A SOBER VINDICATION OF THE Nobility, Gentry and Clergy OF THE Church of England: IN ANSWER TO A Late Malicious Pamphlet, Entitled, A Dialogue between WHIG and TORY. Crescit sub pondere Virtus. LICENCED, Novemb. 28. 1693. LONDON, Printed, and Sold by Randal Taylor, near Stationers-Hall, MDCXCIV. Price Three Pence. TO THE READER. A Certain Piece of Scrible, (being indeed a Julian kind of Handiwork) having lately stolen into the World, under the Title of A Dialogue between Whig and Tory, etc. Stolen indeed I may very well say; for Licence and Authority would blush to Entertain, or Countenance it. This Enthusiast, having his Tongue once more touched with his Republican Altar-Coal, has thus handed this doughty Brat abroad; and possibly the Dowdy may have met some favourable Reception, especially amongst the Zealots of his own Mark and Colour: For even the coursest Cubs never want kind Bears to lick 'em: And our own Pictures, though never so deformed, are naturally our most beloved Darlings. To such a Kindness, and such a natural Affection and Tenderness, this Julian product may owe its little Good Fortune. However, to undeceive the Ignorant World, (for the Sensible part of mankind need it not) I shall take the Trouble, or rather the Pleasure to unmask this Mormo, and set it forth at a much truer Light than the Cunning and Sophistry of the Politiek Author has brought it before us. For, as plausible a pretext as it carries, viz. his pretended Zeal for their Majesties and their Government, 'tis worth our while to examine, if this fair Front above, has not the Cloven-foot beneath it. For, if Preaching up of Division, Disuniting of the popular Peace and Tranquillity, by reviving the old Obsolate Names of Whig and Tory, does not look horridly suspicious at this Time of Day, and carry the Seeds of Sedition, and F●ce of Confusion along with it, let Reason and Impartiality Judge. And therefore, as the Parish-Buckets ought to be ready, when the Coals are so near Blowing, and Fire-balls preparing, it is but the Duty of every Honest Man to be watchful as be desires to quench his Danger, and guard his Roof. As such, therefore, is this short Answer published to that Scurrilous (if that Epithet can reach it) Mass of Malice and Rancour; and as such, kind Reader, I present it to your perusal. I shall only add one preliminary Remark upon the Kidney and Constitution of a very Eminent Stickler of the Whig Party; who seeing the King's Messenger near Whitehall, who in discharge of his Duty had endeavoured to suppress it at the Press, be was pleased to rebuke him in this Salutation, Mr.— Take notice, I lay my Finger on You (laying one his Fingers upon the Messengers Hands) and I will have you turned out of your Place, for you shall not long be a Messenger; with several other threatening Expressions. Good Heaven, what an Anathema was here! Our Julians least maledicting Touch carries the Force of the whole Romish Bell, Book, and Candle. Nay, his single Finger has the operation of Dr. Faustus his conjuring Wand, and possibly actuated by the same Power, some kind aiding Mephistophilus, as a Fast-friend and Familiar at his Elbow. ERRATA. PAG. 5. l. 4. & 5. after present Majesties, 1. take my Sentiments thereof, as follow: As to your First Request. p. 6. l. 36. add The, p. 7. l. 14. r. made. p. 15. l. 12. deal better. A SOBER VINDICATION OF THE Nobility, Gentry and Clergy OF THE Church of England, etc. In a Letter to a Friend. SIR, SInce you have honoured me so far, as not only to desire my Opinion of the Pamphlet you sent me; but also to Answer some of the grand Reflections contained therein, upon the Church of England's Loyalty towards their present Majesties; As to your first, take my Sentiments thereof as follow: Request, I say, and doubt not but every honest Man will concur with me upon reading thereof, That it is an infamous Libel against the Church, State and good Manners: Which, though these are (times of a deep Dye, yet do they scarce express his unseasonable Hatred, which like an ill Humour in the Body, has so corrupted his whole Book, that I want words to so abominable a Mystery of Iniquity. Against the Church it is most violent, to the State prejudicial, and in its Reflection on both, notoriously opposite to Good-manners: And lastly, so fraught with disingenuity and malicious untruths, that it may well cry out to him that is the Parent of Lies, Thou art my Father. His Episile is superscribed, To the Honest English Protestant Reader: That is, doubtless, a Protestant of some surreptitious Edition of 41, whose Title is, No Bishop, and, Down with Lawn Sleeves; for if, as most certainly he does mean one of his own Kidney, he must be some Kent-street Broom-maker or at least such an honest English Protestant, as is no well Wisher to the Glorious Hierarchy of the British Church. But what Errand does he bring to his Reader? Why truly, a very silly one: for (says he) such is our fate, That I am afraid, that it requires an abler Pen than mine, to convince some, who it is highly necessary should be convinced, That any of the Measures of the late Reigns were mistaken. If this be all his Design, he might have sav●d himself the labour of this Dialogue; for he must be foolishly obstinate, That will not be convinced, that most or all Kings have at some time or other been mistaken in their Measures; yet This, and the following Assertion, he says, were the Motives of his now appearing. Some are taught (says he) that none were Rogues and Villains, and deserve to be hanged, but those who were most Active in the bringing of the present King and Queen over, and in settling the Crowns upon their Heads. By this Some that are taught● he would have to be understood the Church of England Men: Tho the ●u●● is not plainer at Noonday, than the Church of England's Zeal has been perspicuous (as he elsewhere confesses) in their sending for, and advancing their present Majesties to the Throne. Now, if he will needs have Some to believe, as, he says they do, it is only Some few, who not only are disowned by Us: but have separated themselves from the Church, by running head long into an impious Schism and Faction; for whom, as they do not belong to us, so are we in no ways accountable; nor ought their Crimes (as most maliciously through the whole Pamphlet they are) be in the least (for the aforesaid Reasons) imputed and charged upon the Church. Tell me truly (Good Sir) do you think, that this his Errand is of any more weight, than an April one; or that he deserves any thing more, than the extension of the forefinger amounts to, for his folly in blotting Paper to persuade us, what we will easily grant, viz. That Some Kings have been mistaken in their Measures: and that Some beheld the present Government, and their Friends, with an evil Eye; but that those Some are of the Church of England, I utterly deny: and so I rid my hands of his Epistle. Dialogue is Discourse betwixt Whig and Tory. By the First he Points out a Presbiterian, by the Latter the Church of England Protestant, whom I intent to defend in this my Answer, as fully as the narrow Confines of my limits will permit; not doubting, but my success will be according to the Justice of my Cause, and the Righteousness of my Assertions, and withal (if he were not as he says insensible) make him to blush at his abuse of the King's Mercy, Favour and Friendship to such ingrateful Wretches. Well, the old Trade of Basket-making I find goes on still: Whig is harping his ominous Schriech-Owl Notes upon the old String; cries loud against Misfortunes, bad Instruments, Mismanagement of Affairs, Tools of State; and by and by you shall hear him squeak out in the old Key of 41, to the Tune of Evil Councillors, Popery and Slavery, Liberty and property, etc. The reason of all this is, because he●s impatient of all Government, as long as he bears not all the Power upon his own Shoulders; Because Men deserving are put in Offices of Trust, which his Boanarges Zeal of oppressing all but himself, makes him unfit for. To prove the reasonableness of his claim to Places and Power, he tells us a story, which every Man that has not as much lost his Memory, as Whig has done all sense of Shame, knows to be a Lie, which is, that he zealously struggled in the Convention to settle the Monarchy, whilst the Torys [Church of England men] contested to make an Anarchy. And this meddler Whig, to expect to be a main Stickler in the Government, which he thinks is never enough in his hands, while any body besides himself has the least share of the King's Favour. Disapointment (says he) you must allow a just cause of Resentment. This Hypothesis (by his leave) is not always true, and cannot be allowed of when his expectations are unreasonable or unlawful: As when he desires men to be wholly discarded from Trust, who chief, if not only, are qualified by the Law and their own Merits, for the administration of Affairs: and when he expects New Laws to destroy, and quite subvert the old ones; upstart Ministers, to shoulder and thrust out those whom Integrity, Experience and Fidelity highly pleads for their continuance in the Service of their Country: And lastly, when he desires to introduce new Customs and Methods, which by the greatest and most experienced Politicians have been ever found difficult to do, for the most part, dangerous, and lastly, never enterprised without the greatest preeaution imaginable; and when invincible necessity pushed them upon such designs. But all this cannot remove his present Discontent, nor make him hope for Advancement, when it may with less danger, and more specious pretences be done. No, this Jehu will have his Career, resolving either to wriggle himself into the Government, or ruin it; though its fall be accompanied, through his fatal precipitation, with his own Destruction. Besides, the friendship of Whigs with Potentates, has been found upon Trial, more than once to figure out to us, That of the old Wall and Green-vie; which latter is of small advantage to, and sucks its nourishment from the Cement of the Wall, and inshort undermines it, so that down they fall to the very ground to gether. What gets the fawning Ivy, That Whiggish Emblem, by this? Even nothing; but either dies, or at best is poorly content to creep upon the Earth, not being able to raise itself: and only seems Powerful, in destroying his kind Supporter. But let us a little examine the Truth of his Assertion, about the late Con●ention beforementioned: Who is it, in the name of Madness, can believe ●hat he whose Principles are notoriously known to centre in the very dregs of Democracy; whose Cants has for many years been nothing, but so many encomiums upon a Common Wealth; and who has always been observed to have a more than ordinary hanckering, to project and transcribe a Government for England, after the Belgic Copy; or at best, for all his fair pretences to the contrary, after some Aristocratical Original. Further, The improbability of his advancing their present Majesties, will amply appear, if you consider the Circumstances of Whig, at and a little before the Revolution. Call to mind then his addressing the late King, with Heart and Hand, with frequent promises of assisting him to the utmost, with Lives and Fortunce, with Men and Money. Can their Noysie Prayers, their loud Praises, and all their hideous pother, be out of any English Man's Ears to this day, that so lately made most sensible impressions in our very Hearts? who has not known their more than double diligence, in serving a Turn, and being mere Tools and machine's, to build up and prop a Popish Interest with; to no other end, but to gratify their piquish Humour, and irreconcilable Malice against the Church party; not caring, if the whole Frame of Government suffered Shipwreck, by the violence of the open Storms of Tyranny, and secret the Quicksands of Court-Intrigues; having only this poor reserve to countenance the business of their actions, That if they could by any means whatsoever, but sink the stately Ark of our English Hierarchy, and procure the Dilapidation of our Magnificent Monarchy, that then they did not fear but, inspite of all Popish opposition, to gather up scattered Pieces enough from the Ruins of both, wherewith to erect not only their Conventicle, but also their Darling Commonwealth. Thus you may see, for all their brave Alls, what sort of affection they bear to their Country, and to Liberty and Property, when they will venture a Mark to a Groat odds, to Destroy all Monarchy for Anarchy, all Rule for Confusion: Yet, that this was their design, is notoriously known by several, to whom they intimated no less, even when they were meditating their desperate Revenge, under the umbrage of King J. whose Misgovernment, and our Misfortunes does (God knows in what measure) lie at their Doors. This being so; who can imagine that they, whose hopes depend on the Destruction of the Church and State, which they thought by that King's help to effect, would in the least contribute either to the sending for, or the establishing of their Present Majesties, whom, they had reason to guefs, would bring assistance to our Religion and Country; and may to their Grief now see the●● eminent Professers of the one, and true Defenders of both. But this that I now lay to Whig's Charge, I would not have understood of all that are ranged in that Class, or known by that Name; but only Some which he owns to be Knaves Pag. 19 and let me add, whose Ignorance and Malice made them fit Instruments for the late King to ruin, or at least break in upon the Church: Thus much once for all. That their numbers in the Convention were unable to effect what they pretended to, is thus easily proved: First, Because the Church of England-men, being most apprehensive of danger from the late Reign, they consequently, in all probability, would be the most active to get into the Convention, or else they would seem to suffer that willingly from the Whigs, which under King James and Cromwell they bore with no small regret and uneasiness. The want of Employs, and loss of Property, are no Trifles. Next, that the number of the Church of England-men made, by far ●he very greatest Body in the Convention, will appear, if you consider the unwearied endeavours and different means the late King used by Quo Warrantoes, by Pentions, by giving Offices, by Promises, by Caresses, and by I know not what, to procure a Parliament of Dissenters, to serve his Turn with all; and divest the Church of her Power, by taking off the Test and Penal-Laws, which the Episcopal Men were averse to; resolving not to quit their hold of the two Reigns, which most effectually held in the stiff-neck of Popery. Now 'tis as plain as the Nose of a man's Face, that, that King would never have made such choping-work, such regulations, if other ways he could got a Parliament of Whig's Kidney, who, in plain English, for all his pretentces now, were then the main men that put their hands to the Plough, though with no better intention than to betray him to ruin by their Councils, to bring us to Poverty and want of Places by your Pride, and to make havoc of all by the force of their severe Malice: Thus all men may s●e whether Whigs or Torys, whether Conformists or Nonconformist, whether the Orthodox or Heterodox were most numrous in the Convention; and consequently, who it is that deserves all the Encomiums he is pleased to attribute to them through his whole Book: for all his boasts and title to Preferment stood upon this ground, which you see has sunk under him. Here if you consider the Churches discontents before, and their number in the Convention, he being beat from his Fortress, let us ask these Questions. Pray, Sir, who showed the most early inclinations to the Prince of Orange's person? who went into Holland and first begun the Project of the Prince of Orange 's coming over? Who put the Crown upon his Head, when he did come? Who showed most apparent partiality to his Person, in all the points of the settlement of the Crown, and particularly in giving it him for Life, over looking at the same time the P. of D ' s. Title, and Lineal Succession? And stood by the King's Authority in the debate concerning the P. of D 's Revenue, and left that Affair entirely to the King's Pleasure? And lastly, who had such care of the people in their deliberate Consideration about Chimney-Money? And let me ask, who for libelling the Government, deserve the ill usage and requital from their present Majesties, which the Libeler all a long taxes the King and his Ministers with? What has been said, may also prove, Who are the true Defenders of their Country; and refel his many and malicious slanders upon that Church, whose Morals and Piety, for all his prate, pag. 45. etc. endeavoured tooth and nail, to keep out that very Popery and other Grievances which his Faction, as every one knows, helped to pull in by Head and Shoulders. The Behaviour of those persons he oft inveighs against, we neither countenance nor own; but utterly explode and excommunicate from our Church and Communion, tell we see some signals of their Recantation, an●●●ncere Repentance. Further, we own as much as ever, the Doctrine of Passive-Obedience and Nonresistance. Lastly, I say, our prayers for the King are Audible and Voluntary, and no ways Mercenary, as he most Calumniously does Insinuate. As for his Assertion, That we take the Oaths to this King only as he is King de facto, and not the june, I deny to be true; nor has he produced one of the Church of England, that ever declared he took them so; or with any mental Reservation whatsoever: all Equivocation and Palliation being abhorred by us, as contrary to the Principles of our Religion. Now, I will speak a word or two, in behalf of those worthy persons, his Malice seems to carry the sharpest edge against; but I will be as brief as possible: Because their Integrity is best known to the King and Parliament, and to them only accountable. Their Character so eminent, that they can no more be hurt by the noise of such driuling. Caitiffs than the Moon can be prejudiced by the howling of distracted Curs: over and above this, if the Libelers bowlling chance to reach their Ears, they can easily stop the bellow of such a diminutive Beast. The Law is a Receipt worth forty Rattles, to quiet the cries of these Children of Iniquity. Thus much in General. This I dare say particularly for the M— of C—, That he is a Star of the first Magnitude who has always waited upon our British Sun, our Fountain of Light, Honour and Glory, from whence are emitted such Beams of Lustre, upon him as the evil Eyes of our twilight Animal cannot without being bleared, so much as behold the least glimpse thereof; and that his Integrity is as great as his Trust: Yet, he pretends to eater into the very inmost Recesses of his Generous Heart; and put upon all his actions, the most wrested interpretation Hell and an ill' Tongue can foment. Well, but what does this Fellow mean by railing against so barve a Patriot of his Country, and others of the like Figure? Why, ill tell you, the Cry of Evil Counsellors is to, an attempt upon the King and Government with some men, what Grace before Dinner is to the rest. Look about you, for the next thing, is fall on. That this is true, I could bring more than one. Brecedent to justify. Hounds of this Pack, by such cries, get a double advantage, for first it breads jealousies betwixt Kings and their great Ministers; and again, betwixt the latter and the Common-people; all which proves an infallible Remora to the present Affairs: For the main wheels once stopped, must needs produce a cessation of motion in the less. Secondly, the forces which keeps the Miscreants from executing their pernitions' designs, being once divided, opens the way to their entrance into mischievous Actions; and their follows nothing but Ruin and Depredations in Church and State. Therefore, in such Junctures, may all Kings and Ministers stand upon their Guard; while to them, and to the Law, I leave the correction of such base Defamours as I have at this time to deal with. To what he intimates of the Church's severity to Dissenters, I will only say, that she was never without a great tenderness to them when Reasons of State, her own safety, and their behaviour rendered it seasonable. Next, He strives to prove, and that with all his might too, how averse, and what Step-fathers' the Whigs are grown, since 1660, to their Benjamin, their Darling Commonwealth. Should I grant them what his Arguments set forth; which is only the difficulty of turning this Monarchy into a Commonwealth; yet, since I have lately seen them pregnant with Endavours and frequent Attempts to effect it, I can hardly believe, but that if Commonwealth mongers and Madmen among us, are the same, we must even put Whig, and them together; and that being done, fairly pack up with the Knaves that were Trump in Forty One. Before I quite rid myself of this Business, it will not be amiss to inform our Libeler, how far he is out in point of History; for says he, The People, and Army, who were in this Project of a Commonwealth, and had overthrown the Monarchy in order to it, and could support Cromwell in a single Person; yet after his Death, saw a necessity of restoring the Monarchy again, and assisted towards it. Herein he is out, for it was the Independants and Anabaptists that supported Cromwell, and were such Sticklers for the Cause, that they never so much as thought of laying it down inorder to restore the Monarchy, had they not been forced to it by othergets necessities than what he alleges. So that this cannot prove the Whigs to have laid by their Republican Principles, if Anabaptists and Independants are so. All the dust he raises about Encroachment upon Parliaments, and working Princes up to Jealousy, and hatred of their people, is like to fly into his own Eyes; if we consider his behaviour in the late Reign, and under Oliver●s where Fellows of the same batch with himself, did not only prompt that King and Oliver, to destroy the Properties of the People, and many ways to infringe upon the Liberty of Parliament; but also with, the Usurper, exerted all the severities of aboundless Tyranny against the Church, and on all Subjects, that in such a Series of Rebellion durst so much as speak a word in vindication of Loyalty: Nay, for very Thoughts, they could scarce escape from being arraigned as Criminals. First, All his malicious Babbling against the three, Illustrious Monarches of the Scotish Line, is but the dregs of the old Poison, which has been so corrected by Loyal and learned Doctors in their several Books with a thousand Antidotes, that I may reasonably guests it has lost all power and strength, now to do any considerate Person harm. Therefore I'll let him alone Unanswered, to lurk in his Hole, and there disembogue his venom to no purpose. Now, we come to the English-Phonix Q. Elizabeth. In reckoning up her difficulties, he has wilfully omitted one, and that perhaps not the least, viz. the Incumberances and Disturbances her Government was subject to, by reason of the Puritans, the first, and therefore the best Edition of Whig; though even then, they gave shroud testimonies of what they have since proved. But she wisely betimes made a Rod for their B—, Remember her Penal-Laws,— Ah— did it smart then— yes truly; Whig, was then in his Infancy; and a Rod was as fit for his Breech, as an Halter for Guido's Neck: but being grown up from an unlucky Boy to a proper Man, he fears not the Lash, having out lived the Whip. To difficulty of that Queens, add the rest, as he; and then, if he look through a True Glass, let him never take my word if he does not see all those inconveniencies either removed or overcome: By whom?— even by no body but mere Torys: and how comes it to pass, That those very persons, who had such Conduct and Integrity, and Loyalty, and Love, then, should not be allowed to have the same Now? and be as able at this day to make a King and People Happy, as they were to make a Queen and her Government easy. This is all he gets by his instance of that Queen; unfortunate man, to shot Darts that fall on his own Head. Hold! let me add one word more, and this it is, If he had that great Love for the King, as he pretends to, he might only by changing a Queen for a King, make her Character fit him to a hair. But this King, as well as the rest, is, in his gibberish, rather a Dragon than a St. George, K. of Clouts, a Duke of Venice, or any thing good Lord, as long as he has a Tory about him; That's the Dunstable English of his whole Drift and Libel. I give him many thanks for his Salvo, and sweetenings to the Church of England; but could hearty wish he would afford us fewer of his fair words, provided his affection was real, which I should be glad to see: for I love to follow Peace with all men. He tells us a great Story of the want of Warmth in Tory. How they suffer people to insult the Government in every Coffeehouse; and many other Faults, for want of warmth, he lays to our charge; But to discharge himself, has not brought one Loyal Instance of his apprehending any inconsiderate, or malicious Babbler. True, he tells us strange things that he did for Noll; but not a word of his performances now, except it be the worthy Actions of the Parliament he speaks on, Pag 16th, and in other places; which if you mark what I said about the Convention, you will find to be the very Deeds of the Church of England. ●…f he says, he'● disencouraged by the Court, 'tis a great untruth. Now, we come to the main thing, whether Whig or Tory has done more for the love of their King and Country better; a●d which Party as the case now stands, are fittest for Administration of Public Affairs, I have before proved even demonstrativers, That the Torys sent 〈◊〉 the King, and in the Convention were far Superior in Number to the Whigs; so that all the Merits of the one and the other are properly ours: That's a clear Case. Here we, as before, disown (as not belonging to us) all those that have made public rejoicing at the slaughter of our Armies, and destruction of our Fleets. While he would exclude all from his Party (and I could believe him too if he were not so fond a lover of himself) that is as bad as Judas. One swinging Argument that he uses against our loving the King, and being entrusted is grounded upon the false supposition, That the Church Party are two much inclined to King James: and that we have not made our reconciliation with him desperate, which is a manifest falsity: for did not the Clergy discountenance his proceed when King? Did not they send for the P. of Orange? Did not they put the Crown upon his Head? Did not the Torys beat the late King out of Ireland? And did not the Church Party yearly in Parliament raise Money and furnish their Present Majesties with Men and Money to carry on the War by Sea and Land against him and France. And is not all this enough, think you to prove our Love and Loyty to the present King, and render all hopes of reconciliation with the other as desperate as possible can be? This proves his talk, about King de defacto, false, showing how far we own ourselves King William 's Subjects, and that we are as well for the Government as in it. This proves his malicious words (Pag. 21.) to be mere aspersion, and lastly, invalidates his discourse of Loyalty (Pag. 22.). Let me present you with one instance on his side, of which he has plenty; but that (Pag. 23.) shall serve at this time; where he makes the King and Queen put a Trick upon the Country in a Proclamation about forged Passes; and in 40 places insinuates that the King is either very Pusilanimous or what's worse, one of small skill in the choice of his Ministers: I can furnish you with store of such patterns of his Love, Service, and Duty. As for his Stories (Pag. 24.) and elsewhere, they being doubtful, and of dangerous Consequence to meddle with, I leave them to our August Parliament to examine who are the best Judges of such things. But distrusting all his pretences of Love and Service to the King will hardly procure his Advancement, the thing he chief aims at, and be Motives strong enough to degrade the honest Tory: he comes to his last Shift which is his Wit and Parts: These will do the deed suit. But what if we should grant that the Whigs Parts are as good as any Torys whatsoever? does it follow that a noise and disturbance must be made at this juncture with Turning-out and Taking-in? Let him comfort himself and rest satisfied with this, that when the King is sensible of any man's signal Service, the same shall be rewarded and according to his Parts and Merits advanced: and on the other hand Trea; cherry shall meet with condign Punishment. The King graces' the one with Favour, and executes Justice on the other. The Parliament are now taking cognizance of the Army and Fleet: therefore, I pass by what he says about such things as becomes me in silence. Being arrived at Pag. 26. I saw plainly what he would be at: For he brings Oliver upon the Stage, pulling down the Nobility and Clergy; and leaving the Gentry nothing to do but pair their Nails. This he applauds as a delicate pattern to govern by: O brave Oliver! who instead of Peers employed Porters, Draymen and Tailors, Exit Barron, Enter Brother, and in the room of a learned Clergy introduced Cobblers, Weavers and Carmen. Here's fine Work; enter seven Deivils' Solus: And what's all this Work for, but to try if Whig can any ways rivet himself and Gang into the sole managment of Affairs for Oliver; by the help of Whig, yea, such poor scoundril Whigs as these, overtopped the Clergy, Nobility and Gentry, who all combined against him? O fine Oliver! And this is the Play he would have acted again, would the King but take his Council. Well, we'll grant Oliver, beloved Oliver, did Wonders; but he once dead, the same Blades could not keep Cart on Wheels. The late King also thought to work miracles with the same Tools, but I need not tell you the issue. Who is so mad also to think that Noblemen and Gentry, whose Element is Business, is not much fit for Counsellors, Generals, etc. than a Weavor, or a Major General Cobbler: The first are less apt to be Treacherous too one would think: being more sensible of Disgrace, which thereby is like to fall on themselves and their Family. But what need I say more, since the difficulties and ill success of such attempts upon the great ones, will in all probability prevent the like for the future. In fine, I believe some Whigs are Loyal to their Majesties: and I wish if there be any bad Torys in Places, and honest Whigs out, fit for them that an exchange were made for the King and Countries Good. But to see the alteration of the whole frame of Government in Church and State for the promotion of such as our Libeler, would its to be feared ruin both King and Country, which every true born English man would be sorry to see: This Subject also leave for those who are best able to discuss it. To his Discourse concerning which Party are faster Friends one to another, I will only say that I wish all would join this the Common Interest of their King and Country; to which distinguishing Names, Factions and Parties are diametrically opposite: and I desire all to lay a side their violent Heats and in striving for Places, Power; and rather than thrust themselves forward with Violence and Avarice, be gently called for by their Sovereign, the best Judge of Desert, to Preferment. I will conclude my Letter, with a memorable Example of Candour, out of Valerius Maximus, who speaks of a certain Spartan, famous both for Nobility and Virtue, whose endeavours for Magistracy being unsuccessful, only said [Maximae sibi laetitiae esse praedicabit, quod aliquos patria sua se meliores viros haberet] that it was his greatest joy to see, that his Country had better Men, that were fit by their Deserts for Offices, than himself. This, if Pride and Self-interest would suffer to be imitated, would render the want of Employ as laudable as the enjoyment thereof is Honourable: To which Sir, I doubt not but you will agree with Your Humble Servant. FINIS.