SOME OBSERVATIONS UPON OCCASION of the Publishing their MAJESTY'S LETTERS.  
OXFORD, Printed by Leonard Lichfield, Printer to the University. 1645.   

SOME OBSERVATIONS Upon Occasion of the publishing their Majesty's LETTERS.  
SUCH is the unhappy engagement of many People in this Kingdom; such the Nature of most men, That what is written to detract from Princes, or great men, shall ever find an easier belief, than what is rationally offered, to defend them against Aspersions. So as it might seem a vain thing, to declare a private man's Opinion, concerning the intercepted Letters of the King, since the Preface says, He must be a Papist, the worst of men, or a Jesuit, the falsest of Papists, that would defend them.  
Well! Let it find belief as it will, He is neither Papist nor Jesuit that dares say, If there be not forgery in some part of the King's Letters, (for a word or two varied, or omitted, may make a new matter) yet the inferences on them, are neither perspicuous, nor modest. The Letters not unworthy a Prince defender of the Faith, against whom so dangerous and causeless a Rebellion was then in its height, threatening both to his Government, and to the Protestant Profession of the Christian Religion in this Kingdom, an utter ruin. I'll say no more: But we know the Spider sucks a poisonous juice cut of the same flower a Bee doth Hony. Inquire into thy own nature, as well as these Letters, and see if thou hadst had either a Christian or a Moral Spirit, whether these short Observations following were not more natural out of those Letters, than those published.  
Look then upon these Letters as the truest mirror of the King's mind; Here you may say He was not drawn, but He showed himself to the life: So as the worst of men cannot but confess, here is the worst of the King. And if it be so (without any Flattery, which Princes in an embroiled condition are not much troubled with, for they are usually commended, or dispraised by Excesses) see what is unworthy of Him in all that hath passed from Him.  
Will you see Him in His Religion, to Her, who by all your former Declarations must be understood to have corrupted Him in that which He professed; yet in Cipher it is Pag. 8th. I need not tell thee what Secrecy this business requires, yet this I will say that this is the greatest point of confidence I can express to thee: for it is no thanks to me to trust thee in any thing else, but in this, which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt Us. What? is the King so found a Protestant? Surely we have much slandered his footsteps then: And he is the Lord's Anointed. We know the nature of the Crime, and such a Crime there is: For how heinous is it now to flounder the pretended House of Commons; or both Houses called the Parliament in this usurped Authority. From the sincerity of my heart I profess it I conceive, were the rest of the passages in the Letters, as ill as they are descanted and paraphrazed upon, this might wipe off much of the sully.  
But let us examine whether it be the natural colour of the things, or the ill humour in our sight, that makes them of the ill dye, and hue they are represented. What is this great Secrecy, let's read the words. It is presumption, not piety so to trust to a good Cause, as not to use all law full means to maintain it, what for is proposed, I find it is conceived law full: I have thought of one means more to furnish thee with for my assistance then hither to thou hast had, (what not hitherto?) It is that I give thee power to promise in my name to whom thou thinkest fit, that I will take away all the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholic, in England, as soon as God shall enable me to do it: So as by their means (you see it's a Bargain, not a Favour) or in their favours, I may have so power full assistance as may deserve so great a favour and in able me to do it. Here comes the great and popular Charge. Here say the three Orations to my Lord Major etc. And the Annotations Printed at the end of these Letters, so Laws shall be repealed by force. The King who hath so often declared, and protested against Papists, now dispensing with them. How agrees this with the title of Defendor of the Faith, etc.  
An ill Rhetorician to a misaffected and ignorant People may make this seem very odious: But to rational men (and I am confident many that could not find out reason, will understand it when it is laid before them) I offer this that follows,  
That true it is, and would it were as received an Opinion, as it is true; That no man or body politic, may commit a sin for any good that may be pretended to be procured thereby: So as if this Dispensation were in itself sinful, then for no end by the King to have been granted. But this Dispensation of Penal Laws is but a forbearance of punishment, which certainly by all Learned men is granted, 
Gro. de Iu. Bel. & Pac. C.  Princes may nay ought to do, when the exercising of Justice may be the breach of Charity and other Virtues, that is, when for punishing some Rebels strong and too well backed, He must wage a War that may be the destruction of many of His Loyal Subjects.  
Thus you see Princes, on whom Societies depend, may be rather charitable to many, then just on few.  
So the State of the Question will be this,  
A Prince in his Government is like to be undermined: And the established Religion of the Kingdom He professeth, and is resolved to maintain (for sure none will say now that the King is a Papist, or Popishly affected) is by the power of a Rebellious sort of men like to be altered; A bloody and sharp War being continued to effect this. To preserve his own Rights, and maintain the Religion by Law established  
The Question is, Whether He may not dispense with Penal Laws against another Sect, or sort of His Subjects, who by themselves, or Friends may procure Him an aid to maintain his Government and Religion? Surely I may say, yes.  
For 1. If it be not to set up a false Religion, but to lessen Penalties against it, it is not sinful: specially since it was a necessitated Act in Him by the Rebellion of his other Subjects, For he approves not of their Religion, but dispenses with freedom of Conscience; And if this be an odious Tenent, sure there be many think it so only in the King.  
2. I will not say which is most Politic, but I believe I may say it is more Christian to let the Doctrine of Teachers, and the good life of the Disciples convert men to the purity of Profession, than the Coercive power.  
3. If a stranger be not procured to resist this Rebellion, Then necessarily the King must be dethroned, Religion established altered, or the War in the Kingdom continued (if not both) for none ever saw quiet times after so great Innovations. Now which were better, That a King should let all His Subjects be imbrueing their hands in each others Blood, or by calling in Assistance, by dispencing with Penalties against (still to be remembered, not setting up) one sort of his Subjects, happily procure a Peace to all?  
For if he had been considerably strong, peradventure His Rebels would not need to have been fought with, but by Treaty have made a Peace secure, though not pleasing to all. If they would not, were it not fare better, He had power to reduce them?  
Lastly, can it be heinous in Him, to call Foreign friends to his assistance, who hath his own Subjects of this Kingdom, and others (though Subjects to Him, yet Foreigners to the Kingdom) in the bowels of the Kingdom invading Him, and sooyling His Subjects?  
Besides, when is it that He promiseth this ultima Ratio Regis, but in March last? Nay it was a secret then to Her, who was conceived the Cabinet of all His secrets; so as I may say, it entered not into His heart till danger shown it Him, or He kept it for a Reserve, that he would not part with if he could save; Cursed be those that put the necessity on Him.  
For the objection, how this suits with defender of the Faith, surely nothing clearer; For it is to enable himself to defend the Religion professed. That title leads Him, as much as He can to make all His Kingdom of one belief: But rather to leave unpunished divers Professions, then let that established perish.  
That this is the true case nothing clearer.  
For see whether the Propositions of the Houses, either to take the Sword (not his Militin alone, but also his judicature) into their power, or the altering the government of the Church, be demands upon the old Foundations or Laws of this Kingdom; or rather upon new desires, of a sort of men, ambitious both to reign over their King and fellow Subjects. If both Innovation, as without any controversy they are, then is the case truly stated: And if so, sarewell the Peace of this Kingdom, for the Question will not, nor can be, What is, But what to the then Members of Parliament seems best. And if the King will not consent to it; as now, so ever hereafter, a War may be levied. Poor Countrymen, would you could distinguish betwixt Pretences and Realities, that you might not thus court your own Ruin, and call that Courtship, or Flattery to your Prince, which is defence of Magna Charta, and consequently of your Peace. For grant once, the present Laws of a Kingdom may be altered, by any other way than they were made, you shall never have a Parliament, but you may justly fear a War. But let the King have his just Rights of denying what he thinks unfit, and the Houses theirs of tendting what they think fit, and the old splendour and Peace of this Kingdom may be restored.  
The second Observation is,  
That in all the Letters, it is manifest, the King sincerely sought by His Treaties, the Peace of his Subjects, and that he made the Laws in being, the Standard or rule to measure it by. Nay the Queen is as earnest for it as any one: A Peace that might not last, is that which both of them only fear.  
First observe, In all this secrecy of Letters, there is not one Word, that expresses the making use of the Treaty to any other end, then procuring Peace, which as it shows the King's integrity; so it manifest; the Queen's innocency; For had she been contrarily affected, the King would have used arguments to have induced her thereunto. Read then what He says of it, what she says.  
First in respect of the averseness of those at London to Peace, He is forced to use dexterity in procuring a Treaty: you see then from whom the Treaty moved; Therefore proposes His own coming up to London: And you see this is no delusion, for the Queen Pag. 31. Startles at it, as being by Her supposed probably of much danger to His Majesty's Person. But alas that She is careful of Her Husband, will be anon objected to be Her fault, but not one of those that I think worthy to Answer.  
Nay, observe whether she be against it. She only tells Her thought (and hath had too just ground to suspect) If you trust to these People you are lost, etc. Pag. 20. She declares, I wish a Peace more than any, and that with greater reason. The short of all Her meaning is in pag. 30. I have nothing to say, but that You have a care of Your Honour, and that if you have a Peace, it may be such a one as may hold. A Peace with the King's Honour (who from the beginning desired no new thing, or any of that glorious greatness promised) and such a one as might last, are very ill wishes, or they very ill men that interpret them so. Nay observe in the same Letter She writes concerning Catholics, and you'll find She knew not what the King might resolve: for there is no such dangerous influence from Her Majesty on the King, as the People must believe: For (says she) in my opinion Religion should be the last thing upon which You Treat: Why? For if You do agree upon strictness against the Catholics (than for aught she knew, it might be) it would discourage them to serve You. Look upon pag. 11. And you'll read the ways the King hath used to come to a Treaty, and the Grounds. These His Majesty sets down, how His whole party are strangely impatient for Peace (where are His evil Councillors then, unless advising Peace, be one evidence of it) What doth the King upon this? Is it to comply with them? No, His Answer is, Which obliged me so much the more to show my real intentions thereunto. If you read on, you'll find the King takes notice of Factions among you: What use doth He make of it, or what hope? I am put in good hope (some holds it a certainty) that if I could come to a fair Treaty, the ring-leading Rebels could not hinder me from a Peace. Sure then it's plain, the Treaty was only sought to procure Peace. Nay pag. 2. See Whether the King be not ready to resume the Treaty after it was broken (so certainly it was left at your doors) and to make the Queen the means of it, so he were satisfied but of a willingness to yield to reason. Nay before I part with this, I'll desire you but to remember who were the Treaters, Men of great Honour and Integrity, and to the end they might have all freedom, observe but their Oath; and how strictly it bond them, from certifying even to His Majesty the name, though in some cases they might the number of the dissenters. Would you were in a Constitution and Temper to weigh; I dare say you could not then, but value His Majesty's Wisdom in the Instructions He gave His Commissioners. I'll end with these few notes out of them, to let pass the substance of those Instructions, since my purpose only is, to show how really His Majesty sought a Peace, how foully soever He is now traduced.  
That He offered, to join in the rectifying abuses, if any have crept into the Church; Easing tender Consciences etc. Stands not upon giving the Rebel's security by strong Towns, that Articles agreed on should be performed, And offering some of them rewards or places. Nay in all the Letters, there is not one word of taking revenge in the future on any Person, which expresses as well His Majesty's Christian, as generous spirit.  
Be not now angry with me, that all this satisfies me of His Majesty's Princely intentions to His people, and amazes me of your Comments. I cannot say remember Cham, that discovered his Father's Nakedness, for that's not your case; you discover not, you make. There is no Example, But a Prophecy, or a Character of such men as you, That in these latter times, Many should be Traitors, and speak evil of Dignities etc. Your present successes, may make you unapt to believe this, but when the time of Affliction comes, than you may as Solomon says, Consider; For truly, I divulge this more to justify honest men, who have a dutiful and reverend opinion of His Majesty's Letters, then with hope to convert an unreasonable, and obstinate party. Many more instances, there are to be drawn out of the King's Letters, but there is a whole Book of the Treaty, and I love not actum agere.  
The next great Objection, Is the Cessation and Peace with Ireland. That also is at large handled in the said Book, and therefore I shall only touch some things natural to these Letters.  
See then the Reasons, which are chief these, pag. 27. All the World knows, the imminent and inevitable necessity, which caused me to make the Irish Cessation. And there remains yet as strong reason for concluding of that Peace. And pag. 16. 1. The impossibility of preserving my Protestant Subjects in Jreland, by a continuation of a War, having moved me to give you these powers and directions, which I have formerly done etc. 2. Besides it being now manifest, that the English Rebels have (as fare as in them lies) given the Command of Ireland to the Scots: I think myself bound not to let slip the means of settling that Kingdom (if it may be) fully under my obedience, nor to lose that assistance I may hope from my Irish Subjects. Here you may observe, the necessity lay upon the King; For you had deprived him, of force, either to save his Protestant Subjects, or to reduce his Popish. Then He saw Jreland, as a prey given to the Scots; And surely the Irish have (which I hope we shall never grudge them, since they are His-majesties' subjects, what ever their Religion is) reason to expect to have His protection. And lastly, His Majesty saw his Irish Subjects designed as a Conquest for the Scot, and so he knew, he should not only want that assistance, which in duty the Irish ought to yield him (for certainly Protestant Princes, may use their Popish Subjects in their Wars, since none doubt, Christians formerly, could serve Heathen Emperors in theirs) But by the Scots Conquest of the Irish, he was also to expect the Rebellion against Himself so much the more strengthened: Nay, English subjects might hereafter find the Scots, who now helped them in this Rebellion, when they should be masters of their own Lands, possessors of so much of ours (for I doubt few of us shall live to see them wholly outed) so enriched as they are, by the plunder of this Country, and so strengthened by the footing given them in Ireland, Would at last be as like to conquer, or give the Law to this Nation, as they are now ready to assist some of them. And here let me say, since the King was borne in Scotland, I cannot enough express, how much the English are bound to Him, for His sense of the honour of this Nation. See how he expresseth it pag●●. The English Rebels (whether basely or ignorantly will be no very great difference) have as much as in them liar, transmitted the command of Ireland from the Crown of England to the Scots. Observe what He says in His Instructions concerning the Scots interest, in the Government of the Militia of this Kingdom: If the English Rebels will be so base, to admit ten Scots to twenty English. But this care of the Honour of England, was no new humour, or distaste towards the present Scots Rebels, for in that Letter, pag. 34. (so spitefully printed, but so advantageously to His Majesty) you see the King is positive enough with the Question; to whom now the only objection is, that He is too indulgent: And one part of the quarrel is, She neglects the English Tongue, and the Nation in general. Behold then upon all Oceasions, how sensible He is of the Honour of this Nation, who are at present so forgetful of their Duty to Him, and their Country.  
But to return to the business in hand. Mark the King's Offers, conclude a Peace with the Irish what ever it cost so as my Protestant Subjects there may be secured, and my Legal Authority preserved. A Fatherly, a Kingly care, one would think. But for all this, you are to make the best bargain, (still it's a Bargain, and still it's upon a necessity, & it's still but a Dispensation with Penal Laws) and not discover your enlargement of power till you needs must. At last if the suspension of Toinings Act, for such Bills as shall be agreed on between you there, and the present taking away of the Penal Laws against Papists by a Law, will do it, I shall not think it a hard bargain.  
Poinings Act, (which is known to be a Law, whereby all Acts in Parliament there, were to be first sent over hither, and confirmed by the King before they be promulged) is the first. This indeed is a Branch of Royalty, a Flower of the Crown, and not to be parted with, (certainly) were it not upon such a necessity, as endangers the being of Sovereignty: True, it was a mark of Ireland's Conquest: and if it were so heinous in my Lord Strafford, to say the Irish were a Conquered Nation, to the same Persons that were so severe in their judgements for that; Can it now be so grievous that a mark of a Conquest should be wiped out?  
The second is, dispensing with the Execution, and afterwards Repeal of the Penal Laws. This hath had my observations on it in the first Objection, and therefore shall not be repeated in this. Only you plainly see, it is a necessitated dispensing with the punishment of particular Persons: Appeals to Rome denied; Praemunire must stand in force; In short, Papists may be eased, Popery not countenanced. Remember who causes the Storm that makes the Merchant fling his goods over board.  
For that Objection that His Majesty hasted the Peace of Ireland, lest He should be preingaged. Surely, considering to whom the War of Ireland was designed, and both for his own Honour, and this Kingdom of England's good, It were better that Realm depended on Him, that is our King; Then the Scots, who have been our troublesome neighbours ever. And if their hearts were looked into; (though they have met with an Age hath given them better belief) they have notwithstanding brought in but their old good will to this Nation. The French paid them heretofore for disturbing our Peace: the Houses at Westminster buy them in now to have such a footing as may lead them to pretend to more than they will hereafter spare them.  
The Duke of Lorraine's Army is a great and a dangerous discovery. The King of Denmark being desired to assist: The Prince of Aurange's aid by shipping; All speak the drawing in of Sovereign Forces, and this contrary to the many Quotations of the King's Declarations and Protestations.  
They that slight the Answer, know that it is a very substantial one, to say, Do but distinguish times, and you accord all.  
It will be hard to get belief, but known it is how backward the King was, either to admit Papists into his Army, (not but he knew he might justly make use of their service, The Protestants of France serving the French King, and the Hollanders employing Papists in their Wars,) or to call in Foreign Forces. But when He perceived your obstinacy. How you could dispense with your own employing Walloon Regiments, and divers other Papists; How you could have Collections in Holland, Agents with Sovereign Princes, Committees in Scotland, for the two States, as you call them, that sent you in a great Army: Can you object this to Him, and not think it concerns yourselves? No, you have too much reason to do it: If you found not that the Common People, and your interessed Party have so submitted their reason to your Declarations, that if an implicit belief he rendered to the Chairman at Rome, you think it high disobedience to be denied any of yours.  
If I should in answer of the black Characters you put on your King in His Government, desire you but to remember, how when you procured a Law, That contrary it was to the Liberty of the Subject, they should be pressed to the War, That notwithstanding immediately after Thousands were pressed by your Ordinances, and how miserably many of them perished you know, and see by their wretched Widows and Orphans. How when for the Subjects Liberty; Not the King, not His Council, no Court of justice could imprison, but the Subject must have cause shown, and his Habeas Corpus upon demand granted; yet Thousands you restrained, no cause shown, no admittance to Picad.  
If I should mind you how Property was fenced by you, That no Tax could be laid. Nay, Tonnage and Poundage, must be limited for a few months by a new Law, and yet in a moment forced from the Subjects without one, As if you made Laws not to preserve the Subjects Right, but to show your power to break them. If I should remember you of your Murdering Ordinance, that (where no Law could) deprived a Reverend Prelate of his Life; Of your Repeal of Statutes, in the business of the Common Prayer-Book, by your Votes, called an Ordinance. Of your one day declaiming against an Excise, and the next day setting it up; and many more. What fruit must I, or any other honest Subject look for by your Government? How can you with any countenance question the King, for not observing Laws, who think yourselves bound by none? Let the Sovereign power reside where it will, in one, as in this and other Monarchies, or in many, as in Republics, Yet every where the Subject may take the benefit of the Law: And so you may remember we were heretofore admitted to implead the King for ship-money, was not the time of Government happy when Subjects Pleas could be admitted? Had the Law the same freedom now, as then; your Soveraignti's would soon be disproved, and your Tyrannies made manifest. Well, all I shall say is, you have your judge, and He resides in Heaven. The Lord is King, be the People never so impatient: You shall reckon for your disloyalty to your Sovereign; for your cruelty and oppression to your fellow Subjects; for your slandering the footsteps of Gods Anointed; Even for your Paraphrase upon these Letters, whose stile, and weight of Sense, as well as Integrity and Honour they are lined with, will rise more in judgement against you: And I confess, were you as you ought to be, were a better means to convert you, than all that hath been so weakly, but well-meaningly laid down in these short notes, which should have been drawn out longer, but that it's believed some Person of judgement will declare himself on this Subject, as I have (without ends) my Duty and Affection to His Majesty's Person and Cause.  
FINIS.