A RELATION, Or an ACCOUNT of the Imperial Court, By SACREDO, a Noble Venetian-Senator.  
Given in an Oration made by him to the Doge (or Duke) of VENICE, in the Venetian Senate-House, of what things happened during the last War of the Emperor with the Turks, and during his Embassy to the Emperor, at his Return out of Germany to Venice.  
Done into English by T. G. Esq;  
LONDON, Printed for W. Crook at the Green Dragon without Temple-bar, and G. Wells at the Sun in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1685.   

TO MY TRULY NOBLE, AND WORTHY FRIEND Capt. William Legg.  
Honoured Sir,  
WHen I considered the Greatness of your Merit, and the suitable Character the World gives you, I was in doubt with myself whether I should adventure to dedicate this small Piece to you, had not I been well assured of its real worth.  
Your liberal and ingenuous Education, refined by your being bred up to Arms, and your Employment at Court, the two chief Schools of Experience (Advantages which by your Industry you have to the utmost improved) makes you the only Person I could at present think of as a fit Judge of it; and the only Person (having born a Public Character abroad) that I could believe could imitate or outdo our Author.  
You, as well as our Sacredo, have laid Foundations adapted to a future Greatness, and the excellent Qualifications and Perfections you are Master of, have made you sufficiently known to be an expert Soldier, and a complete Courtier, highly esteemed and beloved by all; so that when His Majesty shall think fit to raise you to a higher Station, you will sit easy: For you will have this Happiness added to the other you enjoy, to be Great, and not Envied.  
The Freedom you have allowed me, made me give you some small Account of my future Studies, and here you have the first Essay of it: And as you are pleased to afford a Diversion to the present Course of them, by an extraordinary Favour and Kindness to me, I shall endeavour to make up the Loss of Time by my future Diligence. Yet can any one be said to lose his Time, who is in the happy Occasion of an Example of so great Virtue, whose Care and Industry is so early, that it seems to outstrip the quickness of his Master's Bounty?  
All my aim in this my Dedication to you, is only as I have received great already, and am still in the opportunity of receiving greater Obligations from you; so I am in Gratitude and Duty bound publicly to own, and upon all occasions show myself,  
January 24, 1684/5 Honoured Sir, Your most faithful and most obedient Servant, Tho. Garfoote.   

THE English Translator's PREFACE TO THE READER.  
THIS small Piece was writ by that famous Minister of the Venetian State, Sacredo, whose Abilities have raised him co that high Degree, that he bename the present Duke of Vetice's Competitor. A Piece writ with that Care and Curiosity, that the Remarks are like that of Julius Caesar's concerning the fight of the Ancient Gauls: 
Heyl. Corm. l. 1. p. 148.  Lasting and permanent, and an indelible Character fixed upon their Posterity, and will continue as long as the Air they breath in, and the Earth they tread on. The Remarks are suited to the probable Inconveniencies that may attend for the Future, as well as the time he wrote in; the Imperial Armies, that I dare boldly say, the Imperial Officers need not have Recourse to a Council of War if they do but read this Book: Or at least, it will very much facilitate the Work. So as to give ready guesses at the true Reasons of the last Year's ill Success, and how it came to pass, that that Great and Magnanimous Prince, the present King of Poland, should appear Colossus-like, to bestride, not cross the Niester, and lessen and eclipse the radiant and resplendent Glories of his former Achievements.  
Nor can we wonder the same Causes should produce the same Effects. We live, I confess, in an intreaguing Age, and Policy, as well as all other Arts and Sciences is soaring to its highest Pitch; and however blindfold and groping in the Dark we may censure, repine and murmur at the Actions of great Princes abroad, as our present Humours or Affections lead us, a true and lasting Settlement of the Peace of Christendom, is a blessing rather to be wished than hoped for; and we must wait God's leisure  it be effected.  
And tho' we here in these Islands enjoy Peace, and have been preserved from utter Ruin and Destruction by Miracle as well as His Majesty; when as we might have been involved in as ill or worse Circumstances, than our Neighbour-Nations, is all entirely owing, next under God, to his Majesty's great Care, Prudence and Conduct.  
The Misfortunes of the present Times, are the Products and natural Results of the Miscarriages of an Age or two past. And it would a little sedate the Minds of Men, if they would seriously look upon (with due Reverence and Esteem) the great Goodness, and innate Clemency of His Majesty. That he never suffered during His whole Reign over us (which God long continue amongst us) any to be put to Death, but wilful and malicious offenders; hath spared many.  
Many Acts of his Grace and Favour may be instanced in, not one of Injustice or Oppression; and in all our foreign Characters of him, he is represented to us as one inclinable to Mercy, the Glory as well as Delight of Mankind, far from taking any delight in Blood; that when he might have scourged the Rebellion here, he gently and mildly received his own, and without noise and tumult, (except only the Acclamations of his Subjects, attended with good Wishes for his Happiness, Health, Peace and Safety,) vouchsafed to Exercise his Regal Authority amongst us, to the great Joy and Comfort of his People, and condescended so far as to receive us under the Wing of His Royal Protection.  
If an Otho for one compassionate 
Read martials witty Epigram upon Otho, lib. 6. Epig. 32.  Act could have the Praises and Encomiums of all the Writers of his time; what ought His Majesty to have for a constant, and continued Exercise of it?  
Were he ambitious, he might make Pretences (as well as other Princes) abroad: For I leave any English man, nay, the whole World to judge, what might not this King of England do, whose Bravery in Feats of War is conspicuous, witness that unfortunate Battle of Worcester, supported by that Heroic and Magnanimous Prince his Brother, the Duke of York; and once more make the Name and Title terrible abroad, as heretofore, in France. He is a Prince that is sufficiently experienced in the Art of War, and has showed the World, that he knows how to behave himself, both as a General by Land, or an Admiral by Sea. He is a Prince fit for the English Nation, answerable to their great courage; and if we do but call back to our Thoughts our late Army, we might believe we were capable of doing great things still, having such a Prince as this to conduct and lead us on.  
Yet however, His Majesty having gained a lasting Reputation by his extraordinary Goodness already, I shall not endeavour to alter His Majesty's Thoughts; but leave him still to pursue his former Methods of Mercy: For I really think, it is a much better Character, to be esteemed the Delight and Darling of Mankind, than to be thought one that aims at the striking Terror into the World; to be an Otho or a Titus, than to be a Nero or a Caligula; to be the Preserver and Defender, than the Depopulator and Destroyer of Mankind.  
A Prince that is ready to make us all happy, if we would. A Prince that considers, and hath Compassion upon the Infirmities, Weakness and Follies of Mankind, considers the Heats and Animosities bred and grown up amongst us during our late Civil Wars, not yet throughly worn out; considers how all the Factions were again upon the Ferment, by reason of our late Confusions and Disorders; Considers (I say) all this; and yet governs with a Moderation and Justice commensurate and adequate to the vast Greatness of his Soul.  
Oh! how sweet and precious will his Name be upon the Records of Time: Then shall the lasting Benefits he hath done for England be demonstrated, and appear, when the Malice of Evil Men against him, and Detraction shall cease and be no more.  
And however Prejudice or Education may sway with some of us, or we may be biased and debauched by the sly and cunning Insinuations of wicked and designing Men: Yet it is the Wisdom and Interest, as well as Duty of the present Age, no longer to offend so great Goodness, lest that the tired-out patience of His Majesty (considering the infinite Injuries, and repeated Affronts the Royal Family hath received) may at last turn into Fury.  
Did but Englishmen (I say) consider the Blessing they enjoy in this turmoiled and perplexed Age of the World they live in, (having His Majesty to reign over them) they would hearty pray to the Almighty to continue to him that Divine Protection and Assistance as hath hitherto accompanied him, to preserve him from Danger, and that he may still go on, and prosper, and do all things as may be for his own, and his People's Good.  
Should I let myself lose, and expatiate upon this Subject, this would swell to a Volume; but I forbear, and leave it to a Perinchef, or a Dryden, to compose and frame a History and Character agreeable to so great, so good, and so gracious a Prince.  
As for these two excellent persons Dr. Perinchef and Mr. Dryden, (as I mention) fit to undertake such a Work. The first's incomparable Panegyric upon King Charles the First, will make him pass current. And as for Mr. Dryden, I hear he hath left of the Thoughts of Poetry, and intends to bend his Studies towards the writing of English History. He hath outdone the Poets of his Time; and he may (for aught I know) outdo, not only the Historians of this, but all other Times. And I verily believe, he may probably acquit himself with a great deal of Honour Credit and Reputation and sufficiently answer the Expectation the World might have of one should undertake so great a Work.  
And thus I proceed to give you some small Account further of this our Sacredo's Book. It's a small Historical Discourse upon what happened in the Compass of two or three Years time, during the last War of the Emperor with the Turks, and delivered by him in an Oration in the Venetian Senate; and certainly it is not the least of the policies of this state thus to exact a solemn Account of every one of their Ambassadors, of their Management during their Embassies. It keeps their public Ministers abroad constantly upon Duty and Thought, how to acquit themselves upon so solemn an Occasion. A Charge that none but men of extraordinary parts can undertake and manage with Credit and Reputation to themselves, and Satisfaction to the State: And in this they have the Advantage of Kings, because they are by these means sure to have their Business well done.  
But even in this (by extraordinary Knowledge) hath His Majesty outdone this wise Senate, by his Choice of Men fitly qualified for that Employ, which have added a Lustre and Reputation to us all.  
My Lord Shaftsbury (as to his Majesty's knowledge of men) once was pleased to do him that Right, in his Speech to my Lord Clifford (when he took his Oath as Treasurer) as to say, 'Tis a 
5 December, 1672.  great Honour, much beyond even the place itself, that you are chosen to it by this King, who, without Flattery, I may say is as great a Master in the Knowledge of Men and Things, as this or any other Age hath produced; and whether he intended to flatter at the same time or no I cannot tell: I am sure he found it experimentally true to his Cost, whilst ruffled with passion, overwhelmed with prejudice, and buoyed up by a Faction (to say no worse) he grew discontented.  
Now (I say) if these eminent Men that have from time to time been sent abroad Ambassadors, at their Return Home, were but to render an Account of their Embassies, before that August Assembly of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, their Orations would at least afford a more particular Account of His Majesty's extraordinary Goodness.  
Our Countryman, Mr. Rycaut, hath certainly written well concerning the Turkish Affairs and History; and even of this very time our Sacredo did. I confess he hath written very ingeniously, much like a Gentleman, and in Favour of the Emperor's Interests; but he tells you likewise it is but by Guests, Apprehension, not certain Knowledge; and therefore because in many things he seems to contradict Mr. Rycaut, I leave it to the Consideration of the Reader, whether he may not believe our Sacredo had some Advantage that Mr. Rycaut wanted; and so probably may have written (as to these few particulars) more agreeable to Truth.  
This Historical Discourse (if I am not misinformed) was never printed in the Language it was spoke; but by some means or other (got by some Frenchman) translated and printed at Paris in the Year 1670: And why I should at this time translate it, having been so long neglected by us English, who have of late been but over busy Translators; you may possibly say, if it had been a very curious piece, I certainly had been eased of this Trouble, either as to myself or the World. But in answer to this I confidently affirm, that I value myself for being the first man that hath really found out the true worth of this Author. But yet with so much Submission to the Public, that I leave it to you, as to this particular, and as to all other things I shall write upon this occasion that are the Reader to judge.  
All that I shall add further to the Reader, is, That this Book will prove a Book necessarily to be read to those that intent to understand any thing justly aright, and as they ought to do, concerning the Turkish Affairs; and that it is as it were the Standard to know the Measures of Things, as to the Truth of a Writer of Turkish Affairs and History, of what is already past or to come.   

THE French Bookseller TO THE READER.  
'TIS hard to meet with a Relation more Curious, or more certain than this is: It derives itself from too fair an Original to be ill received, and comes to me from too pure Hands, to be suspected. Here you will find sincerity governed by a great Understanding: But neither the one nor the other leaves any thing to the Curiosity of the Reader to wish for, nor any thing to doubt of as to the Truth of the History: by the Success of this first Relation, I shall be put into a Condition to give the public many others to the same Effect, though made by different Persons, and I shall let you see, that there are many remarkable Events in these particular Pieces, either forgot or unknown to the best sort of Authors, or dissembled by concerned or corrupted Writets.   

SACREDO'S ORATION.  
Most Serene Prince,  
I Shall not enlarge myself to represent to your Serenity the Foreign and Civil Wars, that Religion hath caused in the Empire; and how these two Evils have weakened so formidable a Power; neither shall I lose any time to enumerate the divers Jealousies of the Electors, and Princes of Germany, nor the bad Condition they have reduced the Emperor to. A 
The beginning of the Emperor's Character.  Prince in his own Nature very little capable to defend himself, His Subjects or His Friends from the divers erterprises of His Neighbours.  
These particulars have been so exactly treated of by those that have writ before me, that it would be too tedious to make a Rehearsal. I shall reduce myself therefore to a succinct recital of those things that are newest, and less known; and there are very few that have either escaped my Care or Curiosity: For I have seen the Causes bred, and their Progress die; and by a very rare Fortune in the time of one only Embassy, I have been a Witness and Spectator of both War and Peace: Yet amongst so great a Number of things, I shall meddle only with those that particularly regard the Interests of your Serenity, in Relation to your Territories that border on the Ottoman towards the Sea, and of the Emperor towards the Land.  
Since that the Ottoman Sect, by his continual Progresses, Victories and Conquests gained over Asia, this triumphant Puissance, 
Progress of the Ottoman Greatness.  not content with the Extent of its first Successes, turned its ambitious Designs towards Europe. Solyman invaded Hungary; Selim, his 
A. D. 1529. vid. Cluu. p. 593.  Successor the Kingdom of Cyprus; the one and the other 
A. D. 1547. vid. Cluu. p. 615.  having for their Object the Ruin of these two Powers that were able to give a Check 
Their Designs.  to their vast Ambition: The First, that of the House of Austria by Land; the Second, that of this Republic by Sea.  
It presently appeared, that 
A strict Alliance is the joint Interest of the Empire and Republic of Venice.  to oppose so dreadful a Power, it were necessary to make a strict Alliance for the common Defence between the Emperor and your Serenity, the more assuredly to keep off the Invasions and Forces of the Ottomans, that every one knows have sworn the Destruction of those two Empires.  
The unhappy Differences of Christendom, facilitates to the Turks all those sorts of Enterprises which in divers places they have had prosperous Success. They attack sometimes the Emperor, sometimes your Serenity, the one and the other separately, and their Appetite comes in eating: They set upon divers Provinces, when passing from Conquest to Conquest, they by so much always diminish the Forces of Christendom, and more and more assure to themselves the Roots and Foundations of their Dominion.  
Thus the greatest part of Hungary being invaded by Solyman the Second, the Turks have prevailed, and extended very far their Conquests in Europe by Land. In process of Time Selim gets possession of the Kingdom of Cyprus. Ibrahim entered 
The Turks entered Candia, A. D. 1645. Cluver. p. 761. Mahom. 3. fell into Transilvania, 1599 Cluu. p. 632  Candia, and Mahomet the Third Transilvania. These glorious Successes by Sea and Land continuing as it were Link by Link, the Chain of their Conquests have made appear, that their Designs are for an Universal Monarchy, and have made the Christians afraid of their Irons and Slavery. In Effect, being Masters of the Kingdom of Candia, 
* Effects of the loss of Candia surrendered 27. Sep. 1669.  they will have the Sea open, and may carry their Ambition wheresoever they will. Transilvania already by the Conquest of Warradin, and the 
Warradin surrendered 6 Aug. 1660. Clu. p. 845.  establishing of Prince 
† Ann. D. 1661. Flo. Hung. pag. 284.  Abafti, their Slave, is entirely submitted to them; and they keep in no less Awe Hungary, by the taking 
‖ Surrendered 26. Sep. 1663. Flo. Hung. p. 287. Clu. p. 866.  Newhausel, and the several Bastions with which they have fortified it, and aggrandized the Suburbs; and it is easy to perceive where they would make the Seat of War, could they but meet with a more happy Attack of Vienna, than that which was attempted by 
* Ann. D. 1529. Flo. Hun. p. 142.  Solyman in the Age past, there is nothing can happen of greater Importance to be afraid of, and the loss of this 
† The preservation of Vienna of great importance to all Christendom.  Capital City would be fatal to all Christendom; and though it seems that the Ottoman Empire hath not at present such numerous Forces as at other times it hath had, because we do not now see an Army of three hundred thousand Combatants, as was that of Solyman, when he first set foot in Hungary; or of five hundred thousand, as was that of Amurath before Babylon. This doth not proceed from the Weakness of this Empire; 'tis far from being less puissant than it was in those times; but is rather much more considerable, by all its new Conquests, and by the Increase of the Number of Kingdoms and States, that are subject to it. The present weakness 
Present State of the Turkish affairs.  is very apparent, and the Continuance of it very uncertain, and proceeds only from 
Why their Forces are so much diminished.  the Disorder of the Head; but the Body hath lost nothing of its Force, nor of being in a good Condition, notwithstanding the Spirits are languishing, and the Heart abated, so that the Motions of it are slower than ordinary; and that Vivacity of the former Ottoman Monarches appears almost extinct. And in short, it seems, that since the Death of Amurath, there hath not been a Sultan worthy the Name of a Grand Signior, nor of so great an Empire, or one that hath been either a warrior, or addicted to War. The Turks, as they have not increased, or enlarged their Limits, so they have lost nothing: Their Languishing costs their Empire nothing, and leaves them in a condition of re-taking their former Vigour, as soon as they shall have a Prince that is a Warrior, and loves War; and one that in Imitation of their Ancestors, shall seek for Glory in the Head of his Armies, in the midst of Battles, and whose Example should inspire Courage and Bravery in the Soldiers: So that the Languishing of this vast Body proceeds from the Weakness of their Chief; but at the first Change this People will soon re-take their former Force and Vigour.  
The Turkish Militia is composed 
Of the Turkish Militia.  chief of asiatics and Europeans; the first are for the most part Cavalry; the second are for the most part Musqueteers, which they raise upon the Frontiers, and have always their Arms ready, and are naturally more addicted to War than the others.  
However the essential Basis, and principal Cause of so many Victories obtained by the Ottomans, hath been the exact Observation of their Policy, and of their Discipline; the Bravery of their Soldiers, and above all their Janissaries, which are choice Troops, and a Body of people chosen, and of Courage. It is to be observed, that the Turks use not to do as the Christian 
An oversight of the Christian Officers in general.  Officers, who care no farther than to get the Number of Men they have undertaken for: And for a little Gain content themselves with the first that come, and list miserable Peasants, Beggars, new clothing them, and such as they can meet with; so that neither the one, nor the other, have any Fitness or Inclination for War; and do only endeavour to increase their Troops of all sorts of indifferent people, for their own profit, more than the Service of their Prince.  
On the contrary the Turks 
The Turks way of Discipline.  choose out of the Children of the Christian Slaves, such whose Bodies are best proportioned and strongest, which they carefully breed up in the Seraglio, to the Love and Discipline of War, and conduct them to Arms as soon as they are judged capable, and they afford the bravest and most expert Soldiers, and are generally the Instruments of the greatest Successes, and Gainers of doubtful Battles. It must also be avowed, that the blind Obedience of these Infidels doth not a little contribute to the prosperity of the State of their Affairs, and their Combats; and are strangely profited by our Examples, Inventions and Machine's, and of divers Instructions that the Renegades from time to time give them, both as to what concerns Artillery, or artificial Fires; and as to 
Their Improvement in Fireworks, and other Warlike Exercises.  what regards the ordering of Sieges, Marches, Camps, and other Exercises of War: For without these the Ottomans would not have necessary Understanding. Of which every one was entirely persuaded at the last Siege of Canisa, where 
The Reason of the Christians Miscarriage at the last Siege of Canisa.  the Commanders readily making use of the Experience of Renegades, made a brave and admirable Resistance, and baffled the Art of the most experienced Christian-Engineers. That which is remarkable amongst the Turkish Armies, they never want Provisions, let them be composed of never so great a Number; or whatever happens to them, this Disorder befalls only the Christian Troops.  
How often hath it happened 
The Christians and Turks compared as to their Provisions for the Soldiery.  to those of the Emperor? How often have they wanted Bread? How often have their Armies been in a manner broken? The Turks know not what it is to have such Disgraces; whether it be by their great Oeconomy, or by their commendable and natural Sobriety, they never want any thing: For if the Order and Care of their Officers procure them abundance of provisions, the Soldier, by his Sobriety, contributes much to their Duration; and with a Handful of Rice, and dried Flesh, or beat into Powder only, without any other Beverage than that of Fresh Water, he is satisfied, and sufficiently nourished. Not but that they have Sherbet for people of Quality; but they can be without it, and make it their Glory to abstain from it, for to make them appear more fit for War and Fatigue. One cannot say so of the Christian Armies, much less of the German's, who are always at their Meals, and as it were buried in Gluttony and Drunkenness.  
The Emperor entered into this war with the Turks with too great 
Censures upon the Emperor's Proceed in the beginning of the War.  an Affectation to avoid it: For if at the beginning, as soon as the Port had framed a Design of invading Transilvania; and was not as yet fully resolved, if the Emperor, I say, had made his Veterane Army, drawn out of many old Bodies since the last Peace of the Empire, advance, he had constrained the Turks to much more reasonable Conditions, because that the greatest part of them did disapprove an open Breach with the Emperor. But his Majesty, following the faint hearted and weak Counsels of his Favourite, appeared so soft in his manner of Acting, and so intimidated with the bare appearances of a Rupture that he confirmed the Visier in his Design of making War, and pushed on so much the more this Infidel, who was already too full of Hope, and almost assured of good Success against so feeble a Prince; and in a time when all Christendom was in Combustion and Disorder.  
It will be equally superfluous as well as troublesome to represent the divers particularities to your Serenity, since that my Dispatches have punctually informed you of the chief passages of what happened.  
The Visier entered the Emperor's 
The Visier falls into the Emperor's Territories without resistance.  Territories with Fifty Thousand Foot, and Eight Thousand Horse. The first Year he found no resistance; for the Germans shut themselves up in fortified places, and quitted the Field; besides, the Tartars, without any Hindrance, and with a great deal of Freedom, ran up and down the Country, and ruined chief Moravia; and throwing of Arrows with lighted Matches tied to them upon the thatched Houses, 
The cruelty of the Tartars.  they burned an infinite Number of Villages, and carried away Fifteen Thousand Slaves, binding the little Children together, & laying them behind them upon their Horse's Backs. All was filled with Confusion and Disorder. Vienna in a manner abandoned: Above seventy Thousand Inhabitants left it, and took away the best of their Goods to save them, and to take refuge in places afar of, and secure against this Irruption. A great Number of these people stayed at Lintz, the ways were filled with people in despair, who were equally pressed with fear & famine, remained without Force, and some times without Life, in the midst of the Highways. The Ambassadors kept themselves in a readiness to follow the Emperor to this City, in case the Turkish Army had advanced towards Vienna, the only place of Refuge; but the Ordinary Slothfulness of his Imperial Majesty, made him one of the last to retire, altho' all were filled with panic fear, and was the occasion that the Capital City was not entirely forsaken by its Inhabitants.  
At last a Courier put Courage 
Newhausel lost.  into the fainting, and perplexed Germans, by bringing the News of the Turkish Armies march to Newhausel; this City, notwithstanding well provided with all things necessary, yielded to the force of the Infidels. The Visier spared nothing of Bravery, or of Money; for he gave generously a hundred Rix Dollars a Head to the Janissaries, that should fix upon a Breach the Turkish Standards, hoping by his Liberalities, the more readily to become Master of the Fortifications, and to be beforehand with Autumn; which standing upon a Moross, would have rendered the Attack more difficult, and the Success much more doubtful. 
The Rains hinder the further Progress of the Turks.   
The advantages of this Campagne were notably retarded by the Protection Heaven was pleased to afford the piety of the Emperor for to repair his and his Minister's Negligence: It reigned so abundantly that the ways were broken, so that the Visier was constrained to defer his progress, and to make a halt at Buda, for at least Forty days, to have his Cannon drawn back. It is almost certain, that if God gave a fair Game to the Turks at first, he at the same time blinded them; and that if the Visier, instead of attacking Newhausel, 
The miserable condition of Vienna.  had advanced in sight of Vienna, he had found it without Provision, without Soldiers, and without Inhabitants; filled with Despair, Diseases, and great Necessities, open and exposed to his Army, and entirely submitted to his Disposition, which he did not want being blamed for; and his Excuse was (says he) I could never have imagined, that the Defence of a Capital City, and well fortified, could possibly at the first and false Reports, have been so negligently and suddenly abandoned.  
At this time the Murmurs and 
Complaints against Count Portia.  Complaints broke out against the Ministry of Count Portia, who remained as one asleep in so great a Noise, and in the midst of so many Alarms. To speak 
His Character.  Truth, his Shoulders were not broad enough to bear so great a Burden: The deplorable Loss of Newhausel ended this unfortunate Campagne, and gave some Relaxation to the divers Inquietudes, and unworthy dejections of the Emperor's Spirit, reduced to look upon such a Loss as a Happiness to him, nor could have any Hope or Assurance, but from the flattering Treasons of his Favourite, who dissembled all things, and amused him by fair and vain Appearances, in such sort, that two days before the Loss of Newhausel, I asked his Majesty if he had good News; He answered me, That the Turks daily battered the place, but gained not any Advantage.  
The second Campagne of this 
The second Campagne gins with Loss to the Imperialists.  War did not appear at its beginning more prosperous than the first, by reason of the unfortunate Siege of Canisa, the taking of Fort Zerin by Assault, 
Fort Zerin taken 1664.  with a Remarkable Loss of the Besieged. However the Victory obtained in Hungary on the other Side the Danube, by Count Zouches, and yet farther, that of Montecuculis', at the River Raab, sweetened the End. But the known Loss of Turkish Officers and Soldiers, and amongst others of Ishmael Bassa, the Sultan's Brother-in-law, 
Death of Ishmael Bassa.  and General of the Cavalry, so much the more increased the Christians Joy; which cut short the Progress of the Infidels. By this considerable Defeat, not only the Misfortunes of the Emperor seemed to cease, but divers Beams of a good Fortune began to shine out: For, besides the Honour of the Victory, he had yet the Advantage of a great Booty which the Imperialists got.  
The Victory was thus obtained, Six Thousand Turks having rashly passed the River, 
An Account of the Battle of Raab.  they were as soon set upon by the Christian Army, consisting of near Fifty Thousand Men. The time was not long in their being all cut to pieces, or thrown over, and drowned in the River. Yet these Wretches sold 
The Turkish Valour.  their Lives at a dear Rate, and far from yielding to Discretion, they defended themselves, as much as they were able, with as much Courage as Valour; and seemed in dying to outbrave their Conquerors; and all the Dead were found with their Cymeters in their Hands; and they made Prisoner but one only Janisary that lay fainting on the Ground through the number of his Wounds, who was sent to the most Christian King, with many Ensigns taken from the Infidels by the French. Certainly their Bravery contributed very much to this Victory, and as to the Glory of the Success, if other Nations, who fought, aught to be partakers of the Honour, the Decision of this Battle, which was a long time doubtful, is due only to their valour, and they were well recompensed in the Field; for the Officers and Soldiers enriched themselves with the Spoils from the Dead Bodies upon the place, and the drowned, which they fished for. The Turks, being (for the most part) Officers, or Commanders, were either richly Armed or clad.  
The Presumption of a certain Victory, had engaged the Bravest of the Turkish Officers to this Rashness, and without any Consideration to pass the River, not making any Reflection as to the Danger, or the Consequences of it. They could not imagine that a Fear so great as the German's was, could be so easily vanished; and that a People so astonished could so quickly take Courage, or dare to make any Resistance; so that rushing on to a Triumph, before they were assured of a Victory, they got on their best Habits, instead of arming themselves with their best Arms: There 
An Account of the Booty.  was found Silver, Furniture for Horses with Silver-gilt Saddles embroidered, Cymeters, set with Diamonds, Turbans garnished with precious Stones; and particularly that of Ishmael Bassa, adorned with a Feather, set on with a Garniture of Diamonds of great price. This Disgrace a little abated their Pride, and gave an Overture to Propositions of Peace. The Turkish Army already fatigued with the relieving of Canisa, and the Cavalry wanting Forage, the 
Canisa relieved, An. D. 1664.  Visier was constrained to pull off the Leaves of the Woods that were nearest him, to serve instead of Hay for the Subsistence of his Horse. As for him, whether Business took him up, or that he was not a good Soldier, he stayed 
The Behaviour of the Visier at this Battle.  on the other side the River during the whole Battle; and seemed rather to observe as a Philosopher, than as a Warrior, the Misfortune and Rout of his Army: For he did not make the least offer, as if he were willing to relieve them, whether looking on it as a thing impossible, or choosing rather to undergo the Disgrace than the Danger.  
Moreover, of what Consequence soever the Loss was, he did not fail gaining extremely 
The Death of Ishmael a great Advantage to the Visier.  by the Death of Ishmael his Competitor, having no more to fear from him, who had a great Heart and Merit: That which surprised him most, was the Valour of the French, to see what a Slaughter they made, and what a Shock they gave the Victory. However he more readily 
The Visier harkens to a Peace.  lent his Ear to a Treaty of Peace, which was soon after concluded, and agreed amongst the parties. I was so much the less surprised, because I foresaw it beforehand. Having at large represented it to your Serenities by my Dispatches, that this War his Majesty was necessitated, not advised to; and therefore would be willing to accept the best Conditions of peace he could, and endeavour the Restitution of Newhausel, a Frontier place, which secures not only Hungary, but covers Moravia and Silesia, and his hereditary Countries, and is only distant from Vienna a hundred Italian Miles. 
The Reasons that induced the Emperor to a Peace.   
The Reasons that led the Emperor to this Peace so imprudently and hastily, in a Time when all parts of Christendom promised the Empire more Assistance than ever, and the pride of the Turks so sensibly abated; and in short, when all things did appear to make for the Christians; the Reasons, I say, were 
The weakness of the House of Austria.  the Nonage of the King of Spain, and the Apprehension that the Germans had, That through his Catholic Majesty's Fault, the House of Austria remained feeble and troubled in Spain, either by Domestic Factions, or by the Diversion in Portugal: And too much entangled in Germany, by reason of this War, undertaken with Forces too unequal; besides, these Entanglements laid open the passages for the King of France, to invade the Territories of the one and the other Branch of Austria; and he might easily prevail over their Weakness; and in Spite of them, both establish and secure his Power in their Countries. The little Money the Emperor hath, and the feeble & slow Succours of the Empire, very much encouraged him to this Resolution: But Foreign 
The danger of hazarding a Battle.  Considerations entirely determined the Council of the Emperor; for the great Force of the Turkish Arms hindered the hazarding a Battle in the Heart of Hungary; of which the ill Success would put all the States of the Empire into evident Danger; besides, the natural Aversion between the Germans and Hungarians daily gave some new Alarm. 
The Hungarians hatred to the Turks keeps them in Subjection to the Emperor.   
On the other hand, the Imperial Ministers were but too too justly persuaded, that the Hungarians are not retained in their Duty and Obedience in respect to the Emperor, but out of hatred to the Turks; not for Love of their Sovereign, but Fear of their Enemies. These natutural preventions are the only Cautions that keep in these unruly Creatures, and hinder them from undergoing the Yoke: For this their giddy Frame of Spirit, is the Reason why the Germans do not desire entirely to get the Kingdom of Hungary out of its Subjection to the Ottomans, being of that Belief, that if this People should recover their former Liberty, and were freed from the Fear of the Turks, they would infallibly revolt from the Empire, nor would obey them any longer; and would in the end choose a King of their own Nation, as they have done heretofore.  
These Imaginations are so strong, and of that weight with them, that the Austrians had much rather consent to the Loss of Newhausel, one of the Bulwarks of their hereditary Countries, than insist upon the Restitution of that place, which being, as it were, the Centre of Hungary, would increase their Oppression and Servitude. This considerable Loss was a Comfort 
The Emperor makes a Peace blamed by all Chrystendom.  to them, because it would be a Grief to the Hungarians, and precipitated them into a dishonourable Peace; blamed by all the World, and done in a time when all Europe, being in peace, might send powerful Succours, and vigorously beat back these Infidels.  
The Hungarians, as they are 
The Peace prejudicial to the Hungarians.  most concerned, so they were most surprised; they had conceived some hope of being able to break their Chains, and were in expectation of some sort of Relief from a General Peace amongst Christians. They could never imagine, that any one could acquiesce in a Treaty so disadvantageous, by which their Fetters should be fastened, and their Slavery secured. Without doubt, no one knows how enough to deplore their Misfortune: For they find themselves beset on all Hands by the Turks; for they are tormented by their continual Courses, surprised every Moment in their Vineyards and Villages, in such sort, that, let the peace be what it will that is made, these unfortunate Hungarians do not cease having War, being exposed to Incursions, to Reprisals, and to all other Hostilities; so that they are obliged to have their Arms in their Hands, and be always on their Guard, notwithstanding their Forces are unequal to their Enemies. They were from Day to Day destroyed, and all to no purpose against a greater Force: Also adding loss after loss, it is very Difficult to think they should long delay an entire Submission; and the rather, because they are seated between two powerful Enemies, the Turks, that would oppress them, and the Germans, that would not defend them. And for this Reason, as well as that, they were not of themselves capable of making War without an evident hazard of being ruined, they found themselves constrained to dissemble their Misfortune, and to wait a more favourable time for their Liberty, without Murmur, without Complaint, through Fear of a more insufferable Slavery. And altho' this might be one Reason to oblige the Germans to a peace, it was not the only one; the unfortunate Loss of Transylvania was a second, and not less urgent.  
This Province was the first 
The Invasion of Transilvania by the Turks, the first Cause of this War.  Subject of the War, and occasioned rather by the ill Conduct of the Emperor's Ministers, than by any ill Fortune of his own: For it was as it were abandoned; Business was neglected; Sixteen Musters-pay due to the Soldiers; The Officers ill used, and driven out of places, and constrained, as it were through Despair, to treat with Abafti.  
This * Prince had presently the Consent of the Port, and 
Abafti established 1661.  Orders to receive well the Germane Soldiers that fled to him for Refuge, and give them their pay due from the Emperor, and so take in the places; were given them in Custody, without giving them wherewithal to keep them. By this means, without so much as drawing a Sword, the Emperor found himself despoiled of the principal places delivered to him as a pledge of Fidelity by Kemin Janos, and lost Clausemburg itself, that had been defended with so great 
Clausemburg, or Claudiopolis taken 1662.  a Reputation the last Campaign, under the Conduct of Reffano, a Venetian. There are some people that are apt to say, That Portia, out of Design, neglected the Relief of these places, thinking to make the World believe, that the Inhabitants and Garrisons were the only Authors of their Revolts, to remove (by such Losses where he did not seem to contribute) all Subject of Complaint and of War, that might arise concerning their preservation.  
The loss of Transylvania will without doubt one day be lamentable to all Christendom, 
The loss of Tranfilvania endangers all Christendom.  especially to Germany. This Province, which might pass for a powerful and vast Kingdom, is fair, abundant, and enlarged with rich and fertile Plains, surrounded with Hills, surmounting one another till by degrees they raise themselves to steep and inaccessible Mountains, as if Providence with these strong and natural Ramparts, were minded to defend them from the divers Eruptions of these Barbarians. It is filled with strong Castles, and Towns well peopled: It is abounding in Mines; fertile in strong and brave Horses, and there is nothing wanting that is necessary to the life of Man.  
The Emperor hath very much contributed to the Ruin of this Province by his extraordinary Negligences, and abandoning the generous Ragotzkie. That brave Man, tho' he was forsaken by the Emperor, and void of all Relief, continued to defend his Estates with as much 
Prince Ragotzki's death, May 1660.  Glory as Courage: Nor had he yielded to his ill Fortune, had he been seconded by the Princes, his Neighbours, concerned in the War. Notwithstanding his Despair increased his Valour; for after he had slain one hundred and seventy one Men with his own Hand, he was enclosed by the Enemy, and at last killed Fight. He inherited the Bravery 
His Character.  of his Father, who maintained himself in this Province in spite of the Ottomans, on whom he had many Advantages, and won many signal Victories. The Turks never gave over troubling him, and would have forced him to resign his Principality, and do Homage to the Port; but neither their Commands nor Forces could work against so valorous a Resistance. From hence it is that it came to pass, that the Death of Father and Son, and the taking of Waradin, 
Waradin surrendered to the Turks, 17 Aug. 1660.  afforded so great Joy to the Infidels, who have not only brought in Subjection all the Princes, his Successors, but made his Subjects Slaves, and totally dependant upon their Empire.  
Varadin being the chief Key of Hungary, gives the Turks a free Entrance, and secure Access, and renders their Dominion so absolute, and the Province so subject, that the Emperor and Hungarians are apparently for ever excluded from the Recovery of this Country, and its Liberty.  
The Imperial Ministers took 
Colourable pretences for a Peace.  great care to give plausible Motives for a Peace, and did endeavour to colour their Desires of extinguishing the Fire that was enkindled in Hungary; and by consequence their weak Resistance in Transylvania. They published in their Treaty, That they had maintained Abafti in the same Estate that his predecessors were: But these Reports were spread farther than believed; and they that had the least Understanding of these Affairs, were persuaded, that notwithstanding all these Treaties, and the differences of the Provinces, this Prince should not be better used by the Port, than those of Valachia and Moldavia, who are 
The Condition of Christian Princes under the Turk.  under the entire and absolute Dominion of the Turks, and he not be able to act, but as the Port would have him; and find himself not only deprived of his Authority, but destitute of his Forces, and not in a Capacity to take Arms, as his Predecessors had done, either to aggrandise or defend himself.  
The Loss of this Province is 
The Loss of Transylvania fatal to the Christians and advantageous to the Turks.  so considerable, that it will be fatal one day to Germany: For the Fury of the Turks will not find any more a Defence to break their first Incursions. The Emperor will not have any thing left to oppose their Inundation; and his Country will be exposed to the first Fury of the Infidels. The Turks themselves have gained this Advantage, that they can raise their Troops there, which they were forced to send back into Asia after a Campagne. Now they can begin a Campagne sooner, and retire into their Winter Quarters later; and by reason that their Cavalry were constrained to wait the Growth and Maturity of Forage; and the great Distance of places hindered their appearing in a Body upon the Frontiers, before the beginning of August: Now they can do it in the Month of June, and so their Irruption will be so much the more destructive, as their Campagne will be the longer.  
The last War hath prepossessed the Christians with these unhappy Conjectures: For the Turks durst not have taken the Field before the Season had covered the Earth with necessary Forage for the Subsistence of their Cavalry, Horses of Artillery and Baggage; and not coming to a Rendezvouz till towards August, they had not time enough to make any more than one Enterprise: But now having made a Conquest of so spacious and fertile a Country, which they retain, they are in a Condition to undertake all sorts of Enterprises, almost at all times; and it is always in their power to hurt the Christians, and oblige them constantly to be upon their Guard. Moreover, these vast and fruitful Fields of Hungary, so easily lost to the Ottomans, have created a Desire in them to establish themselves in so good a Country.  
In like manner the Emperor's Enemies have found themselves posted commodiously upon a Frontier, for the beginning of Sieges in good time, and so have it in their power to profit themselves of all Seasons. On the other hand, the Emperor depending upon the unsteady Resolutions of the several Diets, and not being in a Condition to receive but slow Succours, and Troops afar off, he will remain exposed to the Mercy of his Enemies, and find a powerful Army upon him, capable to undertake all things before that he is in a Condition to defend himself.  
The Articles of Peace between the Emperor and the Turks have been sufficiently handled in the last Dispatch of the Great Chancellor, who might have spared the Circumstances of Count Serini's Death, which he supposes to be violent, contrived, and of a premeditated Design; whereas it was merely casual, as I have written to your Serenity. For the sole Ardour, which he had equally for 
Count Serini's Death by a Wild Boar, 1664.  the Chase, as for the War was the true and only Cause of it. His great Courage made him wilful, and stiffly to maintain a Fight with a wild Boar, already wounded, and become furious by seven Wounds that it had received. The Count being 
Rycaut's Hist. p. 176  thrown upon the Ground, and by many Strokes disabled from speaking one Word, yet gave many Marks of his Reason and Piety; often smiting his Breast, he did lift up his Eyes to Heaven, and made it appear that he died content, and a good Christian.  
He was a Cavalier of great 
His Character.  Birth, great Merit, and a sworn Enemy to the Turks: His Hatred to them was hereditary, and common to his Family. Your Serenity knows very well what his Grandfather did in Croatia, at the Siege of Zigeth, attacked by Solyman, at the Head of an Army of two Hundred Thousand Men. That when Provision for Mouth and War were absolutely wanting, 
Count Serini's Grandfather's brave defence of Zigeth, 1566.  and the place open on all Sides, he would never hearken to a Composition; but resolved rather to perish than treat; and becoming more fierce in the Extremity he saw himself reduced to, he changed a generous Defence into a vigorous Attack; for encouraging the weak, feeble and languishing Remnant of the Garrison to follow him, he furiously threw himself upon his Enemies; and after a thousand Exploits (worthy of eternal Memory) his Virtue fell, being oppressed by mere Number; he gloriously died with his Scimitar in his Hand, and lost not the place but with his Life.  
The Valour of the Grandson 
His Character continued.  was not less eminent, though he finished his Life with less good Fortune. A person of that Extraction and Desert; his frequent Attempts in great and hazardous Occasions, not sparing himself in the most apparent Dangers, well merited a more happy Destiny, and a more glorious Death. An Ambuscade, or a Battle ought to have ended a Life so fair; and it was an unspeakable Loss, that so brave a Man as he, who had devoted himself to the Fatigues of War, should be destroyed in the pleasures of Peace; and that a Prince so formidable to so many of the Infidels, his only Enemies, should be torn in pieces by one only fierce Beast.  
This Loss is so much the more 
Sereni's Name a Terror, and his Disgrace and death a Joy to the Turks.  to be lamented by Christendom, be cause the very Name of this Hero was sufficiently capable to strike a Terror into the Turks, and to repel their most hardy Attempts: Yey, the very Disgrace of this Count Nicholas de Serini, was looked upon by the Ottomans as one of their greatest good Fortunes; but his Death caused so much Joy among them, that they made Bonfires, and discharged all the Cannons of Canisa.  
The Hungarians on the other 
The Loss of Serini differently resented by the Hungarians, and the Imperial Court, and why.  side were in extreme Grief; they perceived very well the Importance of so great a Loss; they found themselves without a Head, without Counsel, and without Protection; and were doubly afflicted to see the careless Concern of the Cesarean Court for him, who rendered this Misfortune agreeable to the Emperor's Ministers, which was regretted by the rest of his Subjects: For they looked upon him as an Obstacle to Peace, a Fomenter of War, his natural Valour an Enemy to Repose; and that his boiling Courage would never wave an Occasion to kindle a War. However it was (for I cannot dissemble to your Serenity) his Country has not only lost in his Person, a generous Defender of his Estates, but a powerful Hindrance against the Inundations of the Infidels▪ A little before this sad Adventure, being in Despair by the Peace which the Emperor had concluded to so ill a purpose, and so much to his Disadvantage. 
* Sereni's generous Offer to the Venetians.  He himself proposed to me, That he would go a Volunteer to serve this Republic with Six Thousand old Soldiers, every one of them a choice Man, wherever you should have Occasion; and that he feared nothing so much as the Rust of Repose, and the Debauchery of Idleness. In short, he wished for nothing more, than to end his Days in an Occasion glorious to his Memory, and profitable to Christendom.  
Count Peter Serini succeeded his Brother in his Command. 
Count Peter Serini's Character.  He is a brave Soldier, and great Captain; but not looked upon as a man so great in Bravery as his Brother was.  
Two Articles of this Peace, 
Secret Articles of Peace between the Emperor and the Turk.  notwithstanding they were kept very secret, were nevertheless discovered, and divulged amongst the Hungarians; and those that were men of the greatest Interest among them, endeavoured to penetrate into this Treaty, and did it sooner than the Germans.  
The First was, That the Emperor 
The first Article.  might freely chastise the Insolence of the Hungarians, and reduce them by all sorts of ways to their Duty, without any Opposition from the Turks, or Hindrance of the Resentments of the Imperial Court in punishing his Subjects.  
The Second was, That the 
The second Article.  Emperor should not oppose the Turks, as to any Attempts they should make upon Italy; but leave them a free passage through Friuli.  
I took an extraordinary trouble upon me to dive into the truth of these things, kept with so much Industry hid, and secret by the Germans, yet as hastily published by the Hungarians. And if the first Article proved true, I shall have but little trouble to persuade the world to believe the Second. All things carried so likely a Semblance in themselves, as well as in my Opinion, that I shall take but little Care to illustrate, altho' it was a great deal of pain to me to believe them.  
The Death of Prince Portia 
The death of Count Portia, a great Loss to the States of Pisino.  was a great Loss and Misfortune to the Estates of Pisino (through which the Tartars, when they had a mind, must pass towards Italy) as also to the Defence and Guard of those straight and difficult Passes: For his Authority and particular Interest secured them against divers Hazards, procured them a great Number of Soldiers to put them out of all Fear, and protected them against all sort of incursions of their enemies. The County of Pisino, bought by the Brother of the Prince of Ausburg, since the Death of Portia, found little Support in his Successor, who had no small Share in the Councils of his Imperial Majesty, tho' this new Count did do his Endeavor to divert all the Disgraces from his own Lands, which the Necessity and Freedom of a passage (of itself more difficult than one can well imagine) might bring upon them.  
The Emperor, as well as his Subjects, will first feel this Damage: 
The great Damage the Emperor is like to sustain.  For the Tartars (who make no Distinction between Friend and Foe, and whose Cruelty treats all alike, and carry Disorder, Rapine and Bloodshed along with them) might easily make him sensible of the Effects of their Barbarity and Violence; and he knows no other way to hinder this Army from posting itself in the Bowels of his own proper Territories, without great prejudice to himself, of the Consequence whereof your Serenity cannot be ignorant.  
The Electors, & Princes of Germany, 
The Dissatisfaction given the Electors by this Peace, and their Reflections upon it.  remained ill content with a Peace so infamous to the Empire, and advantageous to the Turk. They presently made it known, that their Diets had been unprofitably assembled; their Assistances superfluous, and their Levies unjust for a Success so unworthy his Majesty, the Princes of the Empire, and the Forces of Christendom: That the Emperor would primarily be hurt by so disgraceful an Accommodation; That he had seemed already to implore, to no purpose, a Succour that he had no occasion for; That the Grand Signior would agree to nothing, but under such hellish Conditions, as should oblige the Emperor to give Instructions to his Minister at Constantinople, to consent to any Proposals should be made to him, without which he could not possibly resume any Treaty with the Port. As 
The Germans great Care in keeping the peace.  for the Germans, they would not, in Truth, give any Cause to the Turks, to break the peace that had been concluded; but on the contrary would endeavour to have it well rooted, and would suffer any thing in Reason that their Liberties would permit, provided their Enemies would also as religiously keep themselves within the Confines and Terms of their Treaty.  
As to the Duration of this 
The Uncertainty of the duration of this peace.  Peace between these two great Empires, it depends upon the Contingencies of future things, which are in the Hands of God, and of which Men know not how with any certainty to judge. Yet I shall say, That the Confines are so embarrassed, that it will be a very great wonder, if the Turks, when they are rid of the War, which they have with your Serenity, do not then begin again to fall out with the Emperor: For those two Princes know not how to live long together in a good Understanding. The Turk will not continue long in the Condition he finds himself; and every Sultan, by his Law, is obliged to signalise himself by some Famous Conquest upon the Christians; and this very man knows not how to dispense with himself without making a War, nor can find a Country more proper, more commodious, more rich, (according to his Apprehension) than that of the Empire. Moreover the Grand Signior cannot meet with any thing more to his Advantage: For his formidable Armies may better subsist in the vast and fertile plains of the Empire, than in the starving Deserts of Persia.  
It will be the worst News 
The Venetians peace with the Turks hindered by the Imperialists, and why.  that can possibly come to Vienna, that there is a peace concluded between your Serenity and the Port, whenever it shall please God it shall be so.  
Their Ministers are very well persuaded, That their peace will last as long as the War with your Serenity; and your Diversions ceasing by Sea, the Insolence of the Turks would begin on the Land. For this Reason it is, that the Generosity of the Senate is praised at the Imperial Court; and they wish nothing more ardently than the Continuation of your War. Hence they, with Artifice, invent things to give Courage to your Serenity, to engage you to an obstinate Defence, and hinder the slackening your Fatigue and Expense: Sometimes they spread abroad a Report of an Enterprise which they do not so much as dream of; sometimes of a Disorder among the Turks, against all Appearance of Truth, and of other such like things, all to persuade you to lengthen out the War, and lay aside all thoughts of peace. It is not a pure and frank Courtesy that they suffer you to raise Recruits in Germany, and make Levies of Troops for the Relief of your Empire; but true and visible Reason of State, which prevails always in the Deliberation of Princes, and is the only Rule they follow. For after all, there is none but looks upon the Misfortune of another as an Happiness to himself, when he is to receive Advantage by it; although at the same time there's no man would set Fire to his Neighbour's House for fear it should burn his own. I can say without Dread of abusing you, and assure your Serenity, that Panagiriti had private Orders to give out at Constantinople, That it was not for the Dignity of the Sultan to make peace with this 
* The Imperial Minister dissuades the Turk from a Peace with the Venetians.  Republic, until they were disengaged by some Conquest, that would answer the Reputation of their Arms.  
All the Treaties managed by Monsieur the Grand Chancellor, are but new Engagements to a Second Expense; and the Intrigues of the Imperialists are renewed, and augmented every day; which do so much the more increase, as they seem to be under a Misapprehension at the Port. For since the Rupture, by their Negotiations, either private or public, they always seem easy and willing to satisfy the Ottoman Court; notwithstanding the late Advantages of the Cesarean Armies, the great Number of their Troops, and the Success of their Auxiliaries: For fear that your Serenity should prevent their peace by yours, and leave them for want of a Diversion, to the full and total Fury of the Turkish Forces. A peace, such as your Serenities are able to make with the Port, would prove the greatest Disgrace can happen to the House of Austria. The last Year the Grand Chancellor proposed a Treaty between your Serenity and the Turks; and because it did not take Effect, the Cesarean Court seemed to be uneasy, and testified a great deal of Trouble and Concern at it. The Imperial Ministers at the same time that were near the Visier, were commanded by express and reiterated Orders, sent by many Couriers, to hinder the progress of these Negotiations, and remonstrate to the Port, That a peace was much more advantageous, and honourable to the Turks with the Emperor, than with your Excellencies; and all the Advices from Spain were all along for concluding a peace, and making an Accommodation: Nay, to offer considerable Sums; and if things came to extremity, to buy it with their Money, if they could not obtain it by 
Spain advises the Emperor to a peace with the Turks.  their Negotiations: So far were they pressed by Spain, to make a Peace, and hinder a War.  
During sometime before, and after the Rupture, there was nothing but Couriers running to and fro, going to, and coming from Constantinople, with continual projects of peace. It is true enough that the Germans had sufficiently experimented, That to persuade the Turks, their Arms would do much better than their Letters; the Sword than their subtle Devices; their Blows than their remonstrances; a brisk and bloody War more than the most able Negotiations. In short, there were many Artifices employed, before the rapture, to avoid this Rock and Shock of Arms; and so many Expeditions made to Constantinople, to sweeten their Spirits, that produced an Effect quite contrary, and augmented the pride of the Ottomans, and created in them a Misunderstanding.  
As to the Forces of the Imperialists, 'tis true, they did appear feeble and intimidated; and more than once their Troops retired into Transylvania, and visibly avoided fight; but when the Turks saw that the Germans were awakened from their Lethargy, and in a Condition and Humour of Defence; and did behave themselves with so great Resolution at the Siege of Canisa; and after 
Canisa besieged by Count Serini, May 1. and the Turks defeated by Montecuculis, Aug. 3. 1664. Rycaut's Hist. pag. 150, 168.  so well beat them at the Battle, near the River of Raab, they began to lend an Ear to divers propositions of the Imperialists, to hearken voluntarily to the several Envoys from them; and their Fierceness being much abated, they became more sweet and tractable in a Moment, making no longer pretences to Comorra or Jawarin, which before they declared they would.  
I proceed now to the Correspondencies the Emperor holds with the Princes of Europe.  
The Swedes were possessed with 
The State of the Emperor's Affairs as to Sweden.  Enmities of old against the Empire; but it seems have forgot their Bitterness and Prejudices, because the Germans (by bringing an unexpected Succour and Assistance to the Poles) made the Danes lose the Opportunity the Civil Wars of Poland gave them. Many brave Actions passed on one Side and the other: Denmark joined to the Emperor to oppose the Swedish Invasion: This was one brave and glorious Action. As to the other, the Germans themselves complained, and blamed this indiscreet Generosity of the Emperor, who preferred the Relief of Poland before his own Defence, and divided his Troops in favour of that Kingdom, which if united, had not been sufficient to oppose the Force of the Swede or Turk.  
However it was that Poland 
Poland.  undertook a Guarranty against the Incursions of the Swedes, yet it fell under another Tyranny, and found itself constrained to obey a Woman, who knew how to dispose all things, even her Husband himself, under her power. This Prince was so much the more complaisant to his Wife, because of his Hopes of having Children by her. The Queen's Desire for a Successor of her own Family being too apparent, the Emperor began to oppose it; and fearing lest that Empire should fall into the Hands of the French (a Nation suspected and feared) he redoubled his Negotiations, conversed with his Allies, fomented the last Troubles, to make a Counterpoise to the Queen's Designs; and at present he himself maintains Lubomirski, the Grand Marshal of Poland, in ill Intelligence with the Court, on purpose to oppose the Kindness the Queen has for her Nation and Family.  
As to the protestant Princes 
Brandenburg.  of the Empire, and especially Brandenburg, the Emperor relies upon him for Necessity, rather than for Friendship's sake: For since that Ferdinand the Second, with the formidable Army of Wallestein, struck such a Fear into all Germany, the most part of the Electors of the Empire have remained firm to France, and had rather depend upon an uncertain Relief of Strangers, than to a natural Dominion, which might prove too absolute; which was the sole Cause of the Confederation of the Rhine, so much against the Emperor's Mind, and has augmented extremely the Fear and Jealousy he has of the prosperity of France.  
This Kingdom, since the peace, 
France.  has employed itself in nothing but the Increase of its Treasures, and quietly observes, for its part, the Storms of other men's Vessels, and waits with more patience than good Will the Shipwrecks of the House of Austria. So as this first Jealousy has very much contributed to the concluding a peace with the Turks.  
The Court of Germany earnestly 
Spain.  wishes to find out some way or other in Spain, for hindering of the War with Portugal, by telling the Catholic King, That he is by it at the Expense of the greatest part of his Revenues. The Emperor being united to this King by Blood, and by Interest, has always a very strict Alliance with him; but because that Prince Portia would not owe his Favour to any thing but Fortune, he never would have any Regard to the Spaniards in his Master's Court; and profiting himself by the Example of the Marquis de Machera, the last Ambassador of Spain to the Emperor, who had a very great Interest otherways, he hindered all Freedom of their Councils, and weakened them, both as to the Reasons, and the Importance of them.  
The Imperialists are but indifferently 
The Pope.  satisfied with the Pope because his Holiness has not suitably relieved the Emperor (by reason of Cardinal Carassa, his Nuntio) in his most pressing Necessities, having not laid out in all above eight hundred thousand Rixdollars; a great part of which Sum was exacted from the Tithes of the States of Austria; so that he owes nothing to his Serenity, but the permission of levying it; and it is as it were but drawn out of his own Fund, and Blood let out of his own Veins. His Holiness has not the same Zeal for the Emperor as his Predecessors, especially Paul the Fifth, who, upon the like Conjuncture, maintained an Army in Germany, and sacrificed the Health and Life of his Nephew, who died at Canisa.  
Savoy takes part with France, 
Savoy.  not by Choice, but Necessity: For the Neighbourhood of his Estates, takes away his Liberty of separating either as to War, or Intrigue.  
Florence, Although he be Neuter, 
Florence.  has a greater Kindness for the House of Austria; and his Grandeur and Ambition terminates in the quiet Increase of their Correspondence.  
The Duke of Modena is a 
Modena.  Frenchman rather by Alliance with Cardinal Mazarine, than by Inclination; and, without doubt, would be very weakly united to France, were it not that he is so much engaged to its first Minister.  
The Spaniards pay the Garrison 
Mantua.  of Cazal, for Fear rather than good Will, lest the State of the Duke of Mantua's Affairs should oblige him, as he was wont, to return to France; and the Germans are persuaded, that he would, if the Empress, his Sister, who can do any thing with him, had not broke off this Intrigue, and kept this Prince firm to them.  
The Quality of the Emperor 
Germany.  not having any Revenue annexed and settled upon this Dignity, his great and august Station carries nothing at all of profit; and all the Advantage consists in the Majesty of so magnificent a Title, and the Glory of so fair a Rank. Germany of itself abounds more with Provisions than Money, and affords the Emperor a Revenue very uncertain, and unequal, which amounts not to above six Millions of Florins. His Hereditary 
Austria, etc.  Estates are abundantly fertile, and an Army of Fourscore Thousand Men might subsist, and be provided for in his Country, without any Disturbance, and all of them distributed into Good Quarters in his respective Provinces, according to ancient Custom. The power, notwithstanding of the Emperor is not answerable to his Dignity, nor to so elevated a Degree.  
His Majesty is about twenty 
The Germane Emperor his further Character.  five Years of Age: A Prince pious, good, and of a Sanguine Complexion; but not altogether so Robust, or Watchful, as those of his Family. He is subject to some Infirmities, especially of his Feet. His Subjects wish he were as much a Warrior, as he is devout and religious; and that he would appear in the Head of an Army against his Competitors, almost of the same Age, the King of France, and the Sultan of Constantinople. He is an excellent Churchman, and takes very great pleasure in Music. He wants not Spirit or Vivacity; but has a great Distrust of himself. The Cares of his Estate overcharge and press him down. Repose best pleases him; and in short, he loves his Favourites better than his Affairs.  
The House of Austria is reduced to a very few Successors. He of Spain is yet very young, weak and infirm. The Archduke of Inspruc is not yet married. The Emperor was promised in Marriage the Eldest Infanta of Spain; but she was afterwards given to the King of France. Now he is amused with the Hopes of the Second, which he awaits with Impatience, Delay and Trouble.  
The Empress Leonora hath 
The Character of the Empress Leonora.  gained the Esteem of all the Court. She lives with a great deal of Splendour and Generosity. She knows how to persuade the Emperor to carry himself uprightly, and carefully to preserve himself; which she effects with an admirable Conduct. She diverts herself with the Conversation of Ladies, and loves people of Spirit and Vivacity. She has two Arch-dutchesses', one of excellent Beauty, and both of them designed for Royal Alliances. During my Stay in this Court, two Archduke's, Leopold and Charles, to 
1663., 1664.  the general Grief of all, departed this Life: The first was Uncle, and the second Brother to the Emperor. This last was a 
Archduke Charles' Character.  very good Prince, pious, brave, and extremely obliging to those who were his Creatures. A person of excellent Morals, great Spirit, whose Wisdom surpassed his Years. Both the one and the other died of such Infirmities as were unknown to the Physicians, who, by their Ignorance, more destroyed their Constitutions, than by their Remedies relieved their Indispositions.  
Prince Portia, who a few days 
Prince Portia his Character.  since ended his, was Major-Domo-Major, and premier Minister to the Emperor. He came to this high Degree by mere good Fortune, and the only and ardent Affection of his Master. He was the Governor of his Youth, and had the Reputation of a perfectly good and upright Cavalier. I found him very well inclined to your Serenity; but he did not appear to me to be a person fit to undergo the Charge of public Government, and total Direction of Affairs. He neither knew how to deal well with his Friends, nor to do ill to his Enemies. He was uncapable of himself to take any firm Resolution, nor would he give any entire Belief to any of his greatest Confidents. He carried all things to Extremity; could not tell how to moderate his unreasonable Transports, nor to pass by, or sustain just Resentments. He was naturally idle, slow and irresolute. He tried all sorts of means to avoid the War with the Ottomans, and forgot nothing that might put an end to it after it was declared. He perceived very well, that he was not born for great Affairs, and that his Ministry was above his Port and Strength; that he was far from being able to acquit himself as he ought in so great a Number of Accidents as happened every day. His Memory was as unfaithful to his Thoughts as his Business: For once he forgot, and left upon his Table one of his most important Dispatches; and so exposed the most mysterious Secrets of State to his Valets de Chambre, and other indiscreet persons: But tho' he was negligent in public Affairs, he always minded his private Concerns, and applied himself entirely to the Divertisement of his Master, and rendering his own Family great by an Accumulation of Honours and Riches. His posterity seem not to answer either his Spirit, or Fortune, and promise nothing that is capable to uphold so many Accessions as they have received during his Favour. He himself, with all his Ingenuity, was neither feared nor loved; for he knew not how to do good or ill; neither encouraging Merit and Services by Rewards, nor punishing of Crimes in those that were guilty. One may say, his Soul was insensible and slothful, not capable of acknowledging a Kindness, or resenting an Injury. In short, he abandoned all Reins of Government, to keep the whole Empire in Repose and Idleness.  
The Emperor has disposed of this Charge of Major-Domo-Major; but has not yet made choice of a Favourite for his pleasures, or a Minister for his Affairs. If he could give himself the glorious Trouble of Reigning alone, it would be his own Happiness and Honour; and for the Benefit of his Subjects, who sigh at the Remembrance of his last Favourite, dread lest a worse should succeed him; and tremble afresh through Fear of being exposed to the Capriccios, Interests and Covetousness of such a sort of Tyrants. The other principal Ministers of the Emperor, are, the Prince of Ausburg, who being inflamed 
Prince of Ausburg's Character.  with Ambition, knows no other Cure of his Malady, but an Advancement to the Rank, and Favour of Prince Portia; and looks upon no Remedies proper for his restless and aspiring Spirit, but the good Esteem of the Emperor, and a Promotion to such a Ministry. His great Qualifications make him haughty; and the more of Merit he can pretend unto, renders him the more proud and insolent. In a word, he has very good Qualities, could he but love himself with as much Justice, as he hates Strangers without Reason.  
Prince Lewis is the present 
Character of Prince Lewis.  Major-Domo-Major. He has a great Vivacity of Spirit, a large Understanding, and long Experience in Court Affairs. He jeers all the World, and is eternally mixing his Jests with the most serious Matters; so that he concludes nothing, but is always hurried into divers Extravagancies.  
Don Hannibal de Gonzago has 
Don Hannibal de Gonzago▪  entered upon the Charge of first Precedent of the Council of War. He is a Soldier, discreet, rational, more stout than ambitious; and knows the best of any man what Advantages the Turks have over the Christians. He seems extremely kind in his Intentions for this Republic, and is a Favourer of all Italians.  
The Sieur Intendant of the 
Sieur Intendant of the Finances, or Lord Treasurer.  Finances, is a Man of Estate (as becomes one in his Charge.) He was the more willing to consent to a Peace, as more profitable to himself than a War: For he well knew he might have Liberty to lay up that in a Calm, which of necessity he must lay out during a Storm. Since this Accommodation he enjoys a full and quiet Abundance; and hath gained such an Interest in the Emperor, that he leaves him so much the more willingly to advantage himself, as he is assured that he can lose nothing. Hereby he is always sure of a party in the Court, where he knows so well how to set a value upon his late Losses; that the Emperor is very well satisfied, that he should make to himself a real and substantial Gain.  
I had for my Secretary Monsieur 
The Author's Secretary Paul Resio.  Paul Resio, who was not wanting in his Diligence suitable to the Occasion, nor in his Care of writing to your Serenity, as the Importance of Matters required. His Exactness and Fidelity cannot be too much esteemed. In short, he has forgot nothing that concerned your Service, or his Employment. He is not one that aims at his own Interest; for his accidental Charges have been extraordinary; his Expenses unknown and unheard of; yet such as were necessary and profitable; all which undoubtedly deserve to be considered by your Serenity.  
As for myself, Most Serene 
An Account of the Author and his Embassy.  Prince (for I have but a little more to say) None of your Serenities Ministers abroad, were ever put upon an Embassy more full of Trouble than that I have met with: For I found nothing but intricate Questions, Conjunctures not heard of, and Difficulties almost unsurmountable. When the Emperor resolved to unite with this Republic; and your Answers, contrary to his Desire, were too long delayed, then was I looked upon with an Eye full of Disdain; and he was pleased to tell me in one Fit of his Raillery, That I was only at Vienna to send joyful News to your Serenity of such a Diversion as you desired: For he imagined, that the Intentions of your Serenity were merely to gain Advantage by their Wars, and put them to lay the Foundations of that peace which you purposed to conclude. I forgot not timely to inform your Serenity of all the obscure and secret Negotiations which the Imperialists held with the Ottomans; of all the progress of their Treaties, as also the Success of their Arms, without any regard of mine, to the Expense I was to be at, as is evident by the frequent Couriers, and several Dispatches I sent. I had always the good Fortune to keep a Correspondence in all the Frontier places, and spared no Cost or Labour to gain the quickest, and most certain Advice of all things that past. I punctually transmitted to your Serenity, the authentic Copies of the Missives of the Resident at Constantinople; and was not wanting to let him know all the distinct Particularities and Discoveries of the first projects, when they were but as yet in Idea.  
Being satisfied in my own Conscience, your Serenity will permit me to flatter myself so far as to say, That I have surpassed myself in my own proper Strength, having with Address eluded, or overthrown the most unhappy Conjectures; and if I have had the good Fortune to serve your Serenity according to your Desires, I have over and above satisfied my own; and cannot believe it to be in my power to frame any thing to myself that could be more sweet and glorious.  
In the midst of these difficult Troubles, Heaven was pleased to afford me the continued Affections of the Court, and its Ministers, who were so much the more favourable to me, as they did believe, that I held no Correspondence with the Hungarians, or Count Serini. I knew very well how to take my Times, and manage my Opportunities, so as to be freed of all Suspicion and Jealousy. I have found myself surrounded with so many pressing Troubles, as necessarily called not only for my utmost Philosophy; but even Constancy itself, to master and overcome. My Assignments 
The hardships he endured in his Embassy, by the Incursions of the Tartars.  totally failed, and so I fell into an extreme Want of all Necessaries, through my extraordinary Expenses, occasioned by the Disorders of the War, the Dearness of Commodities, and general scarcity of all things, which almost amounted to a Famine. I will not dissemble with your Serenity at all: During the Incursions of the Tartars, I was reduced to the last Extremity, not knowing whom to follow in so general a Flight, nor with whom to stay in such an Universal Consternation: For the whole Country seemed to me to be totally abandoned. However it was, I accommodated myself to the Juncture of Time, and Will of God, with a full Resignation to Divine Providence, and an entire Submission to the Orders of your Serenity, having left in Germany, my Goods, my Health, and almost Life itself.  
It is true, the Emperor, before 
The Presents made him by the Emperor, and Empress.  my Departure, Regaled me with a Diamond, and the Empress with a Gallantry of Plate. Those Presents were to me so much the more precious, because I could easily observe the Court did take some part in this Liberality; and seemed, as it were, willing to confirm, and approve the same by the Testimonies of their Joys.  
FINIS.   

THE TABLE.  


THE beginning of the Emperor's Character Pag. 2  
The Progress of the Ottomans Greatness: their Designs 3  
A strict Alliance is the joint Interest of the Empire and Republic of Venice 4  
The Turks enter Candia, and take it; the Effects thereof 5  
Waradin and Newhausel, when surrendered 6  
The Preservation of Vienna of great Importance to all Christendom ibid.  
Present State of the Turkish Affairs, and why their Forces are so much diminished 7  
Of the Turkish Militia 9  
An oversight of the Christian Officers in general 10  
The Turks way of Discipline 11  
The Turks Improvement in Fire-Works, and other Warlike Exercises 12  
The Reason of the Christians Miscarriage at the Siege of Canisa ibid.  
The Christians and Turks compared as to their Provisions for the Soldiery 13  
Censures upon the Emperor's Proceed in the beginning of the War 14  
The Visier falls into the Emperor's Territories without Resistance 16  
The cruelty of the Tartars ibid.  
Newhausel lost. 18  
The Rains hinder the further Progress of the Turks ibid.  
The Miserable Condition of Vienna 19  
Complaints against Count Portia 20  
His Character ibid.  
The second Compagne gins with loss to the Imperialists 21  
Fort Zerin taken ibid.  
Death of Ishmael Bassa, with an account of the Battle of Raab 22  
The Turkish Valour 23  
An account of the Booty, and the relief of Canisa 25  
The Behaviour of the Visier at this Battle, and his gain by the Death of Ishmael 26  
The Visier hearkens to Peace, with the reasons that induced the Emperor to it 27  
The Weakness of the House of Austria 28  
The danger of hazarding a Battle 29  
The Hungarians hatred to the Turks, keeps them in Subjection to the Emperor ibid.  
The Emperor makes a Peace; blamed by all Christendom 31  
The Peace prejudicial to the Hungarians ib.  
The Invasion of Transilvania by the Turks, the first Cause of this War 34  
Abafti established; when ibid.  
Clausemburg, when taken 35  
The loss of Transilvania endangers all Christendom 36  
Prince Ragotzki's Death, and Character 37  
Colourable pretences for a Peace 39  
The Condition of the Christian Princes under the Turks ibid.  
The Conquest of Transilvania how advantageous to the Turks 40  
Count Serini's Death, and Character 44  
Count Serini's Grandfather's brave defence of Zigeth 45  
Count Serini's Character continued 46  
Count Serini's Name a Terror, and his Disgrace and death a joy to the Turks 47  
Count Serini's Death differently resented by the Hungarians and Imperialists ibid.  
Count Serini's Generous offer to the Venetians 48  
Count Peter Serini's Character 49  
Secret Articles of Peace between the Emperor and Turks ibid.  
Death of Count Portia, a loss to Pisino 51  
The Duration of the Peace uncertain 55  
Imperialists hinder the Venetians Peace with the Turks 57  
Imperialists dissuade the Turks from a Peace with the Venetians 59  
Spain advises the Emperor to a Peace with the Turks 61  
Canisa besieged by Count Serini 63  
State of the Emperor's Affairs with Sweden ibid.  
Poland. Brandenburg 65, 66  
France, and Spain 67  
The Pope, Savoy. 68 69  
Florence, Modena, Mantua 70  
Germany, Austria, etc. 71  
The Germane Emperor his farther Character 72  
Character of the Empress Leonora 74  
Death and Character of Archduke Charles ibid.  
Character of Prince Portia 75  
Character of the Prince of Ausburg 79  
Character of Prince Lewis, and Don Hannibal de Gonzaga 80  
Sieur Intendant of the Finances, or the Lord High Treasurer. 81  
The Author's Secretary, Paul Resio 82  
An account of the Author & his Embassy 83  
The hardships he endured 86  
The presents made him by the Emperor and Empress 87