Sedition Scourged, OR A VIEW OF THAT Rascally & Venomous PAPER, ENTITLED, A Charge of High-Treason exhibited against OLIVER CROMWELL, Esq for several Treasons by him committed.  
LONDON, Printed by Hen. Hills, for Rich. Baddeley, within the Middle-Temple Gate, 1653.   

Sedition Scourged, OR, A View of that Rascally and Venomous Paper, Entitled, A Charge of High Treason, exhibited against Oliver Cromwell, Esq etc.  
THE Invention of Printing was doubtless at the first one of the most laudable and profitable discoveries that could have been made by man. By it Letters, which had long been under the rubbish of Barbarism, were restored to their former lustre, and conveyed through Europe; by it the Gospel, sullied and blemished by the corruptions of Popery, (God in his wisdom so ordaining) after it was a little more purely taught, became to be dispersed, maugre Rome, and her Superstitions; by it there is not only better communication of knowledge for the present, but greater hopes of preserving it for the future: And yet so unlucky hath it been, that since the mystery of it grew common, and the permission in a manner general, it hath been a pestilent Midwife to these accursed brats, Error in the Church, and Sedition in the State. Nor indeed if a man may dare to speak it, are the Governors themselves wholly blameless for such inconveniences. For Printing being ever accounted among the Regalia of every Government, as well as Coining, etc. it should be looked on with such a jealous and strict eye; there should be such a circumspect care of prevention, and such painful pursuance of misdemeanours, as would be required against the most dangerous crimes. For Libelling (which is never better assisted than by this way) hath not only abroad in all ages found its several severities, but, even at home, is Felony at Common Law, Cooks Instit. part. 3. chap. 76. for it may not only ruin the reputation of a private man, but introduce tumult and combustion in the State itself. And if the inward man be once disturbed, the outward will be, and if the imagination be troubled, the hands will soon be at work.  
But I have digressed in the very beginning, though I think not so far, but that those that neglect it, may find the inconveniences.  
Amongst the other things which have been spawned in this age, both to the dishonour of our Maker, and the disturbance of mankind, there was lately published; and (as much as lay in them) dispersed, a piece of Paper, with this title,  
A Charge of High Treason against Oliver Cromwell Esq for several Treasons by him committed.  
A Paper so sottishly impudent, and so ridiculously malicious, that were but the generality of the people in their senses, and not mad with desire of novelty and prepossession, it were so unworthy the taking notice of, that there were no greater confutation of it, than to read it. But since that it happens in matters of this nature, that by the privatness of dispersion, and withal their aiming at great and eminent persons, they are conceived to contain in themselves somewhat considerable and of important consequence, I thought it worth my pains to give it a perusal, and not to let it bark without a whip at the tail. For though Bridewell, and the Pillory, may teach the Offenders, and the Fire the Papers, yet it is only Reason that can encounter their Folly; and sober Debate that must overthrow their Madness.  
And since the thing talks big, and threatens an impeachment of High-Treason, we shall take the pains once for all to teach him what it is, and show him how much he misses of his aim and application.  
Treason, Crimen laesae Majestatis, as they say, or any offence, which aiming secretly at the lives of the Supreme Governors for the time being, or at the Government itself, was in the several times made Capital, but ever varied and altered according to the variations and turns of Government. That which concerned the Generality of Government, as Coining of money, killing of a Justice upon the Bench, etc. which concerns the very being of the public peace, remaining firm, the other movable and alterable, as for Example, by the 25. of Edw. 3. chap. 2. confirmed and quoted by many other Statutes, 'tis Treason to compass the death of the King, Queen, or Prince; This the Act of July the seventeenth 1649. expressly repeals, enacting it Treason to do any thing against the form of the Commonwealth; but for Coining, etc. of money, confirms it. Nor indeed does this want its reason, for the persons and Governments determining, and ceasing, their protections also cease, and consequently the obedience in the Subject. For how can a man offend against a thing that is not in being? but for those material Supporcers of Government, that is to say, for preserving the Laws, traffic among the people, and the like, they are things so necessary and immutable, that if they once change or perish, a whole nation changes or perishes with them, whereas for the outward form of Government, it hath its several changes and shapes, according to the variation of times, and revolution of circumstances.  
We shall have occasion to apply this in the following Discourse; to say only thus much for the present, that the Lord General, according to your own positions, hath done nothing against the Act of Edw. 3. and according to the positions of Reason, as little against the Act of July 1649. for he only changed the Governors, but the form of the Republic itself is preserved, and by this means established. So that here we find him not to be so great a Traitor, but I believe upon view of the whole, a person quite the contrary.  
For the People whom he calls Lords, he must be taught, that though the people be the primary cause of Government, and the End thereof, and may by their consent, or disapprobation, either ratify or vacate any form thereof, yet for the administration and execution of Government, it's a thing the practice whereof is not feasible by the people and the effects of it, if it were endeavoured, would be monstrous beyond all imagination. For to imagine that all the people of this Nation, of so many different humours, interests, and parties, would consult together as a few men, is as impossible as that all the letters of a Printing-house carelessly cast abroad, should without any other assistance compose this Book. But if the people be the end of Government, that which most aims at the good of the people, comes the nearest that end; and sans the people in regard of the variety of humours, can neither well determine, nor consent about the circumstances of their own safety, he certainly doth a very laudable action, that turns doubtful emergencyes, and dangerous junctures of time, into their advantage; It is as true as any thing that is said, Salus Populi Suprema Lex; but to continue on the Metaphor, 'tis the Physician, that is to say, The Wise man in power, that must be the Judge, not the patiented, that is to say, the Multitude, in danger. So that by priority of cause we find the People Lords Remote, and Lords intended, but secondarily and in effect, we find the Governors' Lords effective, and executive, the Being of the one being Metaphysical and abstracted, the Being of the other natural and active. So that whoever offends against the Magistrate in being, trespasses against the People themselves, in the person of their Magistrates, the Majesty of the Magistrate being so joined and allied to the majesty of the people, that as the Statuary did his own picture in Minerva's, in such a manner, that if there were the least injury offered to his, it would also blemish that of the Goddess; even so, whoever blemishes a Governor, blemishes also the people governed, Governors being the understanding, the discourse, and the defence of the people.  
But of all men he hath certainly made a very indiscreet choice in fixing upon this person whom he hath chosen, a man, that as he hath already acquired the Reputation of one of the greatest Captains of his time, or, for any thing I know, that ever was, so doubtless he will send down to Posterity a name as dear and venerable for the Love of his Country as any man of any nation. The hazards and exploits which he did in the first War are very well known, though God had not at that time lifted him up to this eminency, yet he that had seen him at Marston. Moor would have said our liberties were not a little obliged to him. Wonderful was the presence of God with him at the defeat of Hamilton; And when once our liberty was restored, since we could not defend ourselves without offending, how soon he over ran Ireland and Scotland with his Conquests, is unnecessary to tell here, when all Europe stands amazed at it. Yet even this man, that in all the Offices both of a Citizen and a Soldier hath given such faithful devoirs to his Country, while he is covered with laurels, and makes us enjoy the real fruit of his victories, must have his Soul pierced and transfixed through with all the venomous ugly slanders that the Devil can put into the mouth of a cankered malice.  
But general returns are like general criminations, such as will neither satisfy nor fasten. To lay open therefore the importunate malice of this rascally paper, and withal the better to detect the vanity and insufficiency of his pretences, you may take it thus, with some brief animadversions, because the main things he insists on we have answered before, and for the form of it, we shall not much trouble ourselves, since it is as easy, villainously to frame a Libel in the form of an Indictment, as it is Atheistically, in the form of a Catechism. Examples of both which we have had within these few days.  

A Charge of High Treason exhibited against Oliver Cromwell, Esq for several Treasons by him committed.  
FOr that he the said Oliver Cromwell not having the fear of God before his eyes, but being instigated by the Devil, did Traitorously and villainously by force of Arms, dissolve the late Parliament of the Lords the People of England, who they the said Parliament did represert as the Supreme Authority of the said Lords the people of England, and for that he the said Oliver Cromwell being a hired Servant to serve the Lords the people of England in the Conduct of them the said Lords the people of England's forces, against their enemies, of their the said People's Liberties, Rights, and Privileges, and notwithstanding the high trust reposed in him, the said Oliver Cromwell, so to do, yet the said Oliver traitorously conspired many times, before the said Oliver did dissolve the said Parliament, by force of Arms wickedly and traitorously, thereby to render the said Lords the people of England utterly uncapable for ever, to recover their Liberties, Just Rights, and Privileges, and did become Master of all the Strong holds, Arms, Forces, Magazines, Armies, Navyes, and made, and still doth make no other use of them, but to over-awe and force the Lords the people of England aforesaid, to an Obedience and Compliance to his the said Oliver Cromwell's Tyrannical will and pleasure, contrary to the intent of the trust reposed in him, and contrary to all the Solemn Engagements, and Declarations of him the said Cromwell, which did invite the foresaid Lords the people of England to a cheerful contribution of their assistance to the carrying on of the War against the Common Enemies of their Liberties, Just Rights, and Privileges: And further, that he the said Oliver Cromwell, did in an unheardof manner, summon and require upon great penalties, divers persons and members of the Lords the people of England, to take upon them the Supreme Authority of this Commonwealth, and accordingly upon the fourth of July they the aforesaid persons summoned by virtue of the aforesaid Traitor's summons did appear at White-Hall, in or nigh the City of Westminster in the County of Middlesex, where they received an Instrument of Parliament containing these words, I Oliver Cromwell do appoint you (meaning the aforesaid persons summoned by his wartant, to make their appearance there, and then as aforesaid, that is to say, on the 4. day of July 1653. at White Hall) to be the Supreme Authority of this Nation, and all Territories or Dominions thereunto belonging; and notwithstanding he the said Oliver in so doing did commit the highest of Treasons that could be committed; for that he the said Oliver did not entreat the Lords the people of England, to elect their Representative, according to their undubitable rights, and that he would with their Army, stand by them as Servants, as in duty he and they (viz. the Army) ought to have done; the which if they had done, their late act of dissolving the Parliament, had not been Treason, because they (viz. the late Parliament) contrary to their trust, endeavoured to make themselves perpetual, contrary to the Law of the Land, and the intent of the trust reposed in them, and after the so many demands by Petitions of the Lords the People, for them to surrender their power to a new Representative equally chosen; now for that the said Oliver Cromwell did not restore the people rights in Election, upon the dissolving of the Parliament, he hath made that to be Treason, which otherwise would not have been Treason.   
For the dissolution of the late Parliament, there hath been enough said to an fro about it, and it hath both by the Declaration of the Army, and other pieces writ, besides the Confession of the Grand Politic Informer himself, and this very Pamphleteer (though conditionally) as may appear by the last line of this Paragraph. The necessity of which thus appearing, I shall mention no otherwise, but only observe thus much, in passing, that it is not the dissolving of the late Parliament that sticks in their stomaches, for that they are satisfied well enough with, but they are unsatisfyed because the Nation is not turned wild into an irregular and dangerous Liberty, and consequently permitted either to return into new quarrels, or reduced under its former Tyranny. For certainly, no man would else, considering the different impressions that the late Civil Wartes have made upon the minds of the people, permit them to a choice of their own Governors, they being so divided and discomposed, as for the present they are, and working and being unquiet as the Sea after a storm.  
For the General being a hired Servant to the people of this Nation, 'tis very true, as well as every Magistrate; since in one Relation they are Servants, in another, Masters, Servants in Intention, Masters in Execution, since without Mastery they could not serve, and 'tis but the same thing under a different notion.  
For keeping of Arms in his hands, and preventing such an Extravagant Election, as the Pamphet aims at, is as much as to say in plain English, that he made choice of a very good way for the security of the people, and took care to put it in execution. For the former way being so dangerous, and the course chosen, which since was effected, and which we repent not of, it had been madness to have endeavoured an end, and yet neglected the means, or to say better, put the same means into other hands for contrary ends. And therefore since, if the people had made use of that freedom, there had been little reason to have trusted the elected, without great consideration of their persons and garbling, and that this was a business which could not be done but by a third power, it was rather thought fit, to stay, till he that can stop the raging of the Sea, would quiet the people's minds, to select some particular worthy persons, of good life and conscience, out of the several Counties, to that High and Supreme Trust.  
'tis also false, that they were summoned under great penalties, when the very Summons itself, I cannot tell how printed at that time, speaks little more than a bare Summons, or Intimation; And for the reason of delivering a Parchment sealed, there hath been so much said of that matter, in the Grand Politic Informer better Informed, p. 10, 11. that it is needless to transcribe any thing hither.  
When they were invested with this power, and begun to settle to the business, that is, advancing the Gospel in its purity, the Reglement of the Law, stating the Accounts of the Nation, and those corruptions which have infected all professions; they had turned their back from the Plough, if upon a few seditious addresses, of a rabble of Apprentices, and no body knows what, they had deserted so great a beneficial work, and to have suffered things to relapse into their former confusion.  
Before I have done with this Paragraph, I must needs admire the acumen of the man, who says that my Lord hath made that Treasonable, which otherwise would not have been Treason. This is a subtlety above Scotus himself, a Treason conditional, ex post facto, whereas our Law ever adjudges Treason out of the matter of fact itself, not by actions after the fact, and in moral things, the Act is judged good or bad according to present circumstantiation, not following contingencies or subsequent Actions. But look whither he hath brought himself; He grants the dissolving of the late Parliament not to be criminal, but only by consequence, which consequence is invalid, and so justifies the action, and so confutes all he had said before.  
But further, he the said Oliver Cromwell having not the fear of God before his eyes, and being instigated by the Devil, did contrive or caused to be contrived a certain book, called, A Copy of Draughts of Acts of Parliament, out of which this mock-Parliament are to take their lessons, and out of which the late Act of Marriages was taken, and in which is the invention of unheardof Cruel Torment aswell for those that offend or opppose him and his confederates in this unheardof Tyranny, as for the Transgressor's of the laws of Civil Societies.  
Par. 2. For this Book of the Laws which he talks of, he is to be acquainted, that My Lord General had not the least hand in that Book; for the late Parliament called a company of select Gentlemen together, to consider the abuses and corruptions of the Law. These Gentlemen, after long and patiented debate, found the reformation of a great many other things very needful, and according to the directions of the Parliament, drew up several means of redress, which were entered into a Book, and presented ready for debate, and what necessity there was for taking away some corruptions of the Law, not the Law itself, is a thing so visible that it needs not be insisted on.  
For the Act of Marriages which this man seems much to quarrel at, it would be known that marriage, being the means of the propagation of the people, and consequently of the continuance and preservation of Government, aught by all wise Statists to be looked upon as the greatest concernment of it, because that it being a means of succession, and the only direction of Inheritance, there depend so many formal circumstances on it, and so many inconveniences are prevented by a Public Solemnisation thereof, as there is scarce in any other thing belonging to a Commonwealth. And that this should be put into the hands of the Civil Magistrate, whose power Circa Sacra, we shall not now meddle with, is neither so strange nor ridiculous, since the essence of marriage being promised, and that promise fit to be known and registered in order to Legitimation, and prevention of stealths and carryings away, there cannot be any person fit than the Civil Magistrate. And we shall leave it proposed to the Divines, whether there be any thing in Scripture, or by direct consequence from Scripture, that restrains the Solemnisation of Marriages to the Ministry, but that it is rather a devise set a foot by the Popes, to enrich their Clergy, at the time that Christianity became to be clouded and infected with Superstition.  
And further, the said Cromwell hath by himself, and others, forced this mock-Parliament to take away the body of our Laws that hath been our Bulwark, and defence, and only weapons counted against absoluteness, to the end and intent that thereby the Lords the People of England, may be subject to the will, pleasures, and intended Tyranny of him the said Cromwell; All which considered, we humbly pray, the Lords the people of England, that Justice may be had against this abominable Traitor and Enemy to God and Mankind, Oliver Cromwell.  
Par. 3. This charge were a heavy one indeed if it were true, but 'tis so monstrously false, as there needs not much to be spoken unto it; for what benefit could the General make by alteration of the Laws, since in every action every man will propose to himself one thing or other? or where did he ever appear in any action or any debate tending this way? But to matter of fact; The laws (which he calls our Bulwark and defence) are so far from being taken away, that the superfluities and inconveniences, the tedious and vexatious proceed are only taken away, to as much prejudice to the life of the Law itself, as 'tis to purge a gross body of its noxious and corrupt humours.  
And to the end that this may be effected, it is desired, that upon the 16. of October 1653. being the next coming, that all the people of England would as one man, as well Master's Sons, as Servants, repair into every County Town, or some other convenient place within England and Wales, appear armed with such weapons of war as with conveniency they can, then and there to elect and choose such and so many persons as the people of the respective Counties, Cities and Boroughs, wont to choose to represent them in Parliament.  
And further we do hereby declare, that such of the Army as shall join in this our shaking off this yoke, shall be received into the favour of the Lords the people of England, and be continued in their trusts of Arms; for our Encouragement, we know this of old since man was placed upon the earth, that the triumphing of the wicked is but short, and the joy of the hypocrite but for a moment; for a long time their Tabernacle have only prospered, though they be robbers, and such as provoke God, and that make the upright man the greatest sufferer, yet for all this the multitude of their lies shall not make all men hold their peace.  
The close of this business shows the aim of the writer of it, that is to say, a double sedition, both of the People and Soldiery, so extravagant in the proposition to the people, that it hath produced no other effect, than the remembrance of the bare proposition of his folly; so foolish in that to the Soldiery, that it is not like to be entertained with any thing by them but laughter. For my part, to either of them, I have only this to say; That since it hath pleased the Lord to make his own arm bare, and to conduct us through all these changes and turns of Providence, into this estate of Liberty wherein we now stand; it behoves us as men following the meek and gentle doctrine of Christ himself, not only to walk in humility and obedience to the present powers, who are of God, but also to be duly and sincerely thankful to that hand which hath taken off from our necks that iron yoke of Monarchy. and put us into that condition of Liberty, which we and our posterity, if we can but know our own happiness, are likely, with God's blessing, to enjoy.  
The End.