A SHORT DISCOURSE Upon the Desires of a FRIEND:  
WHEREIN, Upon Observation of the late Governments and Revolutions, it is made evident, What alone can be the perfect Settlement of this Nation, and the Composure of all Differences.  
LONDON, Printed for H. H. Anno 1660.   

A SHORT DISCOURSE Upon the Desires of a Friend.  
SIR,  
COuld I ever deny you any thing, I should now believe it as reasonable as ever it could be; your questions being equally as hard to be determined, as the breasts of men are to be known: yet, as far as I am able, I will give you my judgement what is the design of many, and what will be the necessity of all; for it is not now as immediately after the end of the War, before designs of Self-ambition had been practised, and the Nation had not been made wise by so many cheats; for now, succeeding Jugglers must have the disadvantage to go about to practise those tricks that have been done before. Demonstration only makes common people wise; and till experimental feeling gives the sense, profession takes up the place in their opinions. But no new promise can now be made to restore them their Trade and Freedoms, but it must be of some of those natures which has been imposed upon them already; for so various have been the Revolutions that have cast power unto men of several judgements, that there is little that bears the name of Government, that has not been resembled in something lately obeyed. Those two grand Contestors for the best Government, a Single Person, or Many; Monarchy, or a Commonwealth; have both been here practised, little to the composure of the Nation in Peace and Plenty; whence justly may arise a Question, What else can possibly protect, where neither of these two can prevail; they being, without dispute, the best of others, what ever precedency they have with one another? The Solution of this Question will bring me to answer your Demands, I hope, with a truth, that I wish were convincing to all Mankind, that too great a fondness might be no longer showed to Power, which always must prove as certainly mutable, as it is evidently unjust.  
After the end of this War, we saw, how many sunk under the temptation of Ambition, when Success gave it a tongue to speak; and many without doubt, that suspected no such guilt in themselves, found it lay concealed from all things but the search of Interest and Ambition. I know not where I may fix this modest Character upon one, Whether he designed as little as the most moderate, since he reached at more than the most ambitious; I mean, the first Protector, Oliver, who wrought himself by degrees into power, that he kept almost as unexpectedly, as it was unjustly gotten; but all things so contributed to his attempts, that he received not less capacity from accidents, than he did from his own abilities. His reputation was highest, in the declining time of the War; and when he was ready for Fortune, Fortune appeared prepared for him; and Victory was fully got whilst he was amply famous, before time or chance could work any thing to the lessening of his Reputation; The Nation too was as ready to obey any thing, as he was to command all things; and, wearied with War, disputed not the nicety of a Person, but the necessity of a Peace; they had yet something left, and feared more the effects of a War, than the the Usurpation of Any. Peace and Plenty caused the people to be wanton at first; War and Scarcity, by the same reason, brought them to be tame at last. To enlarge their obedience to him, a victorious Army was at his command; having first made himself General of them, before he attempted to be Prince of others, creeping by degrees into power, and leaving himself at a latitude to obey what success offered to him: Thus, as Peace grew slighted by long enjoyment, & was the fate of one Man's Power, the want of it now was the life to his; The disesteem of Good brought an end to what was Just, and the want of the same Good gave a being to what was Bad; showing, Man necessarily must be miserable, unless moderation and firm principles govern his opinion; that the real nature of the thing, and not want or enjoyment, makes it more or less.  
Upon these Bases he stood, whilst that which was his preservation seemed daily turning to his ruin; The want of a just Title grew chargeable, and the Army grew every day sensible they could as well make Power, as preserve One; and he had no balance upon them but his own subtlety. The expectation of the people grew every day less and less answered; they began to discern, that the Charge to maintain an usurped Power was the same as the expense of War; and the preservation of such a One needed more Intelligence, and as many Arms, as was requisite to purchase Conquest; for the same numbers that reached Victory, were not judged enough to preserve what was gotten, but Militia's in every County were added to the Militia of all the Nation; feigned Quarrels too, were as necessary to keep the Army in peace, as Play-games are to keep children quiet, the Mutiny of the Nation being looked upon of less consequence than that of the Soldiery: This employed the Navy in Voyages to the other World, found out War with the Spaniards and Dutch, and rendered Peace almost as ill-favoured as War; their esteem grown equal by their resembling charge. Hence a Debt grew contracted, of so vast a proportion, that the Nation must needs tremble at it, who were sure to be the Paymasters: Like the feigned torments of Titius, feeding a Vulture with his own Liver, they fed a gnawing Army with their own Subsistances.  
Whilst thus evidently every thing was contributing to his fall, the Army beginning to be too wise and insolent, the Nation to be too knowing and poor, and he had met occasions enough during his bustling in Power, to act all his cheats and subtleties, which, like Juggler's tricks, were not so fit to be showed again, of consequence the Army appeared designing to be the Judges of all power, the Nation inclined to obey none, and he sinking from the capacity of cozening either, longer.  
Whilst all things seemed thus ready to contribute to his ruin, Fate seemed to prevent that which Fortune designed for him; and that reputation which his life could not long have held up, his death preserved, and by dissolution lived in his ill-coveted fame.  
He left behind him a vast contracted Debt, vast in itself, though not so great, circumstantially considered, for one to run into, that had an unjust Title to maintain, a Nation to cousin, and many Parties to betray; so that none needed more Power or Intelligence to preserve himself, and ruin others.  
These fatal circumstances he left fixed to that Throne that his son Richard was to ascend, who quickly found that ruin, which perhaps would have been slower-paced to his father; since the assistance that nature and fortune gave to one, was wanting to the other. The father made his steps to power by the knowledge of men and victory; the son was wholly unpractized in either, to whom the Army had no Obligation; nor was capable of laying any on the Nation. He had never been engaged so much in War as to attempt the one. And his father had left him too poor to perform the other. All he was able to do, was to increase the Army's insolence, by courting them; and the Nations disobligation, by paying them: Yet, in the Parliament he called, he found a temper exceedingly civil to him; certainly to have preserved him great enough by another, or too great by himself; and by so public an endeavour of his preservation, speedily urged on his ruin; rousing the suspicious Army to put an end to his power, before they knew what to set up in his place; that principle ever being prevalent with them, never to like what the Nation would preserve. This appeared merely the rash reason of the Army for what they did; for when they had threatened him so fax as to make him dissolve all his interest and honour with the Parliament, these were still to seek what to do, making it evident that the destroying part only, dwelled with Armies; and rendering it as visible, that the Nations interest and theirs were very different, What they did next could not appear the design of those near relations to the Protector that managed the injustice they offered him; and forced him to offer others, by doing as much to his power, as they compelled him to do to the Parliament's, making shipwreck of their own Soul, and his Honour, in their sins by the breach of Oaths; in his Crimes, by his breach of Honour. In this giddiness, the next object their violent eyes laid hold on, was a remnant of a Parliament, which before had joined with them in such an injury to the Nations freedom, that the Army could not doubt they would be now less ready for actions of the same nature. These people famously know by the name of the Rump, resumed their Seats again by the favour of the mad Soldiery; and presently made an Order to keep out those Members that they had joined with the Army in secluding before, making haste to show they continued as bad as they had ever been, or as they could now desire them to be, believing it perhaps their only interest to appear to the Army worse than others, that they might think of employing none else.  
These parcel of Ambitious men, notwithstanding forgot not their old, fair, and religious pretences, though they could not be ignorant that the people had as little belief for them, as they had real designs to merit it. The first thing they complained of, was the vast debt the Protector Oliver had contracted; as a blemish to the Government of a single person; believing the dispute was only between One and Many, when it was indeed only in matter of Title; being apparent, all Government was ill alike that was equally chargeable; which any must be, that depended more upon a mercenary force, than a National interest. For these could not forget, nor was the Nation ignorant, they had been as ill husbands for them before as the Protector had been, and could not expect they should be better now, whilst their Title was no better to their power, nor their kindness more to their freedoms, hardly believing those would redress their grievances, that denied them their lawful means to have them represented. Nor had they given small demonstration what expenseful Governors they were, when the Treasure of all those vast States was not enough to defray the charge of their Ambitious ruling nor did it seem rational that they should condemn a Government, for the same Crime that theirs was sure to be guilty of. But their policy was only by expectation to keep others quiet till they were safe, that none might use power till they were fast in theirs; not caring how many faults the Nation could find in them, when they were rendered too weak to redress them.  
They presently next made it appear they were sensible that the services they received from Fleetwood and Disborow (especially) was more from accident then inclination, and rewarded them accordingly, giving Disborow cause to lament his affected roughness and imprudent rashness, and leaving Fleetwood stupid in his old insensible easiness.  
The Army having thus forsaken the Protector, they immediately called in all those Officers that both the Protectors had forsaken. Among the rest Lambert appeared, and in a little while commanded their forces against the Rising in Cheshire; where he gained a victory more fatal to himself then the worthy Sr. George Booth, whose sufferings for a free- Parliament, rendered him more safe, than the other was by Conquest that fought against it. So heavy must the Nation's interest weigh in any Scales, held by the hand of time.  
The victorious Lambert now returning, brought more fears than joy to his Governors; he seemed too great and glorious to obey, unless he were willing: and they doubted his inclination to obedience, when ever he believed his Commands would be received: nor durst they stay long from attempting to lessen him, since they doubted not but his abilities, and interest in the Army after this success, would make him capable of improving time more than they could do. Judging therefore his power might be more; and their's not increase; they presently let him see what he was to expect, and forced him to attempt their dissolution, with the same men that had before brought them together: this too with some little difficulty he performed, and in their places erected a Committee of Safety; every Bear bringing forth a Whelp, that was never to be licked into any form.  
The news of these alterations came to General Monck in Scotland, who soberly weighing the difference between something like a Government, & that which had no resemblance to any, and looking perhaps with a prudent eye upon the effects, that the declared spirit of the Nation would at last produce; with a wise swiftness, and a bold spirit, suddenly alarmed his Army: and having snatched them into a Declaration for himself, presently declared his dissent for what the Army had done in England, towards whom Lambert speedily advanced, equally full of error and haste: and Portsmouth presently after General Monck, declared also, and received some of the forc'd-out Members.  
These various Turns a little time produced, and showed the Nation that alike misery attended the Impositions of all Parties, and nothing could be true judges of the way and means to their setlement, but their own Representatives, free, and fully chosen: any thing less is but imposition; and all other pretended paths to setlement, are indeed but highways to confusion, since any thing contrary to the Nation's judgement, must be chargeable to their purses. Under the want of the least pretence to this, Lambert and his party sunk, the Nation declining that most which had the least show of Government. All these things alarmed that part of the Army that Lambert had left behind him in London, who immediately fell to their ancient custom of undoing what they had done, not seeming to believe that actions of contrary natures could be blemishes to their infallible purity; and presently drawing together, did invite that parcel of men to sit again, whom they had forced from their Seats before. This act of theirs here in London took the same impression in the Army under Lambert's command at Newcastle; so that without a blow he found himself overcome, and forsaken by all those Troops, which a little before seemed unquestionably at his Devotion.  
Thus, freed from a Potent Enemy, General Monck, victorious without a Conquest, marched towards London, receiving from all Counties as he passed along their Resolutions, to assert their own Right in a Free Parliament; and coming within a day's march of the City, he received from them an Address of the same just nature. He was no sooner come to Whitehall, but immediately the violent Rump prepared an employment of an unheardof nature for him; which he obeyed, and entered the City, imprisoning some of the considerable men, throwing down all their Gates, to make them look as ready for ruin as was possible, so to frighten them into obedience; and spread his Tent to the public view, beholding him gone in to deflower their Freedoms. These two things the passionate Rump designed, to render all people they had to do with, either by oppression or odium, uncapable to hurt them, having an equal kindness for him that professed their service, and for those that avowed the contrary, their jealousies being the true issues of their crimes, unlimited to all alike.  
Yet this storm battered not the City's Resolution, who still continued resolute to keep those poor, that designed to make them miserable; with whose just and generous resolution the Nation complied, and it grew presently discernible, how hard it was for any Power to subsist, upon the dependence only of an Army's strength, if the Nation did once resolve to overcome them by those silent wounds, of denying Payments and Taxes of all natures, but such as should be imposed by all their Representatives. This, with the remembrance of those Addresses he had received, seemed to waken the General, and presented to his new opened eyes the strange employment he had undergone, together with the just apprehensions that others of the same injurious nature would suddenly be imposed upon him, to make him incapable of any thing but their passionate commands, by rendering him as infamous as themselves: These considerations perhaps threw him upon treating with the secluded Members; at which alarm, the Rump presently voted the filling up themselves, but with such Qualifications, that they showed as little kindness to the Nation in their submitting to fill up the House, as they did before in their denying to have it enlarged. This unlegitimate Child therefore died in its birth, and left none to mourn the loss of such a loathed Issue from such hated Parents; and the Secluded Members were now looked upon as the only present show of Power, that was ready, in this exigent of time, to act some sudden relief for the Nation.  
All this while the General stayed retired in the City, hearing the reasons of both sides, which were with so many advantages excelling on the Secluded Members part, that assisted by the danger of ever more trusting the always furious, and now disobliged Rump, he permitted them to enter into those places, from whence they had been withheld by force.  
This Prospect, Sir, I thought fit to give you of things past, that you might, by the fresh remembrance of these changes, judge of the reasons I shall offer in relation to future Events; it being now seemingly probable to guess, what all things must centre in, though it be impossible to judge of man's intentions; affairs being now as much governed by Necessity and Exigence, as by Design or Intention. Nor perhaps is there much of either now grounded in many men by right principle, since Occasion every day is seen to soften men, like Wax, ready to receive the impression of the next Honour or Advantage. The General and the Secluded Members are now upon the Stage; and no doubt there are yet mingled with the last some persons, so wholly wedded to private interest and ambition, that they daily endeavour to obstruct the common advantage, being such as would engross the Sun, not share in its influence; that would subject Power to lemma ourself Passions, and not submit to it reasonably placed, impudently laying their own private interest in one balance, against the Nation's weighing in the other. The effect of this has already appeared by obstructions that every day happen to that haste that is required to be made, for the determination of this Parliament; and by the harsh and splenetive clauses that are offered to be added to every Act and Qualification, it being their interest that have always lived in blood to keep all wounds still open. Nor does less suspicions and jealousies attend the General, who so darkly carries himself, that he rather seems to wait upon opportunity than principles, and yet seems more affected to his private opinion than the Nations judgement, having declared his own, before they have given theirs. But to how little purpose it is, as well as how unjust, I hope I shall easily show you; and I doubt not but it may as easily be discerned by any that will consider (with passion laid aside) the late revolutions I have presented to you, by which their reasons may be directed to find the one lie grave to bury all former animosities and future charges in.  
The dispute of late years has fond been concerning what Government is best, and in this many have engaged as their interest have led them, and it is very true, it might in respect of many of their particulars merit the name of a Question; especially in all those that judge their power and advantages would be greatest by one or the other: but admitting nothing to receive any consideration but the Nations good in general, than it will not seem a question, for both have been tried in a resemblance enough to demonstrate, that they are equally prejudicial to the Nation's good, for both alike must of necessity supply their want of Title with Armies; and the charge being the same, it matters not to dispute the difference of the imposers, the Nation being too poor to wait the tedious effect of any pretended good cause: nor is it reasonable to expect good from profession and opinion; when it is sooner to be compassed by demonstration and action.  
I call that a true Title that the Nation will judge so, for that of consequence is the best, whether by one or many, since that Government may venture to depend solely upon the National, not the Military interest, whereby the Nations charge may be contracted, their Trade restored, which under a power preserved by force is impossible to be, no more than house-keeping is to be made less chargeable, and the family still left uncontracted.  
The General cannot but see this; If he design's to make himself great, he must surely reflect upon the certain ruin he runs into, if he remembers but what success others had in the pursuit of it, and how much more fair it stood when Oliver Protector attempted it, than it now does for him. The reasons I have laid down before, and in short they are to be thus reduced. The Nation is grown wiser and poorer, and therefore the unlikelier to be cozened again, or to be longer fantastic. He will discern too, he cannot subsist without power enough to force the Nation to a subjection they are not inclined to, and he may as well fear he must be put to pay them by some other means, than out of the purses of those, he fixes slavery and discontent on. Next, the uncertainty of Soldiers may shake his unjust thoughts (if he has any,) and let him see he ought not to depend upon a certainer temper in them, than they have always expressed inherent in themselves. His Army now cannot show greater affections for him, than they themselves and the other Army have expressed to others, and yet have turned from all that profession into a violent extreme. Lastly, 'tis evident the Nation's poverty and disaffection will make him uncapable of rewarding the expectations of those that should raise him to a desired Greatness: they would set so vast a rate upon their merits, that he must be their glorious slave, and wear a mingle of Majesty and Shackles; not daring to command those, whom he is unable to reward; and from natural necessity they must become the executioners of that power they gave him. All this by experiment and reason must be visible to him; unless the temptation of present Ambition dazzles his eyes from seeing the future hazards: few men being warned enough by the destiny of others; but are so fond as to believe that they have kinder Stars than the whole World besides. I wish, this may not be the General's fatal persuasion, but that he may perpetually preserve himself in just honour, and reasonable safety, answering the wishes and expectation of the whole Nation; in continuing to defend them, in what they shall judge fit for themselves, and to consider how all previous engagement, of never so fair a nature, is but robbing them of that judgement which purely ought to flow from themselves. Of equal fate and injustice it will be for him to persist in the imposing many Governors: to tender his opinion may resemble duty, but to second it with force is usurped Dominion: and he will appear equally just, and kind, to usurp Dominion himself, or to assist others in the usurpation of it, since every Government contrary to the Nations judgement, must be as chargeable in their own defence, as they are unjust in their own impositions. Nor can such ill men as now perhaps add to his temptations agree long with him, or one another, in the sharing of power; The modesty that is found in the pursuit, is lost in the acquisition. And late experience is seconded by reason to assure us, that such men's knowledges of one another's Crimes and Subtleties, divide those plots among themselves they once destroyed others by. Like those that risen together from the earth by the sown-teeths of Dragons converted presently their original malice among one another.  
No Stories has shown us precedents of mischiefs that we have not equalled in our Revolutions. The Roman Army, never made and unmade Emperors faster, than Ours has set up and pulled down Governments; so that a reasonable man would think it impossible, that ever any person should be so infatuated as wholly to throw himself upon them more; or so unchristianlike as to suffer the almost-shipwrackt Vessel of the Nation to be yet exposed to more Army-storms, since things are now growing to that Exigence, that the General must choose safety and honour with the Nation, or hazard and uncertain glory with an Army. It being possible that an Army may be preserved under the Nation's Government, but never the Nation under the army's.  
And now, Sir, I shall give you my judgement of what I suppose the Nation will only be able to reston. It will be, To find out such a Government as may compose all differences, confirm all sales, and make Oblivion and Indemnity perfect: and when none shall want pardon or security, there will not be so many enemies left, that will put the Nation to maintain such chargeable defences for their ruler; That which only can do this, is the ancient constitution of King, Lords, & Commons. For to defend any Usurper against the King's title will be chargeable; to keep him out makes all indemnity imperfect; and none can imagine they shall safely enjoy their purchases, unless they were sure that no chance, or revolution, shall ever throw that into his power, which we deny to give him; nor will the Nation ever be content to pay the Soldier's Arrears, till they purchase by it a setlement according to their own judgement.  
The King is now fit in all respects to be treated with: The preservation of his religion, his being free from engagements with foreign force, unblemished from any injury he ever did the Nation, may reasonably assure us, that he is both capable to forgive, and would be willing to confirm; rather to make a grave to bury all disputes, than by ravelling into former actions raise new ones; and would certainly be convinced that the Justice of restoring all purchased Lands, would be overweighed by the necessity and justice of confirming them; since the injuries by confirmation may be sooner repaired, than the prejudice restoration will bring. For by such moderate ways they may be settled, that no parties will have cause to be grieved, if all will be content but to share with the whole Nation in some damage.  
And if the Nation makes not themselves capable thus to receive an obliged Prince, they will probably admit a victorious One, and be ever wretched under the effects of Conquest; he notwithstanding will be free before God for recovering his rights by such a way, when he is denied it by a Moderator, and at their doors the sin will lie, who still design the Nation to be their slaves, or force them to be so unto another, unless his virtue frees them from that condition, which the Crimes of others threw them into.  
Thus, Sir, I have delivered my particular opinion, and I hope there is no man living that owns this Nation for his Country, but will submit to the judgement of it, obliged to no particular designs by private passions, but bound to obey the judgement of those, who only can determine what is convenient for themselves; so that 'tis not the Title of any single man, nor the pretences of many, that aught to be preferred before the Nation, or to be imposed upon the people; nor either of these justly to be refused, if the Nations good shall appear to consist with the Government of either. To the free Parliament therefore, let every man appeal, and there indeed he may embrace a certain good cause, since such a one is sure to be for his country's good, that wholly resigns himself to their judgements.  
I hope, Sir, these Reasons will make an impression in your breast, and I wish it were possible they might have the same effects on every individual man, that the Nations conscience and interest may at last meet, which has been so long separated by the succeeding ambitions of a few men, nor have I delivered you any opinion, which shall not be asserted, when occasion requires it, with the life and fortune of  
Your humble Servant.  
FINIS.