of yourself, this Church and Commonwealth, whose faithful servant whilst you remain, I remain a faithful servant to you.   

To Sir Vincent Skinner, expostulatory.  Sir Vincent Skinner, 
I See that by your needless delays this matter is grown to a new question: wherein for the matter itself, if it had been stayed at the beginning by my Lord Treasurer and my Lord Chancellor, I should not so much have stood upon it: For the great and daily travels which I take in his Majesty's service either are rewarded in themselves, in that they are but my duty, or else may deserve a much greater matter. Neither can I think amiss of any man, that in furtherance of the King's benefit moved the doubt, that I knew not what warrant you had: But my wrong is, that you having had my Lord Treasurers and Mr. Chancellors warrant for payment above a month since, you (I say) making your payments belike upon such differences as are better known to yourself, then agreeable to due respect of his Majesty's service, have delayed all this time, otherwise than I might have expected either from our ancient acquaintance, or from that regard as one in your place may owe to one in mine. By occasion whereof there ensueth to me a greater inconvenience, that now my name in sort must be in question amongst you, as if I were a man likely to demand that that were unreasonable, or to be denied that that is reasonable: And this must be, because you can pleasure men at pleasure. But this I leave with this, that it is the first matter wherein I had occasion to discern of your friendship: which I see to fall to this, That whereas Mr. Chancellor the last time, in my man's hearing, very honourably said that he would not discontent any man in my place, it seems you have no such caution. But my writing to you now is, to know of you where now the stay is, without being any more beholden to you, to whom indeed no man ought to be beholden in those cases in a right course.  
And so I bid you farewell, FR. BACON   

To Mr. Toby Matthews.  
Mr. Matthews,  
DO not think me for get full, or altered towards you: But if I should say I could do you any good, I should make my power more than it is. I do fear that which I am right sorry for, that you grow more impatient and b●sie then at first; which make● me exceedingly fear the issue of that which seemeth not to stand at a stay. I myself am out of doubt, that you have been miserably abused when you were first seduced; and that which I take in compassion, others may take in severity. I pray God, that understands us all better than we understand one another, continue you, as I hope he will, 〈◊〉 least within the bounds of loyalty to his Majesty, and natural piety to 〈◊〉 our Country. And I entreat you much to meditate sometimes upon the effect of Superstition in this last Powder-Treason, fit to be tabled and pictured in the chambers of Meditation as another Hell above the ground; and well justifying the censure of the Heathen, that Superstition it far worse than Atheism: by how much it is less evil to have no good opinion of God at all, than such as are impious towards his divine Majesty and goodness. Good Mr. Matthews, receive yourself back from these courses of perdition. Willing to have written a great deal more, I continue  
Your etc. FR. BACON   

To the Lord Treasurer, concerning the Solicitors place.  
AFter the remembrance of my humble duty, though I know by late experience how mindful your Lordship vouchsafeth to be of me and my poor fortune; and since it pleased your Lordship during your indisposition, when her Majesty came to visit your Lordship, to make mention of me for my employment and preferment: yet being now in the Country, I do presume that your Lordship, who of yourself had an honourable care of the matter, will not think it a trouble to be solicited therein. My hope is this, that whereas your Lordship told me her Majesty was somewhat gravelled upon the offence she took at my Speech in Parliament, your Lordship's favourable endeavour, who hath assured me that for your own part you construe that I spoke to the best, will be as a good tide to remove her from that shelf: And it is not unknown unto your good Lordship, that I was the first of the ordinary sort of the lower House that spoke for the Subsidy; and that which I after spoke in difference, was but in circumstance of time, which methinks was no great matter, since there is variety allowed in Council as a Discord in Music to make it more perfect.  
But I may justly doubt her Majesty's impression upon this particular, as her conceit otherwise of my insufficiency and unworthiness: which though I acknowledge to be great, yet it will be the less, because I purpose not to divide myself between her Majesty and the causes of other men, as others have done, but to attend her business only; hoping that a whole man meanly able, may do as well as half a man better able: And if her Majesty thinketh that she shall make an adveuture in using one that is rather a man of study then of practice and experience, surely I may remember to have heard that my Father (an example I confess rather ready then like) was made Solicitor of the Augmentation (a Court of much business) when he had never practised, and was but 27 years old: And Mr. Brograve was now in my time called Attorney of the Duchy, when he had practised little or nothing, and yet hath discharged his place with great sufficiency. But those and the like things are as her Majesty shall be made capable of them: wherein knowing what authority your Lordship's commendations hath with her Majesty, I conclude with myself that the substance of strength which I may receive will be from your Lordship. It is true, my life hath been so private, as I have had no means to do your Lordship service: but yet, as your Lordship knoweth, I have made offer of such as I could yield. For as God hath given me a mind to love the public, so incidently I have ever had your Lordship in singular admiration, whose happy ability her Majesty hath so long used to her great honour and yours. Besides, that amendment of state or countenance which I have received hath been from your Lordship: And therefore if your Lordship shall stand a good friend to your poor Ally, you shall but tueri opus which you have begun; and your Lordship shall bellow your benefit upon one that hath more sense of obligation, then of self-love.  
Thus humbly desiring pardon of so long a Letter, I wish your Lordship all happiness.  
Your Lordships in all humbleness to be commanded, FR. BACON June 6. 1595.   

To the Earl of Salisbury concerning the same.  
It may please your Lordship.  
I Am not privy to myself of any such ill deserving towards your Lordship; as that I should think it an impudent thing to be a Suitor for your favour in a reasonable matter, your Lordship being to me as (with your good favour) you cannot cease to be: but rather it were a simple and arrogant part in me to forbear it.  
It is thought Mr. Attorney shall be Chief Justice of the Common-Place; in case Mr. Solicitor rise, I would be glad now at last to be Solicitor: chief because I think it will increase my practice, wherein God blessing me a few years, I may mend my state, and so after fall to my studies and ease, whereof one is requisite for my body, and the other serveth for my mind: wherein if I shall find your Lordship's favour, I shall be more happy than I have been, which may make me also more wise. I have small store of means about the King, and to sue myself is not fit; and therefore I shall leave it to God, his Majesty, and your Lordship: for I must still be next the door. I thank God, in these transitory things I am well resolved. So beseeching your Lordship not to think this Letter the less humble, because it is plain, I rest, etc.  
FR. BACON.   

Again to the Earl of Salisbury.  
It may please your good Lordship,  
I Am not ignorant how mean a thing I stand for, in desiring to come into the Solicitors place: For I know well it is not the thing it hath been, time having wrought alteration both in the profession, and in that special place. Yet because I think it will increase my practice, and that it may satisfy my friends, and because I have been voiced to it, I would be glad it were done. Wherein I may say to your Lordship, in the confidence of your poor Kinsman, and a man by you advanced, In idem fer opem qui spem dedisti: For I am sure it was not possible for a man living to have received from another more significant and comfortable words of hope: your Lordship being pleased to tell me during the course of my last service, That you would raise me; and that when you were resolved to raise a man, you were more careful of him then himself; and that what you had done for me in my marriage, was a benefit for me, but of no use to your Lordship, and therefore I might assure myself you would not leave me there, with many like speeches: which I know too well my duty to take any other hold of, than the hold of a thankful remembrance: And I know, and all the would knoweth, that your Lordship is no dealer of Holywater, but noble and teal; and on my part on sure ground, that I have committed nothing that may deserve any alteration; and if I cannot observe you as I would, your Lordship will impute it to my want of experience, which I shall gather better when I am once settled.  
And therefore my hope is, your Lordship will finish a good work, and consider that time groweth precious, and that I am now vergentibus annis; and although I know your fortune is not to want an hundred such as I am, yet I shall be ever ready to give you my best and first fruits, and to supply, as much as in me lieth, a worthiness by thankfulness.  
FR. BACON.   

Sir Fr. Bacon to the Lord Chancellor.  
It may please your Lordship,  
AS I conceived it to be a resolution both with his Majesty, and among your Lordships of his Council; that I should be placed Solicitor, and the Solicitor to be removed to be the King's Sergeant; so I most humbly thank your Lordship's furtherance and forwardness therein, your Lordship being the man that first devised the mean: wherefore my humble request unto your Lordship is, That you would set in with some strength to finish this your work, which (I assure your Lordship) I desire the rather; because, being placed, I hope for your many favours, to be able to do you some better service: for as I am your Lordship cannot use me, nor scarcely indeed know me; not that I vainly think I shall be able to do any great matters, but certainly it will frame me to use a more industrious observance and application to such as I honour so much as I do your Lordship, and not, I hope, without some good offices, which may deserve your thanks. And herewithal, good my Lord, I humbly pray your Lordship to consider that time groweth precious with me, and that a married man is seven years ●older in his thoughts the first day: And therefore what a uncomfortable thing it is for me to be unsettled still. For surely were it not that I think myself born for to do my Sovereign service, and therefore in that station will I live and die; otherwise for mine own private comfort, it were better for me that the King should blot me out of his book, or that I should turn my course to endeavour to serve him in some other kind, then for me to stand thus at a stop, and to have that little reputation which by my industry I gather, to be scattered and taken away by continual disgraces, every new man coming in before me; and sure I am I shall never have fairer promises and hope from all your Lordships, and I would believe you in a far greater matter; and if it were nothing else, I hope the modesty of my suit deserveth somewhat: for I know well the Solicitors place is not as your Lordship left it, time working alteration somewhat in the profession, much more in that special place. And were it not to satisfy my wife's friends, and to get myself out of being a common gaze, and a speech (I protest before God) I would never speak word for it. But to conclude, as my honourable Lady was some mean to make me to change the name of another: so if it please you to help me, as you said, to change mine own name, I cannot be but more and more bounden to you. And I am much deceived, if your Lordship find not the King well inclined; as for my Lord of Salisbury, he is forward and affectionate.  
Yours, etc. FR. BACON.   

To King JAMES.  
It may pleaase your excellent Majesty,  
HOw honestly ready I have been, most gracious Sovereign, to do your Majesty humble service to the best of my power, and in a manner beyond my power as I now stand, I am not so unfortunate but your Majesty knows; both in the Commission of Union▪ the labour whereof for men of my profession, rested most upon my hands; and this last Parliament for the Bill of Subsidy, both body and preamble. In the Bill of Attainders; of Tresham, and the rest; in the matter of Purveyance, in the Ecclesiastical Petitions, in the grievances, and the like, as I was ever careful not without good success, sometime to put forward that which was good, sometime to keep back that which was worse: so your Majesty was ple said kindly to accept of my services, and to say to me, such conflicts were the wars of peace, and such victories the victories of peace; and therefore such servants as obtained them, were by Kings that reign in peace, no less to be esteemed then Conquerors in the wars. In all which nevertheless I can challenge to myself no sufficiency, that I was diligent and reasonably happy to execute those directions which I received either immediately from your Royal mouth, or from my Lord of Salisbury. At that time it pleased your Majesty also to assure me that upon the remove of the then Attorney, I should not be forgotten, but be brought into ordinary place: and this was after confirmed unto me by many of my Lords. And towards the end of the last Term, the manner also in particular spoken of, that is, that Mr. Solicitor should be made your Majesty's Sergeant, and I Solicitor, for so it was thought best to sort with both our gifts and faculties for the good of our service. And of this resolution both Court and Country took notice. Neither was this any invention or project of mine own, but moved from my Lords, I think first from my Lord Chancellor: whereupon resting, your Majesty well knoweth I never opened my mouth for the greater place, although I am sure I had two circumstances that Mr. Attorney that now is could not allege: the one, nine years' service of the Crown; the other, the being Cousin-german to my Lord of Salisbury; for of my Father's service I will not speak. But for the less place, I conceive it was never meant me: but after that Mr. Attorney Hubbard was placed, I heard no more of any preferment, but it seemed to be at a stop, to my great disgrace and discontentment. For, gracious Sovereign, if still when the waters be stirred, another shall be put in before me, your Majesty had need work a miracle, or else I shall be a lame man to do your services. And therefore my most humble suit unto your Majesty is, That this which seemed to me intended, may speedily be performed, and I hope my former service shall be but as beginnings to better when I am better strengthened. For sure I am, no man's heart is fuller, I say not but many may have greater hearts, but I say, not fuller of love and duty towards your Majesty and your children, as I hope time will manifest against envy and detraction, if any be. To conclude, I humbly crave pardon for my boldness, etc.  
Your, etc. FR. BACON.   

Mr. Edmond anderson's Letter to Sir Francis Bacon.  
Noble Sir,  
THere is ever a certain presumption to be had of the favour of great men, so as there be a reason added to accompany their justice; mine, that gives boldness to call upon your succour, is, that I am fallen more under the malignity of rumour, than severity of laws, though that hath ever set mine offence at the blackest mark: to force this latter cloud away, none can but the breath of a King: th'other which threatneth and oppresseth move, every good Spirit may help to disperse. In this name, honourable Sir, I beseech your goodness to spend some few words to the putting of false same to flight, which hath so often endangered even the innocent: And if the saving of a poor penitent man may come to be part of your care, let it ever be reckoned to your virtue, that you have not only assisted to preserve, but create a person so corrected by necessity, as the example of his repentance was not worthy to be lost, who will live and die thankfully yours,  
EDMOND ANDERSON.   

Sir Thomas Bodeley to Sir Francis Bacon upon his new Philosophy.  
Sir,  
AS soon as the Term was ended, supposing your leisure was more than before, I was coming to thank you two or three times, rather choosing to do it by word then letter; but I was still disappointed of my purpose, as I am at this present upon an urgent occasion, which doth tie me fast to Fulham, and hath made me now determine to impart my mind in writing. I think you know I have read your Cogitata & visa, which I prote● I have done with great desire, reputing it a token of your singular love, that you joined me with those your friends, to whom you would commend your first perusal of your draught: for which I pray you give me leave to say but this unto you, First, that if the depth of my affection to your person and spirit, to your works and your words, and to all your ability, were as highly to be valued as your affection is to me, it might walk with yours arm in arm, and claim your love by just desert; but there can be no comparison where our states are so uneven, and our means to demonstrate our affections so different, insomuch as for mine own I must leave it to be prized in the nature that it is, and you shall evermore find it most addicted to your worth. As touching the subject of your Book, you have set afoot so many noble speculations, as I cannot choose but wonder, and I shall wonder at it ever, that your expense of time considered in your public profession, which hath in a manner no acquaintance with Scholarship or Learning, you should have culled forth the quintessence, and sucked up the sap of the chiefest kind of Learning. For howsoever in some points you do vary altogether from that which is and hath been ever the received doctrine of our Schools and was always by the wisest (as still they have been deemed) of all Nations & Ages adjudged the truest, and yet it is apparent that in those very points, in all your proposals and plots in that book, you show yourself a Master workman. For myself, I must confess, and I speak it Ingenuè that for the matter of learning I am not worthy to be reckoned in the number of smatterers; and yet because it may seem that being willing to communicate your Treatise with your friends, you are likewise willing to listen to whatsoever I or others can except against it: I must deliver unto you for my private opinion, that I am one of the crew that say there is, and we profess a greater holdfast of certainty in your Sciences, than you by your discourse will seem to acknowledge: For where at first you do object the ill success and errors of practitioners of Physic, you know as well they do proceed of the Patient's unruliness: for not one of an hundred doth obey his Physician in their own indisposition, for few are able in that kind to explicate themselves, or by reason their diseases are by nature incurable, which is incident, you know, to many sorts of maladies, or for some other hidden cause which cannot be discovered by course of conjecture; Howbeit I am full of this belief, that as Physic is ministered  by Physicians, it is much to be ascribed to their negligence or ignorance, or other touch of imperfection that they speed no better in their practice: for few are found of that profession so well instructed in their Art, as they might by the precepts which their Art doth afford, which though it be defective in regard of such perfection, yet for certain it doth flourish with admirable remedies, such as tract of time hath taught by experimental effects, and are the open highway to that knowledge that you recommend. As for Alchemy and Magic, some conclusions they have that are worthy the preserving: but all their skill is so accompanied with subtleties and guiles, as both the Crafts and the Crafts-masters are not only despised, but named with derision. Whereupon to make good your principal assertion, methinks you should have drawn the most of your examples from that which is taught in the liberal Sciences, not by picking out cases that happen very seldom, and may by all confession be subject to reproof, but by controlling the generals, and grounds, and eminent Positions and Aphorisms which the greatest Artists and Philosophers have from time to time defended: for it goeth for currant among all men of learning, that those kind of Arts which Clerks in times past did term Quadruials, confirm their propositions by infallible demonstrations. And likewise in Trivials, such lessons and directions are delivered unto us, as will effect very near, or as much altogether, as every faculty doth promise. Now in case we should concur to do as you advise, which is to renounce our common notions, and cancel all our Theorems, Axioms, Rules and Tenants, and so to come babes ad regnum naturae, we are willed by Scriptures to come ad regnum coelorum. There is nothing more certain in my understanding, then that it would instantly bring us to Barbarism, and after many thousand years leave us more unprovided of Theorical furniture than we are at this present: For that were indeed to become Tabula rasa, when we shall leave no impression of any former principle, but be driven to begin the world again, to travel by trials of actions and sense; (which are your proofs by particulars) what to place in intellectu for our general conceptions, it being a Maxim of all men's approving, In intellectu nihil esse quod non prius fuit in sensu. And so in appearance it would befall us, that till Plato's year be come about, our insight in learning would be of less reckoning then now it is accounted: As for that which you inculcate of a knowledge more excellent than now is among us, which experience might produce if we would but essay to extract it out of Nature by particular probations, it is no more upon the matter, but to incite us unto that which without instigation by a natural instinct men will practise of themselves: for it cannot in reason be otherwise thought, but that there are infinite in all parts of the world, (for we may not in this case confine our cogitations within the bounds of Europe) which embrace the course which you propose, with all diligence and care, that any ability can perform. For every man is born with an appetite of knowledge, wherewith he cannot be glutted, but still as in a dropsy thirst after more. But yet why men should hearken to any such persuasions, as wholly to abolish those settled opinions, and general Theories to which they have attained by their own and their Ancestors former experience, I see nothing yet alleged to induce me think it. Moreover, I may speak as I suppose with good probability, that if we should make a mental survey what is like to be effected all the world over, those five or six inventions which you have selected, and imagined to be but of modern standing, would make but a slender show among so many hundreds of all kinds of natures which are daily brought to light by the enforcement of wit or casual events, and maybe compared or partly preferred above those that you have named. But were it so here, that all were admitted that you can require for the augmentation of our knowledge, and that all our Theorems and general Positions were utterly extinguished with a new substitution of others in their places, what hope may we have of any benefit of learning by this alteration? Assuredly as soon as the new are brought ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Inventors and their followers by an interchangeable course of natural things, they will fall by degrees in oblivion to be buried, and so in continuance to perish outright; and that perchance upon the like to your present pretences by proposal of some means to advance all our knowledge to an higher pitch of perfectness; for still the same defects that antiquity found, will reside in mankind, and therefore other issues of their actions, devices and studies, are not to be expected then is apparent by Records were in former time observed. I remember here a note which Paterculus made of the incomparable wits of the Grecians and Romans in their flourishing state, that there might be this reason of their notable downfall in their issue that came after, because by nature, Quod summo studio petitum est ascendit in summum, difficilisque imperfecto mora est: insomuch that men perceiving that they could not go further, being come to the stop, they turned back again of their own accord, forsaking those studies that are most in request, & betaking themselves to new endeavours, as if the thing they sought had been by prevention foreprized by others. So it fared in particular with the eloquence of that age, that when their successors found that hardly they could equal, by no means excel their predecessors, they began to neglect the study thereof, and speak for many hundred years in a rustical manner, till this later revolution brought the wheel about again by inflaming gallant spirits to give the onset afresh, with straining and striving to climb unto the top and height of perfection, not in that gift alone, but in every other skill in any part of learning. For I do not hold it any erroneous conceit to think of every science, that as now they they are professed, so they have been before in all precedent ages, though not alike in all places, nor at all times alike in one and the same; but according to the changes and turning of times with a more exact and plain, or with a more rude and obscure kind of teaching.  
And if the question should be asked what proof I have of it, I have the doctrine of Aristotle, and of the deepest learned Clerks of whom we have any means to take any notice, That as there is of other things, so there is of Sciences ortus & interitus: which is also the meaning (if I should expound it) of nihil novum sub sole, and is as well to be applied ad facta as ad dicta; ut nihil neque dictum neque factum, quod non est dictum aut factum prius. I have further for my warrant that famous complaint of Solomon to his son against the infinite making of books in his time, of which in all congruity great part were of observations and instructions in all kind of literature, and of those there is not now so much as one Pamphlet (only some parcels of the Bible excepted) remaining to posterity. As then there was not in like manner to be found any footing of millions of Authors that were long before Solomon, and yet we must give credit to that which he affirmed; that whatsoever was then or before, it could never be truly pronounced of it, Behold this is new. Whereupon I must for my final conclusion infer, Seeing all the endeavours, study and knowledge of mankind in whatsoever art or science have ever been the same as they are at this present, though full of mutabilities according to the changes and accidental occasions of ages, and Countries and Clerks dispositions, which can never but be subject to intention and remission both in their devices and in their practices of their knowledge. If now we should accord in opinion with you, First to condemn our present knowledge of doubt and incertitude (which you confer but by averment) without other force of argument, and then to disclaim all our Axioms and Maxims, and general assertions that are left by tradition from our Elders to us, which (for so it is to be pretended) have passed all probations of the sharpest wits that ever were Abecedarii, by the frequent spelling of particulars to come to the notice of new generals, and so afresh to create new principles of Sciences, the end of all would be, that when we should be dispossessed of the learning which we have, all our consequent travel will but help us in a circle to conduct us to the place from whence we set forwards, and bring us to the happiness to be restored in integrum, which will require as many ages as have marched before us to be perfectly achieved. And this I writ with no dislike of increasing our knowledge with newfound devices (which is undoubtedly a practice of high commendation) in regard of the benefit they will yield for the present, that the world hath ever been, and will assuredly continue very full of such Devisers, whose industry that way hath been very obstinate and eminent, and hath produced strange effects above the reach and the hope of men's common capacities; and yet our Notions and Theorems have always kept in grace both with them and with the rarest that ever were named among the learned.  
By this you see to what boldness I am brought by your kindness, That (if I seem to be too saucy in this contradiction) it is the opinion that I hold of your noble disposition, and of the freedom in these cases that you will afford your special friend, that hath induced me to do it. And although I myself, like a Carrier's horse, cannot bawk the beaten way in which I have been trained; yet since it is my censure of your Cogitata that I must tell you, to be plain, you have very much wronged yourself and the world, to smother such a treasure so long in your coffer: For though I stand well assured (for the tenor and subject of your main discourse) you are not able to impanel a Jury in any University that will give up a verdict to acquit you of error, yet it cannot be gainsaid that all your Treatise over doth abound with choice conceit of the present state of learning, and with so worthy contemplations of the means to procure it, as may persuade with any Student to look more narrowly to his business, not only by aspiring to the greatest perfection of that which is now adays divulged in the Sciences, but by diving yet deeper as it were into the bowels and secrets of nature, and by enforcing of the powers of his judgement and wit to learn of St. Paul, Consectari meliora dona: which course would to God (to whisper so much into your ear) you had followed at the first when you fell to the study of such a study as was not worthy such a Student. Nevertheless being so as it is, that you are therein settled, and your Country sound served, I cannot but wish with all my heart, as I do very often, that you may gain a fit reward to the full of your deserts. Which I hope will come with heaps of happiness and honour.  
From Fulham, Feb. 19 1607. Yours to be used and commanded, THO. BODELEY. THO. BODELEY.  
Sir, one kind of boldness doth draw on another, insomuch as methinks I should offend to signify, that before the transcript of your book be fitted for the Press, it will be requisite for you to cast a Censors eye upon the stile and the elocution; which in the framing of some periods, and in divers words and phrases, will hardly go for current, if the Copy brought to me be just the same that you would publish.   

THO. BODELEY. Mr. George Brook to a Lady in Court.  
Madam,  
THe message which you sent me of her Majesty's gracious purpose altered towards me, hath put me into that ecstasy, that I know not whereupon to rest myself, not having power to believe that which I am bound to know. Is it possible that you should be so weak in grace with her Majesty, as not to prevail in so small a matter for any man but of an entire reputation? or shall I believe that her Majesty, who suffers not the merit of her servants to be buried with them, should not hold me equivalent with any new Melchisedech without father or mother. I protest (Madam) I could not presage any ill success to myself, but only out of the means of my ambition, and have held it therefore superfluous to claim any favour in virtue of supererogation, esteeming it too great a derogation from myself for so poor a thing as a Spittle-house to raise the dead to speak for me, or challenge any thing more than my own. But it is neither the strangeness of the matter, nor the hardness of my belief that can alter the decree of a Prince. But I must take it in good payment, that is no less than for as great a disgrace as can outwardly befall me; yet must I ever hold myself beholding to this suit: for though I lose the Hospital, yet have I lost many errors; withal I have weighed my friends in a balance, and taken a just measure of my fortune. I must not despair, it is not impossible for a man well taught to make a retreat into himself, neither will I yet despair of my suit, only for this reason, that this change cannot proceed of her Majesty's proper motion, but must be procured by some blind practice that dares not see the light, though it may be my fortune to bring it forth blushing; howsoever it be, it shall never distemper my dutiful affection towards her Majesty, though that be for ever barred from her knowledge: for they who are able to prevent her goodness, will be ever likely to prevent my service. That the place is already meant to a Divine, cannot be true, nor my impediment: For there is no kind of her Majesty's servants and subjects so provided for, there being such store of places that fall daily both better than this in value, and more proper for their function. Your Ladyship hath been hitherto an honourable and faithful intercessor for me; Good Madam, be not weary to continue so still, as I shall do ever to acknowledge it, and if I be able, in part to deserve it.  
G. B.   

To his Wife.  
LEt me entreat you to read my Letter once again, and if you can find no cause of quarrel, do but then think what you have done all this time to send me such a Cartoll; you cannot be more void of fault than I of suspicion, and what you speak I cannot understand. But doth my imprisonment abridge me that I cannot give you counsel? Or have you resolved to follow the counsel of the Lady you know? Know then, as my ill fortune cannot deject me, so ought it much less to make you brave and insolent. You have your choice of two courses, let me know which you will take, that l trust not to a broken Reed. And yet what need I care, seeing that you who were my chief care, do now begin to sever yourself: I will not yet condemn you, you may see how unapt I am to entertain ill thoughts. I will yet both hold and write myself  
Your loving Husband, G. BROOKS.   

King James to the Major and Aldermen of London after he was proclaimed, March 28. 1605.  
To our trusty and well-beloved Robert Lo, Lord Major of our City of London, and to our well-beloved the Aldermen and Commons of the same.  
TRusty and well-beloved, we greet you hearty well.  
Being informed of your great forwardness in that just and honourable action of proclaiming us your sovereign Lord and King, immediately after the decease of our late deceased Sister the Queen; wherein you have given a singular good proof of your ancient fidelity, a reputation hereditary to that our City of London, being the Chamber of our Imperial Crown, and ever free from all shades of tumultuous and unlawful courses; We could not omit with all possible speed we might to give you hereby a Test of our thankful mind for the same; and withal assurance that you cannot crave any thing of us fit for the maintenance of you all in general, and every one of you in particular, but it shall be most willingly performed by us, whose special care shall ever be to provide for the continuance and increase of your present happiness, desiring you in the mean time to go constantly forward in doing all and whatsoever things you shall find necessary or expedient for the good government of our said City, in execution of justice, as you have been used to do in our said dearest Sisters time, till our pleasure be known to you in the contrary. Thus not doubting but you will do, as you may be fully assured of our gracious favour towards you in the highest degree, we bid you hearty farewell.  
Hallyrudhouse March 28. 1603. JAMESR.   

The Roman Catholics Petition to King James for Toleration.  
MOst puissant Prince, and orient Monarch! Such are the rare perfections and admirable gifts of wisdom, prudence, valour, and justice, wherewith the bountiful hand of God's divine Majesty hath endued your Majesty, as in the depth of your provident judgement we doubt not but you foresee what concerneth both the spiritual and temporal Government of all your Kingdoms and Dominions. Notwithstanding your Grace's most afflicted Subjects and devoted Servants the Catholics of England, partly to prevent, sinister informations which haply may possess your sacred ears before our answer be heard, partly as men almost overwhelmed with persections for our considences, we are enforced to have speedy recourse in hope of present redress from your Highness, and to present these humble lines unto your Royal person to plead for us some commiseration and favour. Alas, what allegiance or duty can any Temporal Prince desire or expect at his Vassals hands, which we are not addressed to perform? How many Noblemen and worthy Gentlemen, most zealous in the Catholic Religion, have endured, some loss of lands and live, some exile, others imprisonment, some the effusion of blood and life, for the advancement of your blessed Mother's right unto the Sceptre of Albion? Nay, whose finger did ever ache but Catholics, for your Majesty's present title and dominions? How many fled to your Court, offering themselves as hostages for their friends to live arid die in your gracious quarrel, if ever adversary had opposed himself against the equity of your cause? If this they attempted with their Prince's disgrace to obtain your Majesty's grace, what will they do, nay what will they not do to live without disgrace in your Grace's favour? The main of this Realm, if we respect Religion, setting petty Sects aside, consists of four parts: Protestants, who have domineered all the Queen's days; Puritan, who have crept up apace amongst them; Atheists or Politicians, who were bred upon their brawls and contentions in matters of faith; and Catholics, who as they are opposite to all, so are they detested of all, because error was ever an enemy to truth. Hardly all, or any two of the first three can be suppressed: Therefore we beseech your Majesty to yield us as much savour, as others of contrary Religion to that which shall be publicly professed in England shall obtain at your hands; For if our fault be like less, or none at all, in equity our punishment ought to be like less, or none at all. The Gates, Arches, and Pyramids of France proclaimed the present King Pater patria & Pacis restitutor, that is, the Father of his Country, and Restorer of their peace; because that Kingdom being well near torn in pieces with Civil wars, and made a prey to foreign foes, was by his providence, wisdom and valour acquitted in itself, and hostile strangers expelled; the which he principally effected by condescending to tolerate them of an adverse Religion to that which was openly professed. Questionlessm Dread Sovereign, the Kingdom of England through the cruel persecution of Catholics, hath been almost odious to all Christian Nations: Trade and traffic is exceedingly decayed, Wars and blood hath seldom ceased, Subsidies and Taxes never so many, discontented minds innumerable. All which your Princely Majesty's connivance to your humble suppliants the afflicted Catholics, will easily easily redress, especially at this your Highness fisft ingress. Si loquaris ad nos verba levia, erunt tibi servi cunctis diebus. (1 King 7.7.) that is, if you speak comfortable things unto them, or if you harken unto them in this thing, they will be servants unto you, or they will serve all their days,] say the sage Councillors of Solomon to Roboam. For, enlargement after affliction resembleth a pleasant gale after a vehement tempest; and a benefit in distress, doubleth the value thereof How grateful will it be to all Catholic Princes abroad, and honourable to your Majesty, to understand how Queen Elizabeth's severity is changed into your Royal clemency; and that the lenity of a man re-edified what the misinformed anger of, a woman destroyed; that the Lion rampant is passant, whereas the passant had been rampant. How acceptable shall your Subjects be to all Catholic Countries, who are now almost abhorred of all, when they shall perceive your Highness prepareth not pikes or prisons for the Professors of their Faith, but permitteth them Temples and Altars for the use of their Religion. Then we shall see with our eyes, and touch with our fingers that happy benediction of Isa. 14.7. in this Land, that swords are turned into mattocks or ploughs, and lances into scythes; and all Nations admiring us will say, Hi sunt semen cui benedixit Dominus, that is, these are the seed which the Lord hath blessed.  
We request no more favour at your Grace's hands, then that we may securely believe and profess that Catholic Religion which all your happy Predecessors professed, from Donaldus the first converted, unto your late blessed Mother martyred; a Religion venerable for antiquity, majestical for amplitude, constant for continuance, irreprehensible for doctrine, inducing to all kind of virtue and piety, dissuading from all sin and wickedness; a religion beloved by all primitive Pastors, established by all Occumenicall Counsels, upholden by ancient Doctors, maintained by the first and best Christian Emperors, recorded almost alone in all Ecclesiastical Histories, sealed with the blood of millions of Martyrs, adorned with the virtues of so many Confessors, beautified with the purity of thousands of virgins, so conformable unto natural sense and reason; and finally, so agreeable with the sacred Texts of God's Word and Gospel: The free use of this Religion we request, if not in public Churches, at the least in private houses; if not with approbation, yet with toleration without molestation. Assuring your Grace, that howsoever some Protestants or Puritans incited by moral honesty of life, or innated instinct of nature, or for fear of some temporal punishment, pretend obedience unto your Highness' Laws; yet certainly the only Catholics for conscience sake observe them: For they defending that Prince's Precepts and Statutes oblige no subject under the penalty of sin, will have little care in conscience to transgress them, which principally are tormented with the guilt of fin. But Catholics professing merit in obeying, and immerit in transgressing, cannot but in Soul be grievously tortured for the least prevarication thereof: Wherefore, most merciful Sovereign, we your loving afflicted subjects, in all dutiful subjection, protest before the Majesty of God, and all his holy Angels, as loyal obedience, and immaculate allegiance unto your Grace, as ever did faithful subjects in England or Scotland unto your Highness' Progenitors, and intent as sincerely with our goods and lives to serve you, as ever did the loyallest Israelites King David, or the trustiest Legions the Roman Emperors. And thus expecting your Majesty's customary favour and gracious bounty, we rest your devoted suppliants to him whose hands do manage the hearts of Kings, and with reciprocate mercy will requite the merciful.  
Your Majesty's most devoted servants the Catholics of England.   

Sir Walter Raleigh to King James before his trial.  
IT is one part of the Office of a just and worthy Prince, to hear the complaints of his vassals; especially such as are in great misery. I— know not amongst many other presumptions gathered against me, how your Majesty hath been persuaded, that I was one of them who were greatly discontented, and therefore the more likely to prove disloyal But the great God so relieve me in both worlds as I was the contrary, and I took as great comfort to behold your Majesty, and always learning some good, and bettering my knowledge by hearing your Majesty's discourse. I do most humbly beseech your Sovereign Majesty not to believe any of those in my particular, who under pretence of offences to Kings, do easily work their particular revenge. I trust no man under the colour of making examples, should persuade your Majesty to leave the word Merciful out of your Style; for it will be no less profit to your Majesty, & become your greatness then the word Invincible. It is true, that the Laws of England are no less jealous of the Kings then Caesar was of Pompey's wife: for notwithstanding she was cleared for having company with Claudius, yet for being suspected, he condemned her. For myself, I protest before Almighty God, and I speak it to my Master and Sovereign, that I never invented treason against him; and yet I know I shall fall in manibus corum a quibus non possum evadere, unless by your Majesty's gracious compassion I be sustained. Our Law therefore (most merciful Prince) knowing her own cruelty, and knowing that she is wont to compound treason out of presumptions and circumstances, doth give this charitable advice to the King her Supreme, Non solum sapiens esse sed & misericors, etc. cum tutius sit reddere rationem misericordiae quam judicii. I do therefore on the knees of my heart beseech your Majesty from your own sweet and comfortable disposition, to remember that I have served your Majesty twenty years, for which your Majesty hath yet given me no reward; and it is fit I should be indebted unto my Sovereign Lord, than the King to his poor Vassal; Save me therefore, most merciful Prince, that I may owe your Majesty my life itself, than which there cannot be a greater debt. Limit me at least, my Sovereign Lord, that I may pay it for your service when your Majesty shall please. If the Law destroy me, your Majesty shall put me out of your power, and I shall have none to fear but the King of Kings.  
WALTER RALEIGH.   

Sir Walter Raleigh to Sir Robert Car, after Earl of Somerset.  
SIR,  
AFter many losses, and many years' sorrows, of both which I have cause to fear I was mistaken in their ends: It is come to my knowledge, that yourself (whom I know not but by an honourable favour) hath been persuaded to give me and mine my last fatal blow, by obtaining from his Majesty the Inheritance of my Children and Nephews, lost in Law for want of a word. This done, there remaineth nothing with me but the name of life: His Majesty, whom I never offended, (for I hold it unnatural and unmanlike to hate goodness) stayed me at the graves brink; not that I thought his Majesty thought me worthy of many deaths, and to behold mine cast out of the world with myself, but as a King that knoweth the poor in truth, hath received a promise from God that his Throne shall be established.  
And for you, Sir, seeing your fair day is but in the dawn, mine drawn to the setting; your own virtues and the King's grace assuring you of many fortunes and much honour: I beseech you begin not your first building upon the ruins of the innocent, and let not mine and their sorrows attend your first plantation. I have ever been bound to your Nation as well for many other graces, as for the true report of my trial to the King's Majesty; against whom had I been malignant, the hearing of my cause would not have changed enemies into friends, malice into compassion, and the minds of the greatest number then present into the commiseration of mine estate. It is not the nature of foul Treason to beget such fair passions; neither could it agree with the duty and love of faithful Subjects (especially of your Nation) to bewail his overthrow that had conspired against their most natural and liberal Lord. I therefore trust that you will not be the first that shall kill us outright, cut down the tree with the fruit, and undergo the curse of them that enter the fields of the fatherless: which, if it please you to know the truth, is far les● in value then in sa●ne. But that so worthy a Gentleman as yourself will rather bind us to you (being six Gentlemen not base in birth and alliance) which have interest therein: A●d myself with my uttermost thankfulness will remain ready to obey your commandments.  
WALTER RALEIGH.   

Sir Thomas Egerton Chancellor, after Lord Ellesmere, to the Earl of Essex.  
SIR,  
HOw things proceed here touching yourself, you shall partly understand by these enclosed. Her Majesty is gracious towards you, and you want not friends to remember and commend your former services. Of these particulars you shall know more when we meet. In the mean time by way of caution take this from me: There are sharp eyes upon you, your actions public and private are observed: It behoveth you therefore to carry yourself with all integrity and sincerity both of hands and heart, lest you overthrew your own fortunes, and discredit your friends that a●● tender and careful of your reputation and well-doing▪ So in haste I commit you to God, with my very hearty commendations, and rest  
At the Court at Richmond, 21 Octob. 1599 Your assured loving Friend, THO. EGERTON. C.S.   

Lord Chancellor Ellesmere to King James.  
Most gracious Sovereign,  
I Find through my great age, accompanied with griefs and infirmities, my sense and conceit is become dull and heavy, my memory decayed, my judgement weak, my hearing imperfect, my voice and speech failing and faltering, and in all the powers & faculties of my mind & body great debility. Wherefore, conscientia imbecilitatis, my humble suit to your most sacred Majesty is, to be discharged of this great Place wherein I have long served, and to have some comfortable Testimony under your Royal hand, that I leave it at this humble suit with your gracious favour: So shall I with comfort number and spend the few days I have to live, in meditation, and prayers to Almighty God, to preserve your Majesty and all yours in all heavenly and earthly felicity and happiness.  
This suit I intended some years past, ex dictamine rationis & conscientiae: Love and fear stayed it; now Necessity constrains me to it, I am utterly unable to sustain the burden of this great service; for I am come to St. Paul's desire, Cupio dissolvi & esse Christo. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your Majesty most favourably to grant it.  
Your Majesty's most humble and loyal poor Subject and Servant, THO. ELLESMERE Canc.   

Again to the same King.  
Most gracious Sovereign,  
YOur royal favour hath placed and continued me many years in the highest place of ordinary Justice in this your Kingdom, and hath most graciously borne with my many, but unwilling errors and defects, accepting in stead of sufficiency, my zeal and fidelity, which never failed. This doth encourage and stir in me an earnest desire to serve still. But when I remember St. Paul's rule, Let him that hath an office wait on his office, and do consider withal my great age and many infirmities, I am dejected and do utterly faint: For I see and feel sensibly, that I am not able to perform those duties as I ought, and the place requires; and thereupon I do seriously examine myself what excuse or answer I shall make to the King of Kings, and Judge of all Judges, when he shall call me to account; and then my conscience shall accuse me, that I have presumed so long to undergo and wield so mighty and great a charge and burden: and I behold a great Cloud of witnesses ready to give evidence against me.  

1. Reason telleth me, and by experience I find, Senectus est tarda & obliviosa, & insanabilis morbus.  
2. I heard the precepts and council of many reverend, sage, and learned men, Senectuti debitur otium, solve senectutem mature, etc.  
3. I read in former Laws, that old men were made temeriti & rudè donati: And one severe Law that saith, Sexagenarius de ponte, whereupon they are called Depontanei. And Plato lib. 6. de legibus, speaking of a great Magistrate which was Praefectus legibus servandis, determineth thus, Minor annis 50 non admittatur; nec major annis 70 permittatur in eo perseverare. And to this Law, respecting both mine office and my years, I cannot but yield. But leaving foreign Laws, the Stat. anno 13. E. 1. speaketh plainly▪ Homines excedentes aetatem 70 annorum non ponantur in Assissis & Juratis. So as it appeareth that men of that age are by that Law discharged of greater painful and careful, especially Judicial Offices.  
4. Besides, I find many examples of men of great wisdom, knowledge and judgement, meet and worthy to be followed; of which (leaving all other) I will remember that of William Warham Archbishop of Canterbury, and Chancellor of England, who after long service, was upon his humble suit discharged or the office of Chancellor of England in respect of his great age. Seeing then such a cloud of witnesses against me, which in my private Soliloquies and Meditations, are daily and continually represented to my view, and mine own conscience (more than a thousand witnesses) concurring with me: Pardon me, my most gracious Sovereign, to conclude with good Barzillai, Quot s●nt dies annorum vitae meae, quare servus tuus sit oneri domino nostro Regi, obsecro ut revertar servus tuus & moriar, etc. So I most humbly beseech your sacred Majesty, graciously to regard the great age, infirmity, and impotency of your most devoted, obedient, loyal and faithful servant. Let me not be as Domitius after was, Maluit deficere quam desinere. But with your Princely favour give me leave to retire myself from the careful service of this great office, and from the troubles of this world, and to spend the small remnant of this my life in meditation arid prayer, & I will never cease to make my humble supplications to Almighty God to bless & prosper your Majesty, the Queen, the Prince, all your Royal issue, with all heavenly and earthly felicity, which is the last and best service your poor, aged, weak and decayed servant can do for you.   
THO. ELLESMERE Canc.   

Sir Francis Norris to King James.  
Most gracious Sovereign,  
THe advantage which mine adversary hath taken, in first presenting his complaint freely and uncontrolled, would have afflicted me greatly, had I not known that your Majesty hath given to your Judge's Injunction, Auditne alteram partem. That I entered into discourse with the Lord Willoughby in Church or Church-yard, may make it manifest, that I had no disposition at all to quarrel. The rest of the world is wide enough for men fo affected. They that profane such places, trust more to the place the ntheir own worth. That I was improvidently in such a place by him surprised, muffled in my own Cloak, and treacherously buffeted, shown that I suspected no such assault as was there made upon me, and where I was so disgracefully and ignobly assaulted by the Lord Willoughby, and he in no sort by me, yet well I hope to satisfy every indifferent judgement, much more the supreme Judge, that I had nothing in my intention either towards the Master or the Man. It is true, most gracious Sovereign, that after the Lord Willoughby's dishonourable indignity by me expelled, I seeing an unknown face coming fiercely with his sword upon me for my life, (in defence whereof God himself, the law of Nature and Nations doth warrant us to contend) I was forced to have forgone it at a Ruffian's command, or by resisting to yield it up to your Majesty, to whom I have vowed it (whensoever you shall command it) to your service. This I presume to write to a King in whom rests the spirit of honour; and by that spirit I hope your Majesty will judge, that he which will run from his own defence, being injuriously assaulted, will also run from the defence of his Sovereign Master. I also presume in all humility to address myself to a Prince endued with the spirit of Justice, joined to the divine virtue of compassion; by both which I nothing doubt your Majesty will judge when you shall be truly informed, of the preceding and succeeding wrongs offered me, that I am and will be  
Your Majesty's most humble and loyal subject, FR▪ NORRIS.   

A Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland.  
RIght trusty and well-beloved Cousin and Councillor, We greet you well.  
Whereas we are graciously pleased, as well for the increase of our Navy and Navigators, as also for the better enabling and enriching of our subjects in our Realm of Scotland, to give way and liecnce unto our loving subjects of Scotland, and so many of them as may make a full, able, and complete company for Traffic and Merchandizing into the East Indies, to erect and set up among themselves a Company, to be called The East Indian Company of Scotland, making their first Magazine Storehouse for the said Company in some parts of our Realm of Ireland. But for that our Ports and Seas upon the Coasts of our said Realm of Ireland, have of late, and still are likely, without our special aid and assistance, to be much troubled and annoyed with Pirates, and other Sea-Robbers, to the great discouragement of our loving Subjects and Merchants passing that way: We, for the avoiding of those inconveniences, and for the better heartening of the said Company in their intended voyage and traffic, have, for reasons to us best known, resolved (notwithstanding any other employments of our Ships there) by our Letters Patents under our great Seal of England, and at the humble request and Petition of our loving Subjects of the said Company, to nominate and appoint A. B. our trusty servant, to be employed in those Seas and Coasts of Ireland, as fully and amply as our servant Sir F.H. is now for our narrow Seas. And to the end he may with more courage and less prejudice to our said servant Sir F. H. by his diligence and industry in the said employment free those Seas from the said annoyances, our pleasure is, That you by your Deed Poll do give unto our said Servant such and the like power and authority for the Irish Seas and Channel of St. George, as the said Sir F. H. hath for the Narrow Seas: So always as the power and authority of the said A. B. may begin where the power and authority of the said Sir F. H. doth end, that is to say, from our Island of Scilie in our Realm of England, unto and alongst the Coast of Ireland, and the Channel of St. George. So not doubting of your speedy effecting of what is here required for the furtherance of so good a work, We bid you hearty farewell.  
From our Court at, etc.   

A Commission to divers Lords, etc. for the delivery of Ulushing, Brill, etc. May 14. Jac. 14.  
JAMES by the grace of God King of England, etc. To the right Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor George Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, and to our right trusty and well-beloved Councillor Tho. Ellesmere Lord Chancellor of England, and to our right trusty and well-beloved Cousins and Councillors Tho. Earl of Suffolk Lord Treasurer of England, Edward Earl of Worcester Lord Keeper of our Privy-Seal, Lodowick Duke of Lennox Lord Steward of our household, Charles Earl of Nottingham Lord Admiral of England, William Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of our household, Tho. Earl of Exeter, John Earl of Mar, and Alexander Earl of Dumfermlin; and to our right trusty and right well-beloved Councillors, Tho. Viscount Fenton, Tho. Bishop of Winton, Edward Lord Zouch Lord Warden of our Cinque-Ports, William Lord Knowls' Treasurer of our household, John Lord Stanhop, and Tho. Lord Ban; and to our right trusty and well-beloved Councillors, Sir John Digby Knight our Vice-Chamberlain, Sir John Herbert Knight one of our principal Secretaries of State, Sir Fulk Grevil Knight Chancellor and Under-Treasurer of our Exchequer, Sir Tho. Parry Knight Chancellor of our Duchy of Lancaster, Sir Edward Coke Knight Chief Justice of our Bench, and Sir Julius Cesar Knight Master of our Rolls, greeting.  
Whereas the states-general of the United Provinces of the Low-Countries have divers times solicited us by their resident Ambassador Sir Noel Charon Knight, that we would be pleased to render into their hands the Towns of Flushing in Zealand, with the Castle of Ramakins, and of Bril in Holland, with the Forts and sconces thereunto belonging, which we hold by way of caution, until such sums of money as they own unto us be reimbursed, upon such reasonable conditions as should be agreed on between us and them for the reimbursing and repayments of the said moneys: And whereas we have recommended the consideration of this so mighty and important an affair to the judgement and discretion of you the Lords of our Privy-Councel, and have received from you after long and mature deliberation and examination of the circumstances an advice, That as the present condition of our State now standeth, and as the nature of those Towns is mere cautionary, wherein we can challenge no interest of propriety; it would be much better for our service, upon fair and advantageous conditions to render them, then longer to hold them at so heavy a charge. Now forasmuch as in our Princely wisdom we have resolved to yield up our said Towns, with the said Castle and Sconces belonging unto them, upon such conditions as shall be most for our advantage as well in point of honour as of profit, Know ye therefore that we have assigned and appointed you the said Archbishop, L. Treasurer, L. Privy-Seal, L. Steward, L. Admiral▪ L. Chamberlain, E. of Exeter, E. of Mar, E. of Dunfermlin, Viscount Fintons, L. Bishop of Winton, L. Zouch, L. Knowls, L. Stanhop, L. Banning, Sir John Digby, Sir John Herbert, Sir Ralph Winwood, Sir Tho. Lake, Sir Fulk Grevil, Sir Tho. Parry, Sir Edw. Coke, Sir Julius Cesar, our Commissioners, and do by these presents give full power & authority unto you or the more part of you for us and in our name to treat and conclude with the said Sir Noel Charon Knight Ambassador from the States of the United Provinces, being likewise for that purpose sufficiently authorized from the said States his superiors, touching the rendition and yielding up of the said Town of Flushing, with the Castle of Ramakins in Zealand, and of the Town of Bril in Holland, with the Forts and Sconces thereto belonging, and of the Artillery and Munition formerly delivered by the States, with the same which are now remaining in them or any of them, and have not been spent and consumed. And for the delivery of them into the hands of the said States on such terms as by you shall be thought fit for our most honour and profit; and for the manner thereof to give instructions to our said several Governors of the said Garrisons, according to such your conclusion. And this our Commission or the enrolment or exemplification thereof shall be unto you and every of you a sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf.  
In witness etc. Witness ourselves at Westminster, the 31 day of May, in the 14 year of our Reign, etc. and of Scotland the 49.   

A Commission to Viscount Lisle Governor, to deliver them up, 22 May, 14. Jac.  
JAMES by the grace of God, etc. To our right trusty and welbebeloved Cousin, Robert Lord Viscount Lisle, Lord Chamberlain to our dear Consort the Queen, and our Governor of our Town of Vlushing, and of the Castle of Ramakins, greeting.  
Whereas we by Our Letters Patents sealed with Our great Seal of England, bearing date at Westminster the 22. day of April, in the fifth year of Out reign of England, France, and Ireland, of Scotland the 36. for the consideration therein expressed, did make, ordain, and constitute you the said Viscount Lisle, by the name of Sir Robert Sidney Knight, for Us to be the Governor and Captain of the said Town of Vlushing, and of the Castle of Ramakins in the Low-Countries, and of all the Garrisons and Soldiers that then were, or hereafter should be there placed for Our service and guard of the said Town and Castle, to have, hold, exercise and occupy the Office of the said Governor and Captain of the said Town and Castle by yourself, or your sufficient Deputy or Deputies, to be allowed by Us during Our pleasure; giving unto you full power and authority by your said Letters Patents, to take the Oath and Oaths of all Captains & Soldiers then serving, or that hereafter should serve in the same Town and Castle, as in like causes was requisite, with divers other powers therein mentioned, as by Our said Letters Patents at large appeareth. And whereas the States general of the United Provinces of the Low-Countries, have divers and sundry times for many years together solicited Us by their Resident Ambassador Sir Noel Charon Knight, that We would be pleased to render into their hands the said Town of Vlushing in Zealand, with the said Castle of Ramakins, and the Town of Brill in Holland, with the Forts & Sconces thereunto belonging, which We hold by way of Caution until such sums of money as they own unto Us, be reimbursed upon such reasonable conditions as should be agreed upon between Us & them for the reimbursing and repayment of the said moneys. And whereas thereupon We recommended the consideration of this so weighty and important an affair to the judgement and discretion of the Lords of the Privy Council, and have received from them (after long and mature deliberation and examination of Circumstances) an advice, that as the present condition of Our State now standeth, and as the nature of those towns is lying only Cautionary, wherein we can challenge no interest of propriety, it should be much better for our service upon fair and advantangious conditions to render them, then longer to hold them at so heavy a charge. Now forasmuch as in Our Princely Wisdom We have resolved to yield up Our said Towns with the said Castle, and Sconces belonging unto them, upon such conditions as shall be most fit for Our advantage, as well in point of honour as of profit: And to that end by Our Commission under Our great Seal of England, have assigned and appointed the Lords and others of Our Privy Council Our Commissioners, and thereby give full power and authority unto them, or the more part of them for Us, and in Our name to treat and conclude with the said Sir noel Charon Knight, Ambassador from the States of the United Provinces, being likewise for that purpose sufficiently authorized from the said States his superiors, touching the rendition and yielding up of the said Town of Vlushing, with the Castle of Ramakins in Zealand, and of the said town of Brill in Holland, with the Forts and Sconces thereunto belonging, and of the Artillery or Munition formerly delivered by the said States, with the same Towns, and Castles, and Forts, and which are now remaining in them, or any of them, and have not been spent or consumed. And for the delivery of the said Towns, Castle, Forts, Artillery, and Munition into the hands of the said States, upon such terms as by the said Lords, and other of our Privy Council, or the more part of them, shall be thought fit for our most honour and profit, and for the manner thereof to give instructions to our several Governors of our said Garrisons according to such their conclusion, which conclusion according to our said Commission is already made and perfected.  
We do therefore hereby give power and authority unto, and do charge and command you the said Lord Lisle for us and in our name to render and yield up into the hands of the said States of the United Provinces, or to such persons as shall be lawfully deputed by them, the aforesaid Town of Vlushing, and Castle of Ramakins, whereof now you have charge by virtue of our Letters-Patents aforesaid, together with the Artillery and Munition now remaining in them or any of them, heretofore delivered by the said States with the said Town and Castle, and as yet not spent or consumed; observing and performing in all points such instructions as you shall receive under the hands of the said Lords and others of our Privy-Councel, or the more part of them, concerning the rendering up and delivery of the said Town. And we do further give you full power and authority, and by these presents do charge and command you, for us and in our name to discharge and set free all the subordinate Officers, Captains and soldiers under your charge, of that oath and trust which heretofore they have taken for the keeping and preserving of that Town and Castle to our use and service: and for that purpose to make such Declaration, Proclamation, and other signification of our Royal pleasure, commandment and ordinance in that behalf, as in your wisdom you shall think fit; and these our Letters-Patents, or the enrolment or exemplification thereof shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalf.  
In witness, etc. Witness ourselves at Westminster, the 22 day of May in the 14 year of our reign of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the 49.   

Countess of Nottingham to the Danish Ambassador.  
SIR,  
I Am very sorry this occasion should have been offered me by the King your Master, which makes me troublesome to you for the present. It is reported to me by men of honour, the great wrong the King of the Danes hath done me, when I was not by to answer for myself: For if I had been present, I would have let him know how much I scorn to receive that wrong at his hands. I need not to urge the particular of it, for the King himself knows it best. I protest to you Sir, I did think as honourably of the King your Master, as I did of my own Prince; but now I persuade myself there is as much baseness in him as can be in any man: For although he be a Prince by birth, it seems not to me that there harbours any Princely thought in his breast; for either in Prince or Subject, it is the basest that can be to wrong any woman of honour: I deserve as little that name he gave me, as either the mother of himself or of his children; and if ever I come to know what man hath informed your Master so wrongfully of me, I should do my best for putting him from doing the like to any other: but if it hath come by the tongue of any woman, I dare say she would be glad to have companions. So leaving to trouble you any further, I rest,  
Your friend M. NOTTINGHAM.   

Sir Charles Cornwallis Lieger in Spain, to the Spanish King, july 23. 1608.  
YOur Majesty hath showed the sincerity of your Royal heart in applying remedy to many inconveniences and injustice offered by your Ministers to the King my master's subjects in their goods and bodies, and therein have performed not only what belongeth to your Kingly dignity, but also what might be expected from a Prince so zealous of justice and of so good intention. It resteth that now I beseech you to cast your Royal eyes upon another extreme injustice offered not only to their bodies and goods, but to their very souls; who being by your Majesty's agreement confirmed with your oath to live within these your Kingdoms free from molestation for matter of opinion and conscience, except in matters of scandal to others, are here laid hold on and imprisoned by your Majesty's Officers of Inquisition continually upon every light occasion of private information of some particular persons of their own Country, who being fugitives out of their own houses, and having according to the nature of our people removed not only their bodies, but their hearts from the soil that bred them, and from their brethren that were nourished with them, do here seek to grace themselves by professing and teaching the observations of the Romish Church; and that not out of any zeal, but as plainly appeareth by many of their actions, out of malice and envy. By the Commissioners authorized by both your Majesties for the agreeing of the Peace, it was clearly discerned, that if upon private or particular informations his Majesty's vassals here should be questioned for matter of Religion, it was not possible that they should exercise any commerce in these kingdoms, where they should be no one moment assured either of their goods or liberties. It was therefore provided that they should in no sort be impeached but in case of scandal; and that scandal, with your Majesty's favour, must be understood to grow out of some public action, not out of private opinion or single conscience; for if otherwise, very vain and inutile had been that provision. How the word scandal is in the most usual and common sense to be understood, is in no books more evident then in the Divine Scriptures themselves. Our Saviour, in regard of his public teaching of the Gospel, and the abolishing of the Law-Ceremonial, was said to be to both houses of Israel a stone of scandal. The sin of David, if it had lain covered in his own heart, or been committed in private, should not have been either published or punished as a scandal to the enemies of God. St. Paul himself declareth, that his own eating of flesh offered to Idols could not be an offence, but only his eating before others of weak conscience whereby to give the scandal. Besides, I humbly beseech your Majesty consider how fitly that of the Apostle Quis es qui judicas alienum servum, may be applied to those Officers of the Inquisition attempting to lay hands on the subjects of another Prince your Majesty's confederate, offering none offence to the Laws, or public prejudice to their profession: yea, in divers parts of your Majesty's dominions the subjects of my Master have suffered this restraint. The Inquisitor-Generall lately deceased, who in all his actions showed himself a considerate Minister, and careful in regard of your Majesty's honour of the observing of what you have capitulated, upon my complaint never failed to give the remedy that in justice I required. He being now with God, and one of my Sovereign's subjects having been long without cause detained by the Inquisitors in Lisbon, and another of good account, a man moderate and temperate in all his actions, lately apprehended by that Office in Almonte, and restrained in their prison at Sivil: I am commanded from his Majesty, and importuned by my Countrymen, who all with one voice complain and protest that they dare not longer continue their commerce without present order for remedy of so extreme and perilous an injustice, do beseech your Majesty that you will be pleased not only to give present order for the release of those that without scandal are known for the present in your prisons, but also that in time to come the true intention of that Article be observed, which is, That without known offence and scandal the King my Master's subjects be not molested. The accomplishment of this (considering how much it imports your Majesty in honour, your Majesty and the Archduke having in that Article in no other sort then in all the rest covenanted by especial words, that yourselves would provide that in no case but only in giving scandal to others, the subjects of my Sovereign should be troubled for their consciences) I cannot but expect from so just and sincere a Prince: And therefore will not trouble your Majesty with more words; but offering myself in all things within my power to your Majesty's service, I remain with a desire to be reckoned in the number of your Majesty's humble and affectionate servants,  
C. C. july 23 stilo novo, 1608.   

Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Spanish King, Jan. 16. 1608.  
THe largeness and liberality of your Majesty's Royal hand being such, that it hath made your Greatness and Munificence of so much note through most parts of this world; I assure myself it is far removed from the thoughts of your Princely heart to straiten in matter of Justice, that so naturally and necessarily belongeth to your Kingly Office: your Majesty hath been pleased to refer to the Constable, the Duke of Infantasque, and two of the Regent's of your Council of Arragon, the understanding and determining of the extreme and barbarous usage, outrage and spoil committed by ships set out in course under the commission, & at the charge of your Majesty's Viceroy of Sardinia, and his son-in-law Don Lewis de Calatana, and others by their procurement: those Lords and others there authorized by that Commission, very nobly and justly desiring that of the spoil committed there might be made entire satisfaction, gave order divers months since; but your Majesty's Viceroy adding to his former offence, contempt of your Majesty's authority, hath not only disobeyed in his own person, but contradicted and withstood in others the accomplishment of your commandments; it seemeth that God is pleased for the good of your Majesty's Estate and Government to disvizard that man, and make apparent to the world how unfit he is to be trusted with your command of so great importance, whose covetous and ungodly condition is come to such height, is hath drawn him not only to spoil unlawfully, and so barbarously to use the subjects of so great a King your confederate, and thereby to hazard a breach of the amity between your Majesties so necessary for both your Estates, and so utile to the whole Commonwealth of Christendom, but also to neglect and contemn the authority of your Majesty his own Sovereign, to whom, besides the obligation of his natural allegiance, he is so infinitely bound for preferring and trusting him with a matter of so great consequence and dignity. By this paper enclosed your Majesty shall understand the manner of proceeding of the King my Master against such of his subjects as commit the like crimes and outrage against any of yours, and thereby conceive what my said Sovereign expecteth of your Majesty in this and the like, and what I am commanded in conformity thereof to require, which is, that there be no proceeding in so clear and plain a case, by way of process or suit in Law, which in this kingdom as by experience is known, are immortal; but that according to the sixth Article of the Peace, and the most Christian and just example showed by my Sovereign, who so punctually and conscionably in all things observeth with your Majesty, you will be pleased that there be not only an entire and immediate satisfaction to the parties, but that as well your said Viceroy, and Don Lewis his son-in-law, as all others their aiders, partners, and receivers in that crime may be criminally proceeded against, and suffer such punishment as so enorm and unlawful actions have justly deserved: The performance of this (considering with what patience the King my Master out of his love to your Majesty, notwithstanding the daily complaints and importunities, of the parties, & the general exclamation of other his subjects, who hold it rather agreeable with his honour and Kingly Office, not so long to permit unsatisfied or unpunished so intolerable an outrage, hath more than three whole years attended it) I cannot but expect from so just and pious a Prince without further delay or protraction of time ..  
Jan. 16. novo stilo. 1608   

Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Spanish King.  
WEll knoweth your Majesty in your Royal wisdom, how necessary to Kings is the conservation of authority and respect to their Kingly dignities; as also that the greatest and most absolute precept of Justice, is to do to others what we would be done unto ourselves: How religiously & punctually the King my master hath observed these unto your Majesty, hath appeared by many demonstrations, and not the least in the denial he made to Antonio de Perez to abide in his Kingdom, or to have access to his person; only out of a conceit he had, that he came with a mind determined to disauthorize your Majesty in his speeches, or to make offer of some practice against your estates in his overtures. Your Majesties own Royal and grateful inclination I know to be such, as you are not without desire to pay my Sovereign with the like equivalent retribution: but with your Majesty's pardon and favour, duty enforceth me plainly to tell you, that the Ministers of these your Kingdoms show not the like affection; where not one, but many my of Sovereign's worst affected subject are daily received, cherished and honoured with entertainments in your service. Were that sort of people contented only to abuse your Majesty's Kingly munificence and Christian charity, and to deceive your Ministers with their falsified genealogies, and with putting the Don upon many whose fathers and Ancestors were so base and beggarly, as they never arrived to be owners of so much as convenient apparel to cover their nakedness, it were much more tolerable: but when having here tasted the warmth of your Majesty's liberal and pious hand, they become furnished in such ample and abundant manner, as their poor and miserable ancestors durst never so much as dream of, like Aesop's serpent they turn their venomous stings towards the bosoms that gave them heat and life, and endeavour with all the force and Art they have, to give cause of distaste, and by consequence of division between your Majesty and your faithfullest and most powerful Confederate, in uneven payment for your Majesties so great and gracious favour. With generalities for the present I will not deal, as he whose cares and desires have ever been to soften, and not to sharpen. Two Irish in your Court, the one a son, as by his own Countrymen is generally reported, either to a vagabond Rhymer, a generation of people in that Country of the worst account; or to give him his best title, of a poor Mechanical Surgeon. The other descended rather of more base and beggarly parents; neglecting what by the Laws of God they owe to their own Sovereign, and as little regarding their obligation to your Majesty, who from the dust of the earth and miserable estate hath made them what they are, notwithstanding that they cannot be ignorant of the straight charge and commandments your Majesty hath given, that all due respect be had to the King my Master, and his Ministers and subjects; the first in irreverend and irrespective behaviour towards myself and some of mine; the other in obstinate defending his companions unmannerliness, delivering by way of direct asseveration, that I am an heretic, and such an one as to whom it is not lawful under the pain of deadly sin, to use any courtesy or reverence whatsoever, have of late miscarried themselves, as I hold it not agreeable either with what I owe to the King I serve, or the honour I have to represent his person, to pass over with silence, but to present it instantly to your Majesty. The names of the parties are, Magg Ogg, a Solicitor (as here is said) for the fugitive Earl of Tyrone, condemned by the verdict of his own Contreymen, besides his delict of Treason, of thirteen several murders. The other names himself Condio Mauricio, and is here (as I am informed) allowed for a— for his vagabonding Countrymen, hath put on the habit of a Priest, and hath of your Majesty thirty crowns a month in Pension. The parties and the offences I have made known unto your Secretary of State, and I cannot doubt your Majesty in conformity of what the King my master hath by so many arguments demonstrated towards your Majesty and your Ministers, will command such exemplary punishment to be made of them, as a behaviour so undecent, a slander and reproach so intolerable, and an opinion so desperate and dangerous, and so contrary to what your Majesty and all those of your Council, Nobility and Clergy do practise, do worthily merit, etc.  
Feb. 1608.   

Sir Charles Cornwallis to the Spanish King.  
YOur Majesty to whom God hath given so large an Empire, & so much exceeding that of other Princes, and whom he hath blessed with so great an inclination to piety, clemency, and other virtues becoming your Royal dignity and Person, will I know hold it evil beseemmg so rare a greatness, to come behind any King how pious & virtuous soever, either in the observance of the laws of mutual charity and friendship, or in love or zeal to justice, which to all Kingdoms and Governments gives the assuredst foundation; and in defect whereof by the Spirit of God himself, Kingdoms are said to be translated from one Nation to another. The first King that God gave unto his people, he elected of higher stature than the rest by the shoulders upwards, signifying thereby how much Kings are to strive to exceed and excel in the height and measure of virtue and justice; also how fit it is for them to overlook with their authorities and providences the highest head of their Ministers, and to observe how they guide themselves.  
By the contents of this paper enclosed, your Majesty shall perceive the Christian and Kingly care the King my Master hath had, not only of the observances of the Articles of Peace since the same between your Majesties were concluded; but of the punctual accomplishment of the true Laws of amity and friendship, which are more surely and expressively imprinted in Royal and Noble hearts, then possibly they can be written or charactered by any pen in paper. In your Majesty's Kingdoms (pardon I humbly beseech you if I speak plainly) much contrary to that example, the King my Master's subjects suffer all manner of spoils, oppressions and miseries, and are (as well I may term them) made a very prey to the hungry and greedy; your Viceroys and others enter their ships under cover and colour of Peace and Justice, finding them rich, they lay crimes to their charge, whereof there appears neither proof nor probability; yet serve their pretences to possess them of their goods, & to put the poor Merchants to a demand in Law: wherein were truth alone the balance they should be weighed by, (though that form of redress were far short of the immediate remedy provided by the King my Sovereign for your Majesty's subjects) yet were it much more allowable and to be endured; but having here complained two whole years without any course at all taken for redress, as in the cause with the Duke of Feria three entire years, as in that with the Viceroy of Sardinia one year and more, as in that of his Majesty's servant Adrian Thibaut, taken and spoiled by your Majesty's General Don Luis; as in that of Estry and Bispich, imprisoned and bereft of their goods by juan de Vendorza Alcalde of Madrid, we are after so long a time spent in misery and charge countervailing a great part of the value of the goods taken from us, enforced still to all punctualities and extremities of forms of law, and to abide the uttermost peril of all advantages that by the inventions, wits & tongues of Lawyers can be devised, to obscure and hid the light and right of truth. The false colour given by every of these, and the barbarous cruelty used to the parties, would require too long and tedious a declaration. It satisfieth that none of their pretences are proved; nay, which is more they are so false and fabulous as to no indifferent underderstanding they appear so much as probable.  
My humble desire is, your Majesty would be pleased to pass your own Royal eyes upon this paper; and therefore to affect all possible brevity, I will pass unto your Majesties other inferior ministers of your Ports, of which few there are (those in Biscay, and some in Portugal only excepted) where we have not divers oppressions, imprisonments, and unjust imbargements, in Sivil especially; whereof forty several suits, and as many false sentences given, raised and pursued by a man now dead, and therefore in charity left unnamed. We have hitherto in your Majesty's Council of war (where before those noble Lords all passed by the equal line of Justice) not failed in my remembrance in the overthrowing of any, save one mistaken that passed in a wrong name, and another concerning merchandise that had their manufacture in Embden, (whereof I suppose those Lords were not rightly informed) only excepted. In that Court I must acknowledge we have had redress, but yet with your Majesty's favour a miserable one; our gain being whether we shall be owners of our own or not, our expenses and charges certain, and the time without measure large, whereby many have been undone, some dead in prison in England for want of what was unjustly detained from them here. Yet neither the false Judges in Sivil nor Promoters ever chastised, or for any thing that I yet have understood, so much as ever reprehended or found fault with.  
I haste to a conclusion, fearing lest I should dwell too long in a matter so unsavoury and unpleasing to your Majesty's pitiful ears and Christian heart, so much of itself disposed to all clemency and piety. I will for the next resort to the ships, cordage, corn, and other victuals and provisions taken from the King my Sovereign's subjects for your Majesties own services, and the relief of the extreme necessity in your Galleys, and Garrisons of the Navy, of whom some have been enforced for want of payment of their moneys to send their ships home unfreighted, a loss extreme to poor Merchants that live by trade and time, to repair to this Court, and here remain some of them 14 months, and others two years and more, till their very charges had eaten out a great part of what was due unto them, and in the end recover only their own without any relief or recompense either for their expenses, times lost, or damages. I will only instance two, because their causes are most strange and pitiful, and yet unsatisfied; the one named Thomas Harrison, and the other Richard Morris: The first served your Majesty with his ship, till the same with one of his sons and all of his men were swallowed with the seas, and hath been here more than four years suing for his recompense and salary, recommended by the King my Sovereign, by Letters from your Majesty's Ambassadors in England, and by myself all that long time furthered with my earnest solicitation; which hath begot infinite promises, but to this day no manner of payment or performance: The other, who sometimes hath been a man of wealth and reputation, and falling into great poverty, served your Majesty with all that in the world he was worth, and all that in value above 6000 Rials. I blush I protest to think of it, and my heart is grieved to mention it to so great a King, of whose liberality and magnificence the world taketh so much notice. His right and his necessity being well known unto your Officers, he hath been more than three years and a half fed with hopes, and put off with schedules and sending from one Port to another for the receipt of his money, till he hath indebted himself the most part of the sum, and at present wanteth wherewith both to feed and cover him. Now at last he is promised payment out here of your Royal chests, but after so many ceremonies and circumstances to be performed with your Officers in other parts, as God knows hunger may end the poor man before they begin to satisfy him. By all this will plainly appear to your Majesty, that your Majesty's subjects are by the favour and Christian justice of the King my master entered into the new Testament and law of Grace, haying restitution and remedy without the delays of ceremony and formality; and we still remain under the old, and tied in all things to the hand-writing of the Law, to the burdenous circumstances and intolerable dilatory formalities of proceeding in this your Kingdom, and what else your unpittifull Ministers will out of uncharitable and unsensible minds of other men's harms charge and impose upon us.  
Well doth your Majesty conceive, that would the King my Master wink at the like courses to be taken by his subjects and ministers with such of yours as they might meet upon the seas, the English are not of so little invention, but they could devise as good colours and pretences; nor their Lawyers of so small skill and so much conscience, but they could form and protract suits; nor the ships of England so weakened and lessened, but they could equal and surmount their losses. I have out of mine own humble affection to your Majesty, out of my general and ever continuing desire to hold firm the ancient amity so necessary for your own estates, and utile for the whole common-weal of Christendom, out of the force of duty I own to my King and Country, thus far adventured to unburthen my soul and thoughts, not doubting but your Majesty's magnanimous and Christian heart will be moved as well in desire to equal the pious and immutable example of the King my Master, as in a just compassion of a Nation now confederate with you, and that so gladly would entertain any cause to love and serve you, to give present remedy to those woeful and intolerable oppressions; and that since you have firmed and consented by your Articles of Peace of new orders (which being confirmed by your oath stand now in force of Laws) you would be pleased in like manner to give them a new form of indilatory execution, conformable to that of the King my Sovereign, etc.   

King James to the University of Cambridge, Mar, 4. 1616.  
JACOBUS Dei gratia Magnae Britanniae, Franciae & Hiberniae Rex, Fidei defensor, etc. Acadmiaes Cantabrigiae communi salutem.  
SI jus civitatis impetret à nobis Cantabrigia, veremur ne aemula urbis potentia crescente minuatur Academiae securitas, sat erit apud nos metus vestri judicium fecisse, nec enim tam vobis convenit Academiae periculum deprecari quam nobis, sponte nostra quicquid in speciem illi noxium sit avertere. Glorietur urbs illa se à Majoribus nostris electam doctrinarum sedem, ingeniorum officium, sapientiae palestram. Quicquid his titulis addi potest nimis, & non honestatur plebeia Civitatis appellatione Musarum domicilium vel sane literatorum dicatur Civitas, vel quod in villa nostrae villae & in incolitarum tegitur celebritate. Haec ejus fuerint privilegia Academiae dignitatem comiter observare (cujus frequentia facta & seipsa major affluentia bonarum artium studiosos amicè excipere quorum congressu dislata est) Literatorum deinque honori ancillari unde haec illa nata est felicitas, hae artes quibus crevit tenenda, non aucupandam titulorum novitas incerti eventus facessat popularis vocabuli fastus, unde certa oriatur aemulationis necessitas quae eo turpior urbi est futura quo majori erga Academiam obstrictam & reverentiam, nolumus sacrum illum musarum asylum minuti praetoris ense temerari nec strepere tetrica edicta, ubi septem geminus vestri Chori auditur concentus satis & in vetera purpura invidiae nova pompa tam illi futura, & supervacua quam vobis suspecta. In nostra solvis tutela & post Deum opt. max. Alma scientiarum Mater nostro fovebitur sceptro indefessa illius foecunditas non abortiet ad praetorii gladii terriculum nullum honoris titulum Cantabrigiae indulgemus, qui cum Academiae sollicitudine conjunctus sit.  
Valete. Datum è Palatio nostre Westmonast. 4 Calend. Mar. 1616. JACOBUS REX.   

Mr. Ruthen to the Earl of Northumberland.  
My Lord,  
IT may be interpreted discretion sometimes to wink at private wrongs, especially for such a one as myself, that have a long time wrestled with a hard Fortune, and whose actions, words and behaviour are continually subject to the censure of a whole State; yet not to be sensible of public and Nationall disgrace, were stupidity and baseness of mind: For no place, nor time, nor State can excuse a man from performing that duty and obligation wherein Nature hath tied him to his Country and to himself. This I speak in regard of certain infamous verses lately by your Lordship's means dispersed abroad to disgrace my Country and myself, and to wrong and slain by me the honour of a worthy and virtuous Gentlewoman, whose unspotted and immaculate virtue yourself is so much more bound to admire and uphold, in that having dishonourably assaulted it, you could not prevail. But belike, my Lord, you dare do any thing but that which is good and just. Think not to bear down these things either by greatness or denial; for the circumstances that prove them are so evident, and the veil wherewith you would shadow them, is too transparent. Neither would I have you flatter yourself, as though, like another Gyges', you could pass in your courses invisible. If you own a spite to any of my countrymen, it is a poor revenge to rail upon me in verse: or if the repulse of your lewd desire at the Gentlewoman's hands, hath inflamed and exasperated your choler against her, it was never known that to refuse Northumberlands unlawful lust was a crime for a Gentlewoman deserving to have her honour called in question. For her part, I doubt not but her own unspotted virtue will easily wipe out any blot which your malice would cast upon it; and for me and my Countrymen (know my good Lord) that such blows as come in rhyme, are too weak to reach or harm us. I am ashamed in your Lordship's behalf for these proceed, and sorry that the world must now see how long it hath been mistaken in Northumberlands spirit: and yet who will not commend your wisdom in choosing such a safe course to wrong a woman & a prisoner; the one of which cannot, and the other by nature & quality of the place, may not right his own wrongs. Wherefore (setting aside the most honourable order of the Garter, and potesting that whatsoever is here said, is no way intended to the Nobility and Gentry of England in general, which I doubt not but will condemn this your dishonourable dealing, and for which both myself, and I dare truly say all my Countrymen shall be even as ready to sacrifice our bloods as for our own mother Scotland) I do not only in regard of our own persons affirm, that whatsoever in those infamous Verses is contained is utterly false and untrue, and that yourself hath dealt most dishonourably, unworthily, and basely, but this I'll ever maintain. If these words sound harshly in your Lordship's ear, blame yourself, since yourself forgetting yourself have taught others how to dishonour you: And remember that though Nobility make a difference of persons, yet Injury acknowledgeth none.  
PATRICK RUTHEN.   

Sir Henry yelverton's submission in the Star-chamber.  
My Lords,  
I Humbly beseech you to think that I stand not here either to outface the Court, or to defend this cause otherwise then justly I may; only I desire in mine own person to second the submission which hath been opened by my Council: for hitherunto hath nothing been opened unto you, but that which hath passed under the advised pen of others, and hitherto hath appeared from myself neither open nor inward acknowledgement.  
My Lords, it may seem strange to the hearers, that against a Bill so sharpened I should abruptly fall upon a submission or confession, whereby I may seem to bow down my neck to the stroke. But my Lords, in this I weighed not myself, but I did it to amplify the honour and mercy of his Majesty, from whom I may say Clemency springs as the blood that runs in his own veins. For, my Lords, when this Charter was sometime questioned, & divers of my Lords here present had out of their great wisdoms discovered that shame in it (which I must here confess I did not then see) & had related the same to his Majesty, it pleased his Maj. out of his great favour to me his unworthy servant to send me this message by two great honourable persons here present, and therefore under your Lordship's favour I think not fit to hid so great a favour of his Maj. from the eyes of the people, who offered to my choice either to submit to himself in private, or defend here openly; and when I saw I fell into such faithful hands, I remember my answer then was, that the offer was gracious, and the choice was easy, and his mercy free. After came this Information against me: I took it but as trial whether I would make his Majesty King of my confidence, or not: And though there was offered unto me and my Council such a way of defence as I might have escaped, yet I protest I did reject it, because I would not distrust his Majesty's mercy to let go the anchorhold I had thereof; and whatsoever becomes of me, I protest I shall still honour the King, though I go lame to my grave. I humbly confess the manifold errors of this Charter to your Lordships, wherein I have miscarried; and I beseech his Majesty and your Lordships to think they are rather crept in unawares, then ushered in by consent. The errors are of divers natures, some of negligence, some of ignorance, some of misprision; I mistook many things, I was improvident in some things, too credulous in all things. But I who was chosen, when I had so much provoked his Majesty by mine unexperienced years, and having since found so many favours from his Majesty's hands, and this day having served him full seven years, who this day hath translated me from a low estate unto a place whereof I enjoy now only the name, and now since hath so much quickened and enlightened me by his gracious countenance, and assured me by his daily favours to make me to depend upon him; and that I should deliberately and determinately take any flowers from his Crown to place them on the heads of others, or to betray his Majesty's interest into the hands of others, I hope his Majesty will vouchsafe me so much favour not to value me at so low a rate, as to think these things came in de industria: For if I had felt any such Echo arise in my breast, I protest I would have laid hands on myself, and judged myself unworthy of any society.  
My Lords, the corruption of my hands are far inferior to the corruption of the heart; and the hand that runs wilfully into error, works merely from the corruption of the heart, and that makes it the more inexcusable, as the bleeding of a wound inwardly ever becomes mortal; and were I conscious to myself, I would not have any colour of excuse. I thank his Majesty's Council that howsoever these hands were at first mistrusted, yet since they are not at all misdoubted, nor the least corruption laid to my charge. But this doth most grieve me, that my faithfulness to his Majesty should be suspected: And I humbly desire upon my knees, that his Clemency in this case may stop the issue of his Justice; that though a long time his face hath been hid, yet now at length his mercy will break through the clouds to support me that am now fallen. I lay myself at his Majesty's feet to do with me as it pleaseth him, and humbly desire his Majesty would take me to his own sentence. I never thought of myself otherwise then clay in his Majesty's hands, to mould me to honour or dishonour. When I look and behold this solemnity and spectacle about me, I make no other account of it then Pompa mortis; and such a Prince as he is, knows that Lise and Reputation are equal, if the last be not the greatest. I know your Lordships have such power, and his Majesty takes such pleasure in you, you are so dear in his eyes, that he can deny you nothing, and therefore I would desire you that you would be suitors in my behalf, that his favour might once again shine upon me. I know his grace and clemency sleepeth, if I be not unworthy to partake, and the rather because the River that did run another way, is now turned into the Sea again, and the Charter given up, surrendered and canceled. I know much life might be added to the sinews of my happiness by your Lordship's intercessions for me; in vouchsafing, whereof I shall pledge a perpetual assurance of better service for the time to come, and shall be bound and engaged to every one of your Lordships: so that my desire is, that his Majesty might first be acquainted with this submission before you proceed into the merits of the cause, remaining still a prisoner to his Justice, knowing his Majesty may if he please, turn me to vanity.   

Ferdinand the second, Emperor, to the Catholic King.  
Most gracious King, my most loving Nephew,  
FAther Jacinthus comes over to your Court to negotiate with your Majesty in the Pope's name, about a business much concerning the conservation of our holy Faith, and consequently the support of our Pamily, as your Majesty shall understand of the said Father, to whom I refer myself, as also to Don Balthasar de Zuniga, to whom I have written more distinctly, fearing to be over-tedious to your Majesty, and being well assured how well your Majesty stands inclined to either of these points.   

Ferdinand the Emperor to Don Balthasar de Zuniga, October 15. 1621.  
To the Honourable and sincerely beloved Don Balthasar de Zuniga, Cousin and Counsellor of State to the most excellent and Catholic King of Spain.  
Honourable and sincerely beloved,  
WHat my mind and purpose is touching the translating of the Electorship to the Duke of Bavaria, according to the promise I made him, and wherefore I think that business so necessary and profitable, as for Germany in general, so particularly for securing our House from all attempts of Heretics, as his Holiness exhorts me not to be further delayed: You shall understand as well by conference with Father Jacinthus, whom his Holiness hath for that purpose addressed unto me, his Majesty of Spain my Nephew, and other Catholiqne Princes of Germany, as by these ensuing reasons, whereof the principal are, That when I repeat from the beginning the whole course of my Reign, and the difficulties through which I have attained my Kingdoms and Provinces, I behold with reverence the admirable providence of God over me, which makes me the more bound to repose my trust in him, and not to omit any occasion which may tend to the advancement of his glory, and the honour of so admirable tried providence: and therefore that I should use that most notable victory to the honour of God, and extirpation of all seditions factions, which are nourished chief among the Calvinists, and that I should withdraw myself from that judgement that the Prophet threatens to the King of Israel, Because thou hast dismissed a man worthy of death, thy Son shall be for his soul. The Palatine keeps now in Holland, exiled not only from the Kingdom which he rashly attempted, but despoiled almost of all his own Territories, expecting as it were the last cast of Fortune; whom, if by an impious kind of commiseration and subtle Petitions, I be persuaded to restore to his Electoral dignity, and nourish in my bosom as a trodden half living snake, what can I expect less than a deadly stinging? For it is in vain for me to think that he should be able to discern the greatness of such a benefit: For the Politician's saying is true, Vltionem quaesivi, gratiam oneri habere, especially since the injuries he did me are so heinous, his projects so subtle, that although I should overcome him with Christian charity, yet I should never be able to take him from the guilt of his offences, and make him sound faithful unto me; but he will always gape at all occasions whereby he may free himself from fear of his ill deservings, and cover his own prostituted honour with new attempts. Add hereunto the Calvinists institution, of whose Sect the proper genius is to hold nothing either fraud or wickedness, which is undertaken for the Religion; no sanctity of oath, nor fear of dishonour hinders them. From such an one, what caution can either the house of Austria, or other Catholic Princes with whom he is no less in enmity, because for Religion, as because they are interessed in the war, receive? The King of England will be engaged, but of the same Religion; nor is there any thing more easy than when there is occasion of perpetrating any wickedness, to palliate it with a pretext of a breach of the League. Histories are fraughted with examples; in some there are no cautions sufficient in such a business: then to drive him where he cannot hurt, all other means are frail, and he which once believed is despised. It is likewise a consideration of no less moment, that the Palatine being restored will draw all his power and policy; as hitherto, so hereafter, where he thinks he can do most hurt, and that most easily, to wit, to Bethlem-Gabor and the Turks, whom he hath already incited to hostility against me, and will never cease hereafter to instigate the Galvinists entire hopes in them. These, until they recover breath, and recollect their forces, they endeavour to disarm and exhaust me of moneys, ranging in my territories as they have done hitherto by fire and sword. But if with them also, whom notwithstanding I cannot trust alike, I should make peace, what conditions will Gabor who remains yet unconquered require, if I should restore the Palatine (already conquered) to his Electoral dignity?  
Therefore since long before God granted me that famous victory, I firmly forecast with myself, that the Palatine could not be restored to his Electoral dignity without the extreme danger of the Catholics and my house, I offered freely on my own motion, but being directed questionless by God, the Electorship to the Duke of Bavaria, a most eager Defender of the Catholic cause, whose territories on the other side lie as a Rampire between me and other Princes of Germany; and since I made so good use of his help, and so profitable in the recovery of my Kingdoms and Provinces, and continue yet to this day, time itself more than the said Duke doth cry out that I should accomplish my promise without further delay, and by translation of the Electorship take away quite all hopes from the Palatine and them that solicit us so importunately for a restitution, that we may be freed from all molestation; which thing, since it needs the help of his Majesty of Spain, although I know his Majesty be propense enough of himself to all things which appertain to the honour of God, and the security of our House, yet I thought good to admonish you of this occasion, lest this opportunity of establishing of our Religion and Family escape, which I conceive might conveniently be done by you. Neither do I suppose his Majesty to be ignorant, that it was always judged of our Ancestors, that the House of Austria, which by God's permission doth now signiorize far and near upon the earth, to have its chief foundation here in Germany, which is the more to be defended, the nearer its mine depends thereupon. In times past this House hath had proof of many adversaries to its greatness, as the Histories under Maximilian the first, Charles the fift, Ferdinand the second, and Rodulf the second do show: the perfidiousness of Holland against his Majesty's Grandfather Philip the second, fetched her food from the Palatinate, neither can his Majesty ever reduce the rebellious Hollanders to obedience, unless his root be plucked up; which only motive, besides these which I alleged before, might justly induce him not to suffer a fallen enemy to rise and resume (as his stomach will never fail him) strength again.  
But albeit it is not to be dissembled that the Lutheran Princes, especially the Elector of Saxony, will not approve haply of this translation, because they fear it conduceth too much to the corroborating of the Catholic Cause: Nevertheless, since he cannot accuse that act of Charles the fifth, who for a far lighter cause deprived John Frederick of the Electorship, and conferred it on Maurice this Duke's great Uncle; and perceiving that all the Counsels of the Calvinists do aim to bring in the Turk, he will not condemn his translation: For no less is the Lutherans hatred against the Calvinists, as the Catholics and they think less danger do proceed from the later. It is to be hoped therefore, that the Elector of Saxony, and other Lutheran Princes, when they see the business brought to this point, will not so far disapprove thereof, as to put themselves in Arms; which I shall shortly understand of the most excellent Archduke Charles my brother, who is for this cause to treat with the Elector of Saxony. And these motives as they are of great consequence, so I imagine you, which are daily of his Majesty's Council, have pondered them as diligently as myself, and therefore that you will omit nothing that is pertinent to establish this business, whereby we obtain the long and wished fruit thereof, which is the propagation of the honour of Almighty God through the Empire, and the augmentation of the common safety, Family and Dignity.  
Beloved Don Balthasar I understand that there was a motive of great consideration omitted in my Letter; to wit, that if we had more countenance of his Catholic Majesty than we have at this present, the Empire should always remain in the hands of Catholics, and so according to reason in our House, to whose advancement the Duke of Bavaria will willingly concur in recognition of such a benefit, being promoted by an Emperor of that House, to so eminent and high a dignity as in our letters.  
Vienna Octob. 15. 1621.   

King James to Ferdinand the Emperor concerning the Palatinate. Novemb. 12. 1621.  
IAmes by the grace of God King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. wisheth health and constant peace unto the most mighty and invincible Prince Ferdinando, by the same grace elected Roman Emperor, King of Germany, Hungary and Bohemia, Archduke of Austria, etc. our loving friend and cousin.  
Most mighty and invincible Prince, Brother, Cousin, and special loving Friend; It is not unknown unto the whole world, much less to your Imperial Majesty, how earnestly we have hitherto sought and endeavoured as well by the diligence of our Ambessadors whom we have sent, as by the intercession of the chief Germane Princes, the appeasing of those Bohemian wars ever since they first began, and with what ardent zeal and affection we have so much hunted after the desire of peace: Let it not therefore seem strange unto any man, that we take it ill, that all the very time when we were (to the uttermost of our power) treating of peace, and giving our best furtherance for the overture of wholesome means to effect it; even then notwithstanding, we found clean contrary effects to ensue thereupon; whereat we much marvelled, seeing the Treaty was in hand, and already begun on all sides: as namely among the rest, that our son-in-law was wholly despoiled and rob of his hereditary patrimony that remained unto him, excepting the ●lower Palatinate, which was all by commandment of your Imperial Majesty, taken and possessed by the Duke of Bavaria, according as himself confessed, with strong hand and force of Arms, and that for such reasons as are merely new, and such as the like were never hitherto once heard of. That notwithstanding it plainly appeareth by the answer given unto our Ambassador, that your Imperial Majesty had caused the suspension of that Ban or prescription in those Countries, yet did your Imperial Majesty permit the taking of Arms again in hand: which also after the same your Imperial Majesty's answer, was yet again likewise commanded to be done in the Lower Palatinate, whereby there hath therein been since raised a grievous and cruel war, and most part of the Country taken in by the Spaniards powerful strength. But as we diligently observed those things, we clearly see what great trouble and misery hath been occasioned by this our great patience and long delaying, forbearing and doubtfulness, which without all doubt may be hereafter further occasioned, and which may perhaps prove heavier than the chief reasons of this misery itself. And therefore we hold it best and most expedient that your Imperial Majesty do at length put a period to this most unhappy business: And for that end and purpose have thought good at this time so propound what we prescribe our Son in law on th'one part to perform towards your Imperial Majesty, which we have always counselled and exhorted our Son in law to do, nor will we so much as in the least once doubt of the contrary and adverse success therein, but are persuaded that your Imperial Majesty will be most graciously moved to receive our Son in law into grace and favour, to redeliver unto him his hereditary lands and titles which he had enjoyed before those Bohemian wars, and fully to restore him to his former honours and dignities. In regard whereof the Count Palatine shall perform unto your Imperial Majesty as followeth.  

1. He shall for himself and his Son wholly renounce and acquit all pretence of right and claim unto die Crown of Bohemia and the incorporated Countries thereof.  
2. He shall from henceforward yield all constant due devotion unto the Imperial Majesty, as do other obedient Prince's Electors of the Empire.  
3. He shall upon his knee crave pardon of the Imperial Majesty.  
4. He shall not hereafter any manner of way either unfittingly carry or demean himself towards the Imperial Majesty, or disturb your Kingdoms or Countries.  
5. He shall upon reasonable conditions reconcile himself with other his neighbour Princes and States of the Empire, and hold good friendship with them.  
6. And shall really do all other like things as is above contained, and that shall be reasonable and necessary.   
Which proposed Conditions if your Imperial Majesty shall please to receive and accept of, the same will be a notable testimony of your Imperial Majesty's goodness and grace: which how well and acceptable it will be unto us, shall be acknowledged and showed by our very willing service and unfeigned friendship as well towards your Imperial Majesty as towards the most renowned house of Austria. But if it shall fall out contrary to our expectation, that these our just demands and well-willed presentation shall not find acceptance, or after this our diligent endeavour you shall seek to delay us by the using some new tergiversation, and pretend to use that long council and deliberate advice of the Princes of the Empire upon these our propounded conditions, whereas notwithstanding your Imperial Majesty expressly promised in your last answer freely to declare what should be your purpose and resolution therein: So that there being no ground to the contrary (as we call God and the world to witness there is not) and being forced and constrained by the duty and natural affection which we own and bear to our Children for the preservation of their honour and welfare, we are resolved to try the uttermost of our power for their relief; especially seeing we sue for, desire, and would obtain and retain no new title of honour for our Son in law, but only to have again those of his own now lost, which he then had and enjoyed when we matched him with our dear and only daughter: For if in this distress we should leave our Children and their Partisans without council help and protection, it would be a foul stain to our honour.  
Let not therefore your Imperial Majesty in regard hereof blame us at all, if we with a mighty and puissant Army by force and strong hand seek to recover that which by propounded and reasonable conditions we could not obtain for the continuance of our friendship. But for as much as it is most certain this cannot be without the great hurt and prejudice of all Christendom, the breach of public peace, and the wounding of our contracted amity and friendship with the house of Austria, which we have ever hitherto by manifold testimonies uprightly, faithfully and inviolably observed: It is therefore requisite and necessary that your Majesty of your innate gracious mildness and goodness, and of that most reverend discretion wherewith you are endowed, to seek in time to meet with and prevent these so great evils likely to ensue, and use brotherly love & good will. God almighty long preserve your Imperial Majesty's life, and at last so direct your heart, that sweet peace and the concord of all Christendom now rend asunder, may be recovered and again maintained.  
At our Royal Residence-Town of Royston, Novemb. 12. 1621. JACOBUS REX.   

His Imperial Majesty to King James, jan. 14. 1621.  
COnstans atque eadem nobis semper fuit mens, idem desiderum, non tam verbis quam re ipsa demonstrandi quanti tranquillitatem in Imperio publicam & mutuae amicitiae cum vicinis Principibus, potissimum Serenitatis vestrae sincere colendae studium aestimaremus. Ind si praeteriti temporis successus de rebus in utroque Palatinatu tam superiore quam inferiore innovat. de quo literis ad nos datis Serenitas vestra conqueritur deflexisse videri possint, illi culpa venit omnis imputanda, quem ab improba cupiditate aliena regna captantem, nec divini nec humani juris respectus, nec supremi Domini sui reverentia, nec sacri Jus-jurandi religio, nec prudentissimi Soceri concilium cohibere potuerint; imo qui justo Dei judicio ca acie in fugam profligatus usque adeo obstinatione sua pertinaciter etiamnum inheret, ut continuis machinationibus per Jagarndorfium, Mansfeildum, aliosque crudeles pacis publica perturbatores, Acharonta potius movere quam sanioribus acquiescere consiliis ab usurpatoque regni nostri titulo desistere (non officiis per Serenitatem vestram per quam sane diligenter interpositis. sua ex parte quid deferens) videatur, nec ullum in hanc usque horam animi poenitentis signum dederit. Itaque in tractatu de pace instituenda uti condescendamus videt Serenitas vestra ab cis quos principaliter id concernit quam nulla nobis causa vel occasio praebeatur. Id quidem ingenue profitemur, in exulceratissimo eo negotio, cujus calamitas universum pene orbem involvit, cum Serenitatis vestrae candorem, cam animi moderationem, & equitatis justitiaeque respectum enituisse, ut nihil sit vicissim quod non ejusdem desideriis salva suprema auctoritate nostra Caesarea, salvisque Imperii legibus libenter tribuamus, qui pro innata nobis benignitate— aequisque conditionibus Arma poni & optatam afflictissimae Germaniae pacem restitui, quam legitime executiones insisti per caedes & sanguinem Christianum gloriosa nomini nostra trophaea figi nunquam non maluimus. In gratiam itaque Serenitatis vestrae, ut ret ipsa deprehendat quanti nobis sit perpetuum cum eadem amicitia cultum novo fomite subinde revocari, licet hactenus prosperos militiae nostrae successus divina benignitas tribuit, acquiescimus, ut benevolo tractatis almae pacis redintigrandae rationes opportunae ineantur, cumque in finem ad evitandum viarum temporumque dispendia nunc in eo sumus ut serenissimae Principi Dominae Elizabethae Clarae Eugeniae natae, Infanti Hispaniarum, Archiducissae Austriae, Ducissae Burgundiae, Stiriae, Carinthiae, Canniolae, & Wirtinburgiae, & Provinciarum Belgii Burgundiarumque Dominae, Consobrinae ac sorori nostrae charissimae, ut istic in aula sua, quorsum vestra quoque Serenitas si ita libuerit suos cum plena facultate ablegare poterit primum cumque proximum assequende pacis gradum cessationem ab armis aequis conditionibus nomine nostro Caesari stabiliendum permittemus, prope diem expedituri Legatum nostrum virum nobilem, qui diligentissime in gravissimo hoc negotio mentem nostram plenius aperiet, atque inde ad Serenitatem vestram animum nostrum ad redintegrandae pacis studia proclivem, qui non aliter quam quibuscunque benevolentiae officiis cum Serenitate vestra certare studet magis magisque testificetur, cujus interim consilia generosa praepotens Deus publico orbis commodo in faelicissimos ●ventus disponat.  
Dat. Viennae, 14 Jan. 1621.   

Earl of Bristol to King James.  
MOst gracious Sovereign,  
it may please your Majesty to remember, that at my coming out of Spain I signified unto your Majesty how far the Duke of Lerma had upon several occasions intimated unto me an extraordinary desire of this King and State, not only to maintain peace and amity with your Majesty, but to lay hold of all things that may be offered for the nearer uniting of your Majesty and your Crowns; and that from this generality he had descended often to have discourse with me of a match for the Prince's Highness with the second daughter of Spain, assuring me, that in this King and his Ministers there was a forward disposition thereunto. But from me he received no other answer but to this effect, That I in the treaty of the former match for the late Prince, had received so strange and unexpected answer from them, & that their demands seemed so improper and unworthy, that I conceived that your Majesty had little reason to be induced again to give ear to any such overture, or that I should again enter into any such treaty, much less to be the motioner thereof: Although I would confess, that if I were fully persuaded of the sincerity of their intentions, and of a possibility of having the said match effected, I know not any thing wherein I would more willingly employ my endeavours; but as the case now stood, I was certain, that if I should but make any such motion in England, should but draw imputation of much weakness upon me there, and no whit advance the cause, for that your Majesty and your Ministers would make no other construction of the motion, but as construed to divert the Match of France; which was treated of, for that your Majesty who but the year before had received so unpleasing and unequal an answer, should now be persuaded that there was here so great a change, as that a match was really desired, there would now need more than ordinary assurance. But the Duke of Lerma continuing several times the same profession, and telling me besides that the greatest Cases might be altered by circumstances, and that the Age of this Prince was much more proper than that of his brother; I freely let the Duke know that in case I might see that it was really desired here, and that I might be able to propound unto my Master conditions of so much advantage and certainty as might put him and his ministers out of doubt that this overture was not again revived from hence either for diversion or winning of time, I would then willingly intimate unto your Majesty the inclination and desire I found here of having a proposition for this match once again set on foot. The Duke told me he would have a further conference with me, and that he than no ways doubted to give such satisfaction as might well assure your Majesty and your Ministers, that they sincerely desired the match in general, and would omit nothing on their side for the accommodating of particulars that might give furtherance unto it. But the very night before the Duke had appointed a meeting with me, there came a Post dispatched out of England from the Spanish Ambassador upon the arrival of Sir Thomas edmond's into England, who brought word that the match with France was absolutely concluded, and that within few days it was to be published. Whereupon the Duke at our meeting the next morning, told me that it would be needless now to descend to any particulars in the business whereof we are to treat, since that they had newly received advertisement that the match with France was fully concluded. And thus for the present the matter rested until some five or six weeks after; about which time myself was to go into England, and so taking leave of the Duke, he asked me whether I had not received advertisement that the match with France was published. I told him no, but I had certainly heard that it was not as yet fully concluded: Whreupon he entreated me, that in case I found not the French match in such forwardness as it could not be stayed, I would let him know of it; and that if I should see any kind of possibility that the business we had spoken of might be set on foot, I would advertise him, and that thereupon he would proceed to those particulars which he formerly intended for my satisfaction.  
Herewith I acquainted your Majesty, and finding the Spanish Ambassador in England had notice from the Duke of our former proceed, and order to further them by all possible means he could, especially if he should understand that your Majesty were not fully resolved of the French match, I thought it fit by this means to let the Duke understand in what estate I found those businesses in England; and thereupon with your Majesty's permission, I wrote a letter unto him to this effect.  
That although it were true that the Match with France had been treated of with much earnestness on both sides, and with great likelihood of being concluded; yet there daily arose so many difficulties, and new cases of delay, that I judged it far from any perfect conclusion, neither did I see cause absolutely to despair of the businesses which ourselves pretended, unless the difficulty of the Conditions should make it desperate. But if those things should be expected by Spain, which in the Treaty for the late Princess were demanded, it were better by much not to renew the business, then by impossible, or unfitting propositions on either side to give distaste, or lessen the friendship which now was betwixt your Majesties. And therefore except that in Spain they would be contented with such conditions as your Majesty most fittingly and conveniently might yield unto, and all other Catholic Princes were willing to content themselves with, I neither saw cause to hope for good success, or reason to set the treaty on foot. But in case I might know that the conditions in point of Religion might be such as I should see a possibility of your Majesty's condescending unto them, I should be far from despairing of some good effect; for that I knew that divers not of the meanest nor least power with your Majesty were hereunto well inclined, and would give their helping hands.  
Hereupon the Spanish Ambassador dispatched his Secretary into Spain, and received answer from the Duke, that he should give me all assurance that there was a great desire and inclination to the making of the Match, and that at my return into Spain they no way doubted but that I should receive such satisfaction, as should make it appear on their part there should be nothing wanting for the effecting of it.  
It now remaineth what hath passed herein since my last coming to this Court. I arrived here in Madrid only a day or two before Christmas; and having some six days after my audience appointed by the King, whilst I was in a withdrawing chamber expecting the Kings coming forth, the Duke of Lerma came thither to bear me company; and after many respectful demands of your Majesty, and the Queens and the Prince's health, and some few compliments unto myself concerning my welcome again unto this Court, he fell to speak of the false Alarms we had in England concerning a Spanish Armado, seeming much to be displeased that any credit should be given to any thing to his Majesty's dishonour and want of fidelity (as he termed it.) But your Majesty (he said) did never believe it: And it seems he heard of some pleasant answer your Majesty should make to some one of your Ministers, that in great haste came unto your Majesty when you were a hunting, and told you that the Spanish Fleet was in the Channel. From this he entered into great protestations of the sincerity of this King's affection and intention towards your Majesty, telling me that I should now see how much they desired to work a greater nearness and uniting between your Majesties: And that of the principal business of which we had in former time spoken, meaning the Marriage, he desired to speak with me, but it must be at more leisure. I answered, that I would not fail shortly to wait upon him, and that he should find me answerable to the professions I had made, which was, that being induced thereunto by such sufficient and good grounds as might satisfy my Master both for the convenience and fittingness of having such a Treaty set on foot, and likewise might take away all objections of their intents of entertaining and diverting your Majesty hereby, I would be as ready to do all good offices and give furtherance to the business, as any Minister the King of Spain had. And this was all that at our first meeting passed in this business.  
About some eight days after, I having not in all this time stirred out of my house under colour of being ill disposed, though the truth was indeed to inform myself of some particulars which concerned your Majesty's service, before I would speak with the Duke: He being (as I have since understood) something troubled that in all this time I made no means to come unto him, one morning by nine of the clock very privately came to my house, without advertising of his coming (as the custom is here) until the Coach stayed at my gate, and then he sent in a Gentleman to me, telling me that the Duke was there to speak with me. When I had conducted the Duke into a room where we were private, he fell into th'aforesaid matter, and in the manner as I shall here set down unto your Majesty, without making any other pretence or intent of his coming, or without using in the space of an hour any speech touching any other business.  
After some few questions of your Majesty and the Queen, he began to ask many things of the Prince, as of his age, his stature, his health, his inclination, to what sports he was chief given? And then suddenly, as it were with a passionate expression of affection, he desired God to bless him, and to make him the means by which your Majesties might be conjoined in a nearer alliance, and your Kingdoms in a perpetual amity: saying unto me, that he was out of doubt of my good inclination to this business, both by what had formerly passed between ourselves, as likewise by my proceed in England, whereof he had been fully informed by the Spanish Ambassador. And therefore he would in few words deal with me with much cleverness and freeness, assuring himself he should receive the like measure from me; and thereupon entered into a solemn protestation, how much this King desired the Match, and for himself he solemnly swore, there was no one thing in the world he more desired to see before he died, than the effecting thereof. But my Lord Ambassador (said he) you must deal as justly with me to let me understand whether you conceive the like desire to be in the King of England and his Ministers, and then I shall proceed to speak further unto you.  
I answered the Duke, That I ever esteemed more the reputation of a man of truth and integrity, then of skill and subtlety: which I did hope he did well perceive by what I was to say, for that I was much more desirous fairly to go off from this business, then easily to go into it. And therefore if he would have me speak my conscience, I neither conceived that either in your Majesty or any of your Ministers there was any kind of inclination thereunto; for that they having formerly given so resolute and distasteful an answer, your Majesty had just cause never again to cast so much as your thoughts this way: And though it might be alleged, that the fitness of the Prince his years, and other civil regards might cause new resolutions, yet the difference of Religion were still the same, and the same were the truths, and opinions of Divines in matter of conscience; and therefore it would not but be a thing of great difficulty to persuade your Majesty and your Ministers that a Match should be harkened unto, much less desired from hence, but upon the same terms the very thought and remembrance whereof is yet unpleasing in England. So that to deal plainly with him, I neither found in your Majesty or in the Council any kind of thought or imagination of any possibility of having any such motion again revived. But this I found not to grow from any particular dislike or want of affection in your Majesty to Spain, or that many of the greatest or the principallest person in England judged not the nearness and alliance of Spain equally valuable with any other of Christendom; but that out of a distastefulness of the former answer given from hence, all expectation of any business of this nature was absolutely extinguished, and therefore again to revive it there would need more than ordinary endeavours or ordinary assurances: But in case that they might be given, I know that this Match would neither want well-willers nor assistants; and for my own part I would freely make profession that no man more desired it then myself, nor would more willingly employ his endeavours for the furthering thereof, when by the descending to particulars I should see both in regard of the conditions and the assurances of sincere proceeding, the motion worthy and fit by a discreet and good servant to be offered to his Master; neither then should I be wholly out of hope of good success, though I would not but esteem it a business of infinite difficulty.  
The Duke replied, That any discourse that I thought fit herein should be condescended unto, for that all time was lost that was spent in generalities: And therefore if I so liked, he would move this King, that one or two besides himself might be appointed to have conference with me; for that if he should only retain it in his hands, by reason of his many occupations it would have a slower progress than he wished; but if I would by way of conference digest the difficulties into heads and particulars, he would as often as he might be present at our meeting: But for his own part, he said he apprehended few but what would arise out of the difference of Religion.  
I told the Duke, that I very well approved of the descending into particulars, neither should I refuse conference with any herein whom the King would appoint to speak with me: But if his meaning were, that these persons should be nominated or joined by way of Commission, I thought fit to let him understand that I neither had any time, nor did at present speak of this business either by order or direction, no nor so much as by your Majesty's privity, but as a Minister that desired to lay hold of all occasions for the increasing of further love & nearness betwixt his Master and the Prince to whom he is employed, I should be glad to the uttermost of my power to advance and further this cause, as that which I apprehended to be the greatest which the world now affordeth for the firm uniting of your Majesties and your estates.  
The Duke told me, that the King would make no scruple to declare his good inclination and desire to have this Match proceeded in; and that for the accommodating of the difficulties, he had already used divers diligences with the Pope, as likewise with the greatest Divines of this Kingdom, whereof he named some unto me, whom he said he found very well inclined to the Match: he told me also he would be glad they might speak with me, to the end I might truly understand of them all kind of scruples that could be alleged. I answered, I desired nothing more; and that I could not but approve of those courses he prescribed, as the most probable to produce a good effect, and that I hoped God would give happy success unto the business: But I should be bold in one thing to deliver my opinion, which was, No ways to interess our Masters herein, unless by the understanding and clearing the difficulties on both sides, there should be great appearances and probabilities that the business would take effect: For if their names should be herein used, and after their Treaty should not be successful, it would but exasperate and breed a greater distaste betwixt your Majesties. The Duke told me, he himself misliked not my opinion; though he said that howsoever that business succeeded, yet your Majesty should have reason to accept kindly this Kings good intention, for that if it miscarried, it should appear not to be their default, but that they had stretched as far as honour and conscience would give them leave. And thus much he said I might write unto your Majesty if I thought fit, or to my confident friends in England upon his word and assurance: and so telling me that he would presently appoint those that should confer with me in this business, we then parted.  
Within two days after I went to the Duke, and after that I had spoken with him about the business of Cleves according to my instruction, whereof I gave an account unto Mr. Secretary in a dispatch directed unto him, we fell again into the speech of the match.  
The Duke told me had well considered of that which I had said unto him, and much approved it, not to interest our Matters in the business, until we should see some likelihood of good success.  
And for that he supposed the difference of Religion like to prove the only difficulty of consideration, he thought it fit that it should be first cleared; and therefore he would break the matter with the Cardinal of Toledo, & the King's Confessor, and with them he joined another learned man, one Father Frederick, who since I understand is a Jesuit, but truly hath the report of a moderate man. These the Duke said should have order to confer with me as far as might be, reserving safe the grounds and sincerity of their Religion. I answered the Duke, that I was well satisfied herewith, and that if their demands were such as might content any other Catholic Prince, I should have hope of good success; if otherwise, I should judge it a happiness to be put out of doubt and suspense, and so we passed from this subject.  
I presume to set down to your Majesty all the passages of this business with so much length and fullness for that I no way dare adventure to offer unto your Majesty any opinion or belief of my own, either for the fitness of the match, or the sincerity of their intention, or the possibility of accommodating differences of Religion. But your Majesty seeing undisguised all that hath hitherto passed, with every circumstance, may be pleased out of the consideration and knowledge of those particulars to frame unto yourself both such a belief of their direct meaning, and such a resolution of the further proceeding herein, as shall be most suitable to your Majesty's wisdom: only I think it fit to set down further unto your Majesty the particular ends which may be conceived they aim at by setting this business afoot at this present, in case they should not intent really to perform it: The first may be to stagger and divert your Majesty's Treaty with France: The second for entertaining your Majesty with fair hopes and promises, thereby to keep you from declaring yourself opposite unto them in the present business of Juliers and Cleves which remaineth still uncompounded. But this being so, your Majesty may be pleased to understand that they serve themselves with this occasion, not that there could be any such thing primarily in their intention, for that the expression of their desire to the match was the last year long before these differences happened.  
Further, the Duke of Lerma should be the most falls and dishonourable man living, without Christianity or soul, if he should voluntarily damn himself with oaths and protestations of a thing that he sincerely meant not; and truly he should deal contrarily to the wisdom of his other proceed, wherein he layeth all occasions of distaste or discourtesy upon other inferior Ministers, labouring still to clear himself of the imputation of them, if in this he should make himself the author and instrument of so unjust and indirect proceeding between Princes. But the course of most security and caution is, that your Majesty suffer none of your other resolutions to be interrupted by this overture; only if your Majesty be pleased for a while to entertain and suspend the conclusion of the match with France, I conceive it can be little to your Majesty's disadvantage.  
It lastly now remaineth, that I become an humble suitor unto your Majesty for your clear and full directions in this business, desiring if your Majesty will have it further entertained, that I may have ample instructions from your Majesty, both that I may intimate what may be expected in point of Dowry, and in all other things to be required by your Majesty, as likewise how far I may proceed in satisfying in point or Religion. For it is not to be supposed that they will proceed with that freeness and directness which is to be wished, unless in a fitting measure they shall see me likewise able and willing to declare myself in such. points wherein they may expect satisfaction. I intent not hereby to move for a formal Commission to treat, but only a private instruction for my direction and warrant how to behave myself as may be most advantageous to the cause, and your Majesty's ends. So humbly desiring your Majesty to command this Bearer to be dispatched back with all convenient speed, I commend your Majesty to the holy protection of God.  
Your Majesty's faithful subject and servant, BRISTOL.   

Abignoto to Conde Gondomar, concerning the death of Philip the third.  
Upon the last day of February, being Sunday, 1620. his Catholic Majesty, after he had heard Mass and the Sermon in the Chapel, was taken with a Fever, which continued with him eight days with a ruddiness and pimples which appeared plainly in his face, which afterwards began to diminish: but he was suddenly taken with a vomiting and a great fever, which continued with him till the 21. day; and the Physicians were of opinion to have him rise out of his bed, which was accordingly done both that day and the next: but about dinnertime happened unto him a great swooning, which much astonished him; and the 23. day, in the night, his fever did redouble upon him with a vomiting and a flux in the belly, and a great melancholy and an opinion that he should die: which fever continued with divers reduplications, the Physicians having an ill opinion of him till on Saturday night the 27. when his reduplications were more violent, his water bad; and the King persevered in saying how he saw well that he should die, he commanded that the Image of our Lady of Antiochia should be carried about, which was performed on Sunday the 28. in a solemn Procession, wherein the Councilors of Spain assisted.  
In the evening commandment was given to the Churches, that the blessed Sacrament should be set upon the Altar, and the body of S. Isidore should be placed in the Court. On Monday the 29. about four of the clock in the evening, his disease then grew violent, and some ulcers appeared on his belly, on his reins, and on his thighs; and the King still assuring himself that he should die, the Physicians then feeling his pulse affirmed that undoubtedly they assented unto the King in the opinion he conceived of his infirmity. At the same time the Precedent of Castille was sent for, and the Confessor, who having had some speech with the King and the Duke of Ossuna, they went and fetched the Councillors, before whom and the Grandees of Spain who were present, the King sealed his Testament, which John de Serita Secretary of State had set down in writing in his presence. Afterwards they caused him to eat somewhat; and being advised how it would be good for him to sleep, he made this answer in Spanish, En jornada tan longa y tiempe tan bréve ne conviéus reposar; Upon so long a journey, and so short a time to perform it, I must not rest. Then he sent for the Prince, and the young Child Don Carlo, to whom having spoken for a good while, at length in particular to the Prince he said aloud how he recommended unto him the Child, and that he grieved that he should have been unprovided, but he hoped he left him in the hands of a good & loving brother. Then said he to the Prince, that he requested him that he would not do as he did at his coming to the Crown, in removing his Father's old Officers and Servants, but that he would employ those who were experienced in affairs of the Commonwealth: he then commended unto him particularly John de Luenza Secretary of the Memorials, and his Confessor, and afterwards the Duke of Ossuna. Then was presently brought in the Infanta Maria, and the Infante-Cardinal. He cried out when he saw the Infanta and said, Maria, I am full sorry that I must die before I have married thee; but this thy brother shall have care of. He then turned towards her brother, and said unto him, Prince, do not forsake her till you have made her an Empress. Then he spoke unto the Cardinal Infant, whom he appointed to be a Priest so soon as he should come to be of fit age, and said that he should be much grieved if he thought he would not undertake this profession. He had sent for Madam the Princess, but she swooned upon her entry at the chamber-door, which was the cause that she was conducted back again unto her own chamber, fearing lest it might be prejudicial unto her being great with child. Which being reported to the King, he shown great compassion thereat, and said that he ever constantly believed that Madam the Princess loved him as well as any of his own children. After that he began to speak of the Queen, saying how she should lose a good Husband, and that he had always loved her dearly. Afterwards he distributed between the Prince and the Infanta the Relics and other memorial he had, except one Crucifix which hung at the testern of the bed, and said unto the Prince that he could not give it him then, because was the same with which his Grandfather and Father had died; but he commended it to him to be held with great reverence after his death, and that the Popes had given unto it special Indulgences. Afterwards giving them all his blessing, he caused them to go forth; and so calling for the blessed Sacrament, which was administered unto him about midnight, he received the Extreme unction at two of the clock in the morning, and so commended himself unto God. Yet did he not for all this forbear to seal to a great number of papers which were brought him: And complaining very much, he refused such meat as they would have had him take. About noon the Body of St. Isidore was placed near unto his bed, his Confessor and Father Florence persuading him to make a vow for his health, and that he would build a Chapel to the same Saint, which he did, but withal said, Peró ya es táde, But now it is very late. He continued all the rest of the day speaking continually to the Father Confessor, Father Florence, and Rochas. Many processions of penance were solemnised in the Town, and the Council assembled twice. About the evening his infirmity renewed with violence, and having languished the whole night, in the morning his departure was published, though indeed it was not till about nine of the clock in the morning, the last of March, the self same day of our return. Which will inform you of all things passed, at least of such as came any ways to our knowledge. The Queen stirred not out of her bed all that day, for fear lest either trouble or grief of mind (whereof she gave plentiful testimony by her tears) might prejudice her health, or the fruit of her body, which she hath passed over (thanks be to God) whereof we send you word, that the good news may shut up the discourse of an accident so lamentable and unlooked for.   

King James to the Earl of Bristol Ambassador in Spain, Octob. 3. 1622.  
Right trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Councillor, we greet you well.  
THere is none knows better than yourself how we have laboured ever since the beginning of these infortunate troubles of the Empire, notwithstanding all opposition to the contrary, to merit well of our good brother the King of Spain, and the whole House of Austria, by a long and lingering patience grounded still upon his friendship and promises, That care should be had of our honour, and of our children's patrimony and inheritance. We have acquainted you also from time to time since the beginning of the Treaty at Brussels how crossly things have there proceeded, notwithstanding the fair professions made unto us both by the King of Spain, the Infanta & all his Ministers, and the Letters written by him unto the Emperor, and them effectually (at the least as they endeavoured to make us believe) but what fruits have we of all these, other than dishonour andd scorn? Whilst we are treating, the Town and Castle of Heidilbergh taken by force, our Garrison put to the sword, Manheim besieged, and all the hostility used that is within the power of an Enemy, as you will see by the relation which we have commanded our Secretary to send you.  
Our pleasure therefore is, That you shall immediately as soon as you can get audience, let the King understand how sensible we are of those proceed of the Emperor towards us; and withal are not a little troubled to see that the Infanta having an absolute commission to conclude a suspension and cessation of Arms, should now at last when all objections were answered, and the former (solely pretended) obstacles removed, not only delay the conclusion of the Treaty, but refuse to lay her command upon the Emperor's Generals for abstaining from the siege of our Garrisons during the Treaty upon pretext of want of authority. So as for avoiding of further dishonour, we have been enforced to recall both our Ambassadors, as well the Chancellor of the Exchequer (who is already returned to our presence) as also the Lord Chichester, whom we intended to have sent unto the Emperor to the Diet at Ratisbone. Seeing therefore that out of our extraordinary respect merely to the King of Spain, and the firm confidence we ever put in the hopes and promises which he did give us, desiring nothing more than for his cause principally to avoid all occasions that might put us into ill understanding with any of the House of Austria, We have hitherto proceeded with a steadfast patience trusting to the treaties, and neglecting all other means which might probably have secured the remainder of our children's inheritance. Those Garrisons which we maintained in the Palatinate, being rather for honour sake to keep a footing until the general accommodation, then that we did rely so much upon their strength as upon his frienpship, and by the confidence & security of ours are thus exposed to dishonour & reproach: you shall tell that King, that seeing all those endeavours and good offices which he hath used towards the Emperor in this business, on the behalf of our son-in-law, upon confidence whereof that our security depended, which he continually by his Letters and Ministers here laboured to beget and confirm in us, have not sorted to any other issue then to a plain abuse both of his trust and ours; whereby we are both of us highly injured in our honour, though in a different degree we hope, & desire that out of a true sense of this wrong offered unto us, he will as our deer and loving brother faithfully promise and undertake upon his honour, confirming the same also under his hand and seal, either that the Castle and Town of Heidelbergh shall within threescore and ten days after this your audience, and demand made, be rendered into our hands, with all things therein belonging, to our son-in-law, or our daughter, as near as may be, in the state wheirn they were taken; and the like for Manheim and Frankindale, if both or either of them shall be taken by the enemy whilst these things are in treating; as also that there shall be within the said term of threescore and ten days, a cessation or suspension of Arms in the Palatinate for the future upon the several Articles and Conditions last propounded by our Ambassador Sir Richard Weston, and that the general treaty shall be set on foot again upon such honourable terms and conditions as were propounded unto the Emperor in a letter written unto him in November last, and with which the King of Spain then (as we understand) seemed satisfied, or else in case all these particulars be not yielded unto, and performed by the Emperor, as is here propounded, but be refused or delayed beyond the time afore mentioned, that then the King of Spain do join his forces with ours, for the recovery of our children's honours and patrimony, which upon this trust hath been thus lost. Or if so be his forces at this present be otherwise so employed, as that they cannot give us that assistance which we here desire, and as we think we have deserved, yet at the least he will permit us a free and friendly passage through his Territories and Dominions for such forces as we shall send and employ into Germany for this service: of all which disjunctively, if you receive not of the King of Spain within ten days at the furthest, after your audience and proposition made, a direct assurance under his hand and seal, without delay or putting us off to further Treaties and Conferences, that is to say, of such restitution, cessation of Arms, and proceeding to a general treaty, as is before mentioned, or else of assistance and joining his forces with ours against the Emperor, or at least permission of passage for our forces through his said Dominions, that then you take your leave and return unto our Presence without further stay; otherwise to proceed in the negotiation of the marriage of our Son, according to the instruction we have given you.  
Given, etc. at Hampton Court, Octob. 3. 1622.   

Earl of Bristol to King James, Octob. 21. 1622.  
MAy it please your most excellent Majesty,  
I received your Majesty's Letter of the 9 of Septemb the 23. of the same month, & by them understand that your Majesty hath received much satisfaction by what I had formerly written unto your Majesty both concerning the restitution of the conclusion of the Match: but that your Majesty findeth the effects very unsuitable, both by the proceeding at Brussels, & in the Palatinate, as also by what you understand from Rome by Mr. Gage of the Pope's demands. I hope by the arrival of Mr. Cottington your Majesty will have received satisfaction in some measure, at least that there hath been no diligence or time omitted either for the redressing of any thing that hath been amiss, or for the advancing of your Majesty's affairs.  
The very day I received your Letters, I sent a Gentleman post unto the King who was gone into the Escurial, to demand audience, which he presently granted me, and I repaired thither unto him upon the third of October, the Conde de Gondomar being likewise commanded to wait upon the King, I was there well received; and presently upon my arrival the Conde de Olivarez came to me to the lodgings which were appointed for me to rest in. To him I delivered fully in the presence of Sir Walter Ashton and the Conde de Gondomar, what I had to negotiate with the King, both in the business of the Match, and of the Palatinate. In the Match I represented how much it imported your Majesty that a speedy resolution might be taken therein, both in regard of the Prince being your Majesty's only son, now arrived to the age of 22 years, and for the settling of your affairs in England. I repeated unto him all the passages in this Treaty, how many years had been already spent in it; that after so long an expectation, the diligences used in Rome for the obtaining of the Dispensation had wrought but small effect, since the Pope had lately made such demands as were altogether impossible for your Majesty to condescend unto; and therefore your Majesty seeing the business still delayed, held it fit that some such course might be taken that both your Majesties might speedily know what you were to trust unto; and therefore had commanded me to signify unto this King your uttermost resolution how far you would condescend in point of Religion towards what the Pope had demanded; & if herewith this King could be satisfied, your Maj. desire that we might proceed to a final and speedy conclusion; otherwise that this King would likewise clearly declare himself▪ that your Majesty might lose no more time in the disposing of the Prince your son. Hereunto the Conde de Olivarez answered with some length, the substance I shall only presume to set down briefly to your Majesty. He proposed a sincere intention and resolution in the King to make the Match, and that there should not be one day lost; for the speedy dispatch thereof imported them as much as▪ your Majesty; and to the end that no time may be lost, this King had▪ the next day after for Don Balthasar de Zuniga appointed Don Ferdinando de Giron in his place in the Commission: That for the going of Mr. Gage from Rome, and the Pope's demands, they were absolutely ignorant of them; That the King had done all that I myself desired for the redress of this error: That I might assure your Majesty that you shall find all sincerity and clear proceeding, without any hours delay more than of necessity the nature of the business required.  
As for the business of the Palatinate, I presented at large the merits of your Majesty's proceeding, the many promises made from hence; yet notwithstanding the whilst your Majesty was treating at Brussels, Heidelberg one of the three places which were only left, and where your Majesty had Garrisons, was besieged by the Archduke Leopold and Monsieur Tilly; that this King had withdrawn his Forces, and so exposed the Palatinate absolutely to the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria. The Conde de Olivarez answered me, by acknowledging how much your Majesties proceed had deserved at the Emperor and this King's hands: That whatsoever your Majesty could expect, or had been at any time promised, should by this King be really performed: That the Prince Palatines own courses hitherto had been the only hindrance of the effecting of it: That he referred it unto your Majesties own just judgement, whether the calling of this King's forces out of the Palatinate were with any ill intention, or merely for the defence of Flanders, which otherwise had been put in great hazard by Count Mansfield, as your Majesty saw by what had really passed: That the siege of Heidelbergh was no way by the consent or knowledge of this King or any of his Ministers but was generally disapproved by them all.  
I told them, I conceived that was not enough; for that your Majesty had engaged yourself to this King, that in case your Son-in-law would not conform himself, you would not only forsake him, but would declare yourself against him, and give the Emperor assistance for the reducing of him to reason, and that your Majesty could not but expect a like reciprocal proceeding from the King. He answered, your Majesty should see the King's sincerity by the effects; and that if Heidelbergh should be taken, and the Emperor refuse to restore it, or to condescend to such accommodation as should be held reasonable, this King would infallibly assist your Majesty with his Forces. And this he spoke with great assurance, and wished me to desire your Majesty to be confident you would find nothing but real and since ere proceed from hence.  
I was then presently called for to the King, to whom I spoke first in the business of the Match, and delivered him the contents thereof in writing, which I have sent to Mr. Secretary. I received from him the same answer in effect as from the Conde de Olivarez, That he desired the Match no less than your Majesty; That on his part there should be no time lost for the bringing of it to a speedy conclusion. In the business of the Palatinate I spoke unto the King with some length, repeating many particulars of your Majesty's proceed, and how much your honour was like to suffer, that now whilst you were treating, Heidelborgh defended by your Garrisons, was like to be taken. The King answered me, He would effectually labour that your Majesty should have entire satisfaction; and rather than your Majesty should fail thereof, he would employ his Arms to effect it for you. My Lord Ambassador Sir Walter Ashton accompanied me at my audience, and was a witness of all that passed as well with the King, as with the Conde de Olivarez.  
Within few days after the news of the taking of Heidelbergh came hither: whereupon I dispatched again to the King in such sort as I have at large advertised Mr. Secretary Calvert. The effect of my Negotiation was, that they on the 13. of October dispatched Letters away of the Emperors and Duke of Bavaria's proceed. But pressing them further in regard their former Letters have wrought so little effect, they have given me at present a second Dispatch, which I have sent unto the Infanta, and whereof Mr. Secretary will give your Majesty an account, which I conceive will procure your Majesty's better satisfaction than hitherto you have received from the Emperor and his party.  
For the business of the match, I have written to Mr. Secretary what is to be said at present; and will only add, that as I should not willingly give your Majesty hope upon uncertain grounds, so I will not conceal what they profess, which is, That they will give your Majesty real and speedy satisfaction therein. And if they intended it not, they are falser than all the Devils in hell; for deeper oaths and protestations of sincerity cannot be made.  
It will only remain, that I humbly cast myself at your Majesty's feet for that addition of Title wherewith it hath pleased you to honour me and my posterity. My gratitude and thankfulness wanteth expression, and shall only say unto your Majesty, That as all I have either of fortunes or honour, I hold it merely of your bounty and goodness; so shall I ever cheerfully lay them down with my life into the bargain, for the service of your Majesty and yours.  
So with my humble prayers for the health and prosperity of your Majesty, I humbly commend your Majesty to God's holy protection, and rest,  
Your Majesty's most humble servant and subject, BRISTOL. Madrid, Octob. 21. 1622.   

King Philip the third of Spain to the Conde of Olivarez.  
THe King my Father declared at his death that his intention never was to marry my sister the Infanta Donna Maria with the Prince of Wales, which your Uncle Don Baltezer well understood, and so treated this match ever with an intention to delay it, notwithstanding it is now so far advanced, that considering withal the averseness unto it of the Infanta, as it is high time to seek some means to divert the treaty, which I would have you find out, and I will make it good whatsoever it be; but in all other things procure the satisfaction of the King of Great Britain, who hath deserved very much, and it shall content me, so that it be not the match.   

Conde Olivarez his Answer to the King.  Sir, 
COnsidering in what estate we find the Treaty of marriage between Spain and Emgland, and knowing certainly how the Ministers did understanding this business, that treated it in the time of Philip the third, who is now in heaven, that their meaning was never to effect it; but by enlarging the treaties and points of the said marriage, to make use of the friendship of the King of Great Britain, as well in the matter of Germany as those of Flanders; and suspecting likewise that your Majesty is of the same opinion (although the demonstrations do not show so) joining to those suspicions that it is certain that the Infanta Donna Maria is resolved to put herself into the Monastery the same day that your Majesty shall press her to make the marriage, I have thought fit to present to your Majesty that which my good zeal hath afforded me in this occasion, thinking it a good time to acquaint your Majesty withal, to the end you may resolve of that which you shall find most convenient with the advice of those Ministers that you shall think fit.  
The King of Great Britain doth find himself at this time equally in the two businesses, the one is the marriage to the which he is moved by the conveniences which he finds in your Majesty's friendship with making an agreement with those Catholics that he thinks are secretly in his Kingdom, and by this to assure himself of them, as likewise to marry his son to one of the house of Austria, knowing that the Infanta Donna Maria is the best born Lady in the world. Th'other business is, the restitution of the Palatinate, in which he is yet more engaged. For (besides that his reputation is at stake there is added) the love and interest of his Grandchilds, sons of his only daughter. So that both by the law of Nature, and reason of State, he ought to put them before whatsoever conveniences might follow by dissembling what they suffer. I do not dispute whether the King of Great Britainy be governed in this business of the Palatinate by Art or friendship, I think a man may say he hath used both; but as a thing not precisely necessary to this discourse, I omit it. I hold it for a maxim, that these two Engagements in which he finds himself, are unseparable: for although the marriage be made, we must fail in that which in any way of understanding is most necessary, which is the restitution of the Palatinate. This being supposed, having made the marriage in the form as it is treated, your Majesty may find yourself, together with the King of Great Brirain, engaged in a war against the Emperor, and the Catholic league, so that your Majesty shall be forced to declare yourself with your Arms against the Emperor and the Catholic league, a thing which to hear will offend your Majesty's godly ears: or declaring yourself for the Emperor and the Catholic league as certainly you will, your Majesty will find yourself engaged in a war against the King of England, and your sister married with his son, with the which all whatsoever conveniences that was thought upon with this marriage do cease if your Majesty shall show yourself Neutral as it may be some will expound—  
The first will cause very great scandal, and with just reason, since in matters of less opposition then of Catholics against Heretics, the Arms of this Crown hath taken the godly against the contrary part. And at this time the French men have taken part with the Hollanders against your Majesty, your piety hath been such, that you have sent your Arms against the Rebels of that Crown, leaving all the great considerations of State, only because those men are enemies of the faith and the Church. It will oblige your Majesty, and good occasion to those of the League, to make use of the King of France, and other Catholic Princes ill affected to this Crown, for it will be a thing necessary for them to do so, and those even against their own Religion will foment and assist the Heretics for hatred to us, without doubt they will follow the contrary part only to leave your Majesty with that blemish that never hath befallen any King of these Dominions.  
By the second the King of England will remain offended and disobliged, seeing that neither interesses nor hopes do follow the Alliance with this Crown, as likewise the pretext of particular resentment: for having suffered his daughter and grandchildren to be ruined for respect of the said Alliance. The Emperor, though he be well-affected, and obliged to us in making the translation at this time as businesses now stand (the Duke of Bavaria being now possessed of all the Dominions) although he would dispose all according to our conveniences, yet it will not be in his power to do it, as you and every body may see: And the memorial that the Emperor's Ambassador gave your Majesty yesterday, makes it certain, since in the List of the Soldiers, that every on of the League is to pay, he shows your Majesty, that Bavier for himself alone will pay more than all the rest joined together; the which doth show his power and his intention, which is not to accommodate matters, but to keep to himself the superiority of all in this broken time. The Emperor is now in the Diet, and the translation is to be made in it. The opposition in this estate is, by conserving the means for conference, which your Majesty's Ministers will do with their capacities, zeal and wisdom, and it is certain they will all have enough to do; for the difficulty consists to find a way to make the present estate of affairs strait again, which with lingering, as it is said, both the power and time will be lost. I suppose that the Emperor, as your Majesty knows by his Ambassador, desires to marry his daughter with the King of England's son, I doubt not but he will be likewise glad to marry his second daughter with the Palatines son.  
Then I propound, that these two marriages be made, and that they be set on foot presently, giving the King of England full satisfaction in all his propositions for the more strict union and correspondency that he may agree to it: I hold for certain, that all the conveniences that would have followed the alliance with us, will be as full in this, it doth accommodate the matter of the Palatinate, and the succession of his grandchildren with his honour, & without drawing a sword, or wasting treasure.  
After I would reduce the Prince Elector, that was an enemy, to the obedience of the Church, by breeding his sons in the Emperor's Court, with Catholic Doctrine.  
The business is great, the difficulty greater than perchance have been in any other case, I have found myself obliged to represent to your Majesty, and to show (if you please to command me) what I think fit for the disposing of the things, and of the great Ministers that your Majesty hath; I hope with the particular notice of these things, (and all being helped with the good zeal of the Conde de Gondemer) it may be that God will open a way to it, a thing so much for his and your Majesty's service.   

King James to the Earl of Bristol, Octob. 8.1623.  
WE have received yours brought us by Gresly, and the Copy of how well we esteem your dutiful, discreet and judicious relation and humble advice to ourselves and our Son: whereupon having ripely deliberated with ourselves, and communicated with our dear Son, we have resolved with the great liking of our Son to rest upon that security (in point of doubt of the Infanta's taking a Religious house) which you in your judgement shall think meet. We have further thought meet to give you knowledge, that it is our special desire that the betrothing of the Infanta with words de praesenti, should be upon one of the days in Christmas new stile, that holy and joyful time best fitting so notable and blessed an action.  
But first we will that you repair presently to that King, and give him knowledge of the safe arrival of our dear Son to our Court, so satisfied and taken with the great entertainments, personal kindness, favour and respect he hath received from that King and Court, as he seems not able to magnify it sufficiently, which makes us not know how sufficiently to give thanks; but we will that by all means you endeavour to express our thankfulness to that King, and the rest to whom it belongs, in the best and most ample manner you can. And hereupon you may take occasion to let that King know, that according to our constant affection to make a firm and indissoluble amity between our Families, Nations and Crowns, and not seem to abandon our honour, nor at the same time we give joy to our only Son, to give our only Daughter her portion in tears: By the advice of ●hat Kings Ambassadors, we have entered a Treaty concerning the restitution of the Palatinate, as will more particularly appear to you by the copies herewith sent. Now we must remember you, that we ever understood and expected, that upon the marriage of our son with the Infanta, should have a clear restitution of the Palatinate & Electoral dignity to our son-in-law, to be really procured by that King, according to the obligation of our honour, as you have well expressed in your reasons why the person of our Son-in-law should not be left out of the Treaty, but that the Emperor should findout a great title, or by increasing the number of Electorate styles wherewith to satisfy the Duke of Bavaria. We now therefore require you, that presently in your first audience you procure from that King a punctual answer what course that King will take for the restitution of the Palatinate and Electorate to our Son-in-law; and in case that either the Emperor or the Duke of Bavaria oppose any part of the expected restitution, what course that King will take to give us assurance for our content in that point, whereof we require your present answer; and that you so press expedition herein, that we may all together receive the full joy of both in Christmas, resting ourselves upon that faithful diligence of yours we have approved in all your service. Though almost with the latest we must remember to you as a good ground for you to work on, that our Son did write us out of Spain, That that King would give us a Blank in which we might form our own Conditions concerning the Palatinate; and the same our Son confirms to us now. What observation and performance that King will make, we require you to express, and give us a speedy account, etc.  
Given, etc.   

Earl of Bristol in answer to King James, Octob. 29. 1623.  
MAy it please your most excellent Majesty,  
I have received your Majesty's Letters of the 8. of October on the 21. of the same month, some hours within night; and have thought fit to dispatch back unto your Majesty with all possible speed, referring the answer to what your Majesty hath by these Letters commanded me, to a Post that I shall purposely dispatch when I shall have negotiated the particulars with this King and his Ministers, wherein God willing all possible diligence shall be used.  
But forasmuch as I find both by your Majesty's Letter, as likewise by Letters which I have received from the Prince his Highness, that you continue your desires of having the Match proceeded in, I held it my duty that your Majesty should be informed that although I am set free in as much as concerneth the doubt of the Infanta's entering into Religion, new direction I now received from your Majesty, that the Deposories should be deferred till Christmas, the said powers are made altogether useless and invalid, it being a clause in the bodies of the said powers, that they shall only remain in force till Christmas and no longer, as your Majesty may see by the copy I send herewith enclosed.  
Your Majesty, I conceive, will be of opinion, that the suspending of the execution of the powers until the force and validity of them be expired, is a direct and effeftuall revoking of them; which not to do, how far his Highness is in his Honour engaged, your Majesty will be best able to judge by viewing the powers themselves. Further, if the date of these powers do expire, besides the breach of the Capitulations, although the match itself jealousies and mistrusts be hazarded, yet the Princes coming at the Spring, will be almost impossible: For by that time new Commissions and Powers shall be after Christmas granted by the Prince, which must be to the satisfaction of both parties, I conceive so much of the year will be spent, that it will be impossible tor the Fleets and other preparations to be in a readiness against the Spring; for it is not to be imagined that they will here proceed effectually with their preparations, until they shall be sure of the Desposorios, especially when they shall have seen them several times deferred on the Prince his part, and that upon pretexts that are not new, or grown since the granting of the Powers, but were before in being, and often under debate, and yet were never insisted upon to make stay of the business; so that it will seem that they might better have hindered the granting of them then the execution of them. Now, if there were not staggering in former resolutions, the which although really there is not, yet can it not but be suspected; and the clearing of it between Spain and England, will cost much time. I most humbly crave your Majesty's pardon if I writ unto you with the plainness of a truehearted and faithful servant, who ever hath cooperated honestly unto your Majesty's ends. I knew them, I know your Majesty hath been long time of opinion, that the greatest assurance you could get, that the King of Spain would effectually labour the entire restitution of the Palatinate, was that he really proceeded to the effecting of the match, and my instructions under your Majesty's hands, were to insist upon the restoring the Prince Palatine; but not to annex it to the treaty of the match, as that thereby the match should be hazarded; for that your Majesty seemed confident that here it would never grow to a perfect conclusion without a settled resolution to give your Majesty satisfaction in the business of the Palatinate. The same course I observed in the carriage of the business by his Highness and my Lord Duke at their being here, who though they insisted on the business of the Palatinate, yet they held it fit to treat of them distinctly, and that the marriage should proceed as a good pawn for the other.  
Since their departure my Lord Ambassador Sir Walter Ashton and myself have been pressed to have this King's resolution in writing concerning the Palatinate, and the dispatches which your Majesty will receive herewith concerning that business, were writ before the receipt of your Majesty's Letters; and doubtless it is now a great part of their care that that business may be well entered before the Infanta's coming into England: And his Highness will well often remember, that the Conde dé Olivarez often protested a necessity of having this business compounded and settled before the marriage, saying, otherwise they might give a Daughter, and a War within three months after, if this ground and subject of quarrel should still be left on foot. The same language he hath ever held with Sir Walter Ashton and myself, and that it was a firm peace and amity as much as an alliance which they sought with his Majesty. So that it is not to be doubted, but that this King concluding the match, resolveth to employ his uttermost power for your satisfaction in the restitution of the Prince Palatine.  
The question now will be, whether the business of the Prince Palatine having relation to many great Princes that are interessed therein, living at distance, and being (indeed) for the condition and nature of the business itself, impossible to be ended but by a formal treaty, which of necessity will require great length, whether the conclusion of the match shall any way depend upon the issue of this business, which I conceive to be far from your Majesty's intention; for so the Prince might be long kept unbestowed by any averseness of those which might have particular interest in the Princes remaining unmarried, or dislike with his matching with Spain. But that which I understand to be your Majesty's aim, is only to have the conclusion of this match accompanied with a strong engagement as can be procured from this King for the joining with your Majesty not only in all good Offices for the entire restitution of the Palatinate, but otherwise if need require of his Majesty's assistance herein.  
These days past I have laboured with all earnestness, and procured this King's public answer which I am told is resolved of, and I shall within these few days have it to send to your Majesty, as also a private Proposition which will be put into your hands; and shall not fail further to pursue your Majesty's present directions of procuring this King's Declaration, in what sort your Majesty may rely upon this King's assistance, in case the Emperor or the Duke of Bavaria hinder the entire restitution of the Prince Palatine. But I conceive (if it be your intention) that I should first hear procure this Kings peremptory answer in the whole business, and how he will be assistant unto your Majesty in case of the Emperors or the Duke of Bavaria's averseness. And that I should send it to your Majesty, and receive again your answer before I deliver the Powers for the Deposorios, the match would thereby if not be hazarded, yet I conceive the Infanta's going at Spring would be rendered altogether impossible. For if upon the arrival of the Approbation I cannot refuse them, but upon some grounds; if I allege your Majesty's desire of having the Deposories deferred until Christmas, they know as well as myself that his Highness' Proxy is then out of date, besides the infringing of the Capitulations; and they will judge it is a great scorn put upon this King, who ever since the Princes granting of the powers hath called himself the Infanta's Desposado, and to that effect the Prince hath writ unto him in some of his Letters. Besides, it will be held here a point of great dishonour unto the Infanta, if the powers called for by her friends should be detained by the Prince his part: and whosover else may have deserved it, she certainly hath not deserved disrespect nor discomfort. Further, upon my refusal to deliver the powers, all preparations which now go on cheerfully and apace will be stayed, and there will enter in so much distrust, and so many troubles and jealousies, that if the main business run not hazard by them, at least much time will be spent to clear them.  
I must therefore in discharge of my duty tell your Majesty, that all your Majesty's businesses here are in a fair way; the Match and all that is capitulated therein, they profess punctually to perform.  
In the business of the Palatinate, I continue my earnest and faithful endeavours, and they protest they infinitely desire, and will to the utmost of their powers endeavour to procure your Majesty's satisfaction.  
The Prince is like to have a most worthy and virtuous Lady, and who much loveth him, and all things else depending upon this match are in good and hopeful way.  
This is now the present estate of your Majesty's affairs, as it appeareth unto me and to Sir Walter Ashton, with whom I have communicated this Dispatch, as I do all things else concerning your Majesty's service. And I must clearly let your Majesty understand, that I conceive by the retaining of the powers when this King shall call for them, and offering to defer the Deposories until Christmas, that your Majesty's business will run a hazard, what by the distaste and disgust that will be raised here, and what by the art and industry of those which are enemies to the match, whereof every Court hath plenty in Christendom.  
That therefore which I presume with all humility, is, That you would he pleased to give me order with all possible speed, that when the business shall come cleared from Rome, and that the powers of the marriage shall be demanded of me in the behalf of this King, that I may deliver them, and no ways seek to interrupt or suspend the Deposorios, but assist and help to a perfect conclusion of the match  
And for the business of the Palatinate, I continue my earnest and faithful endeavours to engage this King as far as shall be possible, both for the doing of all good offices for the Palatines entire restitution, herein I will not fail (as likewise foe this King's declaration of assisance in case the Emperor or Duke of Bavaria shall oppose the said restitution) to use all possible means; and I conceive the dispatch of the Match will be a good pawn in the business, and the help and assistance which the Princes being once betrothed would be able to give in this Court to all your Majesty's businesses would be of good consideration.  
So fearing I have already presumed too far upon your Majesies patience, I humbly crave your Majesty's pardon, and recommend you to the holy protection of God, resting  
Your Majesty's most humble and faithful subject and servant, BRISTOL. Madrid, Octob. 29. 1623.   

Earl of Bristol to King James, Novemb. 1. 1623.  
MAy it please your most excellent Majesty,  
I find that upon the news that is now come from the Duke of Pastrava, that the Pope hath clearly passed the Dispensation, which is now hourly expected here. There is an intention to call presently upon me for the Prince's powers for the marriage left in my hands, the which I know not upon what ground or reason to detain, the Prince having engaged (in the said powers) the faith and word of a Prince no way to revoke and retract from them, but that they should remain in full force till Christmas, and delivered unto me a politic declaration o his pleasure, that upon the coming of the Dispensation I should deliver them unto this King, that they might be put in execution; and hereof likewise was there by Secretary Serita as a public Notary an Instrument drawn, attested by all the witnesses present. If I shall allege your Majesty's pleasure of having the marriage deferred until one of the Holidays, although they should condescend thereunto, that impossible, for the powers will be then expired. If I shall insist upon the restitution of the Palatinate, this King hath therein declared his answer; and it would be much wondered why that should be now added foe a condition of the marriage, having ever hitherto been treated of as a business apart, and was in being at the granting of the said powers, and hath been often under debate, but never specified, nor the powers delivered upon any condition of having any such point first cleared; and I must confess unto your Majesty I understand not how with honour, and that exact dealing which hath ever been observed in all your Majesty's actions, the powers can be detained, unless there should appear some new and emergent cause since the granting of them, whereof as yet I hear none specified: Therefore being loath to be the instrument by whose hands any thing should pass, that might have the least reflection upon your Majesties or the Prince's honour (which I shall ever value more than my life or safety) and judging it likewise to conduce more to your service, and assuring myself that your Majesty's late direction to have the marriage upon one of the holidays in Christmas, was for want of due information that the powers will be then expired, I have thought it fit (with the advice of Sir Walter Ashton) to raise no scruple in the delivery of the said powers, but do intent when they shall be required to pass on to the nominating of a prefixed day for the Deposorio's; but I shall endeavour to defer the time, until I may be advertised of your Majesty's pleasure, if it may be within the space of 24 days, and will labour to find some handsome and fair occasion for the deferring of them, without alleging any directions in that kind from your Majesty or the Prince.  
The reasons why I have thought it fit to take this resolution, are, First I find by your Majesty's letters and the Princes, that your intent is to proceed in the marriage, and to that purpose your Majesty and the Prince have set me free to deliver the powers according to the first intentions, by removing that scruple of the Infanta's entering into Religion, whereupon they were only suspended.  
Secondly, your Majesty's Letter only intimateth a desire, not a direction of having the marriage upon one of the holidays of Christmas: which I conceive is to be understood, if it may well and fittingly be so, not if there shall be impossibility therein by reason of the expiring of the powers before, and that the intention of having it then should be overthrown thereby, when I am confident that what your Majesty writeth is for want of due information of the clause of expiration of the powers.  
Thirdly, if your Majesty upon these reasons and such as I have formerly alleged unto your Majesty, should (as I no way doubt but your Majesty will) give me order for the present proceeding to the marriage, yet by my refusing of the powers, and alleging your Majesties or the Prince's directions, although afterwards all things should be cleared, yet would it cast some kind of aspersion and jealousy upon the sincerity of your Majesties and the Princes proceed. On the contrary side, if your Majesty's intention be not to proceed in the match, whereof I see no ground, the intimation of that may be as well a month hence as now: And I judge it duty in a servant, especially in a business of so high a consequence, and wherein your Majesty hath spent so much time, to give his master leisure to repair to his second cogitations before he do any act that may disorder or overthrow.  
This I offer with all humility unto your Majesty's wise and just consideration, and beseech you to make interpretation of my proceed herein according to my dutiful and zealous care of your honour and service. I have of purpose dispatched this Post with this Letter, to the end I may receive your Majesty's directions in this particular with all possible speed, which I hope shall be to proceed directly to the marriage according to the Capitulations, and so to order all things for the Princess he journey in the Spring. And for the Palatinate, your Majesty may be confident there shall be diligence used in procuring a speedy and good resolution. So, etc.   

King James to the Palsgrave.  
My most dear Son,  
WE have been careful, and are at this present, to perform the promise which we made unto you, to employ all our power to re-establish you into your estates and dignities; and having by the patience and industry which we have used, reduced matters within a more near circle and of a less extent than the generality m which they were heretofore: We have thought good to give you knowledge of such things whereof hope is given to us that we shall in all apearance obtain them, to the end you may have recourse to your wisdom, and after a mature deliberation make choice agreeable to the providence, honour, and safety of your estates; duly weighing and examining all circumstances: and therefore we present unto you these Propositions, to wit, In the first place a due submission to the Emperor, under convenient limitations, which first shall be granted and agreed in conformity to that which is Noble, with a safe conduct and assurance requisite and sufficient for the free and safe going and return of your Person and Train. This being done, we make you offer of a present and full restitution of all the Palatinate unto the person of your son, and that you shall be his Administrato during your life. And that after the death of the Duke of Bavaria, your son shall be reestablished in the Electoral dignity; And for the better confirming the sound Amity, and assuring your Possessions, and enjoying of all according to the contract, which is presently to be made, and also to serve for a preparation for the bettering of the said conditions to your person, which will be in all likelihood when the marriage will be resolved and concluded to be made betwixt your eldest son our Grandchild, and one of the Emperor's daughters. In contemplation whereof they have approached a degree nearer, to wit, that the Electoral dignity shall come again to your person after the Duke of Bavaria's death. In which Treaty of marriage, to clear the principal difficulty which consisted with the education of your son with the Emperor, we have taken from them all hope therein (wherein we assure ourselves you will be content) and are purposed that he shall have his education with our son, and with and in the presence of the Infanta, when she shall be in our Court. We have exactly shown you the state of this Negotiation, which chief concerns you and yours, to the end you may fix your eyes upon your necessity and bare condition and manner of living, which dependeth on the courtesy and assistance of others, and that you may judge advisedly whether your ready entrance into the possession of your own, and with a kind of present liberty of living (with insurance in time to recover the possession of it) shall not be more convenient for you then a hazardous long expectation upon othet uncertain means: The former whereof I prefer before the later. We pray you to consider what probable and feasible means we may undertake to reduce your condition to that state as you promise yourself; wherein we doubt not, but you will weigh our forces, and those of our Allies, and such other whereof we may hope to be assured, to the end that if it should happen that we cannot obtain to the entire of that we desire by way of treaty, or that we should take another course, you may be partaker of Counsels as well as the issues and uncertain events. And forasmuch as we are desirous to consider with you for your personal estate, and as we are obliged to have regard to the right of our only daughter, and to the inheritance of your children, with the hope of their posterity, by what way it may be most easily established, and by what fit means provision may be made best to that effect. And herein we remain your most affectionate Father,  
From White-Hall, Novemb. 20. Jacobus Rex.   

The Palsgraves' Answer to King James.  
SIR,  
I Take as a great honour and favour your Majesty's Letter of the 2●. of November, delivered unto me by the hands of your Ambassador Sir Dudley Carleton, who hath further explained your Majesty's intention touching that which concerneth my restitution unto my honours and patrimonial estate, that you continue firm and constant (in conformity to your promises) to labour and effect by one way or other, so that the said restitution may be entire and total, as well in that which concerneth the Electoral dignity as the Palatinates; and that the Propositions which your Majesty makes by your Letter (to content myself to be Administrator to my son, and he to be invested with the said dignity, and put into present possession of the Palatinate) is but in all events if so be your Majesty could not attain to the total restitution (the desired effect of your intentions) leaving me nevertheless to be at liberty to choose the lesser of the two evils (if I may be permitted to term them so) the one by the total restitution of my Estates, but with diminution, or rather annihilation (for so in effect it will be) in respect of my person of the Electoral dignity; th'other of the recovery of both by war, the events whereof are uncertain. First, I most humbly thank your Majesty for the paternal care which you continue and show in this occasion; and which doth more comfort me, and my dear wife in our afflictions, than the fear of humane events can grieve or incline us to be willing to recover the loss of goods with the loss of honours. I will therefore use the liberty which your Majesty is pleased to give me in answering every particular point of your Letter. In the first whereof I observe the proceeding of my enemies, who require a personal submission (intended to precede all other things) under the safe conduct of the Emperor; whereas by natural order used in these occasions, the restitution which is material and substantial, ought by reason to precede the other, being but a point of ceremony, at the least it is necessary that all things be resolved and concluded under such assurances as shall be held convenient; and than if the intentions on the Emperor's part be real and sincere, and without any aim to take advantage upon my person (as the Emperor Charles 5. did upon the Landgrave of Hessen under the subtlety of a distinction of a syllable in safe conduct Ewis for Einis) the said submission may as well be made by a Deputy as otherwise, whereby I shall be freed from the apprehensions which the execution at Prague, & other cruelties exercised by the Imperialists, may easily impress in the mind of him who is unwilling to lose himself by a quiet de Coeur. Besides, a simple consent to such a submission under the specified condition, to yield the Electorate to the Duke of Bavaria, will be sufficient to prejudice my cause for ever. For the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg who have always protested against the translation of the Electorate; and the other Princes of Germany who have like feeling, will disavow their protestations in regard of him who shall abandon his own pretensions, and in stead of favouring me upon some breach of the Treaty, or otherwise, may be my opposites. Moreover, the experience of things passed teach us what issue we may hereafter expect of the like condition contented to on our part. The Emperor having manifestly abused us in two already, First in the instrument which I signed for the conditional resignation of the Crown of Bohemia in the year 1621. Then in my ratification of the suspension of Arms this last Summer. The first having served the Emperor to accelerate his Treaty then on foot with Bethlem Gabor: The second to intimidate the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, that they might not undertake any thing against the Emperor, both the one and the other being divulged to the same effect, according to the knowledge which the Emperor had of these designs before any thing was therein resolved and concluded: And so will the Emperor in all appearance make his profit of this present proposition, and strike with one stone two blows, by hindering the progress of Gabor on the one side, and by continuing on the other the intimidation of the Princes of Germany, who may with reason excuse themselves if they move not for him, who hath bound himself hand and foot, and consented to a submission, which being yielded to, it will be always in the Emperor's power to break or go on, as he shall hold it expedient for himself. I do also promise myself that your Majesty will have regard that by such submission and entreaty, my undue proscription and banishment (which being done in prejudice of the constitutions of the Empire, are therefore held by the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg of no validity) be not approved, and thereby a mark of infamy set upon me and my posterity. Touching the second point, your Majesty may be pleased to remember, that on the part of Spain hope hath always been given me from the beginning, of a total and entire restitution to my own person; yea the Earl of Bristol hath assured me by his Letters from Madrid in November 1622. when the marriage was not so much advanced at this time. That the King of Spain (in case of refusal of the total restitution,) would join his forces with. those of your Majesty against the Emperor to constrain him thereunto: And yet in stead of the said restitution, the translation of my Electorate to the Duke of Bavaria was since at Ratisbone agreed, and congratulated unto him from Brussels; the inferior Palatinate dismembered by the grant of the Bergstreat one of the best pieces thereof to the Elector of Mentz; the superior with the Bailywicks granted to the Duke of Nuburgh, thereby to engage them further in the quarrel by the particular defence of that which generally the Imperialists have usurped upon me; they confiscate and seize the goods of my subjects, and those that follow my party, sparing neither widow nor orphans.  
It seems therefore necessary above all things to have sufficient assurance for the total restitution of my Electorate and Palatinates, before any new treaty of marriage be proposed: Of the which treaties, as they are ordinarily handled and managed by the house of Austria, and drawn to length and delays, with the only aim to the augmentation of their greatness, without respect to civil honesty, word or promise, I have a doleful experience in my own house in the person of one of my predecessors Frederick the second, who contributed more to the first foundation which was laid for the greatness of the said house of Austria then any other Germane Prince, and for recompense was alured and drawn by the space of many years with treaties and promises of marriage, without any real intention (as was seen by the effect) ever to bring them to execution. Seeing therefore that he who had so well deserved of the house of Austria, (which in all external appearance held him in greater estimation than any other Germane Prince) was nevertheless so unworthily used by them in a treaty of marriage I who have been unduly put into the Ban of the Empire, and spoiled of all my honours and goods, by the eagerness, hatred and usurpation of the Emperor himself (whose daughter is propounded for the marriage in question) know not what to hope but the same effect of fraud and deceit which my forenamed predecessor found, with a sorrowful repentance of the evil when it was pad remedy. And the Emperor wanteth but two or three years of leisure, which he shall easily gain by a treaty of a marriage, to establish in Germany the translation of my Electoral dignity and Patrimonial estate, without any hope ever hereafter to recover the like opportunity as at this time, that my pretensions are not prejudiced by a long interposition of time, and that the memory, of undue proceeding in the publication of the Ban against my person, and the said translation of my Electoral dignity, and se●sure of my patrimonial inheritance are yet fresh in the affections and minds of the Princes of Germany who are by the consideration of their own interests moved with the greater companion to see the wounds of my miseries yet fresh and bleeding, and with passion and earnest desire to see them remedied. And in this place I will say something in answer to the last point of your Majesty's Letter, wherein you commanded me to consider the means probable and feasible whereby my condition may be reduced to the former state, and to weigh your Majesty's forces with those of your Allies, and others whereof your Majesty may hope and be assured.  
If your Majesty hopeth for my restitution in Germany as an effect of the marriage with Spain, nothing else is to be done but attend the event with patience: And if you continue to distinguish between the Spaniards and the Imperialists, there is no more to be said on this subject, but as they have with joint consent conspired my ruin with the same forces, the same counsels, and the same designs, your Majesty will find (if you please to unmask the fair, seeming, and hidden malice of the Spaniard, the same effect, as in the end you found the open and declared violence and hostility of the Imperialists, who besieged your Majesty's garrisons in my Towns taken into your protection. I will use the liberty you have given me to discourse of your Majesty's forces and those of your Allies, and what may further with good probability be hoped from other friends and well-willers.  
In the last rank I place what may be hoped from the Princes, of Germany, who, to wit the two Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, and in effect all the rest except those of the Catholic league, have sufficiently declared the disavowing of the Emperors proceeding against me, and their opinions that the peace of Germany dependeth upon my restitution; besides the Levies which they made in the beginning of the last summer, though by the unlucky accident of the Duke Christian of Brunswick they were soon after dismissed. And certainly no want of any other thing to be converted to my aid, but the countenance of a great Prince to support them against the power of the house of Austria, the same affections remaining still in them, and the same resolution to embrace the first good occasion that shall be presented for the liberty of Germany. Will there want hands for the accomplishing of such a work, when it shall be undertaken openly and earnestly? seeing that the number of those that have their interest conjoined with mine, is great and mighty: For the greater part of the people both horse and foot which marched under the Catholic banner, were of a contrary Religion to the Catholic, and of affection (as it is notorious to all the world) more inclined to the ruin of those Leagues then to their preservation. But the conduct of some powerful Prince is necessary as well to the men of war, us we have seen by experience the last year. The King of Denmark. is he upon whom all have set their eyes: but he being a Prince full of circumspection, and unwilling to enter into play alone, answereth unto all instances which are made unto him to that end, That as the other Princes have their eyes upon him, so hath he his upon your Majesty.  
It is not for me to judge; but since you have commanded me, I will weigh them by the balance of common judgement. That the felicity wherewith God hath blessed the person of your Majesty, having conjoined the three Crowns of England, Scotland and Ireland upon one head; the power of the one of the three alone having done great matters in the affairs of Europe on this side the sea, yea when it was counterballanced by the other, giveth demonstration what your Majesty may do with the joint forces of the three together, when you shall be pleased to take a resolution therein, chief the question being for the interest of your own Children; and by the voluntary contribution which we have already had in our support from your Majesty, we may easily comprehend what may be promised of them when the public authority of your Majesty shall be conjoined with their particular affections; there being no Prince in the world more loved and reverenced of his subjects, nor more sovereign over their affections and means for the service of your person and Royal house. Touching the Allies, it is to my great grief that the unhappiness of this time hath separated a great part of them, the united Provinces of Germany, who make profession of the same Religion whereof they acknowledge your Majesty for defender and Protector. But the same affection remaineth still in them entire and firm, though they have been constrained to yield to the present necessity of their affairs; and the occasion presenting itself, your Majesty may account of them.  
The rest, the Estates of the united Provinces to whom we have recourse in our afflictions, who support themselves by the help of God, and the situation of their Country and Forces of their people alone until this time against the puissance of Spain, seconded by the Imperialists. And in stead of fainting under such a burden, or of giving ear unto the overtures and submissions which from day to day are presented unto them, they now put themselves to the offensive, by a good Fleet prepared and ready to set sail to the West-Indies, to the end they may at least interrupt the peaceable and annual return of the gold and silver of those parts, by which the house of Austria doth continually advance their greatness. This is commended by all good men and lovers of the public liberty as the sole and only means to cast to the ground the fearful power of Spain, even as a great tree of large extent cut up by the root; but is held too great for such a little extent of Country as this is, and yet practically, and to be done by forces answerable to the importance of such an enterprise: And if your Majesty would be pleased to use the Forces of this estate by sea and land, to the opposition of their enemies, and by consequence of mine, their profession of a loyal and sincere affection with the hazard of their lives and goods for the service of your Majesty, grounded upon the experience of things past, their present interest, and the judgement which may be made of the future, makes me assured that your Majesty may absolutely dispose of them; and by their means being firmly conjoined with your Majesty, give the Law to Europe.  
It is in obedience to your Majesty's commandment that I have enlarged myself so far into this discourse, which I will send with my most humble thanks for the continuance of your most gracious and paternal bounty, particularly showed in the care you have of the education of my eldest son in your Court, who with all the rest are at your Majesty's disposing, and we hope to live notwithstanding our hard and doleful condition, to yield unto your Majesty the fruits of a devout and filial gratitude, and I will remain until the last day of my life,  
From the Hague, Decemb. 30. 1623. new stile. Your Majesty's most, etc. FREDERICK.  
 
Postscript.  
I am advertised from a good part, that the Elector of Mentz and the other Princes of the Popish league are very instant with the Elector of Saxony and Brandenburg to persuade them to acknowledge the Duke of Bavaria as an Elector of the Empire: which if they obtain, it were easy to judge how much it would prejudice my affairs, and the common cause of the Empire. I therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty, that you will be pleased to prevent and hinder such an evil, by the interposition of good offices, and exhortations to the said secular Electors, be it by some Ambassador, by serious Letters, or such other way as you shall hold meet and suitable to the importance of the matter, which above all requireth singular celerity.  
Your Majesty shall increase more and more my obligations, and that of the public of Germany, etc.   

Abignoto from Madrid.  
THe Spaniard gins now to be sensible of the great disobligation and gross oversight he committed in suffering the Prince to go away without his Infanta: For it hath given occasion of advantage to the English (who now seem indifferent whether they match with him or no) to proceed more stoutly, and to add to the former Articles which the Prince had sworn at his being here, certain new Propositions about the Palatinate, which was thought to be unfit to motion at his being here, by reason of the engagement of his person. And there is a Commission sent to the Earl Bristol to treat of these two businesses jointly; and if the King of Spain give not a satisfactory answer therein, than he is to return home. Buckingham hath little obligation no Spain, therefore for his own particular he hath good reason it he cannot prop himhimfelf this way, to find other means for his support: unkindnesses passed between him and Olivarez, and a hot heartburning between him and Bristol, who told him here before the Prince, that being so far his superior inhonor and might, he might haply contemn him, but he could never hate him. Ever since his departure he hath attempted to crush Bristol to pieces, who is out of purse two thousand pound of his own since his coming hither, & he is so crossed that he cannot get a penny from England. If he cannot get a surrender of the Palatinate to the King's mind, he is in a poor case; for he must hence presently: he is much favoured of the King here and Olivarez, therefore they will do much for him before Buckingham work his revenge upon him: he hath received lately more comfortable dispatches from England, and in the last the King sent him he requires his advice in certain things. The Proxy the King of Spain had to marry the Infanta in the Prince's name, is prorogued till March. There is great resentment of the delays in the Court here; and the Infanta hath given over studing of English. The two Ambassadors here ever since the Prince's departure, have visited the Infanta as vassals; but now they carry themselves like Ambassadors again. We are all here in suspense, and a kind of maze to see the event of things, and how matters will be pieced together again, we know not.   

A Memorial to the King of Spain, by Sir Walter Ashton, Ambassader in Spain. Aug. 29, 1624.  
SIr Walter Ashton, Ambassador to the King of Great Britain, saith, That the King his Master hath commanded him to represent to your Majesty, that having declared to your Majesty the reasons why he could receive no satisfaction by your Majesty's answer of the first of January, and that thereby according to the unanimous consent of his Parliament he came to dissolve both the Treaties of the Match and Palatinate, he received another answer from your Majesty, wherein he finds less ground to build upon; and having understood that either by the Padre de Maestro, or your Majesty's Ambassadors which have assisted these days passed in this Court, there was something to be propounded and declared touching the business of the Palatinate, whereby he might have received satisfaction, the said Ambassadors until now have not said anything at all to purpose which comparing with other circumstances of their ill carriage, he gathers and doubts, that according to the ill affection, and depraved intentions wherewith they have proceeded in all things, but especially in particular they have laboured to hinder the good correspondency and so necessary and desired intelligence which should be conserved with your Majesty. Furthermore he saith, That the King his Master hath commanded him to give account to your Majesty, that in an Audience which he gave to the Marquis de Injiosa and Don Carlo Colomma, they under Cloak and pretext of zeal & particular care of his person, pretended to discover unto him a very great conjuration against his person and Royal Dignity, and it was,  
That at the beginning of the Parliament, the Duke of Buckingham had consulted with certain Lords, of the arguments and means which were to be taken touching the breaking and dissolving of the Treaties of the Palatinate and Match; and the consultations passed thus far, That if his Majesty would not accommodate himself to their counsels, they would give him a house of pleasure whither he might retire himself to his sports, in regard that the Prince had now years sufficient to, and parts answerable for the government of the Kingdom.  
The Information was of that quality, that it was sufficient to put impression in him of perpetual jealousies, in regard that through the ribs of the Duke he gave wounds to the Prince his son, and the Nobility; and it is not probable that they could bring to effect such designs without departing totally from the obligation of faith and loyalty which they owed to his Person and Crown, because the Lords made themselves culpable as concealers: And it is not likely that the Duke would hurl himself into such an enter prize, without communicating it first with the Prince, and knowing his pleasure.  
And because this information might be made more clear, he did make many instances unto the said Ambassadors, that they would give him the Authors of the said Conjuration, this being the sole means whereby their own honour might be preserved, etc. whereby their great zeal and care they had pretended to have of his person, might appear. But instead of confirming the great zeal they had pretended to bear him; all the answer they made him, consisted of Arguments against the discovery of the Conspirators: So that for the confirmation of the said report, there remained no other means then the examination of some of his Council of State, and principal subjects, which he put in execution, and made them take oath every one particularly in his own presence, and commanded that such interrogatories and questions should be propounded unto them that were most pertinent to the accusation; so that neither part, particle, or circumstance remained, which was not exactly examined and winnowed, and he found in the Duke and the rest that were accused, a sincere Innocency touching the accusations and imputation wherewith they were charged.  
This being so, he turned to make new instances unto the said Ambassadors, that they should not prefer the discovery of the names of the Conspirators to the security of his Royal person, and truth and honour of thmeselves, and the hazard of an opinion to be held, and judged the Traitors of a plot of such malice, sed●tion and danger. But the Ambassadors remaining in a knotty kind of obstinacy, resolved to conceal the Authors. Nevertheless afterterwards he gave them an audience, wherein the Marquis of Injiosa took his leave.  
Few days after they demanded new audience, pretending that they had something to say that concerned the public good, and conduced to the entire restitution of the Palatinate, with desire to lose no opportunity that might conduce thereunto, and therewith the confirmation and conservation of the friendship with your Majesty having suspended some few days to give them audience, thinking that being thereby better advised, they would resolve upon a wiser course, and declare the Authors of so pernicious an action, and having since made many instances, and attended the success of so long patience, he sent his Secretary, and Sir Francis Cottington Secretary to the Prince, commanding them that they should signify unto the Ambassadors, that he desired nothing more than the continuance of the friendship 'twixt both the Crowns; and if so they had any thing to say, they would communicate it to the said Secretaries, as persons of so great trust, which he sent to that end: And if they made difficulty of this, that they would choose amongst his Council of State, those which they liked best, and he would command that they should presently repair unto them; and if this did not likewise seem best unto them, that they would send what they had to say in a Letter sealed up, by whom should seem best unto them, and he would receive it with his own hands. But the Ambassadors misbehaving themselves in all that was propounded, the said Secretaries according to the order which they brought, told them, that they being the Authors of an information so dangerous and seditious, had made themselves uncapable to treat further with the King their Matter; and were it not for the respect to the King his dear and beloved brother and their Master, and in contemplation of their condition as Ambassadors of such a Majesty, he would and could by the Law of Nations, and the right of his own Royal Justice, proceed against them with such severity us their offence deserved, but for the reasons aforesaid he would leave the reparation hereof to the justice of their King, of whom he would demand and require it.  
In conformity whereof the said Ambassador of the King of Great Britain, saith, that the King his Master hath commanded him to demand reparation & satisfaction of your Majesty against the said Marquis de Injiosa and Don Carlos Colomma, making your Majesty Judge of the great scandal and enormous offence which they have committed against them and the public right, and expect justice from your Majesty in the demonstrations and chastisements which your Majesty shall inflict upon them. which for his proceeding sake with your Majesty, and out of your Majesties own uprightness and goodness ought to be expected.  
Furthermore he saith, that the King his Master hath commanded him to assure your Majesty, that till now he hath not mingled the correspondence and friendship he held with your Majesty, with the faults and offences of your Ministers, but leaves and restrains them to their own persons; and that he remains with your Majesty in the true and ancient friendship and brotherhood, as heretofore; and that he is ready to give hearing to anything that shall be reason, and to answer thereunto: and when your Majesty is pleased to send your Ambassadors thither, he will make them all good treaty, and receive them with that good love that is due.  
For conclusion, the said Ambassador humbly beseecheth your Majesty will be pleased to observe and weigh the care and tenderness wherewith the King his Master proceeded with your Majesty's Ambassadors, not obliging to precipitate resolutions, but giving them much time to prove and give light of that which they had spoken; and besides opening unto them many ways that they might comply with their orders, if they had any such. Which course if they had taken, they might well have given satisfaction to the King his Master, and moderated the so grounded opinion of their ill proceed against the peace, and so good intelligence and correspondence betwixt both the Crowns.  
Madrid, Aug. 5. 1624.   

The Petition of Francis Philips to King James for the release of Sir Robert Philip's Prisoner tn the Tower.  
Most dread Sovereign,  
IF the Thrones of Heaven and Earth were to be solicited one and the same way, I should have learned by my often praying to God for your Majesty, how to pray to your Majesty to other. But the Liturgies of the Church and Court are different as in many other points, to especially in this, That in the one there is not so poor a friend but may offer his vows immediately to the Almighty; whereas in the other a right loyal subject may pour out his soul in vain, without an Ora pro nobis. Now such is the obscure condition of your humble Suppliant, as I know no Saint about your sacred Majesty to whom I can address my orisons, or in whose mediation I dare repose the least assurance. Let it be therefore lawful for me in this extraordinary occasion to pass the ordinary forms; and raising my spirits above uncertainties, to fix my entire faith upon your Majesty's supreme goodness, which is an ever ought to be esteemed both the best Tribunal, and the best Sanctuary for a good cause. But how good soever my cause be, it would be high presumption in me to stand upon it. I have therefore chosen rather to cast myself at your Majesty's feet, from whence I would not willingly rise, but remain a monument of sorrow and humility till I have obtained some gracious answer to my Petition: For though your Majesty's thoughts cannot discern so low, as to conceive how much it importeth a poor distressed Suppliant to be reviled, neglected, yet you may be pleased to believe that we are as highly affected, and as much anguished with the extremities that press our little fortunes, as Princes are with theirs. Which I speak not out of any pride I take in comparing small things with great, but only to dispose your Majesty to a favourable construction of my words, if they seem to be overcharged with zeal and affection, or to express more earnestness than perhaps your Majesty may think the business merits as myself values it. The suit I am to make to your Majesty is no sleight one, it may be easily granted without references: For I dare assure your Majesty upon my life, it is neither against the Laws of the Kingdom, nor will diminish any of your treasure, either that of your coffers, or that of your people's hearts; it being an act of clemency, or rather a word, for even that will satisfy to create in your poor dejected Suppliant a new heart, and send him away as full of content as he is now of grief and despair. Nor is it for myself I thus implore your Majesty's grace, but for one that is far more worthy, and in whom all that I am consists, my dear Brother, who I know not by what misfortune hath fallen, or rather been pushed into your Majesty's displeasure; not in dark and crooked ways, as corrupt and illaffected subjects use to walk, and near to break their necks in, but even in the great road, which both himself & all good Englishmen that know not the paths of the Court, would have sworn would have led most safely and most directly to your Majesty's service from your Majesty's displeasure; there needs no other invention to crucify a generous and honest-minded suppliant, upon whom hath issued and been derived a whole torrent of exemplary punishment, wherein his reputation, his person, and his estate grievously suffered.  
For having (upon the last process of Parliament) retired himself to his poor house in the Country, with hope a while to breathe after these trouble some affairs, and still breathing nothing but your Majesty's service; he was sent for ere he had finished his Christmas, by a Sergeant at Arms, who arrested him in his own house with as much terror as belongs to the apprehending of treason itself. But (thanks be to God) his conscience never started; and for his obedience herein showed, it was not in the power of any authority to surprise it: For at the instant without ask one minute's time of resolution, he rendered himself to the officers discretion, who (according to his directions) brought him up captive, and presented him at the Council Table as a Delinquent, from whence he was as soon committed to Tower, where he ever since hath been kept close prisoner, and that with so strict a hand, as his own beloved wife and myself having sometime since urgent and unffaigned occasion to speak with him about some private business of his Family; and here upon making humble petition to the Lords of your Majesty's most honourable Privy Council for the favour of access, we were to our great discomforts denied it, by reason as their Lordships were pleased to declare unto us, that he had not satisfied, your Majesty fully in some points, which being so far from being his fault, as I dare say it is the greatest part of his affliction, that he sees himself debarred from means of doing it. The Lords Commissioners that were appointed by your Majesty to examine his offence, since the first week of his imprisonment, have not done him the honour to be with him; by which means not only his body, but (the most part of his mind) his humble intentions to your Majesty are kept in restraint. May it please therefore your most excellent Majesty now at length after five month's imprisonment and extreme durance, to ordain such expedition in this cause, as may stand with your justice, and yet not avert your mercy, either of them will serve our turns; but that which is most agreeable to your Royal and gracious inclination, will best accomplish our desire. To live still in close prison is all one to be buried alive; and for a man that hath any hope of salvation, it were better to pray for the day of judgement, then to lie languishing in such waking misery; yet not ours but your Majesties will be done. For if in your princely wisdom you shall not think it a fit season to restore him to his former condition, or to accept the fruit of his correction, an humble and penitent submission for his unhappiness in offending your Majesty, which I assure myself is long since ripe and grown to full perfection in so forward affection, and so proper for all duties as his hath ever been: If (I say) it be not yet time to have mercy, but that he must still remain within the walls of bondage to expiate that which he did in these privileged ones, my hope is, that he will die at any time for your Majesty's service, and will find patience to live any where for your Majesty's pleasure; only thus much let me beseech your Majesty's grace again and again, not to deny your humble and most obedient suppliant, that you will at least be pleased to mitigate the rigour of his sufferings so far as to grant him the liberty of the Tower, that he may no longer groan under the burden of those incomodities which daily prejudice his health & fortune, in a higher degree (I believe) then either your Majesty knows or intends; I am the more bold to importune your Majesty in the point of favour, because it concerns my own good & preservation: For your Maj. shall deign understand that I your suppliant have no means to live but what proceeds from his brotherly love and bounty; so as if I may not be suffered to go to him and receive order for my maintenance, I know none but Our Father, which art in heaven to beg my daily bread on; he that was my father on earth is long since departed (if I have not been misinformed) who was then beyond sea, your Majesty's anger was to him little better than the messenger of death, though I persuade myself it was rather sent in your Majesty's Name then in your Warrant.  
For what use could your Majesty have of his not being, who neither was, nor could be ever but your faithful and affectionate servant, who in his soul adored your Royal Majesty as much as ever mortal man did any mortal God; lastly, whose heart was so bend to please your Majesty, as the very sound of your displeasure was enough to break it. And more perfect obedience then this can no subject show, to make his Sovereign's favour equal to life and death.  
Pardon me, dread Sovereign, if in this occasion I cannot hinder my Father's ghost from appearing: For how can it possibly be at rest, as long as your fatal displeasure reigns still in his family, and makes it the house of continual mourning? Remove then (if it be your blessed will) the clouds that have been so long hanging over our heads; and let not the present storm that wants matter to produce, extort a thunderbolt: For what is Philip's, or the son of Philip's, that your Majesty should so destroy them? We are unworthy of Caesar's anger, as well in regard of our means as of our innocence?  
To conclude my prayers, I most humbly beseech your Majesty to forgive them; and let not the ignorance of the stile, or ceremonies used in the Court, be imputed to your humble and well-meaning Suppliant, as a willing want of reverence; in whose breast these two legal qualities, Love and Fear, do more vigorously meet, or who could more willingly part with his essence, to add the least acquisition to the greatness and majesty of his Sovereign. True it is, that the subject that employed the faculties of my soul at this present, is of such a nature, as I could not deny it the uttermost of my affection; and he that thinks he can never speak enough, may easily speak too much. That neither myself nor my brother have failed in any thing but words, that your Majesty will pardon, without that all crimes are equal, and as much danger lies in an humble Petition as in a plot of high Treason.  
Be pleased then (most gracious Sovereign) to give us back one gracious word, and keep our undoubted hearts, at least show us so much mercy as to judge us according to your own goodness: For if we had not liberty to appeal thither, we should be in danger of losing the best part of our birthright, and instead of your Majesty's subjects become other men's slaves. From your Majesty therefore, and from no other, your faithful suppliant craves and expect the joyful word of grace: which if I may be so happy as to carry my poor brother before he grows any elder in misery, I shall fill an honest heart with prayers and thanksgiving: And for my particular, your Majesty's greatest favour and liberality shall not more oblige or better affect others, than your Royal clemency shall me. In memory whereof I shall daily pray, that your Majesty may obtain all your desires of heaven, and so be obeyed in all your commandments on earth, that we may live to see your holy intentions to take effect for the good of Christendom, and so you may honour the age you live in with the miracles of your wisdom. Finally, that your felicity in this world may overtake that in the highest to make you wear a perpetual Crown to God's glory and your own.  
Your Majesty's most humble, loyal, and truehearted English subjects, FRANCIS PHILIP'S.   

Oliver St. john's to the Major of Marlborough against the Benevolence.  
AS I think, this kind of Benevolence is against Law, Reason, and Religion.  
First, the Law is in the Statute called Magna Charta, 9 H. 3. cap. 29. That no Freeman be any way destroyed but by the Laws of this Land.  
Secondly, besides that the said Statute of Magna Charta is by all Princes since established and confirmed, it is in the special case of voluntary or free grants enacted and decreed 25. E. 1. cap. 5. That no such be drawn into custom, and cap. 6. That henceforth be taken no such Aids, Tasks, free Grants, or Prizes, but by assent of all the Realm, and for the good of the same. And in primo R. 3. cap. 2. That the Subjects and Commons in this Realm from henceforth shall in no wise be charged by any charge or imposition called a Benevolence, or any such like charge, and that such exactions called a Benevolence, shall be damned and annulled for ever.  
First, it is not only without, but against reason, that the Commous in their several and particulars, should be made relievers or suppliers of his Majesty's wants, who neither know his wants, nor the sums that may be this way raised to supply the same.  
Secondly, it is against reason that the particular and several Commons distracted, should oppose their judgement and discretion to the judgement and discretion of the wisdom of their Land assembled in Parliament, who have there denied any such aid.  
It argueth in us want of love and due respect of our Sovereign Lord and King, which ought to be in every of us towards each other, which is to stay every one which we see falling, and reduce the current. What prosperity can there be expected to befall either our King or Nation, when the King shall haply of ignorance, or ('tis I hope) out of forgetfulness or headiness, commit so great a sin against his God, as is the violating of his great and solemn oath taken at his coronation for the maintaining of his Laws, Liberties and Customs of this Noble Realm, & his Subjects, some for fear, some in pride, some to please others, shall join hands to forward so unhappy a▪ achievement, can he any way more highly offend the Divine Majesty (whom he then invocated) as also can he then give unto another. Hen. 4. If such an one should rise up (which God forbidden) a greater advantage, let these Articles put up against R. 2. be looked on, it will appear that the breach of the Laws, infringing the Liberties, & failing in this his oath, were the main blemishes wherewith he could distain and spot the honour of that good and gentle Prince, who indeed was rather by others abused, then of himself mischievously any way disposed.  
Secondly, as very irreligiously and uncharitably we help forward the King's Majesty in that grievous sin of perjury; so into what an hellish danger we plunge ourselves even so many of us as contribute, is to be learned out of the several curses and sentences of excommunination given out against all such givers, and namely the two following, viz. the great curse given out the 36. H. 3. against all breakers of the Liberties and customs of the Realm of England, with their Abettors, Councillors, and Executioners, wherein by the sentence of Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the chief part of all the Bishops of this Land, are ipso facto excommunicated. And that of 24. Ed. I. denounced immediately upon the Acts made against such Benevolence, free Grants and Impositions had and taken without common assent; which because it is not so large as that former, I will set down as our Books deliver the same.  
IN the Name of the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, Amen. Whereas our Sovereign Lord the King, to the honour of God, and of the Holy Church, and for the common profit of the Realm, hath granted for him and his heirs forever these Articles above written: Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, admonished all his Province once, twice, and thrice, because that shortness will not suffer so much delay, as to give knowledge to all the people of England of these presents in writing. We therefore enjoin all persons of what estate soever they be, that they and every of them as much as in them is, shall uphold and maintain those Articles granted by our Sovereign Lord the King in all points; and all those that in any point do resist or break those Ordinances, or in any manner hereafter procure, counsel, or in any ways assent to, resist or break those Ordinances, or go about it by word or deed openly or privately by any manner of pretence or colour: We therefore the said Archbishop by our authority in this Writing expressed, do excommunicate and accurse, and from the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, and from all the company of Heaven, and from all the Sacraments of the holy Church do sequester and exclude.  
Sir, hearing that to morrow the Justices will be here about this busy work of Benevolence, wherein you have both sent unto, and talked with me, and thinking that it may be you would deliver up the names of the not-givers. Forasmuch as I think I shall scarcely be at home to make my further answer, if I should be called for, I pray yond both hereby to understand my mind yourself, and if cause so require to let the Justices perceive as much. So leaving others to their own consciences, whereby in that last and dreadful day they shall stand or fall before him who will reward every man according to his deeds, I commend you to the grace of the Almighty, and rest,  
Your loving Neighbour and Friend, OLIVER St. JOHN.   

The Justices of Peace in the County of Devon to the Lords of the Council.  
THe Letters from his sacred Majesty unto the Justices of Peace in this County, together with your Lordships, have been opened and read according to the directions in your Lordship's Letter to our high Sheriff expressed, and the weighty business therein contained, hath been maturely and speedily debated, according to our most bounden duties to his excellent Majesty, and the many concurring necessities which press the expedition of such a service: and in those respects we can do no less than give your Lordships a timely knowledge of the vote and opinion of us all, which was this day almost in the same words delivered by every of us.  
That the sum enjoined to be levied by the first of March, is not to be so suddenly raised out of this County by any means, much less by way of persuasion; and hereof we had lately a certain experience in the business of the loans, which notwithstanding the fear apprehended by the presence of the Pursuivant, hath come at least 6000. l. short of the expected sum, and without him we suppose would have been much less, and we are confident that nothing but extremities, which had need also be backed by Law, will raise his Majesty a sufficient quantity of treasure for his occasions. For ourselves, at the time of the proposition of the forementioned Loans, we did according to his Majesty's proclamation and instruction than sent us, engage our faithful promise to our Countrymen, that if they willingly yielded to his Majesty's necessities at this time, we would never more be Instruments in the levy of aids of that kind, his Majesty's intentions so clearly manifested not to make that a precedent, was the cause of that engagement, and we conceive it cannot be for his honour or service for us to be the means of such a breach. That his Majesty's affairs and of his Allies, do all want an instant supply of Royal provisions; his provident and Princely Letter hath fully taught us; but we have much more cause to wish then hope that these parts so lately and so many ways impoverished, can yield it.  
Your Lordships may vouchsafe to remember how much this County hath been charged since the beginning of the war, though sometimes refreshed with payment, which we acknowledge with humble thanks. By our own late loan of 3 5000. l. and 6000. l. more sent by Sir Thomas Wise and Mr. Stroad, and yet there remains due to it for the Coat and Conduct of their own impressed Soldiers, for divers voyages for the Recruits intended for the Isle of Ree for the conduct of the whole Army hence, besides three Companies stand yet here for Silly, and no small number of scattered sick, whose mortal infection hath more discouraged the people than the charge.  
That many and almost unaccountable are our ways of expense, few or none have we of income for the want of Trade, how then can there be any quantity of money to disburse; their bodies and goods are left which (we are assured) will be ever ready for this Majesty's defence, and to be employed in his Majesty's service as far forth as ever our forefathers have yielded them to his Majesty's Royal Progenitors.  
Particular proofs we would have made of the people's disability to have satisfied his Majesty's demands, but we had rather adventure ourselves, and this humble advertisement upon your Lordship's private and favourable instructions, then to expose his Majesty's honour to public denial, and misspend his precious time, which applied to more certain courses may attain his Princely and religious ends, wherein to be his Majesty's Instruments will be our earthly happiness, and singular comfort to be your Lordship's obedient servants.   

The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishops concerning King James his Directions for Preachers, with the Directions, Ang. 14. 1622.  
RIght Reverend Father in God, and my very good Lord and Brother,  
I have received from the Kings most excellent Majesty, a Letter, the tenor whereof here ensueth.  
Most revered Father in God, right trusty and right entirely beloved Councillor, we greet you well.  
Forasmuch as the abuses and extravagancies of Preachers in the Pulpit, have been in all times repressed in this Realm by some Act of Council or State, with the advice or resolution of grave and learned Prelates, insomuch as the very licensing of Preachers had beginning by an Order of Star-Chamber the 8. day of July in the 19 year of King Henry 8. our Noble Predecessor: and whereas at this present divers young Students by reading of late Writers and ungrounded Divines, do broach many times unprofitable, unsound, seditious and dangerous Doctrine, to the scandal of the Church, and disquieting of the State and present Government; We upon humble representation to us of these inconveniences by yourself and sundry other grave and reverend Prelates of this Church, as also of our Princely care and zeal for the extirpation of schism and dissension growing from these seeds, and for the settling of a religious and peaceable government both of the Church and State, do by these our special Letters straight charge and command you to use all possible care and diligence that these limitations and cautions herewith sent unto you concerning Preachers, be duly and straight henceforth observed and put in practice by the several Bishops in their several Dioceses within your jurisdictions. And to this end our pleasure is, that you send them forthwith several Copies of these Directions, to be by them speedily sent and communicated to every Parson, Vicar and Curate, Lecturer and Minister in every Cathedral and Parish Church within their several Dioceses; and that you earnestly require them to employ their uttermost endeavour in the performance of this so important a business, letting them know that we have a special eye to their proceed, and expect a strict account thereof both of you and them, and every of them. And these our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that behalf.  
Given under our Signet at our Castle of Windsor the fourteenth day of August, in the twentieth year of our reign of England, France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the fifty sixth.  
Directions concerning Preachers.  

THat no Preacher under the degree of a Bishop, or a Dean of a Cathedral or Collegiate Church, and that upon the King's days, and set Festivals, do take occasion by the expounding of any Text of Scripture whatsoever, to fall to any let Discourse or Common-place, otherwise then by opening the coherence and division of his Text, which be not comprehended and warranted in essence, substance, effect, or natural inference within some one of the Articles of Religion set forth by authority in the Church of England, and the two Books of Homilies set forth by the same authority in the year 1562. or in some of the Homilies set forth by authority of the Church of England, not only for the help of non-preaching, but withal for a Pattern or a Boundary as it were for the preaching Ministers; and for their further instruction for the performance ●e●eof, that they forthwith read over and peruse diligently the said Book of Articles, and the ●●o Books of Homilies.  
2. That no Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Lecturer, shall preach any Sermon or Collation hereafter upon Sundays or Holidays in the afternoon in any Cathedral or Parish-Church throughout the Kingdom, but upon some part of the Catechism, or some Text taken out of the Creed, the ten Commandments, or the Lord's prayer, (Funeral-sermons only excepted) And that those Preachers be most encouraged and approved of who spend their afternoons exercises in the examination of Children in their Catechism, which is the most ancient and laudable, custom of teaching in the Church of England.  
3. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever under the degree of a Bishop, or Dean at the least, do from henceforth presume to preach in any popular Auditory the deep points of Predestination, Election, Reprobation, or the universality, efficacy, resistibility or irresistibility of God's grace; but leave these Themes to be handled by learned men, and that moderately and modestly by way of use and application, rather than by way of positive doctrine, as being fit for Schools and Universities then for simple Auditories.  
4. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever shall presume from henceforth in any Auditory within this Kingdom to declare, limit, or bound out by way of positive doctrine in any Sermon or Lecture the power, prerogative, jurisdiction, authority, right or duty of sovereign Princes; or otherwise meddle with these matters of State, and the differences betwixt Princes and people, then as they are instructed and presidented in the Homilies of Obedience, and in the rest of the Homilies and Articles of Religion set forth as before is mentioned by public Authority, but rather confine themselves wholly to these two heads, Faith and good life, which are all the subject of ancient Homilies and Sermons.  
5. That no Preacher of what title or denomination soever shall causelessly or without invitation of the Text fall into bitter invectives, or undecent railing speeches against the persons of either Papists or Puritans; but modestly and gravely when they are occasioned thereunto by the text of Scripture, clear both the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England from the aspersions of either adversary, especially when the Auditory is suspected with the one or the other infection.  
6. Lastly, That the Archbishop and Bishops of this Kingdom (whom his Majesty hath good cause to blame for their form●●●●●●●ss) he more wary and choice in the licensing of Preachers and 〈◊〉 gr●●● made to any Chancellor, Official or Commissary, to pass Licences in this kind. And that all the Lecturers throughout the Kingdom, a new body, and severed from the ancient Clergy of England, as being neither Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates, be licenced henceforward in the Court of Faculties only upon recommendations of the party from the Bishop of the Diocese under his hand and seal, with a Fiat from the Archbishop of Canterbury, and a confirmation under the great seal of England; and that such as transgress any of these Directions, be suspended by the Lord Bishop of that Diocese, or in his default by the Lord Archbishop of that Province (ab officio & beneficio) for a year and a day, until his Majesty by the advice of the next Convocation shall prescribe some further punishment.   
By this you see his Majesty's Princely care that men should preach Christ crucified, obedience to the higher powers, and honest and Christian conversation of life, but in a regular form, and not that every young man should take unto himself an exorbitant liberty to teach what he listeth to the offence of his Majesty, and to the disturbance and disquiet of the Church and Commonwealth. I can give unto your Lordship no better directions for the performance hereof then are prescribed to you in his Majesty's Letter, and the Schedule hereunto annexed. Wherefore I pray you be very careful, since it is the Princely pleasure of his Majesty to require an exact account both of you and of me for the same. Thus not doubting but by your Register or otherwise you will cause these Instructions to be communicated to your Clergy, I leave you to the Almighty, and remain  
your Lordship's loving brother, George Cant. Croyden, Aug. 15. 1622.   

King James Instructions to the Archbishop of Canterbury concerning Orders to be observed by Bishops in their Dioceses. 1622.  

1. THat the Lords the Bishops be commanded to their several Sees, excepting those that are in necessary attendance at Court.  
2. That none of them reside upon his land or lease that he hath purchased, nor on his Commendum if he hold any; but in one of his Episcopal Houses if he have any, and that he waste not the woods where any are left.  
3. That they give their charge in their Triennial Visitations, and at other convenient times both by themselves and the Archdeacon's, and that the Declaration for settling all questions in difference, be strictly observed by all parties.  
4. That there be a special care taken by them all, that the Ordinations be solemn, and not of unworthy persons.  
5. That they take great care concerning the Lecturers in their several Diocese, for whom we give these special Directions following. 

First, That in all Parishes the afternoon Sermons may be turned into Catechising by Question and Answer, when and wheresoever there is no great cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable order.  
Secondly, that every Bishop ordain in his Diocese, that every Lecturer do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy printed by authority, in his Surplice and Hood, before the Lecture.  
Thirdly, That where a Lecture is set up in a Market Town, it may be read by a company of grave and Orthodox Divines near adjoining, and in the same Diocese, and that they preach in Gowns, not in Cloaks, as too many use to do.  
Fourthly, That if a Corporation do maintain a single Lecturer, he be not suffered to preach till he profess his willingness to take upon him a living with cure of souls within that Incorporation, and that he actually take such Benefice or Cure, so soon as it shall be fairly procured for him.  
Fifthly, That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the grave & Orthodox Divines of their Clergy, and that they use means by some of the Clergy, or others, that they may have knowledge how both Lecturers and Preachers within their Diocese, do behave themselves in their Sermons, that so they may take order for any abuse accordingly.  
Sixthly, That the Bishops suffer none under Noblemen, or men qualified by Law, to have any private Chaplain in his house.  
Seventhly, That they take special care that Divine Service be diligently frequented, as well for Prayers and Catechisms as for Sermons, and take particular note of all such as absent themselves as Recusants, or others.  
Eighthly, That every Bishop that by our grace and favour, and good opinion of his service, shall be nominated by us to another Bishopric, shall from that day of nomination not presume to make any Lease for three lives or one and twenty years, or concurrent Lease, or any way renew any estate, or cut any Wood or Timber, but merely receive his Rents due and to quit the place. For we think it an hateful thing that any man leaving the Bishopric should almost undo his Successor. And if any man shall presume to break this Order, We will refuse him Our Royal assent, and keep him at the place he hath so abused.  
Ninthly and lastly, We command you to give us an account every year the second of January of the performance of these our commands.     
Subscribed at Dorchester. I. R.   

Bishop of Winchester to his Archdeacon to the same effect.  
SAlutem in Christo.  
I have received Letters from the most Reverend Father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the tenor whereof followeth.  
Right reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and brother,  
I have received from the Kings most excellent Majesty a Letter, the tenor whereof here ensueth.  
Most reverend Father in God, right trusty and right entirely beloved Councillor, we greet you well.  
For as much as the abuses and extravagancies of Preachers in the Pulpit, have been, etc.  
According to the tenor of these Letters you are to see that these limitations and cautions herewith sent unto you be duly and strictly from henceforth observed, and put in practice, and that several Copies of those Directions be speedily communicated to every one of those whom they shall concern, and that you may employ your uttermost endeavours in the performance of so important a business, considering that his Majesty will have a special eye over you and me, and expect a strict account at both our hands, whereof praying you to have all possible care, I commend your endeavours therein to the blessing of God.  
From Farnham, Aug. 15. 1622. Your very loving friend, Lan. Winton.   

The Bishop of Lincoln L. Keeper, to the Bishop of London, concerning Preaching and Catechising.  
My very good Lord,  
I Doubt not before this time you have received from me the directions of his most excellent Majesty concerning Preaching and Preachers, which are so graciously set down, that no godly or discreet man can otherwise then acknowledge that they do much tend to edification, if he take them not up upon report, but do punctually consider the tenor of the words as they lie, and doth not give an ill construction to that which may receive a fair interpretation. Notwithstanding because some few Churchmen and many of the people have sinisterly conceived, as we here find, that those Instructions do tend to the restraint of the exercise of Preaching, and do in some sort abate the number of Sermons, and so consequently by degrees do make a breach to ignorance and superstition, his Majesty in his Princely wisdom hath thought fit that I should advertise your Lordship of the grave and weighty reasons which induced his Highness to prescribe that which was done.  
You are therefore to know, that his Majesty being much troubled and grieved at the heart to hear every day of so many defections from our Religion both to Popery and Anabaptism, or other points of Separation in some parts of this Kingdom; and considering with much admiration what might be the cause thereof, especially in the reign of such a King who doth so constantly profess himself an open adversary to the superstition of the one, and madness of the other, his Princely wisdom could fall upon no one greater probability than the lightness, affectedness, and unprofitableness of that kind of Preaching which hath been of late years too much taken up in Court, University, City and Country.  
The usual scope of very many Preachers is noted to be soaring up in points of Divinity too deep for the capacity of the people, or mustering up of so much reading, or a displaying of their own wit, or an ignorant meddling with Civil matters, as well in the private several Parishes and Corporations, as in the public of the Kingdom, or a venting of their own distastes, or a smoothing up those idle fancies (which when the Text shall occasion the same, is not only approved but much commended by his Royal Majesty) both against the persons of Papists and Puritans.  
Now the people bred up with this kind of teaching, and never instructed in the Catechism, and fundamental grounds of Religion, are for all this airy nourishment, no better than a brass Tabret, new Table-books to be filled up either with Manuals and Catechisms of the Popish Priests, or the papers and pamphlets of Anabaptists, Brownists and Puritans.  
His Majesty therefore calling to mind the saying of Tertullian, Id verum quod primum; and remembering with what doctrine the Church of England in her first and most happy Reformation did drive out the one, and keep out the other from poisoning and infecting the people of this Kingdom, doth find that the whole scope of this doctrine is contained in the Articles of Religion, the two books of Homilies, the lesser and the greater Catechism, which his Majesty doth therefore recommend again in these Directions as the themes and proper subjects of all sound and edifying preaching.  
And so far are these Directions from abridging, that his Majesty doth expect at our hands that it should increase the number of Sermons, by renewing every Sunday in the afternoon in all Parish-Churches throughout the Kingdom that primitive and most profitable exposition of the Catechism, wherewith the people, yea very children may be timely seasoned and instructed in all the heads of Christian Religion. The which kind of exposition (to our amendment be it spoken) is more diligently observed in all the Reformed Churches of Europe, then of late it hath been here in England. I find his Majesty much moved with this neglect, and resolved (if we that are Bishops do not see a reformation thereof, which I trust we shall) to recommend to the care of the Civil Magistrate: so far is his Highness from giving the least discouragement to solid preaching, or discreet and religious Preachers.  
To all these I am to add, That it is his Majesty's Princely pleasure that both the former Directions and those reasons of the same be fairly written in every Registers Office, to the end that every Preacher of what denomination soever may, if he be so pleased, take out Copies of either of them with his own hand gratis, passing nothing in the name of fee or expedition: But if he do use the pains of the Register or the Clerk, then to pay some moderate Fee to be pronounced in open Court by the Chancellor and Commissaries of the place, taking the direction and approbation of my Lords the Bishops.  
Lastly, That from henceforward a course may be taken that every Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Lecturer do make and exhibit an account for the performance of these his Majesty's directions, and the reasons for the same, at the ensuing Visitation of the Bishops and Archdeacon's, paying to the Register 6d. for the exhibiting. And so wishing, but withal in his Majesty's name requiring your Lordship to have a special and extraordinary care of the premises, I leave you to the Almighty.  
Your very loving friend, J. Lincoln, C. S. Septemb. 3. 1622.   

Instructions for the Ministers, and Church-Warde us of London. Jan. 28. 1622.  

1. THat his Majesty's declaration, published Anno Dom. 1628. be fore the Articles of Religion, for settling all questions in difference, be strictly observed.  
2. That special care be had concerning Lectures in every Parish.  
3. That the Minister and Churchwardens in every parish, or one of them, do by writing under his or their own hands, certify unto the Archdeacon of London, or his official, at, or before the 28 of this present January: and afterwards at, or before every visitation, the Christian and Surnames of every Lecturer in their parishes, and the place where he preacheth, whether exempt, or not exempt; together with his quality or degree.  
4. That they do in like manner certify the names of such men, as being not qualified by Law, do keep Chaplains in their houses.  
5. That they do further certify the names of all such as absent themselves from, or are negligent in coming to divine service, as well Prayers, as Catechising and Sermons.  
6. That the Minister and Churchwardens of every Parish, successively, do keep a several Copy of those Instructions by them, whereby they may be the better informed of their duty; and that the said Copies be showed at every visitation, when they shall present all such persons as have disobeyed these instructions; that according to his Majesty's pleasure, such as do conform, may be encouraged, and such as are refractory, may be punished.   
Subscribed Tho. Paske, Archdeacon of London.   

Monsieur Bevayr, Chancellor of France, discharged to the French King.  
LO Sir, I willingly resign into your hands, the charge with which you were pleased to honour me, and with the same Countenance that I received it, without seeking for it, I leave it without grieving for it; the Law had sufficiently taught me to obey your Majesty, so that I needed not to have been sent for by a Captain of the Guard, and twenty Archers; violence should only be used against those that resist, and not against me that know how to obey; and that have ever esteemed this honour a heavy burden, rather than a dignity, which yet I had accepted for the good of your service, because every able man ow●s h●s ●ares and his years to the public good; and because ●t had been a shame for me to refuse to die with the stern in my hand, being able to ●●nder, or at the least delay the shipwreck that threatens us. God grant Sir, that I be the greatest loser ●n this disfavour, and that you and your state be the least touched in it. This accident hath not taken me o● the sudden, having ever well foreseen, that as I followed as much as I could, the integrity and virtues of M●ns●eur de Villeroy, and the Precedent Janin; so I ought to expect the like fortune to theirs: your commandment in this, agrees with ●he choice myself had made ●f I had been at full liberty; for I love a great deal better to be companion in their disgraces, (if I ought so to style the being disburdened of affairs) then to be employed in the managing the State 〈◊〉 them that there remain; since I might n time have taken an ●ll day by 〈◊〉 company of such people, to whom I no whit envy the increase of authority, which is given them at my cost; for I have not used to give account of my actions every morning by stealth, neither will I be prescribed what I ought to do, if the States good, and reason do not counsel me unto it. This is much more honourable for me, then to have betrayed your Majesty, in sealing a discharge to an accountant of 80000 pound, in the great poverty of the Treasury, and that to further the good of a man that blush's not (besides this) to demand the Duchy of Alencon by way of mortgage, which is the portion of the King's Sons, and to pretend to the office of Constable, which the late Kings will expressly was, should be suppressed after the death of the late Lord Monmorency. Think not Sir, that in not giving my consent to this. I desired to oppose myself against your Authority; I know well that that hath no bounds, but those of your will; but yet are you bound to rule yourself according to reason, and to follow the Counsel of those which have entered into the managing of the State by the choice which the late King had made of them, as being more able to give it you, then certain new comers drawn out of the dregs of business and of the people. This exchange which is made of us for them, is the trick of the Wolves to th● Sheep, when they took their dogs from them; doth not your Majesty perceive it, or dare you not redress it for fear of disobedience? Sir, you own obedience by nature to those that preach it to you but they themselves own it you both by divine and humane right; and though you should yield them less they have given you but too many examples so to do. Remember if it please you, that you are passed fifteen years old, and Kings are of age at fourteen. Isaac followed Abraham his Father to be sacrificed, because he was not old enough to fear any thing: I believe if he had been a man grown, and had foreseen the danger, he would not himself have carried the sticks upon his shoulders; he was but the appearance of a sacrifice, I pray God in these occasions keep you from the effect: for when I see that men move the Authority of the Court when they will, that men set to sale and dispose of the offices of the Crown, without being once hindered by any; the Princes of the blood having been some imprisoned, and other Princes having retired themselves for the security of their persons; when I see that among the great ones, they that are made see some shadow of better fortunes, are feign to lend their hands to bring themselves into bondage; that they which have attained some settledness in this alteration, maintain it only for fear of returning to the former misery of their former condition— Besides, it seems also that the people, and the Provinces partake of this change after the example of the great ones, seeing the help of the law is unprofitable; every thing being out of order by canvasing, by violences, and by corruptions; the Lovure itself hath put on a new face, as well as the affairs of the Kingdom; there remains nothing of the old Court but the walls, and even of them the use hath been changed; for they were wont to serve for the safeguard of Princes, and now they serve for their prison, and for yours it may be, (if it be lawful to say so:) for it is not without some end, that when you go abroad, you have a company of light horse to attend you, chosen by a suspected hand; this is your Guard after the fashion of the Bastile, this distrust counsels you enough, what you ought to do, and you need no other advice. I am hist at, I am scoffed at, and my discourse; so was Cassardra used, when she foretold the destruction of Troy. Sir, I have nothing left but my tongue to serve you with; If I were so happy to draw you out of the error in which you are fed▪ I would bless a thousand times my disgrace; for having emboldened me to speak freely in a time, wherein even words are punished The falseness of the Alcharan, is only authorised, by that it is forbidden under pain of death to speak of it. The encroachment which is made upon your Authority, takes footing only by the danger that is in telling it you freely; consider (if it please you) that those which usurp power over you, are of a Country where every body would reign; thence it that there is not a City on the other side the Alps, that hath not her republic or her petty King; and if your Majesty had but a little tasted the History of your own Kingdom, you would have found that the most learned Tragedies that were ever seen in France, have come from that side: the last— upon occasion of a lit-book which I published, touching Constancy and Comfort in public calamities, I fear much that (contrary to my design) this is a Work for your Reign, if the goodness of God take not pity on us. Think not Sir, that the grief to see myself removed from the State Affairs, breeds so bold a discourse; if I had felt any grief for that, 'tis but as new married Wives weep to leave the subjection of their Fathers, to enter into the equality of Marriage: Yet it is true, that owing you my service, I should with more contentment have employed it in your Counsels of State, then in your Parliaments, where the matters are of less importance. For I suppose, that if the Carpenter which made the frame of the Admiral wherein Don John de Austria commanded at the Battle of Lepanto, had known that she should have served in so important an occasion, wherein depended the safety of the rest of Europe, he would have taken more pleasure in the making her, then if he had made a vessel destined only for Traffic. Notwithstanding, since your Majesty commands me to retire myself, in a good hour be it, the lesser stars bear a part in the perfection of the Universe, though they contribute less to it then the Sun or Moon In what condition soever I live, I will ever bring all I shall be able to the good of your service: and if there be any of those which are near you, that lament mine absence, for my own sake, I would willingly say to them, Weep for yourselves, children of Jerusalem, that for want of courage suffer your Majesty to be betrayed; and not for me, that have no other fault, then that I am an honest man. I take leave therefore of you, Sir, praying God to take pity of your Estate, and care of your Breeding.   

Monr Richer forced, recants his opinions against the Papal Supremacy over Kings.  
EGo Librum quem composui Ecclesiasticae potestatis, & me ipsum measque omnes Propositiones subjicio Eccles. Cathol. Apost. & Roman. & sanctae sedi Apostolica, quam matrem om●ium Ecclesiarum esse agnosco; & in qua semper viguit infallibile Judicium veritatis in ●ebus fidei decernendis. Vehementerque doleo in praedicto me● Libro quasdam esse Propositiones quae scandalum genuerint, & quae sint veritati Catholicae ut sonant contrariae.   

Cardinal Richlieu to the Roman Catholics of great Britain, Aug. 25. 1624.  
VIri praeclari, longius differo ad vos scribere, quia res vestrae facta non verba desiderant, vota vestra nostra sunt studia, & utraque propitio Deo, aliqua ex parte saltem optatos speramus exitus inventura; spondet hoc nobis Rex Christianissimus, qui aut nullas, aut ●ertè honorificias Religioni, pro Regiasua indole conditiones foederis unquam admissurus est, Ita à nobis formatus, ita animo praeparatus est, ut se rei divinae augendae non minus quam finibus propagandis natum vocatumque esse meminerit: serenissima Regina ejus Mater, sedulâ operâ, intentâ curâ cavebit, non modo ne quid detrementi Religio capia●, sed etiam ut quà possit promoveri, promoveatur, & adjuvetur. Equidem ita me rerum vestrarum miseret, ut si non dico consilio, non fide, non authoritate (quae sentio quam sint exigua:) sed si vitâ ipsâ & sanguine vos eripere vel levare etiam malis possem, libentissime facerem. Ex animo dico, testis est conscientia, qua me vestrum omnium, libertatisque vestrae semper et omni loco fore studiosissimum polliceor.  
Vobis ●x animo addictissimus, Amandus, Cardinali● Richlieu. Apud Sanctum German. 25 August. 1624.   

Monsr. Balsac to the Cardinal dela Valette.  
MY LORD, I am retired here into Criceroes' house, where I take the fresh air, and the shade or every hour of the day and laugh at those that bro●e themselves at Rome. But although I be come hither as well to untire my Spiri●, as to recreate my body, notwithstanding it is impossible that the first can rest, but must do business where it finds none; It cross the Sea, and passes over the Alps without my consent, and because there is nothing to do at France, it goes to seek some at Constantinople, at Madrid, at London, and at Montauban. Now, to the end you may not think me a liar▪ and that under an honest pretext, I would palliate a reprovable idleness; I am going to write you the adventures of my yesterday walk, and speak to you in the same stile, and the same sort as I rave. While the King is busied to make war, the King of Spain passeth his time with Ladies, and into places that may not honestly be named; I will give no judgement upon the different inclination of these two Princes, but I very well know, that so long as they live in th●t fashion, the King of Spain shall take no Towns, nor the King or France the Pox. You have surely heard ●t reported, that the P●l●nders have defeated the Turks Army, which was composed of two hundred thousand Combatants, the half whereof, lay dead upon the place. It must  lie be granted, that but he only after such a loss, could make such a second, and that he hath a source of men that cannot be drawn dry, either by wars, by plagues, or by any other 〈◊〉 disposition of the air, seeing that in the abundance of all things, that his Empire produces, there is nothing at so low a price, as the lives of soldiers When I dream that the Duke of Boui●lon i● shut up in Sedan, from whence he cannot come forth to go and make h●s party, I imagine to myself, a poo●e mother standing upon the brink of a River, seeing her son sla●ne on the other side, neither being able to help him or bid him farewel: never was man so assaulted with such diversity of thoughts, nor oppressed with unprofitable cares; one while it vexes him that sufficient resistance was not made at St. Jehan de Angeli; and again I find that they made not use of the advantage which they might have taken At one and the same time I would have been at Montauban to defend, and in England to get succour for it. But why dwells so great a spirit in a body that hath no more heat in it then a fever gives it, and which is never removed but by Amber-Greece and Physic? It's known that the better part of it dwells in the history of troubles, and that in this world ●t holds but the place of another. In the mean time, the affairs of the Rebels grow to ruin; and if they make any small attempts▪ it is not that their hopes increase, nor their courage strengthens, but ●t is God's will that they shall not have either victory or peace.  
The Duke of Bovilon sees all this, not being able to remedy, and if sometimes to divert his spirit from so vexing an object, he thinks to seek some comfort out of the kingdom, and amongst stranger's affairs, of one side he discovers a puissant Army under the conduct of Spi●●a, which threatens all Germany; and of the other side he ●e● his Nephew, whom from having been Count Palatine, and King of Bohemia, is become pensioner to the Hollanders, and a Gentleman of the Prince of Orange his train; as the beasts in time past, were wont to be crowned, which ought to be sacrificed; so for une presented a Kingdom to this poor man, to the end he should lose his life; but not to lie, he hath showed himself craftier than she and fled so we he could never be overtaken. Notwithstanding to speak home, the game which he got by not dying at the battle of Prague, is not so great as the rep oach which shall be cast upon him for living by his own fault, and for having witnessed to all the people of the world, that the end of his desires, was only to attain to be old; and without doubt, as it is a great advantage to be the Grandchild of an usurper so there is not a more miserable condition, then to have been a King, and now to be no more but the sub●ect, or tragedy to plays. Let men then as much as they please, praise the designs of this man, and his good intention. I for my part, find nothing so easy as to fly and lose; and posterity shall put him rather in the number of thiefs that have been punished, then of conquerors which have triumphed upon the earth. Since it is true, that the persecution ceases in England, and that the King wearieth himself with giving us Martyrs, it may be, that within a short time, he will altogether set souls at liberty, that st●l makes one step to his mother Church. As for my part, I despair not of this great conversion, that all honest men will with salt tears, desire this from heaven, knowing to the contrary, that he hath a reasonable spirit, and may be persuaded upon a thing that he determined on. I assure myself that he studies every day the truth of the instructions the great Cardinal Peron left him, 
See King James his Remonstrance against Cardi Peron  and that that w ll be the strongest in his Kingdoms assoon as his Conscience— authority better reestablished than his. His predecessors knew not ●ow to reign in regard of him, no not she that played with so many heads, and who was more happy than needful for the Christian Commonwealth. It is certain, that heretofore England believed in God, but this day it only believes in its Prince, and Religion makes but a part of the obedience yielded unto him; in so much, that if he would but set in the place of all the points of Faith, all the fables of Poesy, he should find in his subjects complying enough to bring them to his will, and persuade himself, that he may make all things just that he does, and all things culpaple that he condemns; his Authority came not so far at the first stroke; and there must be time to make men lose 
* The way for Romish Conversion.  reason, but at this time when all spirits are vanquished, and that the great belief that he hath given of his judgement takes away the liberty of theirs; they can imagine nothing above the wisdom of th● King▪ and without meddling with any thing that passes between God and him, they believe that if he command them to tread under foot all the Holy things, and to violate all the Laws, all that was but for the safety of their Consciences. But it is to be believed, that this Divine providence, which conducts things to their ends, by means which in appearance are contrary, will use the blood●nesse of this people to procure their salvation, and cause them to come again into the Church, by the same door they went out of it. And since the hearts of Kings are in the hands of God, there wants nothing but a good motion sent unto him, to build again the Altars which he hath beaten down, and at one clap to turn to the true Religion the souls of three Kingdoms. A while ago he sent a Gentleman expressly to this Court, that it might not be contrary with the Marriage which he treated with Spain, and to endeavour to make the Romans think well of it; and that one of these days, it may be, he will call his Holiness, and the sacred College of Cardinals; but hitherto these are terms of a tongue unknown to him. Furthermore, in this Country we imagine, that there will be no lack of wars till Rochel be reduced to extremity: It is very true, that the forces which the King hath left before it, are not great; but for how many men think you, they count the Captain into whose bands he hath put them! It is not permitted to judge of that which he will do by the ordinary course of the things of this world, his actions cannot be drawn into example; and though he be infinitely wise, notwithstanding it is certain, that in what he undertakes, it always appears somewhat greater than man's wisdom; Yet truly my Lord, after having considered the motion of the Stars which are so just; the order of the seasons, which are so governed; the beauties of nature, which are so divers; I find in the end, that there is nothing in the world, where God showeth himself so admirable, as in the guiding of the life of my Lord your Father. But to the purpose, behold this that I added yesterday to the great discourse (which I made by your Commandment and which you much praised the first time.)   

Monsr. Balsac to the King Lovis.  
SIR,  
The late King your father hath not done more, and nevertheless not to speak of the Actions of his life; your Majesty knows that his last thoughts made all the Kings of the earth to tremble, and his memory until this day is reverenced to the uttermost ends of the world. Notwithstanding, Sir, be it that you are come in a better time than he, be it that God hath destinated your Majesty for higher things, the glory which you have gotten at the going out of your infancy is not less than that which that great Prince deserved when he was was grown old in Arms: and in affairs as he, so you make yourself redoubted without tyranny; as he, so you govern your people. But I am constrained to avow that your Majesty must needs yield to him in one thing, which is, that you have not yet begot a Son that resembles you. But certainly Sir, we cannot any longer time have this advantage over you. All Europe requires Princes and princesses of you, and it is certain, that the world ought not to end, but when your race shall fail: if you will then that the beauty of the things we see, passeto another age; If you will that the public tranquillity have an assured foundation, and that your victories may be eternal, you must talk no more of working powerfully, nor of doing great Acts of State▪ but with the Queen.   

Monr Toyrax to the Duke of Buckingham.  
MY Lord,  
your courtesies are sufficiently known to all the world; and you place them with so much judgement, that those only may hope after them that make themselves worthy by their actions. Now I know no action so worthy of that merit, as for a man to employ himself,— if in the defence of this place he vanquish not all difficulties— so that no despair of succour nor fear of rigour, in case of extremity, can ever make me quit a design so generous; as also I shall esteem myself unworthy of any your favours, if in this action I omit the least point of my duty; the issue whereof cannot be but honourable: and by how much you add to this glory by your valour and carriage, by so much I am more bound to remain during my life, your Lordship's humble and most obedient servant, Toirax.   

Abignoto, concerning the estate of Rochel after the surrender.  
SIR,  
I presume you have long since heard the particulars of Rochel; and that by fare better relations than mine; notwithstanding you may be pleased to know what I observed and learned there myself eight days after the King's entrance, whither curiosity and some other causes drew me. For the siege and Dike, they prae caeter is excellens, were in all parts most royal and fare more perfect and uniform, than relation could make me conceive: The misery of the siege almost incredible, but to such only as have seen it, or some part thereof: Corn was worth after the rate of 800 Franks the bushel; an Ox or Cow, sold after the rate of 2000 Franks. The host where I lay, sold a Jade horse, worth it may be four or five pounds, for 800 Franks, and for five and twenty weeks, tasted no bread: of twelve persons in his family, only he and his wife are living; who also within two days had died, if the Town had not been rendered. He and his wife made a Collation the day before the Town was rendered, which cost him about six or seven pound sterling; their cheer was a pound of bread, made of Straw, Sugar, and other Spices; half a pound of horse flesh, three or four ounces of Comfits, and a pint of Wine, which they imagined, was the last good cheer they should make together; and in like case, were all the rest of the Town, only two or three families of the better sort excepted; by which you may conjecture what rates such kind of provision were at. There were eaten between 3000 or 4000 Cow-hides, all the dogs, cats, mice and rats they could get, not a horse left alive, which was food for the better sort, only Madam Rohan, after having eaten her Coach horse, and her servants the Leather of her Coach; removed, though full sore against her will, her lodging from Rochel to the Castle of Mock or Ni●eul, where she is under guard, and since (it is said) to the Bastile in Paris: God send her and hers to heaven. There died for want of food in Rochel 15000 and rested living when the King entered between three and four thousand, of which there are since very many dead; they daily discover new miseries, which when I was there, were not spoken of; the mother and the child at the breast both dead, the child having eaten most part of the mother's breast; a soldier was found dead with a piece of his fellows flesh in his mouth; a Burger having a servant killed, powdered her, which fed him and his wife a long time, and dainty meat too: many languishing and finding themselves draw near their ends, caused their coffins to be carried into the Churches, said them down in them and so died; these were of the better sort. The common sort laid themselves down in Coffins in the Church yards and there died; others in the streets, others not able to go out of their houses died and remained there, their friends being not able to remove them thence. So that when the first Forces of the King entered, there were in the Town, of Corpse unburied, some in the Churchyards, others in the streets, some in their houses, some on the floor, others in their beds, besides them that died without the Gates under hedges, and in ditches round about the Town, which I saw myself when I was there; half devoured with Ravens and other beasts, and fowls of the air; In fine, the like misery hath not been seen nor heard of.  
The King on All-Saints day, which was the day of his entry, with a wax Candle in his hand, together with the Cardinal and all the Nobility, in like manner, went all over the Town in procession with the B. Sacrament. The chief Temple of the Hugonots shall be converted into a Church Cathedral, and Rochel to be a Bishopric. All the fortifications and walls to Landwards' to be razed, and the Fosses filled so that a plough may pass, as in arable Land. The Mayor, with some of the chiefest, are banished for ever, others for a certain time limited, though quietly to possess their goods, movable and , and a general remission of all crimes past: and all others that were in the Town before the descent of the English into Rhee, and when the Town was rendered, shall likewise enjoy the same privilege, though no child or heir absent, is, or shall be capable to inherit the goods or lands of his parents or friends deceased, but all is at the King's disposing. The King hath granted them free liberty of their Religion in the Town of Rochel, which in short time will all be rooted out; for no Foreigner (though naturalised) shall be admitted to repair and inhabit in Rochel, nor French but Roman Catholics. The King hath added to the revenues of his Crown 20000 Franks per annum, which was a rent belonging to the Townhouse, for the maintenance of the fortifications and State of Rochel. The Townhouse is to be razed, and a pillar or pyramids with an ample inscription of the particulars of the siege and rebellion, there to be erected. The forts of the Isle of Rhee and Oleron, to be razed, & (as it is said) most of all the chief forts of France, except on the frontiers. Four Regiments are yet in Rochel, the rest of the Army (at least the most part) are gone to winter in those parts of France, towards the coasts of Italy, to be ready on all occasions to succour the Duke of Mantua, as it is thought. The Fathers of the society have very fair buildings given them for their establishing there, and 1000 Franks to begin to build; to which is added a revenue which I know not, the place is said to be where the Heretics kept their schools of Divinity, and Council of war, or rebellion. And where the English had their Church, the Oratorians are likewise established with large augmentations; The Capuchins are where was the chiefest Fort, called Le Bastion de Levangile; The Minors are where the Dike was, and divers other elsewhere. There are at least 8000 houses in Rochel, which are feign to fall to the King to dispose of for want of heirs. The Parisians are preparing a most sumptuous and magnificent receipt for the King, which is the cause he hath not been at Paris since his return from Rochel, but is at St. Germain's, and thereabouts, till all things are ready for his entry, which is thought will exceed in bravery and magnificence all the precedents of many years. The Jesuits are by the body of Paris employed to make the speeches and inscriptions for that purpose, which the body of the Sorbon take ill; The Prince of Conde doth daily get ground of Rohan, and hath lately taken prisoners (as it is said) thirty Captains and eight hundred soldiers. Those of Montauban boast (as it is said) that they have provision for three or four years, and will stand out till the last: though some of the best esteem, think it is only to draw the King to the best composition they can.   

The Protestants of France, to Charles King of Great Britain.  
SIR,  
the knowledge and resentment which it hath pleased your Majesty to take of the misery of the afflicted Churches of France, hath given us the boldness to awaken your Compassion in such measure, as our calamities are aggravated by the unmerciful rigour of our persecutors, and as the present storm doth threaten near at hand the total ruin, and lamentable destruction of that which the mercy of God had yet kept entire unto us since the desolation of Rochel: and as we have adored with humility the judgement of God in this bad success (which we impute only to his wrath justly kindled against us for our sins) so our silence could be thought no less than ingratitude, if we had not at the beginning of our Assembly resolved the most humble and most affectionate acknowledgement which we now render to your Majesty, for the great succour which you have sent us, interessing yourself so far in the grief of our oppression, and in the means of our deliverance. The most humble supplication which we do offer to your Majesty next after this our thanksgiving, is, that your Majesty (according to the sweet inclination of your goodness) would permit us still to present our complaints, and discover our wounds before the eyes of your royal charity, protesting unto your Majesty, that we see none other hand under heaven by which we may be healed, but your Majesties, in case your Majesty will still vouchsafe to lift it up on the behalf of oppressed innocents', and of the Church of our Lord outrageously persecuted by the most envenomed passion that our age, or any age precedent hath seen; we most humbly beseech your Majesty, to read this letter which is written with our tears and with our blood; and (according to your exquisite judgement, your incomparable wisdom, and the devotion of your zeal, to the glory of God) to consider our estate, which is such, that our persecutors upon the loss of Rochel, supposing we had been put to utter discomfiture, and into a weakness without recovery or resistance, and boasting themselves, that now there remained no more any eyes unto us, but to bewail ourselves, nor any sense, but to feel the smart thereof, without further employing our hands or our arms for our defence, have made use of this advantage, with so much fierceness, insultation and cruelty, that they have not only sacked the houses, and with an unheard of rudeness and barbarisme●, rifled the goods of our poor brethren of this Province of Languedock, relying themselves upon public faith, and the benefits of the edicts of pacification (especially of the last which your Majesty had favourably procured and confirmed unto us) dissipating whole families, and exiling them with perfidious inhumanity, but also they have said waist and destroyed almost all the Churches of the same, which are at their command and discretion under the liberty of edicts; employing Monks (the Pope's Emissaries) assisted with force of soldiers, and of the tyrannical Authority of Governors, to ravish men's souls, and to draw the most constant with violence to Mass, and to the feet of the Idol, interdicting assembles, and all exercise of true Religion in the same places, beating, imprisoning, ransoming, assasinating the faithful and their pastors with an enraged fury, which hath exceeded all the inhumanities' of the Inquisition, profaning and demolishing of Temples; their violence having proceeded so fare, as publicly to burn in pomp and triumph, the sacred books of God's Covenant in presence of the Governor of the Province, with damnable sacrilege, which cryeth vengeance before God, and doth elevate its voice to the ears, (Sir) of a most puissant Monarch, professing the purity of the Gospel, zealous of his glory, and capable to revenge so outrageous an injury. But your Majesty shall understand, that all this hath produced an effect much contrary to the intention of our persecutors; for so fare it is from us, that their objects of pity and grief, whereof the very thought doth make us repine, should render us faint-hearted, and cause us to yield ourselves in prey to their rage, that on the contrary, seeing the Mask taken off, and the pretext which they had alleged of the Army of rebellion whereof they accused us, quite removed, and that without any more distimulation, their design goes on to the ruinating of our Religion, and the extirpation of our Church, and that there remained no more hope of safety and liberty, but general resolution to die in the Arms of our just and vigorous defence, and that out persecutors possessing the spirit of our King, and hindering the effects of his bounty, have obtained a declaration of the fifteenth of December last, which alluring us to implore his grace and mercy, yet leaveth us not any hope of enjoying the benefits of any edict, nor by consequence of any tolerable peace, and soliciting us to disarm ourselves, and to put ourselves into the condition of sacrafices destined by one and by one to the slaughter, to be all at one stroke offered up to the fury of Antichrist, by one general Massacre throughout the whole Kingdom, whereof we do not only hear the vaunts, but do almost see great armies upon our backs for execution. This makes us (Sir) have recourse to your Royal and redoubtable puissance, as to a place of refuge, which God hath yet left open to us, in your Ardent charity, to find within your assistance assured and effectual means to avoid ruin, which is ready inevitably to fall upon our heads. And to attain thereunto, (Sir) we have religiously renewed in this assembly, the oath of union, which binds us with a sacred bond unto the Arms of your Majesty; of the violating whereof your Majesty may be assured, that we will never make ourselves guilty, being encouraged to this resolution by the reiterate confirmations, which my Lord the Duke of Rohan hath lately given us, that your Majesty continues to take to heart the assistance and deliverance of our Churches according to your Royal promises, being debtors to his sage and valorous conduct, and to his pious magnanimity, for all that strength and liberty which we yet enjoy: and we will leave unto posterity memorable examples of our Constancy which prefers death before reproachful cowardice and shameful servitude, hoping that out of our ashes, God will draw matter for his glory, and the propagation of his Church; being persuaded (Sir) that you are the instrument of his election to give us comfort and deliverance from our evils in time convenient. Be you assured also, that he will uphold us in that extraordinary valour wherewith he hath inspired us to endure all extremities with a patience invincible, expecting the succour of his hands through yours. Of all (Sir) which a great Monarch could ever do in the world, nothing can be more just than this interprize, nor more glorious than this deliverance: the Lord having exalted you to the most eminent degree of dignity and power to be the nursing father of his Church, she hath right, being thus mangled and bloody, to stretch forth her arms unto you, even she that Spouse of Jesus Christ, the common mother of Christians, and and your mother also, by the respect of her bruised members, and of the searing of her innocent breast, covered with wounds, she will move your pity; She assures herself (Sir) that the glorious title which you bear of the Defender of the faith, shall intercede for your accepting of her humble request: if you do extend unto us your cares, your affections, and your formidable Arms, you shall nourish in our hearts affections of honour and obedience which shall never die; you shall daunt all powers that would raise themselves against your Crown; you shall raise your glory to such a height, that all the earth shall admire it, all Christendom shall celebrate it, and your name shall be of sweet odour unto Angels and men; and in perpetual benediction unto all posterity of Saints, and your reward shall be great and eternal in heaven. May it please your Majesty to pardon us, if our necessities pressing us, we all do press your Majesty by our instant supplications accompanied with a most humble respect to strengthen ourselves so soon as may be with the honour of your commandments, and the declaration of your favour, the wholesome effects of your assistance, according to the sweetness of your compassion, and Charity, and we will redouble our prayers to the divine clemency, for the length and safety of your life, and the prosperity of your estate, being ready with a most holy and ardent affect on to expose our goods and lives to render us worthy of the quality which we dare take of your most humble, most obedient, and mo●t faithful servants, the Deputies of the reformed Churches of France, in their general Assembly held at Nismes, and for all Jaques de Maresey adjunct la Reque.   

The Duke of Rohan to his Majesty of great Britain, the 12 of March 1628.  
SIR,  
the deplorable accident of the loss of Rochel, which God hath suffered to humble us under his hand, hath redoubled in the hearts of our enemies their passionate fierceness to our utter ruin with an assured hope to attain thereunto. But it hath not taken away from the Churches of those Provinces, either the heart or the affection to oppose their unjust plots by a just and lively defence. This is it hath made them take resolution to assemble themselves to cojoyn in the midst of these commotions to assist me with their good counsels, and with me to provide the means of their deliverance. And for as much as the greatest support which God hath raised unto them upon earth is the succour our Churches have, and do look to receive from your Majesty, the general Assembly hath desired that my Letters, which alone hitherto have represented unto your Majesty the interest of the public cause, might be joined to their most humble supplications put up to your Majesty. I do it Sir, with so much the more affection, because I am a witness that these poor people, who with sighs and groans implore your assistance, having once laid down their weapons which the oppression of their enemies made so necessary, because they knew such was your desire to take them up again, so soon as they heard that your Majesty did oblige them thereunto by your Counsel and Promises; they have upon this only assurance, continued all dangers, surmounted all oppositions, accounted their estates as nothing, and are still ready to spend their blood till the very last drop; they esteem your love and favour more precious than their own lives, and whatsoever promises or threaten have been used to shake their constant resolution, they could never be brought to make any breach in that they had tied themselves to, never to hear of any Treaty without your consent. This great zeal for the preservation of all the Churches of this Kingdom, which is naturally knit to the preservation of these few we have left, and that fidelity with our example, are worthy and glorious subjects to exercise your Charity and Power. You are (Sir) Defender of that Faith whereof they make profession, suffer it not to be so unjustly oppressed; you have stirred up their affection in this defence by your royal promises, and those Sacred words, that your Majesty would employ all the power in your Dominions to warrant and protect all our Churches from the ruin that threatened them, have been (after God's favour) the only foundation of all their hope: so the Churches should think no greater a Crime could be committed by them, then doubt of your Royal performance thereof, if their miseries and Calamities have at the beginning moved your Compassion. This woeful subject hath increased with such violence, that nothing but your succour can prevent their utter undoing: for at this day the greatest offence our Enemies lay to our Charge, (and proclaim nothing can expiate but our blood) is, to have implored your aid, and hope for it: for this cause, our Lands and Possessions are taken away and destroyed; our houses made desolate, and reduced to ashes; our heads exposed to sale to murderers; our families banished; and wheresoever the cruelty of them that hate us can extend, men and women are dragged and beaten to Mass with Bastinadoes. To be short, the horror of the persecution we suffer is so great, that our words are too weak to express it. Moreover, we see great and mighty Armies at our Gates, that wait their only fit time to fall with impetuosity upon the places of retreat that remain; and after that, to expel and banish the exercise of Religion, and massacre all the faithful ones throughout the whole kingdoms. These things considered (Sir) I do beseech your Majesty not to forsake us. I should fear by such words to offend so great, so potent, and so faithful a king; But because of urgent necessity that presseth us, I have presumed importunately to entreat the hastening of your assistance, to keep us from falling under the heavy burden of our Enemy's endeavours. Your Majesty need not to draw, but out of the source of your own profound wisdom, for the fit means how to make your succour dreadful and powerful to those that contemn it, and salutiferous to so many people that wait and long for it. Your Majesty shall by this means acquire the greatest glory that can be desired, pluck out from the fire and sword three hundred thousand families that continually pray to God for your prosperity; preserve a people whom God hath purchased with his most precious blood, and which hath (even in the midst of most eminent dangers, and cruelest torments) kept entire a sound and an upright faith, both towards God and man; you shall settle the fidelity of your word, the reputation of your kingdoms and Arms, to a pitch worthy of your grandeur; and in repressing of the audaciousness of those that go about every day to blemish the same, through their vile and unworthy reproaches, you shall add to your titles that of the Restorer of a people, the most innocent and most barbarously persecuted that ever was. In that which concerns me, Sir, I will not make mention to your Majesty of my own Interest, though I might do it, having, as it seems, the honour be unto you what I am: but I have so long since consecrated all things with myself to the public good, that I shall esteem myself happy enough, so that the Church were not miserably distressed; and that I may have this advantage, that through my actions (which your Majesty will not disavow) I may make it known, that I am  
Your Majesty's most humble and most obedient servant, Henry de Rohan.   

Pope Gregory the 15 to the ●●quisitor General of Spain, April 19 1623.  
Venerable Brother,  
THe protection of the Orthodox Religion in the most spacious Kingdoms of Spain, we think to be happily committed to your Fraternity: for we know with what watchful vigilancy, in this renowned station, you are careful that Monsters of wicked doctrine steal not into the bounds of the Church and Vine. But at this time occasion from heaven is offered you, by which you may extend the benefits of your piety beyond the bounds of those Kingdoms, and extend them also to foreign Countries. We understand that the Prince of Wales, the King of Great Britain's son, is lately arrived there, carried with a hope of Catholic Marriage: Our desire is, that he should not stay in vain in the Courts of those Kings, to whom the defence of the Pope's authority, and care of advancing Religion, hath procured the renowned name of Catholic. Wherefore by Apostolic Letters we exhort his Catholic Majesty, that he would gently endeavour sweetly to reduce that Prince to the obedience of the Roman Church, to which the ancient Kings of Great Britain have (with heaven's approbation) submitted their Crowns and Sceptres. Now to the attaining of this victory, which to the conquered promiseth triumphs, and principalities of heavenly felicity, we need not exhaust the King's treasure, nor levy Armies of furious souldier●; but we must fetch from heaven the armour of Light, whose divine solendor may allure that Prince's eye, and gently expel all errors from his mind. Now in the managing of these businesses, what power and art you have, we have well known long ago: wherefore we wish you to go like a religious Counsellor to the Catholic King, and to try all ways which by this present occasion may benefit the Kingdoms of Britain and the Church of Rome. The matter is of great weight and moment, and therefore not to be amplified with words. Whosoever shall inflame the mind of this Royal youth with the love of the Catholic Religion, and breed a hate in him of Heretical impiety, shall begin to open the Kingdom of heaven to the Prince of Britain, and to gain the Kingdoms of Britain to the Apostolic See; into the possession of so great glory, I make no doubt but that your Fraternity, armed with the sword of Verity, will be desirous to come. About which matter, our venerable brother Innocent Bishop of _____ the Apostolic Nuncio, shall discourse with you more at large; whom you may trust. And we with most accurate prayers will endeavour to procure the assistance of God for you, upon whom most lovingly we bestow our Apostolical benediction.  
Given at Rome in St. Peter's, under the Fisher's Seal, April 19 1623. of our Popedom 30.   

Pope Urban to Lewis the 13. Aug. 4. 1629.  
To our dearest Son in Christ Jesus, Lewis the most Christian King of France; Pope Urban sendeth greeting.  
MOst dear Son in Christ, Health, and Apostolical benediction. The high exploits of your Royal valour, which have drawn upon them all the eyes of Christendom, bring a great deal of comfort to our fatherly care, as well in regard of the glory of your Arms, as the hope of your triumphs. For considering, as we do, with much grief, the impiety of Heretics, living in some places without fear or danger, we now thank the Lord of hosts, that hath in so fit an opportunity made your Majesty to maintain with Arms the dignity of the Catholic Religion. Oh fair Apprenticeship of Royal Warfare, and worthy of a most Christian King! What an admirable thing it is, that the age which other Princes, out of a kind of softness and idleness, use to pass away in sports and delights, your Majesty should employ so generously, so fortunately, in appeasing differences, conducting Armies, and besieging the strongest places of Heretics, and all not without the special counsel of God, by which Kings reign! Is it almost credible, that the very first steps of your thoughts should carry you in so high and troublesome an enterprise; and that the dangers and difficulties which have stopped others in their course, should only serve for a spur to the greatness of your courage? Enjoy (dear Son) the Renown your name hath got, and follow the God that fights for you; to the end that as you are now held the Thunderbolt and Buckler of War, so you may hereafter be esteemed the praise of Israel, and the glory of the world. From the height of our Apostolic Dignity, whereto if hath pleased God of his goodness to raise us, unworthy of so great grace, we assist your Arms with heart and affection, and by our frequent prayers prepare the divine remedies, And though we doubt not but your own virtue will make you constant in the work you have begun, nevertheless we have thought good to add Exhortations, that the world may see the care we have of the advancement of true Religion, and how willing we are to give way to your glory. You have been hitherto infinitely, bound to God for his bounty towards you; and, as we hope and wish, you shall hereafter a great deal more. For you having your mind endued with celestial doctrine, and not with the bare precepts of humane wisdom, do well know, that Kingdoms have their foundation upon the truth of Orthodox faith: and unless God keep the City, what principality can subsist with any assurance? It may easily be judged with what fidelity they are likely to defend your Royal Throne, that have cast the very Saints themselves out of their Temples, and done as much as in them lay to put them out of the number of the blessed, yea out of Paradise itself, that with impious temerity condemn the Institutions of our Fathers, the Custom of Kings, the Decrees of Popes, and the Ceremonies of the Church. These are the disturbers of the Christian Commonwealth, and the reproaches of France, whom the great God hath reserved, to be exterminated, as it were, in the beginning of your Reign. Know then, that all Europe (which the event of your Arms holds all this time in suspense) hopes shortly it will hoist sail upon the Ocean under the conduct of your Greatness and Power, and go to the place which serves now for Sanctuary and protection to the Heretics and Rebels, and it will shortly serve for a Trophy of your Victories. We are confidently persuaded, that neither fear nor inconstancy shall ever be able to divert you from the pursuit of your so glorious enterprise, nor hinder you to subvert that unsanctified people: Only, by the way, we would have you remember, that the Saints in heaven assist that Prince who takes upon him the defence of Religion, and fight on his side like fellow-soldiers. The same God that hardened the waters like dry land, and turned the waters of the Sea into walls, to give safe passage to his children's Army, will certainly in this most pious action be as favourable to you: and then we shall have good cause to hope, that having established your own Kingdom, and crushed the impiety that was and yet is there, you may one day, by the progress of your victorious Arms, join the Orient to the Occident; imitating the glories of your Ancestors, who have ever born as much respect to the Exhortations of Popes, as to the commandment of God. St. Lewis, whose name you bear, and whose steps you follow, invites you to it: so did the first of your Race, who in defending the Apostolic authority, and propagating Christian Religion, laid the best and surest foundation to your Royal House. Fellow (dear Son) which are the ornaments of the world, the commandments of heaven: pour out your wrath and indignation upon those people that have not, nor will not know God, and our Apostolic benignity; to the end the divine treasure of heaven may belong unto you by a just acquisition. In the mean time, we send you most affectionately our Apostolic benediction.  
Given at Rome at great St. Maries, under the Seal of the Fisher, the 4 day of August 1629. being the seventh year of our Pontificate.   

The Duke of Buckingham, Chancellor elect, to the University of Cambridge, June 5. 1626.  
MR. Vicechancellor, and Gentlemen of the University of Cambridge,  
there is no one thing that concerneth me more near, than the good opinion of good and learned honest men; amongst which number as you have ever held the first rank in the estimation of the Commonwealth, and fame of the Christian world; so in conferring of this Honour of Chancellorship upon me, I must confess you have satisfied a great ambition of mine own, which I hope will never forsake me, and that is, To be thought well of, by men that deserve well, and men of your profession. Yet I cannot attribute this Honour to any desert in me, but to the respect you bear to the sacred memory of my Master deceased, the King of Scholars, who loved you, and honoured you often with his presence; and to my gracious Master now living, who inherits with his blessed Father's virtues, the affection he bore your University. I beseech you, as you have now made your choice with so many kind and noble circumstances, as the manner is to me acceptable and grateful as the matter; so to assure yourselves, that you have cast your votes upon your servant, who is as apprehensive of the time you have showed your affection in, as of the Honour you have given him. And I earnestly request you all, that you would be pleased not to judge me comparatively by the success and happiness you have had in your former choice of Chancellors, who as they knew better, perhaps by advantage of education in your University, how to value the deserts of men of your qualities and degrees; so could they not be more willing to cherish you then myself, who will make amends for want of Scholarship, in my love to the professors of it, and unto the Source from whence it cometh: having now most just cause more chief to employ my uttermost endeavours, with what favour I enjoy from a Royal Master, to the maintaining of the Charters, Privileges, and Immunities of your University in general, and to the advancing of the particular merits of the Students therein. And since I am so far engaged unto you, I will presume upon a further courtesy, which is, That you will be pleased to supply me with your advice, and suggest away unto me (as myself likewise shall not fail to think on some means) how we may make Posterity remember you have a thankful Chancellor, and one that both really loved you and your University. Which is a resolution writ in an honest heart, by him that wanteth much to express his affection to you; who will ever be  
York-house, 5 Junii, 1626. Your faithful friend, and humble servant, Geor Buckingham.   

King Charles to the University of Cambridge, in approbation of the Election. June 6. 1626.  
TRusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well.  
Whereas upon Our Pleasure intimated unto you by the Bishop of Durham for the choice of your Chancellor, you have with such duty as We expected highly satisfied Us in your election, We cannot in Our Princely nature (who are much possessed with this testimony of your ready and loyal affections) but for ever to let you know, how much you are therein made partakers of Our Royal approbation: and as We shall ever conceive, that an Honour done to a person We favour, is out of a loyal respect had unto Ourselves: and as we shall ever justify Buckingham worthy of this your Election, so shall you find the fruits of it: for We have found him a faithful servant to our dear Father of blessed memory; and Ourselves cannot but undertake that he will prove such a one unto you; and will assist him with a gracious willingness, in any thing that may concern the good of the University in general, or the particular merits of any Students there.  
Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminter, the sixth of June, in the second year of Our Reign.   

The University of Cambridge Answer to the Duke, June 6. 1626.  
Illustissime Princeps, atq: auspicatissime Cancellarie,  
NEptunum perhibent gratum cum Minerva iniisse certamen, utere remagis mortalium conferret donumtille potens maris Deus ill●●o effudit equum, Ill● pacis & musarum numen, suppeditavit o●eam; utrumque certe Deo dignum munus. Adeo nostrum non est tantam litem dirimere, quin facessat potius litis importuna vox, ubi non alia quam Amoris propinantur pignora. Perinde tecum se res habet, excellentissime Dux, quemjam olim potentissimus Oceani Britannici Neptunus, non solum suprema Maris, Praefectura cohonestavit, sed & Praetorio donavit Equo: adeo ut illius munere & propria virtute, unus audias, Terrae Marique summus Dictator, ut sic dicamus Classis, & Magister Equitum. Post tanta honorum vestigia, ecce, nostra Minerva tua jam Cantabrigia supplex suas obtendit oleas, tanquam inter victri●es lauros lambentes hederas; oleas quidem quibus & tuis rebus, & rebus tum publicis tum Literariis precatur simul & auspicatur pacem. Nec ad usque sumus gens togata impotenter su●erbi, ut hoc Cancellariatu arbitremur, Nos tantillos tibi in id Mer●torum & Gratiae culmen evecto, quicquam vel testimonii ad aestimationem, vel tituli ad gloriam contulisse. Quod autem ipse aliter opinaris vestra illa pietas est, haud ambitio, major tua tum virtus tum decus est, quam ut eis aut nostra a quidpiam suffragia addere, aut aliorum possit Invidia detrahere: stella in primo orbe, quas fixas vocant, altiores sunt, quam ut ad eas valea● terrarum umbra pertingere, quanquam foelicissimae memoriae Jacobo pientissimoque Carolo non est, quod hoc quicquid est nominis te debere dicas, citra est, misellum munus Academicum, citra est quam ut tantos auctores mereatur, quin vestram potius celsitudinem, vestrum tutelare numen, Nos illis Principibus imputabimus, qui inde ex illius potissimum voto te elegimus, unde non misi immortalia accipere beneficia solebamus. Quod si nostrum hoc in vestram Excellentiam studium tibi ipsa uti scribis commendat tempestivitas, nos illud saltem debituri sumus temporibus caeterum non nimis foelicibus, quod tibi vel inde gratiores sumus; quanquam suspicamur, ut hoc totum quod de oportunitate insinuas merum sit, nec magnis ingeniis insolens bene de suis cultoribus merendi artificium, quae eo consilio singula suorum officia maxime tempestive autumant, quo uberius sibi remunerandi argumentum au●upentur: nam faciles credimus honorificis quibus nos dignaris promissis, J●mdiu est, ex quo to animo atque opera Cancellarium sensimus, nihilque tibi hoc tempore nostra potuere suffragia quam nomen adjicere. Nolis tamen ut cum illustrissmis heroibus praecessoribus tuis, te committamus, in quo sane tua praedicanda modestia illorum honori & memoriae consuluit, ne tanti fulgoris claritudine offuscentur, ut enim nulla re magis se jactat Cantabrigia quam praeteritorum gloria ac splendore Patronorum; hodie tamen, nescio quid solito augustius spirat, & tuis superba auspiciis quasi Buckinghamiensis aucta tutelis, magnaque spe gravida intumescit. Ad extremum nos ad concilium vocas, quâ potissimum ratione quo digno monumento tuo, in nos amoris memoriam posteritati cosecres, verum enim vero (Illustrissime Dux, indulgentissimeque Cancellarie) major est ea provincia, quam ut nos eam subeundo simus, quod tuo amori par sit monumentum, tuum potest solummodo excogitare ingenium. Nos interea alia manebit cura quibus nimirum apud Deum precibus quibus studiorum vigiliis officiorum obsequiis tantae Clientelae foelicitatem nobis propriam & perpetuam despondeamus,  
Datae frequentissimo Senatu nostro, sexto Idus Junii, 1626. Vestrae Excellentiae humillimi devotissimique Clientes Servique, Procancellarius, & reliquus Senatus Cantabrigiensis.   

The University of Cambridge Answer to the King.  
Serenissimo invictissimoque Principi ac Domino nostro, CAROLO Dei gratiae, Magnae Britanniae, Franciae & Hiberniae Regi, Fidei Defens. etc.  
SErenissime Domine noster invictissime Carole,  
multum nos fortunae nostrae, sed tuae clementiae infinitum quantum debemus, satis nempe erat judicio nostro satisfecisse cum illum nobis praeficeremus, quem unum certissime praefici posse constabat. At tua admirabilis bonitas non patitur nos gratis nobismetipsis benefacere, sed tibi imputari vis quod nobis fecimus beneficium. Enimvero arduam aliquam sibi materiam obsequium nostrum poscebat, & cujus tenuitas sublimitatem vestram assequi non posset, difficultatem— se, & molestia commendaret. Tu autem à te gratiam— quod tanti Patroni beneficio usi sumus, qui ita nos amat, ut plurimum velit, ita àte amatur, ut plurimum nostra causa posset per quem vestra in nos transeat benignitas, & difficultates nostras dis●utiat: si quae tamen in hac divina bonitate tua existere possit difficultas superasti, nempe majorum titorum Clementiam, qui & easdem nobis immunitates indulges, & id etiam prospicis, ut iis rectissimo utamur. Et quod unum tantae foelicitati reliquum erat ut esset perpetua, id ipsum precibus nostris superesse non finis; praecurris eram vota nostra, & spem ipsam, qua nihil est importunius, exuperas: nam & ipsa fines suos habet, quos tuae bonitati nullos esse experti sumus. Exhausisti votorum nostrorum materiam, Serenissime Regum, nec quicquam nobis deinceps optandū est quam ut tu regnes ut vincas, ut nos in perpetuum simus quod sumus,  
Datae frequentissimo Senatu nostro, sexto Idus Junii, 1626. Excellentissime Majestatis vestrae humillimi servi & subditi, Procancellarius, & reliquus Senatus Academiae Cantabrigiensis.   

A Privy Seal for transporting of Horse. June 3. 1624.  
CHARLES by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To the Treasurer and under-Treasurer of our Exchequer for the time being, greeting.  
We do hereby will and command you, that out of our Treasure remaining in the receipt of our said Treasury forthwith to pay, or cause to be paid unto Philip Burlamack of Lond ' Merchant, the sum of 30000 l. to be by him paid over to the Low-Countries by Bill of Exchange, and Germany, unto Our Trusty & Welbelove Sir William Belfour Knight, and John Dabbler Esq or either of them, for levying and providing a certain number of Horse, with Arms for Foot and Horse to be brought over into this Kingdom for our Service; viz. for the levying and transporting of 1000 Horse, 15000 l. for 5000 Muskets, 5000 Corslets, 5000 Pikes, 10500 l. for 1000 Cuirassieers complete, 200 Corslets and 200 Carbines, 4500 l. amounting in the whole to the said sum of 30000 l. And this Our Letter shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalf.  
Given under Our Privy Seal at Our Palace of Westm ' the 30 of Januar' in the third year of Our Reign, Anno Dom. 1627.   

The University of Cambridge to the Duke.  
Illustrissime Princeps,  
QUam paterno cum affectu, quam divina cum charitate vestrae hujus Academiae salu●em utilitatemque vestra Celsitudo semper procuraverit, nec nos effari possumus, nec aetas ulla contacere.  
Ingentia beneficia seculum praesens admiratione obruunt; nec alio queunt quam perennis famae & immortalitatis praemio compensari. Vestrae Celsitudinis singulari patrocini●, de Typographis Londinensibus triumphavimus. Hostium undequaque ferociam persensimus imminutam, auctamque Academiae dignitatem: Nihil nos votis expetiscere, nihil vestra Celsitudo conferre potuit, quod a vestra benignitate non acceperimu●. Et quid nos praeter hanc sterilem culius nostri messem rependimus? At beneficia vestra, quam sancte posteritas alet, quibus praeconiis, quam aeternis laudibus vestrae Celsitudinis memoriam nepotes nostri celebrabunt, facile conjiciet is qui norit quantum Academia tranquille administrata, vindicata privilegia, immunitates conservatae, otium, libertas, ipsa vita Musis do●ata, promereantur! Quot hostes Reipublicae Literariae infensos vestra Celsitudo profligavit, quot in nos munera contulerit, nec illi sine gemitu agnoscere, nec nos sine stupore recitare valeamus. Dum te licet conspicari, dum tua genua prehendere, flo●ci faciamus mortalium iras, & in recessibus nostris abditi tuto literis indulgeamus.  
Jam vestra Celsitudo novam parat Militiam (quam vestro nomini gloriosam, Religioni Christianae faustam, nobis omnibus foelicem, omnipotens Deus faxit) quibus nos periculis exponimur? Alii flumen nostrum siccare, eumque ablatum a quo forsan ipsi aquas olim ingrati hauserunt: alii nobis Imprimendi faculatem rursus adimere conabuntur. Illustrissime Princeps, pauca sunt nostra bona, suppellex curta, angusta Athenarum pomoeria: nullae tamen opes Croesi vel Midae perditorum hominum insidiis petuntur atrocius, quam inermis & nuda paupertas nostra. Videt vestra Celsitudo quam in ipsa fiduciam collocamus, qui tempestas priusquam ingruit, ad vestras aras confugimus. Et quamvis haud ignari sumus quanta moles vestrae Celsitudinis humeros jam premat, audacter tamentot curarū montibus nostrum Parnassum superaddimus. Perficiat vestra Celsitudo hanc suam Academiam, ut incipit: storentem orne●, trepidantem excitet, depressam sustentet, periclitantem expediat; quae Deum perpetuo implorat, ut omnia tua gloriosa molimina vestra Celsitudo consequatur, & illa ves●rae Celsitudinis patrocinio fruatur in aeternum.  
Dat' e frequenti Senatu nostro, Nonas Julii, 1628. Celsitudinis vestrae devinctissimi, Procancellarius, reliquusque Senatus Academiae vestrae Cantabrigiensis.   

The Duke's Answer.  Gentlemen, 
SUch and so cordial have your respects been unto me, that no other Pen then your own can express them, nor no other heart than mine can apprehend them: and therefore I labour not any verbal satisfaction, but shall desire you to believe, that what service soever you please to think I have hitherto done for you, I cannot so much as call an expression of that I would willingly do for you. And whereas in your Letters you seem to fear that my absence may be an advantage of time to make your adversaries active and stirring against you, and your affairs consequently meet with partiality and opposition; I have therefore most humbly recommended them to the Justice of my Royal Master, and to the bosoms of some friends, where they shall likewise meet with mediation and protection, to what part of the world soever my Master or the State's service shall call me. I can carry but one Chancellor of your University along with me, but I hope I shall leave you many behind me. And I shall presage likely of the success of our actions, since they are all so followed by your wishes and devotions; which I shall endeavour you may always continue unto Chelsey,  
30 July, 1628. Your most affectionate friend, and humble servant, BUCKINGHAM.  
Directed, To my very worthy and much-respected friends, The Vicechancellor and Senate of the University of Cambridge.   

The Vicechancellor of Cambridge to the King, upon the Duke's death.  Dread Sovereign, 
THe fatal blow given your most loyal servant, whom your Majesty made our Patron and Chancellor, hath so stounded our University, as (like a Body without a Soul) she stirs not, till your Majesty's directions breathe life again, in the choice of another. And although I am but one of many, and therefore (having to do with a multitude) cannot absolutely assure the effecting of your pleasure; yet I dare undertake for myself, with the rest of the Heads, and many others, truly and faithfully to labour in your Majesty's desires, and now presume to send fair and strong hopes to give them full satisfaction: Humbly entreating the continuance of your Majesty's love and care of your University; the only stay and comfort of this her sad and mournful estate, occasioned by such an unexpressible disaster; cherishing herself with that blessed word your Majesty used upon her last Election, That howsoever your Majesty's appointment shadowed out another, yet yourself in substance would be her Chancellor. This, as an indelible Character in her memory, shall ever return, as all thankful observance, so to God prayers full of cordial zeal, for your Majesty's long and happy Reign.   

King Charles to the University of Cambridge, for a new Election.  
RIght Trusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well.  
As We took in gracious part your due respect in electing heretofore for your Chancellor a man who for his parts and faithful service was most dear unto Us: so now We are well pleased to understand, that you are sensible of your own and the common loss, by the bloody assassinate of so eminent a person, and that you desire and expect for your comfort an intimation from Us of a capable subject to succeed in his room. This expression on your part, hath begotten in Us a Royal affection towards you, and more care for your good; out of which, We commend unto free election of you the Vicechancellor and Heads, and of the Master's Regent's and Non-Regents (according to Our ancient Custom) Our Right Trusty and Right Well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor, Henry Earl of Holland, lately a member of your own Body, and well known unto you all: whose hearty affection to advance Religion and Learning generally in Our own Kingdoms, and especially in the Fountains, cannot be doubted of. Not that We shall cease to be your Chancellor in effect, according to Our promise; but the rather for your advantage, We advise you to the choice, that you may have a person acceptable unto Us, and daily attending on Our person, to be Our Remembrancer and Solicitor for you upon all occasions. And your general concurring herein, shall be to Us a pledge of Our affections, which We are willing to cherish.  
Given at Our Court the 28 of August, in the fourth year of Our Reign. CAROLUS Rex.   

The Earl of Holland to the University.  
Mr. Vicechancellor and Gentlemen, the Senate of the University of Cambridge,  
THe condition of man is so frail, and his time so short here, that in the sum of his account there are few accidents can deliver him worthy to posterity: yet to prevent my destiny in this defect, you have made my name to live, by your general and free election of me to be your Chancellor; the which will give me so to the world, not my merit. I take but my beginning by this Creation, and will endeavour to proceed with such strength, in my serious affection to serve you all, as you shall see this Honour is not conferred upon an unthankful person. It is my hap to succeed the most excellent example of the best Chancellor, who had both will and power to oblige you: for the first, none can exceed me, that am tied by my education to serve you: for my power, although it be but short in all other things, yet in what concerns you, my Master, whose word you have, and whose thanks you will receive in my behalf, will for his own sake, if not for mine, accept of all humble requests for you, which may conduce to the support of every particular good, that can any way advantage your whole Body, or advance the several members of our University. For whose increase of fame and honour I do wish, from an affectionate heart, as I profess myself obliged, being  
Your most thankful friend, and humble servant, Henry Holland.   

The University of Cambridge to the King.  
Serenissimo & Magnificentissimo Principi, CAROLO Dei gratiae, Britanniae; Regi, etc.  
Serenissime & Potentissime Monarcha, Carol●, Defensor Fide●, Pater Patriae:  
DUm ad Majestatis tuae pedes discumbimus, veniam humillime deprecamur temeritatis nostrae, Quod Majestati tuae in illud gloriae fastigium evectae, ad quod nulli Principes a multis retro seculis provenere, Chartas has ineptas ausi sumus, & querimonias obtrudere, sed nullum jam in terris effulget Majestate tuâ aut illustrius, aut magis beneficum sidus, cujus coelesti aspectu mortales afflicti ab adversis, ad salutis portum perduci possint. Sensimus nos persaepe, laesi sensimus vivificam charitatis tuae auram, divinam clementiam amplectimur, & benignitatem incredibilem sempiternae veneratione adoramu●. Quae enim per te nobis pax data sit, quae privilegia indulta & confirmata, quae gratia, candor, misericordia, beneficentia nobis impertita, nec nos effari possumus, nec ulla fecula conticere. O nos foelicissimos sub tuo Sceptro, Carole! qui certe miserrimi essemus, si Regio Majestatis tuae Patrocinio ac favore destitueremur: irruunt in nos omne genus illiteratorum hominum longum haerent in nostris mallis, & sine magno numine non amoventur. Centum olim annos cum oppidanis nostris de summa privilegiorum decertavimus, quinquaginta cum Typographis Londinensibus, adeo crudelis est, ac pertinax malitia, quae literis bellum indicit; Typographis per tuam in nos pietatem nuper compositis oppidani, veterem odii Camarinam incipiunt commovere. Ita ab Oppidanis ad Typographos, a Typographis ad Oppidanos, nostra in gyrum calamitas circumacta volvitur, & infinitis controversiarum nodis astringimur, & jugulamur. Deflexis genibus Excellentissimam Majestatem tuam imploramus, ut qua serenitate suam Academiam semper aspexerit, eadem dignetur huic causae ad dictum a se diem inter●sse. Et Deum Optim. Max. precabimur, ut te nobis quam diutissime conservet clementissimum Principem, & Patrem indulgentissimum: In cujus salute, totitus Regni incolumitas, tranquillitas Literarum, publica seculi foelicitas, & bonorum omnium vota abunde continontur.  
Servi Majestati tuae devoti & fideles subditi, Procanc' & Senat '.   

An Order made at Whitehall betwixt the University and Town of Cambridge, Decemb. 4. 1629.  

Lord Keeper.  
Lo. Archb. of York.  
Lord Treasurer.  
Lord Precedent.  
Lord Privy Seal.  
Lord high Chamberlain.  
Earl Marshal.  
Lord Steward.  
Lord Chamberlain.  
Earl of Suffolk.  
Earl of Dorset.  
Earl of Salisbury.  
Earl of Bridgewater.  
Earl of Holland.  
Earl of Danby.  
Earl of Kelly.  
Lord Visc. Dorchester.  
Lord Visc. Grandison.  
Lord Bish. of Winton.  
Master of the Wards.  
Master Chamberlain.  
Mr. Secretary Cook.   
THis day his Majesty sitting in Council, did hear at large the controversy between the University of Cambridge and certain Burghers of the Town, concerning the rating and setting the price of Victualia, and particularly of Candles and other necessaries comprised under the terms of Focalia; and of the consequences lately fallen out upon the controversy: which having been long debated by Counsel learned on both sides, his Majesty finally ordered, by advice of the Board, That as well the late Mayor and Bailiff, and William Bridge, as Edward Almond, John Ball, Ionas Sco●t, and Thomas Oliver, shall acknowledge and submit themselves (by setting their hands to this Order in the Councel-book) to the Jurisdiction and Privileges of the University, as well for the rating and setting the price of all manner of Victualia, and of Candles, and all other necessaries under the term of Focalia, as for the correcting and punishing of all such inhabitants of the Town as shall break and exceed the said rates and prices so set by the Vicechancellor, or such Officers of the University as are in that behalf authorized. And it is further ordered, That all the parties fined by the Vicechancellor, shall pay the Fines, and such charges of the Court as were set upon them by the Vicechancellor; and shall make public confession, in the Vicechancellors' Court, of their fault, in breaking the said rates and prices so set, and refusing to pay the fines so assessed upon them, and questioning the privileges of the University. And as touching the discommuning of any of the said persons in this Order mentioned, It is ordered, That peace and agreement shall be settled between the parties, according to the performance of that respect and submission which is due from the inhabitants of the said Town of Cambridge to the said University.  
Ex. Will. Becher.   

The University of Cambridge to the Archbishop of York.  
Reverendissimo in Christo Pa●ri, & summo Archi-praesuli, Samueli, Dei gratia, Archiepiscopo Ebora●ensi, Patrono nostro aeternum colendo.  
Reverendissime in Christo Pater, Archi-praesul amplissime,  
NIsi perspecta esset Paternitatis tuae in Academiam gratia & favor supra quam meremur immensius, vereremur sine multis ambagibus, ad tam illustre in Ecclesia caput accedere; verum ea semper fuit indulgentia tua, & stabil● nobis patrocinium, ut in difficultatibus nostris ultro fueris magis ad accurendum alacer, quam nos esse potuimus ad implorandum; temerarii incidimus in veterem comroversiae lacunam cum nostris Oppidanis. Novit sat Paternitas tua ab experientia multiplici, quas illi erga nos mentes gerant, quam atra lolligine & invidiae succo a teneris unguiculis pasti fuerint, neque jam incipiunt ferocire, nec unquam credimus, desinent homines insulsi, tam dignitatis nostrae immemores, quam rationis suae, nonnullis eorum commercium cum nostris interdiximus, dum procacius, quam parerat fasces nostros videbantur con●emnere, sed grave est, & permolestum quicquid cadit in praecipites animos, & ira impotentes. Illi tanquam fulmine perculsi ad publica judicium subsellia, Lymphatice festinant, cum possent consultius forsan in domibus suis— Nos autem veriti ne Majestas Reipub. Literariae minueretur, si in fore publico prostituta Academia de privilegiis, & summa rerum trepidaret, Senatus Regis tribunali appellavimus. In quo cum jam auspica● ssime consedisse tuam Paternitatem, intelligeret Alma Mater, & de honore tua, & sua foelicitate eximie triumphabat, nunquam oblita virtutis tuae, & magnanimitatis invictae, qua sol●bas hic toties Vicecancellarius ad immortalem nominis tui laudem istiusmodi perduelles contundere humillime rogamus Paternitatem tuam, pro suo summo in nos affectu & pietate, ut quemadmodum semper Academ●am ornare studuit, ita nunc dignetur eidem periclitanti succurrere.  
Pat' tuae devotiss. Procanc' & Senat.   

The University of Cambridg to the Earl of Manchester.  
Illustrissimo, nobilissimo, nostroque amantissimo Domino, Comit Manchestriae Privati Sigilli Custodi, Regiae Majestati à Sanctioribus Consiliis, Patrono nostro plurimum colendo.  
HOnoratissime nostrumque amantissime Domine Montacute,  
Nescimus an ipsi nobis vanâ credulitate blandiamur, sed cum singula tua pro nobis gesta perpendimus, fruimur hâc opinione, vix quenquam vivere. qui nostram salutem, literarum incrementum, tranquillitatem Academiae magis ex animo velit quam nobilissimus Montacutus; tot indies apparent indubitata testimonia amoris tui erga nos integrerrimi et profusissimae benevolentiae. Quid dicemus de Typographis, quos tandem aliquando post varios casus et tot discrimina subegimus, quamvis nodum controversiae Gordianum consuerant non nisi Alexandri gladio explicabilem, et tanquam sepia piscis longa perplexae litis caligine capita involverant ne caperentur. Ac haec ultima sententia vestra momento beneficii favoris magnitudine, celeritate conficiendi trajecit, quicquid ulla spes nobis dictare potuit, aut suggerere, sententia celebris, sancta memorabilis ad opprimendam in perpetuam morosam oppidanorum insolentiam; sententia quam quo penitus contemplamur, eo magis sub stupore bonitatis vestrae, et admirationis onere laboramus.  
Noli (nec enim fas est) metiri observantiae nostae rationem, ex nostro scribendi modulo. Majora de te sentimus quam verba nostra expedire valent, multo minus rependere. Illud nostrum erga te tantum est et tam firmum, ut nulla novae opportunitatis accessione angere queat, aut temporum injuria diminui.  
Honori tuo aeternum obligati Procanc' & Senatus reliquus Academiae.   

The University of Cambridg to Sir Humphrey May.  
Clarissimo & spectatissimo Domino Humphredo May Equiti Aurato, & Regiae Majestatis Procamerario, amico & fautori nostro aeternum observando.  
AETernas agimus tibi gratias, Clarissime Domine Procamerarie, quod favore tam subito, tam propensâ & inclinatâ benevolentâ ad nostram causam ultro accesseris: subiit forsan & pupugit (clarissime Domine) conditionis nostrae pia commiseratio cum videret Musas litibus implicatas circa. Tribunalia tremere, quas aequius ●rat inter lauros & virgulta pacifica in veritatis disquisitione occupari. Verum est, & in hac atate improba sic vivimus, ut frequenter depositâ togâ & calamo, pallia & Clientum soccos induere cogamur: Maximè vero nos ad incommoda pellunt opidani nostri, qui hoc à natura principium mordicus tenent, & nullo dimittunt fato, turbare semper pacem literarum, et bonis Academiae quovis modo insidiari. O quam magna merces est prudentia, et sobria mens, aequa in utriusque sortis importunitate! sunt quos ipsum foelicitatis taedium fatigat ad mortem, & dira contentionis ambitio fanatico quodam aestro impellit ad suam perniciem. Post triginta annos simulatae pacis, & induciarum oppidulani nostri quietis impatientiâ, & invidiae aculeis acti, nuper tentare voluerunt quantum possent calcibus contra spinas, aut contra Solem jaculis; at praeter poenitentiam ac suspiria nihil domum reportarunt; Ita Musas in aeternum sibi devinxit Senatus ille tremendus & gloriosus, in quo majores dii gentis nostrae sedent. Tu in illa scena splendida Regae Majestati adstare maluisti, quam tuam inter divos reliquos classem retinere, ut nostro momento inservires, & illud pectus sacrum proprius attingeres, in quo omnes gratiae nidificant, & nostra beatitudo reconditur. Magna sunt haec amoris tui testimonia, nolis vero messem sementi parent à nobis expectare; Musae non sunt solvendo. Et tamen, si preces, vota, laudes, encomia pro nobis sufficere possint, Nihil nos tuis meritis debituros confidenter promittimus.  
Dignitati tuae devinctiss. Procanc' & Senat' vel Academ. Cantabrigiens.   

Instructions by King Charles, to the Vicechancellor and Heads of Cambridge for Government, etc. March 4. 1629.  
CHARLES REX.  
FIrst, that all those directions and orders of our Father of yblessed memory, which at any time were sent to our said University, be duly observed and put in execution.  
2. Whereas we have been informed that of late years many Students of that our University, not regarding their own birth, degree, and quality, have made divers contracts of marriage with women of mean estate, and of no good fame in that Town, to their great disparagement, the discontent of their parents and friends, and the dishonour of the Government of that our University; we will, and command you, that at all times hereafter, if any Taverner, Inholder, or victualler, or any other inhabitant of the Town, or within the Jurisdiction of the University, shall keep any daughter or other woman in his house to whom there shall resort any Scholars of that University, of what condition so ever, to misspend their time, or otherwise to misbehave themselves in marriage without the consent of those that have the Guardiance and tuition of them, that upon notice thereof, you do presently convent the said Scholars or Scholar, and the said woman or women thus suspected, before you, and upon due examination, if you find cause therefore, that you command the said woman or women, according to the form of your Charter against women, de malo suspectas, to remove out of the University, and four miles of the same: And if any refuse presently to obey your commands, and to be ordered by you herein, that you then bind them over with sureties to appear before the Lords of our Privy Counsel, to answer their contempt, and such matters as shall be objected against them. And if any refuse presently to obey, to imprison them till they either remove or put in such bonds with sureties.  
3. That you be careful that all the statutes of our University be duly executed, especially those de vestitu Scholarium, et de modestia et morum urbanitate. And whereas we are informed, that Bachelors of Law. Physic, and Matters of Arts, and others of higher degree, pretend they are not subject to your censure, if they resort to such houses and places as are mentioned in the said statutes, to eat, drink, play, or take Tobacco, to the mispending of their time, and corrupting of others by their ill example, and to the scandalising of the government of our said University: Our will and pleasure is by these presents, that you do also command them and every of them, to forbear coming to any such houses, otherwise, or at other times, then by the said statute others of inferior order and degree▪ are allowed to do, any statute or concession whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. And if any refuse to obey you herein, that you proceed against them as contumacious; and if there be cause, that you also signify their names to us, or the Lords of our privy Counsel.  
4. That you do severely punish all such of your body, of what degree or condition soever, as shall contemn their superiors, or misbehave themselves either in word or deed towards the Vicechancellor or Proctors, or any other officers of our University, especially in the executing of their office.  
5. Lastly we will and command that a Copy of these our directions be delivered to the Master of every College, and that he cause the same to be published to those of his College, and then to be Registered in the Registers of their Colleges, and duly observed and kept by all persons whom they concern.  
Examinatur, et concordat cum Originali. Ita attestor Jacobus Fabor Registrarius.   

The University of Cambridg to the Lord Chief Justice Richardson.  
Honoratissimo Domino Thomae Richardson Commmunium Placitorum Proto Justiciario, & Proedro amico Academiae, & Patrono singulari.  
AMplissime et honoratissime Domine, superiori et Termino et Ann● te nostris literis & negotiis graviter defatigavimus, & nunc novas afferre molestias neutiquam dubitamus; sed tu pro candore quo polles maximo hanc nostram morositatem benignè interpretare, & da veniam in●patienti nostrae occasioni ad Sacerdotium Hallingburii, quod de cujusdam papicolae▪ lapsu in manus nostras ex diplomate serenissimi Regis Jacobi nobis iudulto, et per Senatum Regni solennem confirmato venit. Hunc Magistrum Love Collegii divi Petri promovimus, virum fide, doctrinâ, integritate, sanctimoniâ praeclarum, qui Procuratoris Officium, magistratum apud nos amplissimum, insigniter administravit, et non sine magna laude fasces ante biennium deposuit, unde liquido constet dominationi tuae, quibus opulentiis abundat Alma mater, cum virum consularem, et de republica nostra tam bene meritum, tali sacerdotiolo auctum & remuneratum dimittimus. utinam tamen vel tantillum hoc quod est beneficii homini nestro placidè concederent mortales Dii, et se precibus ad aequanimitatem flicli paterentur. Enim vero nescimus quomalo fato nostro id comparatum sit, et inter sacrum & sacrum semper haereamus, quemadmodum in proverbio est, Inter sacrum quod ambimus, et hominum praecordia saxo duri●ra, nihil nos sine controversia impetrare possumus; sed cogimur virtute nostrâ nos involvere, & probam pauperiem sine dote quaerere, cum Poeta Horatio; nam in tanta dominorum et captatorum turba, difficile est ad omnes articulos sic excubare, ut qui modeste prensat in lutum non detrudatur; et certe usque adeo praeclusus est industriae nostrae ad eadem honoris et emolumenti aditus, at multi repudia literis in aeternum renunciare mallent, quam post tot laboribus, consumptam juventutem et senectam studiis immature acceleratam, vanae spei cassa nuce ludificari; cum non solum sua nobis negare beneficia, sed et nostra abripere terrarum Domini slagitiosè contendant. Quid ad te haec verba spectant, facile conjicias: Nos te Patronum appellamus, quem adversarii nostri Judicem; et per omnia patrocinia tua nobis ante hac gnaviter concessa, ut huic Alumno nostro jus suum et Academiae dignitatem, sarctam tectam, authoritate tuâ conservare velis: et cum tua merita non aliâ re consequi valeamu●, quam debiti agnitione cui sumus impares, memorisque animi gratà t●stificatione, utramque tibi sempiternam religiose pollicemur.  
Dat' è frequenti Senatu nostro, pridie Galend. Maii, 1630. Honoris tui Clientes assidui Procancel' et Senatus integer Academ' Cantabrig.   

Bishop of Excester to the lower House of Parliament.  
Gentlemen,  
FOR God's sake be wise in your well meant zeal: why do we argue away precious time, that can never be revoked, or repaired? Woe is me, whilst we dispute, our friends perish, and we must follow them. Where are we if we break? (and I tremble to think it) we cannot but break if we hold too stiff. Our Liberties and properties are sufficiently declared to be sure and legal; our remedies are clear and irrefragable; what do we fear? Every subject now sees the way chalked out before him for future Justice, and who dares henceforth tread besides it? certainly whilst Parliaments live we need not misdoubt the like violation of our freedoms and rights; may we be but where the loans found us, we shall sufficiently enjoy ourselves, and ours; It is now no season to reach for more. O let us not whilst we over rigidly plead for a higher strain of safety, put ourselves into a necessity of ruin, and utter despair of redress; let us not in a suspicion of evil that may be, cast ourselves into a present confusion: if you love yourselves, and your Country, remit something of your own Terms; and since the substance is yielded by your noble compatriots, stand not too curiously upon points of circumstance: fear not to trust a good King, who after the strictest Law made must be trusted with the execution: think that your Country, yea Christendom lieth in the mercy of your present resolution, relent or farewell. Farewell from him whose faithful heart bleeds in a vowed sacrifice for his King and Country.   

King Charles to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal.  
WE being desirous of nothing more than the advancing of the good peace and prosperity of our people, have given leave to free debates of higest point of our prerogative Royal, which in the times of our Predecessors, Kings and Queens of this Realm, were ever restrained as matter they would not have disputed; and in other things we have been willing so fare to descend to the desires of our good subjects, as might fully satisfy all moderate minds, and free them from all just fears and jealousies, which those messages we have sent unto the Commons House will well demonstrate to the world; and yet we find it still insisted on, That in no case whatsoever, should it never so nearly concern matters of State and Government, we or our privy Counsel have power to commit any man without the cause be showed. The service itself would be thereby destroyed and defeated; and the cause itself must be such as may be determined by our Judges of our causes at Westminster, in a legal and ordinary way of Justice; whereas the cause may be such, as these Judges have not capacity of Judicature, nor rules of Law, to direct and guide their Judgements in cases of transcendent nature, which happening so often, the very intermitting of the constant rules of Government for so many ages within this Kingdom practised, would soon dissolve the very frame and foundation of our Monarchy; wherefore as to our Commons we made fair proposition, which might equally preserve the just liberties of the subject: So my Lords, we have thought good to let you know, that without the overthrow of our sovereignty, we cannot suffer this power to be impeached; yet notwithstanding, to clear our conscience and intentions, this we publish, that it is not in our heart or will, ever to extend our Royal power (sent unto us from God) beyond the just rule of moderationin, any thing which shall be contrary to our Laws and Customs, wherein the safety of our people shall be our only aim. And we do hereby declare our Royal pleasure and resolution to be, which (God willing) we will ever constantly continue and maintain, that neither we nor our Privy Counsel shall, or will at any time hereafter commit or command to prison, or otherwise restrain the person of any for not lending money unto us, or for any other cause which in our conscience, doth concern the public good, and safety of us and our people; we will not be drawn to pretend any cause which in our conscience is not, or is not expressed, which base thought we hope no man can imagine, can fall into our Royal breast: and that in all causes of this nature which shall hereafter happen, we shall upon the humble Petition of the party, or address of our Judges unto us, readily and really express the true cause of their Commitment or restraint, so soon as with conveniency or safety the same is fit to be disclosed and expressed; and that in all causes Criminal of ordinary Jurisdiction, our Judges shall proceed to the deliverance and bailment of the Prisoner, according to the known and ordinary rules of the Laws of this Land; and according to the Statute of Magna charta, and those other six statutes insisted on, which we do take knowledge stand in full force, and which we intent not to weaken, or abrogate against the true intent thereof.  
This we have thought fit to signify unto you, the rather for the shortening of any long debate upon this question, the season of the year being so far advanced; and our great occasions of State, not lending as many days of long continuance of this Session of Parliament.  
Given under our signet, at our Palace at Westminster, the twelfth day of May in the Fourth Year of our Reign. CAROLUS REX.   

A Counsel Table Order against hearing Mass at Ambassadors houses. March 10. 1629  
At Whitehall the tenth of March. 1619.  

PRESENT.  
Lord Keeper.  
Lord Treasurer.  
Lord Precedent.  
Lord Privy Seal.  
Lord Steward.  
Lord Chamberlain.  
Earl of Suffolk.  
Earl of Dorset.  
Earl of Salisbury.  
Lord Wimbleton.  
Lord Viscount Dorchester.  
Lord Viscount Wentworth.  
Lord Viscount Grandison.  
Lord Viscount Fraulkland.  
Lord Savile.  
Lord Newbergh.  
Mr. Vice Chamberlain.  
Mr. Secretary Cook.   
AT this Sitting the Lord Viscount Dorchester declared, that his Majesty being informed of the bold and open repair made to several places, and specially to the houses of foreign Ambassadors, for the hearing of Mass, which the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom do expressly forbid his Subjects to frequent: and considering in his Princely wisdom, both the public Scandals, and dangerous consequence thereof, is resolved to take present order for the stopping of this evil before it spread itself any further, and for this purpose had commanded him to acquaint the Board with his pleasure in that behalf, and what course he thinketh fit to be held therein; and withal to demand the opinion and advice of their Lordships concerning the same, his Majesty being desirous to use the best and most effectual expedient that can be found. Hereupon his Lordship proceeding, did further declare, that his Majesty (to show the clearness and earnestness of his intention herein) hath begun at his own house, viz. Wheresoever the Queen's Majesty hath any Chapel being intended for the only service of her, and for those French who attend her; for which the Earl of Dorset, Lord Chamberlain to her Majesty, hath been commanded to take special care; according to such directions as he hath received from his Majesty. That for so much as concerneth the repair to the houses of Foreign Ambassadors at the time of Mass, his Majesty thinks fit that some messengers of the Chamber, or other officers or persons fit for that service, shall be appointed to watch all the several passages to their houses, and without entering into the said houses, or infringing the freedoms and privileges belonging unto them, observe such persons as go thither, but at their coming from thence, they are to apprehend them and bring them to the Board; and such as they cannot apprehend, to bring their names. But to the end that the said Foreign Ambassadors may have no cause to complain of this proceeding; as if there were any intention to wrong or disrespect them, his Majesty doth likewise think fit, that for the preventing of any such mistaking and sinister Interpretation, the said Ambassadors shall be acquainted with the truth of this business; and likewise assured in his Majesty's name, that he is, and will be as careful to conserve all privileges and rights belonging to the quality of their places, as any of his Progenitors have been, and in the same manner as himself expecteth that their Princes shall use to wards his Ambassadors.  
Lastly, That it is his Majesty's express pleasure that the like diligence be used for the apprehending of all such as repair to Mass in prisons or other places.  
The Board having heard this declaration, did unanimously conclude, that there could sot be taken a more effectual course for the preventing of these evils, than this which his Majesty in his wisdom hath set down, and therefore did order that the same be immediately put in strict and careful execution. And it was likewise thought fit, that the Lord Viscount Dorchester, and Mr. Secretary Cook, should be sent to the foreign Ambassadors severally, to acquaint them with his Majesty's intention, as is before mentioned; and that the messengers of the Chamber to be employed in the service before specified shall be appointed and receive their charge from the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Bishop of London, and the Secretaries, who are to take a special care to see this put in execution.   

King of Spain to Pope Urban. Sept. 21. 1619.  
MOst Holy Father,  
I condescended that my forces should be employed in the execution of Mountferrat, to divert the introduction of strangers into Italy, with so evident danger of Religion: I suffered the siege of Cassal to run on so slowly, to give time that by way of negotiation those differences might be composed with the reciprocal satisfaction of the parties interessed; and to show in effect, what little reason all Italy had to be jealous of the Arms of my Crown, for having possessed many places of importance; some I have freely given away, and others after I had defended them in a time the owners had need, I presently restored with much liberality. Upon this moderation the Duke of Nivers, being hardened against the Emperor my Uncle, and he perhaps and other Princes calling thither the most Christian King, who not contenting himself to have attained that which he publicly professed to desire, and having left Garrison in Mountferrat, and in Suza, and as (I am told) having fortified some places, hath thereby given occasion to the Emperor my Uncle, to give order his Army should pass into Italy, to maintain the Authority, Jurisdiction and preeminency of the Empire, with whom I can do no less than concur, and give him assistance, in respect of the great and strict obligation of Blood, of Honour, and of Conveniency which I hold with his imperial Majesty, and for the— which I do acknowledge from the sacred Empire; declaring now, as I have done heretofore, and as my Ambassadors have told your Holiness; that in this business, I do neither directly nor indirectly aim at any other end of mine own particular interest. But beholding the numerous Armies of the Emperor in Italy, and with extreme grief foreseeing the harms, inconveniences and dangers that Italy must thereby suffer in matter of Religion, being that which most importeth; I do not only resent it, in respect of that portion which God hath given me in Christendom, but especially as a King and Prince of Italy, the peace of those Provinces being disturbed, which my Progenitors with so much Judgement and providence, and with so much Authority and benefit of the Natives had so many years preserved. Wherefore I thought it my duty to present unto your beatitude that experience hath demonstrated that to oppose and straighten the Jurisdiction of the Emperor, and to resist his commandments, hath brought matters to these difficult terms, and this way being still persisted in, there must needs follow those mischief● which we desire to shun. Now the most convenient manner how to compose these businesses, is that your Holiness do effectually persuade the Duke of Nivers to accommodate himself to the Justice and obedience of the Emperor, and the King of France to recall his Armies out of Italy, and the Princes that do aid Nivers, no more to interest themselves in the business, even as from the beginning my Ministers have propounded to your Beatitude; because this difference being ended juridically, all the persons interessed shall come off with honour and reputation, and so all of them shall have a ground to beseech the Emperor, that out of his wont clemency, he will take off that impression, which he justly might have conceived against the Duke of Nivers; whereupon things inclining to this issue, I shall with a very good will employ my best offices to the end that speedy and exact justice may be administered, and also that his Caesarian Majesty may give experimental effects of his magnanimity and stability, desiring with a most sincere affection, that so much Christian blood may be spared, as would be spilt in this war, and that those forces might be employed to the service, and not to the prejudice of Christendom. Thus have I clearly and sincerely delivered my meaning unto your Holiness, to the end that knowing my intention, you may do those offices which your manifold wisdom shall find proper for the place whereto God hath advanced you; and if God for our sins have decreed to chastise Christendom, by continuing the war; let this dispatch be a testimony of my good will, and real intention towards peace; for the prosecuting whereof, I on my part, will always embrace any reasonable and proportionable means. Oar Lord God preserve your Beatitude a thousand years.   

The Council of Ireland to King Charles in defence of the Lord Deputy Faulkland. April 28. 1619  
MAy it please your most excellent Majesty,  
we stand so bounden to your royal Self, and your most blessed Father our late deceased Sovereign Lord and Master, as we are urged in duty to prostrate this act of our faith at your Majesty's feet, as an assay to clear some things wherein misinformation may seem to have approached your high Wisdom. We understand that it is collected out of some late Dispatches from hence, that there are such disorders in the Government here, as by the present Governors are remediless; all which is ascribed to the differences between persons of chief place; We do in all humility testify and declare that we have not seen or known any inconvenience to the public service by the difference between your Majesty's Deputy and Chancellor, neither have of late seen or heard any act or speech of contention between them. Other difference between persons of any eminent Action we understand none, neither are any disorders here yet so overgrown, as co surpass the redress of the present Governor, especially so long as he hath such a standing English Army, as your Majesty now alloweth; if only we may receive some supply of Arms and munition, which we have often written for, do daily expect, and which shall be no loss to your Majesty. It is true, most gracious Sovereign, that in some late dispatches we mentioned three grievances in this government, which in extent may threaten much, if we be not timely directed from thence concerning them, viz. the insolence and excrescence of the Popish pretended Clergy, the disorder and offence of the Irish Regiment, and the late outrageous presumption of the unsettled Irish, in some parts; towards all which (being parties perhaps otherwise conceived of there, then understood here) your Deputy and Council have of late used particular abstinence, holding themselves somewhat limited concerning them, by late Instructions, Letters and directions from thence. And therefore lest countenance of that course, might turn to greater damage, we make choice seasonably to crave expression of the good pleasure of your Highness, and the most Honourable Lords of your Council, lest our actions and zeal therein might vary from the purposes on that side, and so want of unanimity in both States, break the progress of the Reformation; not that we any way make doubt to give your Majestly a good account of ourselves therein, and of the full eviction of those evils in due time, so we might be assured of your Majesties and their Lordship's good allowance of our endeavours, being confident in all humility, to declare and affirm to your Sacred Majesty, that the rest of this great body, (as to the civil part thereof) is in far better order at this time, then ever it was in the memory of man; as well in the current and general execution of Justice according to the Laws, in the freedom of men's persons and estates, (the present charge of the Army excepted) and in the Universal outward subjection of all sorts of settled inhabitants to the Crown and Laws of England, and also in the advancement of the Crown Revenues; and lastly, in the competent number of Bishops, and other able and Learned Ministers of the Church of England of all sorts, which we especially attribute to the blessedness of your time, and to the Industryes, Zeal, Judgement and moderation of your Deputy, as well in your Majesty service, as towards this people●, having now well learned this great office; and to the good beginnings of the two last precedent Deputies under direction of your most Renowned Father.  
Secondly, we understand that your Deputy and Council are blamed for the present surcharge of your Revenues here, far beyond the support thereof.  
Herein your Royal Majesty may be pleased to cause a review of our dispatch from hence, in August 1627. wherein it will appear; that their part in that offence hath been only obedience to extraordinary warrants from thence, and that if those warrants had not been fully performed out of your Revenues, you had had about 40000 pound Irish to pay pensioners, in your Coffers, and answer other necessities which have since increased.  
So as we humbly crave pardon freely to affirm, that the fault hath not been here; and further also to say for your Majesty's honour and our comfort, that during 200 years' last passed, England hath never been so free of the charge of Ireland, as now it is.  
Thirdly, we understand that your Deputy is accused for miscarriage in the legal prosecution of Phelim Mach Fr●gh, and others adhering to him in certain treasonable Acts and Practices. Herein we most humbly beseech your Majesty, that a review may be of a declaration sent from hence about the beginning of your Deputies government, signed by him and all the Counsel then here, whereby will appear how the parts of Lemster, at least, have been from age to age infested by him and his predecessors, and the inhabitants of the territory of Ranelagh, wherein he took upon him a Chiefery; and therein will also appear, that it was the special affection and endeavour of several worthy Deputies here to have cleared that offensive plot, which no wise State could suffer so near the seat thereof, and that they also severally attempted it by force, the said Phelims' Father being slain by actual Rebellion by Sir William russel's prosecution; but the general Rebellion of the Kingdom always interrupted the settlement thereof. This being at that time the declaration of the State; moved your Deputy, being a stranger, to have a wary aspect upon the people, for the Common peace, which he hath carefully performed. Afterwards at the time when the general voice was amongst the Irish, that the Spaniards would be here, your Deputy had cause to examine several persons and causes concerning that Rumour whereby fell out to be discovered to him among others, that this Phelim had confederated for raising a Commotion in Lemster, and murdering a Scottish Minister, and Justice of peace (a ready instrument in Crown Causes) inhabiting about the border of the said territory. Before which time, we never heard of any displeasure or hard measure born by your said Deputy to him, or offence taken by him, at any particular done to him, unless he were offended that your Deputy refused his money offered to blanche your Majesty's title to the Lands in Ranlagh, now granted to undertakers, discovered and prosecuted at first by his brother Redmond and his Council Peter de la Hoyd, We do also herein in all humility testify, and declare that he acquainted several Privy Councillors here, and others of Judgement with the same. And also in every Act and passage thereof used the labour and presence, either of your Majesty's Privy Concellours, Judges, or learned Council, always professing publicly and privately (which we also in our consciences do believe) that he had no particular envy or displeasure to Phelims' person, or any of his, neither had any end in what might fall out upon that discovery or pains, or any act done concerning that Country, other than the reducement thereof, to the conformity of other civil parts; the common peace of your Majesty's good Subjects adjacent, and the legal and plenary effecting of that which by so many good governor's in times of disturbance could not be done, there being no power in him to make any particular benefit of the Escheat, either in lands or goods; and before any thing was to be done for the trial of him and the rest for their lives, he made a speedy and immediate address to your Majesty, dated 27. August 1628. upon the indictment found, to inform you of the then present estate of that business, which we have seen, not doing it before (as he affirms) for that he had formerly received gracious approbations of his proceed in the like discoveries.  
We also in all humbleness and duty do declare and protest, that if upon their evil demerits, and the due proceed of Law, those now questioned may be taken away, and the Territory settled in legal Government and English order, (towards which a strong Fort is already almost built in the midst of it by your Majesty's Undertakers lately planted there: It will be a service of the greatest importment to bridle the Irish, assure the inhabitants of other Parts, and strengthen the general peace of the Kingdom (next to the great Plantation of Ulster) that hath been done in this age. If otherwise they shall by fair trial acquit the course of your Majesty's free and indifferent justice, it will make them wary in point of duty and loyalty hereafter. And we do further in all submission declare, That in these discoveries, (the persons and Causes considered) it was of necessity that the personal pains of your Highness' Deputy should be bestowed; the rather, for that the Evidences being to be given for the most part by persons involved in the same confederacies, and who were to become actors, they would not be drawn to confess truths to any inferior Ministers, being of stubborn and malign spirits; besides the dissuasions of Priests, and of the Dependants and manifold Allies of the said Phelim, if they had not been warily looked after.  
Lastly, We in all humbleness of heart and freedom of faithful servants, do beseech your most sacred Majesty to consider how much the sufferings of your zealous servants may prove to your disservice, especially in this place, where discouragement of your most dextrous service is most aimed at by multitudes of several qualities, and cannot but soon perplex the present happy state of your affairs. We beseech the eternal God to guide and prosper your Majesty's advices and designs.  
28. April 1629. Your most humble and obedient Subjects and Servants. Signed by 

L. Primate  
V Valentia  
V. Kilmallock  
V. Ranelagh.  
L. Dillon.  
L. Cauffeild,  
L. Aungier  
L. Pr. of Munster  
L. Chief Justice  
St Adam Loftus  
Mr of the Wards  
L. Chief Baron.  
Sr Charles Coote.     

Ab Ignoto, Of the Affairs of Spain, France and Italy, 5 Jan. 1629.  
SIR,  
THough it be now full three months since I received any line from you, yet I dare not, nor will I for that respect discontinue my writing to you; and because no private business occurreth, I will be bold to advise a line or two concerning the public affairs of Italy: Cassal is still made good against the Spaniard, not by the Duke of Mantua, for he poor Prince was long since bankrupt, but by the succours of France and this signory, the former contributing monthly 40000 Dollars, the latter 20000, not only to maintain the Cassaleschi, but also to enable the Duke to stand fast against all other the Spaniards attempts; mean while we hear say boldly, that a league offensive and defensive against the Spaniards in Italy is concluded between the French and the Venetians; and that the French King hath already sent out two Armies, one under the Duke of Guise by sea, who they say is landed at Nizza; the other under the Marquis de Coeure, who is marching hitherward through the Valtoline; and though I doubt something these proceed of the French, yet I am sure the Signior doth daily give out new Commissions for the levying of Soldiers in that number, that now every one demands what strange enterprise this State hath in hand, and all jump in this, that it is against the Spaniard. The Pope is still adverse to the Spaniard, and inclines strongly to the good of Italy, animating this State to meet the French with a declaration, and the French to conclude a peace on any honourable terms with us, that they may the more safely follow their present designs, which is to suppress the Spaniards in Italy. his Catholic Majesty hath lost a great deal of credit in these parts, by the loss of his Silver Fleet; and that he is in extreme want of money, is collected here from the present state of some of his public Ministers. Ognat his ordinary Ambassador at Rome, being lately recalled, in stead of going home into Spain, hath retired himself privately to Monte Pincio, being in such praemunire that he is not able to accommodate himself with necessaries for his journey. And Mounterei who is to succeed him is arrived as far Sienna, but being foundered in his purse, is able to get no farther, mean while, living there in an Inn. Moreover the Merchants in Rome, are advised by their correspondents in Spain, to be wary in letting either of them have moneys; this is from a good hand in Rome. Sir Kenelm Digby hath lately been at Delos, where he hath laden great store of Marble, he is said to be in very good plight and Condition. I trouble you no more.  
Venice 5. January 1629. Stilo novo. Your faithful servant, C. H.   

The Lords of the Council of England, to the Lords of the Council in Ireland, 31 Jan. 1629.  
BY your Letter dated the ninth of January we understand how the seditious riot moved by the Friars and their adherents at Dublin, hath by your good order and resolution been haply suppressed, and we doubt not but by this occasion, you will consider how much it concerneth the good Government of that Kingdom, to present in time the first growing of such evils; for where such people be permitted to swarm, they will soon grow licentious, and endure no government but their own, which cannot otherwise be restored then by a due and seasonable execution of the Law, and of such directions as from time to time have been sent from his Majesty and this Board. Now it redoundeth much to the honour of his Majesty, that the world shall take notice of the ability and good service of his Ministers there, which in person he hath been pleased openly in Council, and in most gracious manner to approve and commend; whereby you may be sufficiently encouraged to go on with like resolution and moderation, till the work be solely done, as well in City as in other places of your Kingdom, the carriage whereof we must leave to your good discretions, whose particular knowledge of the present state of things can guide you better, when and where to carry a soft or harder hand; only this we hold necessary to put you in mind, that you continue in that good agreement amongst yourselves, for this and other services which your Letters do express; and for which we commend you much, that the good servants of the King and state may find encouragement equally from you all; and the ill affected may find no support or countenance from any; nor any other connivances used but by general advice, for avoiding of further evils, shall be allowed; and such Magistrates and Officers, if any shall be discovered that openly or underhand favour such disorders, or do not their duties in suppressing them, and committing the offenders, you shall do well to take all fit and safe advantages, by the punishment or displacing of a few, to make the rest more cautious. This we writ, not as misliking the fair course you have taken; but to express the concurrency of our Judgements with yours, and to assure you of our assistance in all such occasions wherein for your further proceed, we have advised. And his Majesty requireth you accordingly to take order, first that the house wherein Seminary Friars appeared in their habits, and wherein the Reverend Archbishop, and the Mayor of Dublin received the first affront, be speedily demolished, and be the mark of terror to the resisters of Authority, and that the rest of the houses erected or employed there, or elsewhere to the use of suspicious societies, be converted to houses of correction, and to set the people on work, or to other public uses, for the advancement of Justice, good Arts or Trades; and further, that you use all fit means to discover the Founders, Benefactors and Maintainers of such Societies and Colleges, and certify their names, and that you find out the Lands, Leases, or Revenues applied to their uses, and dispose thereof according to the Law and that you certify also the places and institutions of all such Monasteries, Priories, Nunneries, and other Religious houses, and the names of all such persons as have put themselves to be brothers and sisters therein, especially such as are of note, to the end such evil plants be not permitted to take root any where in that Kingdom which we require you take care of. For the supply of Munition which you have reason to desire, we have taken effectual order that you shall receive it with all convenient speed. And so etc.  


Lord Keeper.  
Lord Treasurer.  
Lord Precedent.  
Lord Privy Seal.  
L. high Chamberlain.  
Earl of Suffolk.  
Earl of Dorset.  
Earl of Salisbury.  
Earl of Kelly.  
Lord Viscount Dorchester.  
Lord Newbergh.  
Mr. Vice Chamberlain.  
Mr. Secretary Cook.  
Sir William Alexander.     

The Lord Faulkland's Petition to the King.  
MOst humbly showing, that I had a Son, until I lost him in your Highness' displeasure, where I cannot seek him because I have not will to find him there. Men say, there is a wild young man now prisoner in the Fleet, for measuring his actions by his own private sense. But now that for the same your Majesty's hand hath appeared in his punishment, he bows and humbles himself before and to it: whether he be mine or not, I can discern by no light, but that of your Royal Clemency; for only in your forgiveness can I own him for mine. Forgivennesse is the glory of the supremest powers, and this the operation, that when it is extended in the greatest measure, it converts the greatest offenders into the greatest lovers, and so makes purchase of the heart, an especial privilege peculiar and due to Sovereign Princes.  
If now your Majesty will vouchsafe out of your own benignity, to become a second nature, and restore that unto me which the first gave me, and vanity deprived me of, I shall keep my reckoning of the full number of my sons with comfort, and render the tribute of my most humble thankfulness, else my weak old memory must for get one.   

The Duke of Modena to the Duke of Savoy. July 30. 1629.  
WHen I was deprived of my Mistress the Infanta Izabella, so intimately beloved of me, I was suddenly possessed with a most ardent desire of finding the means how to follow her into Paradise; and distrusting in regard of my weakness and life past, that I was not able to stand in those dangers wherein that holy soul knew how to find security and tranquillity, I resolved to retire myself out of the tempestuous sea of Government, and to shelter myself in the harbour of Religion, rejoicing to sacrifice that unto God, which useth to be so highly esteemed in the world; and knowing that truly to reign, is to serve his Divine Majesty, hitherto I deferred the execution of my purpose, because being bound in this, to depend upon the Counsel of him that governed my soul, it seemed not expedient to him, that I should retire myself while there was need of my assistance, both in respect of the age of the Duke my father (which was Caesar d'Este, who died 1628.) and of the nonage of the Prince my son (which is Don Francisco, who now governeth.) Now that these impediments are removed, I go most contentedly whither the Lord doth call me, namely, to take upon me the Capuchin Religion out of Italy; and I do promise to find for myself in one little Celestina, that repose which all the greatness of the world cannot give me. True it is, if I should look back upon my life past, I should find motives rather of terror, then of comfort: But the mercy of God doth make me confident, and my having (for his love, and to perform his will) renounced all that I could or had, I departed also most comforted, because I leave the Prince my son so well qualified, that I may confidently expect an excellent issue of his Government, especially if your Highness shall vouchsafe to direct him with your most prudent Counsels, and to shroud him under your benign protection, whereunto with reverend affection I do recommend him together with the rest of my sons, especially Carlo Alexandro (who is now living in your Highness his Court) since that (as a man may say) they have no other Father then your Highness, and are branches of your Princely house.  
Unto your Highness was in all respects due from me the account which I have given you of my vocation; I beseech you to accept it, and to believe that I will always be answerable to my duty, and will pray for the spiritual and temporal increase of your Highness, whose hands I reverently kiss.  
Your Highness most humble and most obliged servant, Alfons d'Este. From Salsuolo the 30th of July, 1629.   

Sir Kenhelm Digby to Sir Edward straddling.  
To my Honourable Friend Sir Edward Esterling, alias straddling, aboard his ship.  
MY much honoured friend, I am too well acquainted with the weakness of my abilities (that are fare unfit to undergoes such a task as I have in hand) to flatter myself with the hope that I may either inform your understanding, or do myself honour by what I am to write. But I am so desirous that you should be possessed with the true knowledge of what a bent will I have upon all occasions to do you service, that obedience to your Command weigheth much more with me then the lawfulness of my excuse can, to preserve me from giving you in writing such a testimony of my ignorance and erring fantasy, as I fear this will prove. Therefore without any more circumstances, I will as near as I can, deliver to you in this paper, what the other day I discoursed to you, upon the 22d Staff of the ninth Canto in the second book of that matchless Poem, The Fairy Queen, written by our English Virgil, whose words are these.  

The Frame thereof seemed partly Circular,  
And part Trianguler: O work Divine!  
These two the first and last proportions are,  
Th'one imperfect, mortal, feminine;  
Th'other immortal, perfect, masculine:  
And twixt them both a quadrat was the base,  
Proportioned equally, by seven, and nine;  
Nine was the Circle set in heaven's place,  
All which compacted, made a goodly Diapase.   
In this Staff the Author seemeth to me to proceed in a differing manner from what he doth elsewhere generally through his whole book; for in other places, although the beginning of this Allegory or mystical sense may be obscure, yet in the process of it he doth himself declare his own conceptions in such sort, that they are obvious to any ordinary capacity: But in this, he seemeth only to glance at the profoundest notions that any science can deliver to us; and then of a sudden, as it were recalling himself out of an Enthusiasm, he returneth to the gentle relation of the Allegorical history that he had begun, leaving his readers to wander up and down in much obscurity, and to rove with much danger of erring at his intention in these lines; which I conceive to be dictated by such a learned spirit, and so generally a knowing soul, that were there nothing else extant of Spencer's writings, yet these few words would make me esteem him no whit inferior to the most famous men that ever have been in any age, as giving an evident testimony herein, that he was throughly versed in the Mathemeticall sciences, in Philosophy and Divinity, unto all which this might serve for an ample Theme to make large Commentaries upon; In my praises upon this subject I am confident, that the worth of the Author will preserve me from this censure, that my ignorance only begetteth this admiration, since he hath written nothing that is not admirable. But that it may appear, I am guided somewhat by my own Judgement, (although it be a very mean one) and not by implicit faith, and that I may in the best manner I can comply with what you may expect from me, I will not longer hold you in suspense, but begin immediately (though abruptly) with the declaration of what I conceive to be the true sense of this place; which I shall not go about to adorn with any plausible discourses, or with authorities and examples drawn from others writings; (since my want both of conveniency and learning would make me fall very short herein) but it shall be enough for me to intimate my conceptions, and to offer them up unto you in their own simple and naked form, leaving to your better Judgement, the examination of the weight of them; and after perusal of them, beseeching you to reduce me, if you perceive me to err. It is evident, that the Author's intention in this Canto, is to describe the body of man informed with a rational soul; and in prosecution of that design, he setteth down particularly the several parts of the one, and the faculties of the other. But in this Stanza he comprehended the general description of them both, as (being joined together to frame a complete man) they make one perfect compound, which will appear better by taking a survey of every several Clause thereof by itself.  
The frame thereof seemed partly circular,  
And part trianguler.—  
By these figures, I conceive that he meaneth the Mind and the Body of man, the first being by him compared to a Circle, and the latter to a Triangle; for as the Circle of all figures is the most perfect, and includeth the greatest space, and is every way full, and without angles, made by the continuation of one only line; so man's soul is the noblest and most beautiful creature that God hath created, and by it we are capable of the greatest gifts which God can bestow, which are Grace, Glory, and Hypostatical union of the humane Nature to the divine: and she enjoyeth perfect freedom and liberty in all other actions, and is made without composition, (which no figures are that have angles; for they are caused by the coincidence of several lines) but of one pure substance, which was by God breathed into a body made of such compounded earth, as in the preceding Stanza the Author describeth; and this is the exact image of him that breached it, representing him as fully as it is possible for any creature, which is infinitely distant from the Creator. For as God hath neither beginning nor ending, so neither of these can be found in a Circle; although that being made of the successive motion of a line, it must be supposed to have a beginning somewhere. God is compared to a circle whose centre is every where, but whose Circumference no where; but man's soul is a circle whose circumference is limited by the true centre of it, which is only God. For as a circumference doth in all parts alike respect that indivisible point, and as all lines drawn from the inner side of it, do make right angles with it when they meet therein; so all the interior actions of man's soul ought to have no other respective point to direct themselves unto but God: and as long as they make right angles, which is, that they keep the exact middle of virtue, and decline not to either of the sides where the contrary vices dwell, they cannot fail but meet in their Centre.  
By the Trianguler figure he very aptly designeth the Body: For as the Circle is of all other figures the most perfect, and most capacious; so the Triangle is the most imperfect, and includeth the least space: It is the first and lowest of all figures; for fewer than three right lines cannot comprehend and enclose a superficies; having but three angles, they are all acutes (if it be equilateral) and but equal to two right ones; in which respect all other regular figures consisting of more than three lines, do exceed it: May not these be resembled to the three great and compounded Elements in man's body, to wit, Sale, Sulphur, and Mercury? which mingled together, do make the natural heat, and radical moisture, the two qualities whereby man liveth: for the more lines that do go to comprehend a figure, the more and greater the angles are, and the nearer it cometh to the perfection of a Circle.  
A Triangle is composed of several lines, and they of points which yet do not make a quantity by being contiguous one to another, but rather the motion of them doth describe the lines. In like manner the Body of man is compounded of the four Elements, which are made by the four primary qualities, not compounded of them (for they are but accidents;) but by their operation upon the first matter.  
And as a Triangle hath three lines, so a solid body hath three dimensions, to wit, Longitude, Latitude, and Profundity: but of all bodies man's is of the lowest rank (as the Triangle is among figures) being composed of the Elements, which make it liable to alteration and corruption. In which consideration of the dignity of bodies, I divide them by a general division, into sublunary, which are the elementated ones; and into the ethereal (which are supposed to be of their own nature incorruptible:) and peradventure there are some other species of corporeal substances, which is not in this place to dispute.  — O work Divine! 
Certainly of all Gods works the noblest and the perfectest is man; and for whom indeed all others were done; for if we consider his soul, it is the very Image of God; if his body, it is adorned with the greatest beauty and excellent symmetry of parts of any created thing, whereby it witnesseth the perfection of the Architect, that of so drossy mould is able to make so excellent a Fabric: if his operations, they are free; if his end, it is eternal glory; and if you take him altogether, man is a little world, an exact type of the great world, and of God himself.  
But in all this me thinketh that the admirable work is the joining together of the two different, and indeed opposite substances in man to make one perfect compound; the soul and the body, which are of so contrary a nature, that their uniting seemeth to be a miracle: for how can one inform and work in the other, since there is no mean of operation (that we know) between a spiritual substance and a Corporal? yet we see that it doth. As hard it is to find the true proportion between a Circle and a Triangle, yet that there is a just proportion; and that they may be equal, Archimedes' hath left us an ingenious demonstration: but in reducing it to a Problem, it faileth in this, That because the proportion between a crooked line and a strait one is not known, one must make use of a mechanical way of measuring the periphery of the one, to convert it into the side of the other.  These two the first and last proportions are. 
What I have already said concerning a Circle and a Triangle, doth sufficiently unfold what is meant in this verse; yet it will not be amiss to speak one word more hereof in this place, All things that have existence may be divided into three Classes; which are, either what is pure and simple in itself, or what hath a nature compounded of what is simple, or what hath a nature compounded of what is compounded. In continued quantity this may be exemplified by a point, a line, and a superficies, or body; and in numbers by an Unity, a Denary, and a Centenary. The first, which is only pure and single, like an indivisible point, or an Unity, hath relation only to the Divine Nature; that point then moving in a spherical manner (which serveth to express the perfections of God's actions) describeth the circle of our souls, and of Angels, and of intellectual substances, which are of a pure and simple nature; but receiveth that from what is so in a perfecter manner, and that hath his from none else: like lines that are made from the flowing of points, or denaries that are composed of unities, beyond both which there is nothing.  
In the last place bodies are to be ranked, which are composed of the Elements, and they likewise suffer composition, and may very well be compared to the lowest of figures which are composed of lines, that own their being to points (and such are Triangles); or to Centenaries, that are composed of Denaries, and they of Unites: but if we will compare these together by proportion, God must be left out, since there is an infinite distance between the simplicity and perfection of his nature, and the composition and imperfection of all created substances, as there is between an indivisible point and a continuate quantity; or between a simple unity, and compounded number: so that only the other two kinds of substances do enter into this consideration, and of them I have already proved, that man's soul is of the one the noblest, being dignified by Hypostatical union above all other intellectual substances, and his elementated body of the other, the most low and corruptible; whereby it is evident, that these two are the first and last proportions both in respect of their own figure, and of what they express.  
The one imperfect, mortal, feminine,  
Th'other immortal, perfect, masculine.  
Man's body hath all the properties of imperfect matter, it is but the patiented, of itself alone it can do nothing, it is liable to corruption and dissolution if it once be deprived of the form, which actuateth itself, and is incorruptible and immortal.  
And as the feminine sex is imperfect, and receiveth perfection from the masculine, so doth the body from the soul, which to it is in lieu of a Male; and as in corporal generations the Female doth afford but gross and passive matter, unto which the Male giveth active heat and prolifical virtue; so in spiritual generations, (which are the operations of the Mind) the body administereth only the Organs, which if they were not employed by the Soul, would of themselves serve to nothing. And as there is a mutual appetence between the male and the female; between matter and form, so there is between the body and soul of a man; but what ligament they have, that our Author defineth not; (and peradventure Reason is not able to attain unto it) yet he telleth us what is the Foundation that this Machine resteth upon, and what keepeth the Parts together, in these words:  And 'twixt them both a Quadrat was the base. 
By which Quadrat, I conceive, that he meaneth the four principal humours in man's body, to wit, Choler, Blood Phlegm and Melancholy; which if they be distempered and unfitly mingled the dissolution of the whole doth ensue; like to a building, which falleth to ruin if the Foundation or Base of it be unsound or disordered: and in some of these the vital spirits are contained and preserved which the other do keep in a convenient temper; and as long as they do so the soul and body dwell together like good friends: So that these four are the Base of the conjunction of the other two; both which he saith, are  Proportioned equally by Seven and Nine. 
In which words, I understand, that he meaneth the influences of the superior substances, which govern the inferior into these two differing parts of man, to wit, of the Stars (the most powerful of which are the seven Planets) into his body; and of the Angels (which are divided into nine Hierarchies or Orders) into the soul, which in his Astrophel he saith, is  
By Sovereign choice from the Heavenly Quires select,  
And lineally derived from Angel's race.  
And as much as the one do govern the body, so much the other do the mind: wherein it is to be considered, that some are of opinion, how at the instant of the conception of a child, or rather, more effectually at the instant of his birth, the conceived sperm, or the tender body doth receive such influence of the heavens as then reigneth over that place where the conception or birth is made; and all the Stars and virtual places of the Celestial Orbs participating of the qualities of the seven planets; according to the which they are distributed into so many Classes, or the compounds of them, it cometh to pass that according to the variety of the several aspects of the one and of the other, there are various inclinations and qualities in men's bodies, but all reduced to seven general heads, and the Compounds of them; which being to be varied innumerable ways, causeth as many different effects, yet the influence of some one planet continually predominating: but when the matter in the woman's womb is capable of a soul to inform it, than God sendeth one from heaven into it.  
— Eternal God.  
In Paradise whilom did plant this flower,  
Whence he it setcht out of her native place,  
And did in stock of earthly flesh enrace.  
And this opinion the Author expresseth himself more plainly to be of, in another work, where he saith,  
There She beholds with high aspiring thought,  
The Cradle of her own Creation.  
Amongst the seats of Angels, heavenly wrought.  
Which whether it hath been created ever since the beginning of the world, and reserved in some fit place until due time, or be created upon the Emergent, occasion no man can tell; but certain it is, that it is immortal, according to that I said when I spoke of the Circle, which hath no ending, and an uncertain beginning.  
The messengers to convey which soul into the body, are the Intelligences that move the Orbs of heaven, who according to their several natures do communicate unto it several proprieties, and they who are governors of those Stars that have at that instant, the superiority in the Planetary aspects; whereby it cometh to pass that in all inclinations, there is much affinity between the soul and the body, being that the like is between the Intelligences and the Stars, both which communicate their virtues to each of them. And these Angels being, as I said before, of nine several Hierarchies, there are so many principal differences in humane souls, which do participate most of their proprieties with whom in their descent they make longest stay, and that had most active power to work upon them, and accompanied them with a peculiar Genius; which is according to their several governments like the same kind of water that running through various conduits, wherein several aromatical and odoriferous things are laid, doth acquire several kinds of taste and smells; for it is supposed, that in their first Creation all souls are alike, and that their differing proprieteis arrive unto them afterwards, when they pass through the spheres of the governing Intelligences; so that by such their influence it may truly be said,  Nine was the Circle set in heaven's place. 
Which verse by assigning his office to the nine, and the proper place of the Circle, doth give much light to what is said before.  
And for further confirmation that this is he Author's opinion, read attentively the sixth Canto of the third book, where most learnedly and at large, he delivereth the Tenets of this Philosophy; and of that, I recommend to you to take particular notice of the second, and thirty second Stanza's, and also of the last staff of his Epithalamium; and surveying his works, you shall find him a constant disciple of Plato's School.  All which compacted, made a goodly Diapase, 
In nature there is not to be found a more complete and more excellent concordance of all parts, then that which is between the compaction and uniting together of the body and soul of man, both which although they consist of many and most differing faculties and parts, yet when they keep due time with one another, do altogether make the most perfect harmony that can be imagined; and as the nature of sounds, (that consist of friendly consonants and accords) is to mingle with one another, and to slide into the care with much sweetness, where by their unity they last a long time, and delight it; whereas on the contrary side, discords do continually jar, and fight together, and will not mingle with one another, but all of them striving to have the victory, their reluctation and disorder giveth a soon end to their sounds, which strike the ear in a harsh and offensive manner, and they die in the very beginning of their conflict. In like sort, when a man's actions are regular, and that being directed towards God, they become like the lines of a Circle which all meet in the Centre, than his music is excellent and complete, and all together are the Authors of that blessed harmony which maketh him happy in the glorious vision of God's perfections, wherein the mind is filled with high knowledges and most pleasing contemplations, and the senses are as it were drowned with eternal delight; and nothing can interrupt this joy, this happiness which is an everlasting Diapase: whereas on the contrary part, if a man's actions be disorderly and consisting; of discord, which is when the sensitive part rebelleth and wrestleth with the rational, and striveth to oppress it, than this Music is spoiled and instead of eternal life, pleasure, and joy, it causeth perpetual death, horror, pain, and misery, which unfortunate estate the Poet describeth elsewhere, as in the conclusion of this staff he intimateth. The other happy one, which is the never failing reward of such an obedient body, and etherial and virtuous mind, as he maketh to be the seat of the bright Virgin Alma, man's worthiest inhabitant, Reason; her I feel to speak within me, and to chide me for my bold attempt, warning me to stray no further: for what I have said, (considering how weakly it is said) your Commandment is all that I can pretend in excuse; but since my desire to obey may as well be seen in a few lines, as in a large discourse, it were indiscretion in me to trouble you with more words, and to discover unto you more of my ignorance. I will only beg pardon of you for this blotted and interlyned paper, whose contents are so mean, that it cannot deserve the pains of a transcription, which if you make difficulty to grant unto it for my sake, let it obtain it for having been yours, and now returning again to you, as also doth the book that containeth my text which yesterday you sent me, to fit this part of it with a Comment: which peradventure I might have performed better, if either I had afforded myself more time, or had had the convenience of some other books apt to quicken my invention, to whom I might have been beholding, for enlarging my understanding in some things that are treated here, although the application should still have been my own; with these two helps, peradventure I might have dived farther into the Author's intention, the depth of which cannot be sounded by any that is less learned than he was. But I persuade myself very strongly, that in what I have said, there is nothing contradictory to it; and that an intelligent and well read man, proceeding upon my grounds, might compose a worthy and true Commentary upon this Theme; upon which, I wonder how I stumbled, considering how many learned men have failed in the interpreting of it, and have all approved my opinion at the first hearing it: but it was fortune that made me to light upon it, when first this Stanza was read unto me for an undissoluble riddle: and the same discourse that I made upon it, the first half quarter of an hour that I saw it, I send it you here, without having reduced it to any better form, or added any thing at all unto it; which I beseech you receive benignly, as coming from  
Your Most affectionate Friend and humble Servant, Kenhelm Digby.   

Master Gargrave to the Lord Davers.  
MY very good Lord, I have heretofore many times both sent and written to you touching the insupportable burden of wrong which hath many years lain upon my shoulders, but you were not pleased to return me any answer for my satisfaction therein: my opinion at the first, was, that it was merely the respect of some, whom you would not, or might not offend, that you suffered your name to be used by others to wound and afflict me in my estate: to which so fair an opinion, I was induced partly by ancient Judgement of your honourable disposition, partly and much rather by the privity of my heart, which ever constantly affected a good correspondency with you every way. But since now this oppression which I suffer, hath had its continuance so many years without relaxation, in which I smart beyond all example, and the admiration of the world hath concurred with my sense of so great a bitterness from so near Allies; I cannot but to my grief and wonder observe your too much either consent or connivency to these my harms, which before I have not easily suffered my thoughts to admit; wherein if I have not mistaken your Lordship's interest, I have yet conceived hope, that although you had in the beginning a just ground to make the feel the weight of your displeasure and alienation from me, yet that the sufferance of so many years, and such a sufferance under pretence of Justice, as can hardly be paralleled, might yet at the last, have satiated a very deeply intended revenge, much more satisfied a moderate mind possessed with Honour or Religion, as I conceive your Lordships to be. Herein, after a various agitation in myself, I am enforced to honour the wonderful providence of God, who hath pleased to convert the affinity which I affected with your Noble house, for my comfort and assistance, to my ruin; and that in the bosom of our nearest and dearest friendship, should breed so intestine a hatred, as should tend to the overthrow of my credit, wealth, lands, liberty, house, wife, and children, and all those comforts which should either support or sweeten the life of man.  
Wherefore I have adventure after so long silence, to mind your Lordship of this my unfortunate estate, wherein I rather die then live, whereunto I have been so long since precipitated by your Lordship's countenance, as I hope, pretended only by the instruments of my mischief to proceed from you; that if now your Lordship shall think i● enough that I have so many years, so many ways endured the crosses of so high a nature, and can be induced to affect a reparation, or at least a determination of those injuries which undeservedly have been heaped upon me, I may yet at length conclude this Tragedy of my life passed with some comfortable fruit of that love and kindness which at the first I aimed at in seeking your Lordship's Alliance, and which I endeavoured to deserve for the continuance, and which after so long intermission, I shall think myself happy to enjoy, if so be your Lordship shall out of your charitable consideration think my motion to concur with my desire▪ that I may not be enforced to advance my complaint further, which I wish may be prevented by this my Expostulation, springing from the sense of so great and intolerable a misery wherein I languish every day.   

A Declaration of Ferdinand Infanta of Spain. 5 July, 1636.  
Unto all those to whom this present Writing shall come, greeting.  
FRance having contrary to reason and justice moved and maintained War in the States of the Emperor, and of my Lord the King, given extraordinary Succours both of men and money, to their rebellious subjects; procured the Swedes to invade the Empire▪ received and bought of them the Towns of Alsatia, a d other hereditary Countries of our most Royal House, not sparing the Catholic League itself, which had taken Arms for no other end but for the good of Religion. And it being notorious, that the same France, (after all these public and manifest contraventions to the Treaties of Peace) hath finally proceeded to a breach thereof: whereas we rather had cause to denounce the War, in that she hath sent her Armies to overrun the Low Countries, the Duchy of Milan, and other Feoffs of the Empire in Italy, and now lately the Country of Burgundy; contrary to the Laws of Neutrality, contrary to the Public Faith, and contrary to the express promises of the Prince of Conde: Disguising in the mean time, these attempts and breaches of Faith before all Christendom, with certain weak pretexts and false surmises, contained in divers Declarations, approved in the Parliament of France; and accompanying all these unjust proceed with sundry Insolences, Calumnies and Contempts of sacred persons. And having also observed, that this so long continence of ours at so manifold injuries hath served to no other purpose, but to make our enemies more audacious and insolent, and that the compassion we have had of France hath drawn on the ruin of those whom God had put under the obedience of their Majesties: For these considerations, according to the power which we have received from his Imperial Majesty, we have commanded our Armies to enter into France, with no other purpose then to oblige the King of France to come to a good & secure Peace, for removing those impediments, which may hinder this so great a good. And for as much as it principally concerneth France to give end to these disorders, we are willing to believe that all the Estates of that Kingdom will contribute not only their remonstrances, but also if need be, their forces to dispose their King to Chastise those who have been the Authors of all these Wars, which these seven or eight years past have been in Christendom; and who after they have provoked and assailed all their neighbours, have brought upon France all those evils which she doth now suffer, and draw on her those other which do now threaten her. And although we are well informed of the weakness and devisions, into which these great disorders and evil counsels have cast her; yet we declare, that the intentions of their Mastjesties, are not to serve themselves of this occasion to ruin her, or to draw from thence any other profit, then by that means to work a Peace in Christendom, which may be stable and permanent.  
For these reasons, and withal to show what Estimation their Majesties do make of the prayers of the Queen Mother of the most Christian King, we do give to understand, that we will protect and treat as friends all those of the French Nation, who either jointly or severally shall second these our good designs; and have given Order that Neutrality shall be held with those of the Nobility, and with the Towns which shall desire it, and which shall refuse to assist those who shall oppose the good of Christendom, and their own safety; against whom shall be used all manner of hostility, without giving quarter to their persons, or sparing either their houses or goods. And our further will is, that all men take notice that it is the resolution of their Majesties not to lay down Arms, till the Queen Mother of the most Christian King be satisfied and contented, till the Princes, unjustly driven out of their estates, be restored; & till they see the assurances of peace more certain then to be disturbed by him who hath violated the treaties of Ratisbone, & others made before, and since he hath had the managing of the affairs of France. Neither do we pretend to draw any other advantage from the good success, which it shall please God to give unto our just prosecutions, then to preserve & augment the Catholic Religion, to pacify Europe, to relieve the oppressed, and to restore to every one that which of right belongeth unto him.  
Given at Mentzes, the fifth of July. 1636.  
FINIS.   

An Alphabetical Table of the most Remarkable Things.  

A  
AGnus Dei 38  
Alchemy 75  
Koran false, because not to be disputed 194  
Alfons. d'Este turns Capuchin. 243.  
Ancre marquis would get the Duchy of Alencon and Constable's Office into his hands, in arere to the Crown of France for 80000 pounds 195  
Anderson Edmund 73  
Anne of Bullen Queen of England sues to King Henry, that her enemies may not be her accusers and Judges, protests her innocence, declares the causes of the King's change, begs the lives of her brother, and the other Gentlemen, 9, 10  
Archbishop of Dublin affronted by the Friars 241  
Ashton Sir Walter 130, 132, 138, 139  
Austria House 114   

B.  
Bacon Sir Nicholas, Lord Keeper, 69. Antony & Francis friends to the Earl of Essex, 32. Francis after Lord Verulam, & Viscount St. Alban, his discourses to the Earl concerning Ireland, 42, 43, etc. concerning Tyrone, 44. his huge opinions of the Earl of Essex 45 46 47. against the Subsidy in Parliament; how 54 68 makes ways to get into King James his favour, 56 58. expostulates with, and advises Sir Edward Cook 60 61. expostulates with Sir Vincent Skinner 66. would be Solicitor 68 69 71. his good services to the Crown 72 See Bodley Sir Thomas.  
Balsac impudently abuseth King James and Qu. Elizabeth, 198, 199. flatters the French King grossly 200 201  
Barbarians of old placed justice and felicity in the sharpness of their swords 47  
Bavaria Duke linked with the House of Austria 135. designed Elector of Rhine 113. seizeth part of the Palatinate 131  
Bevayr Chancellor of France discharged, complains to the King to the Government, 193 194 195 196. Commanded to discharge an account for 80000 li. 195. ha● no other fauls, but that he is an honest man 196  
Bishops, in what manner parts of the Commonwealth 5. submitted to Kings 6. chief against the Mass 233. too remiss 185  
Bodeley Sir Thomas against Sir Francis Bacon's new Philosophy 74 75 76. For settled opinions and Theorems 76 77 78  
Bovillon Duke 37 198  
Bristol Earl. See Digby Lord.  
Brograve Attorney of the Duchy, 69  
Broke George 79 80  
Brunswic Christian Duke 148  
Buckingham Duke chosen Chancellor of Cambridg 213. unkindness between him and Bristol. 151. and Olivarez, ibid. murdered 220. See Charles King.  
Burleigh Lord for Kings, and against usurpation 136   

C  
Caecil Sir Robert after Earl of Salisbury, in France 36. a friend to Sir Francis Bacon 69 70  
Caesar d' Este Du. of Modena 243  
Calvinists dangerous 112  
Cambridg, differences betwixt the Town and University 223  
Car Earl of Somerset 86  
Carlo Don Infant of Spain 126  
Carlo Alessandro of Modena 243  
Carlton Sir Dudley Ambassador in the Low Countries 145  
Charon Sir Noel Ambassador in England from the Low Countries 92 93  
Cassal S. Va● beleaguered by the Spaniard 239  
Causes of conscience growing to be faction 38  
Charles King of great Britain, engagement of his person in Spain, cause why things were not carried on to the height 15●  
See Gregory Pope  
His piety and care toward the Hugonots of France 206. acknowledged by them after the loss of Rochel 208 209. his opinion of the Duke of Buckingham 214 215. A great lover of the University of Cambridg, 220 223. Will rule according to the Laws, will give the Judges leave to deliver and bail prisoners according to Magna Charta and the Statutes, 231. forbids hearing of Mass 232. careful to root out Papistry in Ireland 242. commands the house in Dublin to be pulled down where the Friars appeared in their habits 241  
Charles the Fifth 145  
Church Orders by K. James, 193 of England, its service damnable by the Pope's decree 40  
Clergy where punished 6  
Cleves and Juliers pretended to, 123 124  
Clifford Sir Coniers 42  
Coeur Marques 240  
Coke Sir Edward disgraces Sir Francis Bacon 60. described 62 63  
College of Dublin 52  
Colomma Don Carlo 152  
Commission for the Deputies place of Ireland 13. for delivery of Vlushing Bril, etc. 92 93. of union of the Kingdoms 72  
Conde Prince 204 254  
Conscience not to be forced 51  
Considerations touching the service in Ireland 49 50  
Constable of France, the Office intended to be taken away by Henry the Great 195  
Cornwallis Sir Charles Ambassador in Spain 95  
Cottington Sir Francis, after Lord 130  
Critory Secretary of France 38  
Custom of Spain to give notice of visits 120   

D  
Danish King 94 148 149  
Davers Lord 253  
Davison Secretary in disgrace 22 See Essex Earl.  
Defiance to the Emperor Maximilian from the Grand Seignieur 12  
Deputy of Ireland his power 13 14  
Desmond Earl dissembles dutifulness 18. his Rebellion 45  
Digby Lord after Earl of Bristol, in Spain, treats concerning the Match, 117 118 119 120 121, etc. zealous for it, 138 139 140 142 Sir Kenhelm 240 244. See Fairy Queen.  
Directions for preaching 184, etc.  
Discipline, See Presbytery.  
Disloyalty, the doom of it seldom adjourned to the next world, 46   

E  
Egerton Sir Thomas Lord Ellesmere and Lord Chancellor, a friend to the Earl of Essex 27 87 to Sir Francis Bacon 71 sues to be discharged 87 88 89  
Elizabeth Queen of England comforts the Lady Norris 10 11 her care for Ireland 5 16 50. cast not off her creatures slightly, 32. Questions the Earl of Essex in the Star Chamber unwillingly and forced 32 33. Her Government in things Ecclesiastical, she will not force men's consciences, 38 39 40. her dealing with Papists 39 See Walsingham Sir Francis. Gives stipends to preachers 52  
Essex Earl, a lover of Secretary Davison 20 21, etc. would bring him again into favour, 22 25. writes to King James in his defence 23. to the Queen, being less graced and discontented, 25 26. will not approve the Chancellor's advice, 29. suddenly before his Rebellion, Religious 35   

F  
Fairy Queen, the 22d Staff of the ninth Canto of the second Book discoursed of by Sir Kenhelm Digby 244 etc.  
Faulkland Viscount Lord Deputy of Ireland 235 236. Petitions the King for his son imprisoned in the Fleet 242  
Ferdinand the second will not restore the Palatine 112 113 etc. ai●s to settle the Empire perpetually in the house of Austria, 113. abuses K. James, 113 115 116 146 his Armies in Italy 234 235  
Ferdinand Infanta of Spain 254  
Feria Duke 102  
Fitzwilliams Sir William 42  
Frederic father 123  
Frederic the 2d Palatine 146 147  
Frederic the fifth, driven out of his estates 112 113 116. will not quit the electorate nor submit 145. see 198  
French, the estate of things in the minority of Lewis the thirteenth 195. authority of the French King ibid.  
French Kings reverence the exhortations of Popes as much as the Commands of God 213   

G  
Gabor Bethlem Prince of Transylvania 113 l46  
Gage employed at Rome 129 130  
Giron Don Hernando 130  
Gondomar Conde 130  
Gregory the 15 puts the Inquisitor General of Spain upon it to gain the Prince of Wales to the Church of Rome, fearful of his stay in the Spanish Court 210 unreasonable in the business of the dispensation 130  
Groillart Claude Precedent of the Parliament of Rhoan 36  
Guise Duke 240   

H  
Heretics abuse Scripture 2  
Hall Bishop of Exeter 229  
Harrington Sir Henry 18  
Heidelberg taken by the Spaniards 127  
Henry the 8 writes to the Clergy of York in defence of his title, Caput Ecclesiae 1 2 3 4 5 etc.  
Henry the 4 of France 36  
Hessen Landgrave Philip 145  
Homily books 184  
Hoskins Sir Thomas 59  
Hugonots of France acknowledge many obligations to Charles King of great Britain 204 205 Persecuted 205 206   

I  
Jacynthus father 109 112  
Jagerndorf, Brandenburg, marquis John Georg 116  
James King of great Britain described 59 will take care of London 81 yields up Vlushing etc. 94 95 his fairness to the Spanish King 100 101. will not make Cambridge a City, his care of the University 105. Endeavours to appease the Bohemian tumults 113 Offers Conditions to the Emperor on the behalf of the Palatine 114. his Propositions to the Palatine 143 144. acknowledged Protector of the German Protestants 149. his directions concerning Preachers 183. makes Romano Martyrs 199  
Janin Precedent of the Parliament of Paris 195  
Infantasque Duke 98  
Inquisition of Spain 97  
Instructions to Sir John Perot Deputy of Ireland 15 16  
By King Charles for the University of Cambridg 227  
Ireland in what condition in Sir  
John Perots time 16 17 18  
In the beginning of King Charles 235 236 237 238 239  
Irish delight in change 17. barbarous 46. murder, theft etc. legal with them 51. renegadoes in Spain 100 101  
Isabel Clara Eugenia Infanta of Spain 127 128  
Isabel Infanta of Savoy 243  
Isidore Spanish Saint 125 126  
Italians dangerous to France 195 196  
Justinian made Laws concerning the Clergy 5   

K  
Kings, no man above them 6. like the Sun 36. of France and Spain 198   

L  
Lady of Antiochia 125  
Laws of England most jealous for the safety of her Kings 85  
Leicester Earl out of favour, turns religious 31  
Lecturers dangerous 186  
Lerma Duke in the life of Phil. the third moves the Spanish Match 117 etc. 121  
Lincoln Bishop Lord Keeper 190  
Lisle Viscount after Earl of Leicester, governor of Vlushing etc. 93  
Loans denied the King 182  
London sometime the chamber of her Kings 81  
Lovis the thirteenth in his minority 123 etc. enters Rochel 203. see Urbane Pope  
Lovure of France the prison of her King 194  
Low Countries 149  
Luenza Don John 126   

M  
Mac Frogh Phelim 237  
Magic 75  
Magog a renegado Irishman guilty of thirteen murders 101  
Manchester Earl 225  
Manheim besieged 127  
Mansfield Count 116 131  
Married men seven years older the first day 71  
Mantua Duke 204 234. defended by the French and Venetians 239  
Maria Donna Infanta of Spain 126 133 134. deserved well of the Prince of Wales 140  
Gives over learning English 151  
Match with France 117 118. with Spain 117 118 119 120 121 122 123. never intended by the Spaniards 133  
Mathews Sir Toby 67  
May Sir Humphrey 226  
Merchants in Spain, see Spaniard's  
Merit is worthier them fame 47  
Monmorencie Duke 195  
Monpensier Duke 36  
Montauban in rebellion 204  
Monteri Spanish Ambassador 210  
Mountjoye Lord, after Earl of Devon 35 36  
Munster in Ireland marked for the Spanish invasions 17   

N  
Nevers Duke, see Mantua Duke.  
Newburgh Duke 147  
Norfolk Duke sues to the Queen for his life. 11  
Norris Sir Thomas, 17. Sir John 42. Sir Francis 89  
Northumberland Earl 58, 59  
Nottingham Countess 95   

O  
Oath of Supremacy, why urged 39  
Odonnel 44  
Ognate Spanish Ambassador at Rome 240  
Oleron Island 203  
Olivarez Conde 130 131 139 Contrives to compose the Palatine differences without the Match. 135  
Order submitting the Town of Cambridge to the University 223  
See Charles King.  
Ordination of Priests, etc. how to be 187  
Ormond Earl 42 44 45  
Ossuna Duke 125 126   

P  
Palatinate a motive of the Spanish match 129 134. Without which the Kings of England will do nothing 136 138 141 143 151. Dismembered 147  
Parliaments tumultuous 229 230  
Pastrana Duke 142  
Patent for the Admiralty of Ireland 90  
Perez Don Antonio Secretary to Philip the Second of Spain 100  
Perrot Sir John Deputy of Ireland 13. His care of that Kingdom 17  
Philip the Second of Spain transplants whole Families of the Portugese 51  
Philip the Third of Spain upon his deathbed 125, etc.  
Philip's Sir Robert 155. Francis his brother ibid.  
Physic modern 75  
Pius Quintus his Excommunication of the Queen because of the Rebellion in the North 39  
Polander defeats the Turks 198  
Pope not more holy then S. Peter, 8 Tyranny of Pope's 29  
Powder plot 67  
Pretence of conscience 38  
Preachers, Licences to preach 183 Directions for preaching 184  
Presbytery as mischievous to private men as to Princes, 41.  
See Puritan.  
Priesthood how to be honoured 4 5  
Princes to be obeyed, and by whom, ibid. by Christ's Law 7. Supreme Heads 5. Driven out, must not give their Usurpers too long time to establish themselves 147  
Privy Seal for transporting of Horse 217  
Puritans in the time of Queen Elizabeth 40. Would bring Democracie into the Church, promise impossible wonders of the Discipline 41. Fiery, Rebellious, contemn the Magistrate, ibid. Feared, not without cause, by King James 193   

Q  
Quadrivials 75   

R  
Ranelagh in Ireland 237  
Raleigh Sir Walter 85, 86  
Ree Island 203  
Rich Baronness sister to Essex, writes to the dishonour of the Queen and advantage of the Earl 32  
Richardson Chief Justice of the Bench 228  
Richer forced by Richlieu, recants his opinions against the Papal Supremacy over Kings 196  
Richlieu Cardinal greatly solicitous for the English Roman Catholics 197  
Rochel 200. in what condition at the surrender 202 203. Fifteen thousand dye of the famine ibid.  
Rohan Duchess in Rochel during the siege 202. Duke 204 206 208 210  
Romish Priests seduce the subjects from their obidience, their practices against the Queen's sacred person 39 40  
Roman Catholick●● sue to King James at his entrance for toleration 82 83. great lovers of him the only good subjects (witness the Mine then plotted) 82 their Religion upon their own words 83 84  
Russel Sir William 237  
Ruthuen, after Lord Ruthuen unhandsomely used by the Earl of Northumberland 106 107   

S  
St. John Oliver against Taxes contrary to Magna Charta, etc. would not have Oaths violated in which the divine Majesty is invocated, fearful of the Arch-Bishops Excommunication 160  
Saxony Elector 114  
Scandal what 97  
Scriptures how to be expounded 2 3  
Seminaries blossom 39 in Ireland seditious, appear in their habits 240 241  
Serita Don John 125  
Sin immortal to respect any of the English Church 101  
Southampton Earl 58  
Spaniards design upon Ireland 17 spoil base Bologne, 37. lose their Apostles, 47. wrong and oppress the English Merchants, 97 98 99 102 103. suits in Spain immortal, ibid. give pensions to the Irish renegadoes, 100 101. unreasonable in the business of the Match, 127 137 146. swear and damn themselves, yet never intended it 132 etc. their unworthy sleights to make K James jealous of the Prince and others, 152 153. oppose the rights and succession of the Duke of Nevers to Mantua and Montferrat, 234 lose their silver Fleet, poor, 240  
Spencer Edmund, see Fairy Queen his worth and Learning, 45 252  
Spinola Marques 198 199  
Spiritualia how to be taken 5 6  
Stanley Sir William 18  
Superstition worse than Atheism, 160  
Supreme Head the King's Title, 1: 2, etc. 39   

T  
Tilly Count 131  
Toirax Governor of the Fort in the I'll of Ree 201  
Toledo Cardinal 123  
Toleration of Religion in Ireland necessary 52  
Treason of the Papists in the clouds 40 cannot beget f●ir passions 86  
Treaty with Tyrone 43 44. of Brussels 127 128  
Trimoville Duke 37  
Turks against the Pander 198  
Tyrone 43 44 101   

V  
Valette Cardinal 197  
Venetians side with the Mantovan 239 240  
Villeroye Secretary of France 195  
Urban the Eight encourages Lovis the Thirteenth to fall upon the Hugonots, 211 212. against the Spaniards 240  
Usurpers exhalations 37   

W  
Wallop Sir Henry has ill Offices done him to the Queen 19  
Walsingham Sir Francis his reasons why the Queen sometimes restrains and punishes the Puritans 38  
Warham Archbishop of Canterbury 98  
Warrants of the Queen to the Lords of Ireland, at the going over of Sir John Perot 14 15  
Weston Sir Ridhard Chancellor of the Exchequer, after L. Treasurer, and Earl of Portland. 128  
Wilks Sir Thomas 36 37  
Willoughby Lord, 90  
Winchester Bishop 189  
Words are to be construed to make truth 8   

Y  
Yeluerton Sir Henry censured in the Starchamber, 107 108 109  
Ynoiosa marquis, 152. his base carriage to King James 153   

Z.  
Zunige Don Balthasar 109 112, etc. 130   
FINIS.