The False Brother, OR, A NEW MAP OF SCOTLAND, Drawn by an English Pencil; Being A short History of the Political and Civil Transactions between these two Nations since their first Friendship: Wherein the many secret Designs, and dangerous Aspects and Influences of that Nation on England are discovered; With the Juggle of their Commissioners with the late King, Parliament, and City.  
The Grounds of the Entrance of our Army into Scotland cleared, from their own Principles and Actings; Their main Pleas impleaded, and answered.  
Humbly presented to the Council of State.  
Frustra blanditiae venitis ad me;  
Attritis miserabiles labellis.  
Victurus Dominum, deumque non sum,  
Jam non est locus, hac in urbe vobis. Martial.  
1 Sam. 11.1, 2. Make a Covenant with us, and we will serve thee. And Nahash the Ammonite answered; on this condition will I make a Covenant with you, that I may thrust out your right eyes.  
London, Printed by R. W. for Francis Titan, and are to be sold at the three Daggers in Fleetstreet near Temple-Gate. 1651.   

To the Reader.  
THis Map was drawn by day light, though it represents persons in their Night-Gowns and private walks; all the design in it, is but to make us Englishmen, or keep us so. Necessity hath now forced out many things, which in former times prudence and better hopes would have stifled; We have sad reason to repeat former miscarriages, if there were any thing remaining to help, but remembrance of what is past, and caution for the future in our correspondence with that Nation. The Author hath nothing to say absolutely against Scotland (may they live as happy without us, as we can do without them) only, that which this little Treatise deals withal, is either their ill-neighbourhood, or deceitful friendship, in managing close designs against England, by loving and brotherly expressions. It's wholly submitted to an English Judgement (if it be not quite lost in many) some having already engaged it a great way beyond the borders, others are ready to give it up (with all their privileges) for enjoying the name of a Scotish King. What is related needs no Apology; its Truth is its Shield and Buckler; the use and improvement of it will be the great thing that remains, which will be easily effectual, if we retain any sense of our former privileges, or present ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

The false Brother.  
IT is not unknown (though it hath been sad, and dangerous) how many intricacies and strange emergencies have occurred in the affairs of this Nation, since the Parliament first began to oppose the Tyranny of the late King; so many changes and divisions within such a compass of time, and ground, ne'er have been experienced among any people; which hath not proceeded either from the in evidence of our first principles, or for want of the knowledge of our advantages over our common enemy, but merely from the designs of our seeming friends, and bosom acquaintance, who (making use of our affections and indulgences) as fast as God hath made way for an end of the war, have found out other instruments, and pleas, either to new model the old Enemy, or alter our spirits and principles by secret divisions among ourselves.  
But among all the secret enemies this Nation hath had, none have been more eminent and active with so much advantage as the Scottish Party, with whom, as we had most special correspondencies, so they have had the fairest pretences, and strongest influences on all parties, all others being but under-agents to their designs, whose craft and policy meeting with the ambition and discontent of some English spirits, hath of a long time wrought together, to the perplexing of all our affairs, and to the recruiting our common Enemy, either in their strength, or hopes; all which though it hath been a long while acted underboard, and carried on by fair and unsuspected steps; yet it hath at last broke out, that all true Englishmen may see who were the first Agents, and are to be the last reserve of the Malignant Interest.  
For the full discovery of which plots and transactions of Scotland against England, their methods, and ends from first to last, as far as can be gathered out of their dark and close negotiations with the King on the one side, and Parliament and City of London on the other, without any envy to that Nation, but of faithfulness to England, I have undertaken this short Discourse; for the better carrying on of which Narrative, it will not be amiss to begin at the first original of our acquaintance, and to glance at the grounds of our distances and unions.  
We may all remember, that the beginning of our dearness and acquaintance with Scotland hath been but of late years; Our Ancestors thought we were as providentially disjoined from them by Tweed, as they and we are by the Ocean from all the world besides; and in all their overtures with that Nation, their care was more to keep peace then friendship, and to imprison them (with observance) in their own Nation, rather than to enlarge our Dominions with theirs; it being our utmost design to keep them from being bad Neighbours, for good and profitable friends we never could expect them to be, there being no parity or proportion for such a converse between us; but on the one side there would be envy and design, on the other jealousies and indignation; they wanted too much, and we enjoyed more than we could spare upon mere acts of love and National correspondencies.  
And the Scots (who naturally hate or envy Englishmen) observed their own advantages; and therefore rather sought to strengthen their alliances abroad (especially with France, who have been long our secret observing enemies) then to be one with us, knowing they could get more by helping others to annoy us, then by themselves, who have been ever too weak in strength (though not in policy) to deal single with the English Nation; many and bloody battles have been fought between us; the English to preserve their own borders (which was the top of their design) the Scots to enlarge their territories on ours, which yet they never could obtain, but have of late cast very hard for, and have it still in their eye. The nearest conjunction this State could ever formerly in prudence seek after with them, was by Matches with their Princes, which at last brought forth a more visible union of both Nations under one King, which fell out fortunately for the Scots, that their King should be translated into England, whereby they should have his small Revenues in Scotland, and advantage of place, and insight to the privileges and secrets of this Kingdom, and yet lie out of our way, and keep their own Nation to themselves; This union, though it was hopeful and very welcome to the English (whose borders were never free from their ravenous invasion) yet it proved not so well for England; for, as it brought more charge on us to maintain a King of three Kingdoms by one (for we could expect little or nothing from Scotland to ease our burden) so that person laid the plot of Prerogative, and persecution, and left the prosecution of it to his Successors, which they have not failed in.  
But our nearer acquaintance, and that which begot friendship between us, seemed to have laid on a more contrary, yet sure foundation; not on our union under one King, but their falling out with him, and opposing the effects of his Father's plots, and his son's Tyranny (an act then very new and strange, that both gained them hatred and respect) according to the disposition of the Court, and the temperature of the Kingdom, and had gained them immortal glory to all Nations, if they had been as uniform and even in the series of action, as they were hot and violent in their first motions and agitations about it.  
For the late King having been fully acquainted with his Father's principles (which he had a peaceable time to fortify) and observed whom he made his enemies and friends, did endeavour to go on where he left off, and to propagate them with that zeal that an interested Agent ought to do, upon whom only the active part of the work lay; which design, as it was chief to advance the Prerogative above the Law, and Episcopacy above the Gospel, and both as a step to Popery; so it was carried on by degrees in England, both as to Civils and Ecclesiasticals, and so less discerned; and the great method was to begin with Scotland first, which as it was more remote, so it taking full effect there, as an Essay, it might be effected in England with more power, knowing that England was the more Heroic, free, and noble Nation, and more incapable of bondage, and slavery; and they well knew, it would be hard on a sudden to make a Civil War in England after so long a Summer of peace, especially ere they had tried what could be done with the two other Kingdoms.  
But it first broke out in Scotland on a sudden (and too violently) by the zeal of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who (to provoke them) sent them a new Common-Prayer-book, worse than ours (which was bad enough) with many revile and affronts publicly to the whole Nation; that the Scots had nothing else but the grossness of the plot to oppose, which yet was sufficient to move them to preserve themselves; our condition was much worse, by how much we lay more directly under the design, and both the burdens of oppression and persecution with less plea and power to oppose. The Scots soon resent those actings (and unite themselves together) and put themselves into a posture of defence against the King, and his Incendiaries at Court, and at last come into England, to prevent the Kings coming with an Army to Scotland, and in a little time they gained their desires, with something from England over and above. This first engagement against the King, Common-Prayer, and Bishops (all which lay heavy on our consciences) did not only gain them their own desires, but got them the hearts of true Englishmen, and abundance of reverence to their Cause and Nation; yea all honest and godly men (to whom then the thoughts of any Liberty was sweet, and the glimmerings of probable hopes precious) fell down at their feet, espoused their quarrel; and though their actings had but an occasional influence upon our condition; our whole Parliament suffered a dissolution, rather than they would contribute a farthing to make a war against them, though Parliaments were then rare monuments of Privileges to us, and of such necessity to our affairs, and we were hopeless of attaining any more; and when the necessities of the King (to get money) moved him to call this Parliament, (as meaning once more to try the people) we not only again refused to act against Scotland; but the first thing we did, was to proclaim them our Dear Brethren, and instead of granting Subsidies against them, we gave them a gratuity of three hundred thousand pound sterling, for standing up for their own just Liberties, and giving us occasion of doing the same; though some wise and single eyed men are not afraid to say, that there was somewhat more in the end then preservation of Religion in that expedition: First, because there were many private animosities long before ripening about places among some great ones at Court, and Scotland, and that there was fire enough in these breasts to kindle a very great flame, however they took occasion to kindle it at a fit season for the Scots.  
2. The revenues of the Court in Scotland were not so equally distributed among the Scots Noblemen, but some got all.  
3. It was a fine Essay for the Noblemen and Gentry of Scotland, having so good a pretence, to try the temper of the English, and take a clear prospect of our State: But that which makes many especially believe that Religion was but a pretence, is, because they have made so little progress in the Reformation, and purifying it among themselves, and yet have made so many divisions in it, and by it among us; Others think their hatred was not so much against Superstition, as Ceremony; nor of Episcopacy, but of its pontificalness in outward Ornaments, which they could not so well maintain, and their Nobility together.  
But we must give them their due, they had the first eminent occasion given them to oppose Innovations, and they must have the honour of the first start; we than thought them all Saints; and at that time, every breath after Religion and Profession of Reformation was so taking to good men, who knew no way of attaining it by themselves, that the Scot laid in a stock of credit which hath lasted them ever since (having the first commendation of early risers, though afterwards they might, and did lie a-bed) striving to secure their own interests, and make use of others necessities, which they have ever since carefully held to in all opportunities.  
But the last and most special friendship hath been by our mutual conjunction in a common Cause against the late King, and his malignant interest; the King having for the present altered the Scene from Scotland to England, though the design was the same against both, we were fain to unite more closely, and to profess against our common enemy; yet as the Scots did not move or engage, until solemnly invited by our Parliament, so we were loath to trouble them, until we saw them like to be engaged by others, and we at present (through the delays and divisions of our first Armies) were not able to improve our own strength.  
This union was confirmed by the Solemn League and Covenant, which one would think had been an everlasting foundation of Amity and love between us, had it been well made, and honestly kept. But concerning this Covenant (it is to be feared) though it was solemnly taken, yet it was carelessly made, with much design and craft (which God will punish as well as the breach of it.) For it was drawn by the Scots, according to their sense; and what daubing there was in that affair, some know that will not speak: Some of our Commissioners did wish and desire some other terms to be inserted, and some explained; but it was hushed, as not being a time to dispute, that it would offend the contrivers, and retard the issue of affairs; the Scots resolving not to move, until they had our consent fast in their net; and our charity making us willing to hope they would be honest in their use and interpretation of so sacred a Text. Thus it came out in the Scottish Dialect, which was then in fashion in England, as the Spanish formerly at Court, and yet we were fain to buy the paper, and pay the Compilers, and I pray God it prove not the costliest sheet that ever was drawn between two Nations; yet we now thought ourselves well, and looked on our affairs, as in a very hopeful condition (the Scots being of late so high in all honest men's thoughts for their first expedition) and being so firmly united against the common enemy, sung Requiems to ourselves, hoping the War would soon be ended by the faithfulness and activity of the Scots Army, and that the Royal Standard would fall down at the appearance of such a Covenanting Militia: And truly the eyes and hearts of all honest-hearted men were so on them, that they thought that God would only make use of their Arms to effect our happiness; their very name now (which was formerly in English accounted as a barbarous expression) was almost become sacred, and spoken of with abundance of devotion.  
But time that brings forth Truth, soon discovered them, and ere a year passed over, many men began to be startled, and to see day through many little holes, and to discover that England was like to pay well for their Charity, and Affections; yet while we were loving, they were designing, and making their advantages of our necessities; the opening of which is one of the main ends of this Discourse.  
This great Expedition, as it drew on much expectation on all sides, so it gave them many advantages over us, which they carefully improved; for they had their own demands, both in Treaties, and the Covenant; they got into our affections and counsels, and had a predominant influence in all our affairs without suspicion, and were behind the Screen in all transactions; besides, they had their stakes in every hedge, their Agents in every corner, in the Parliament, Assembly, both the Armies of the Lord of Essex, and Sir William Waller, where the most of the Field Officers were Scotchmen, who were made Lieutenants, and Major Generals, Colonels, and Governors of great Garrisons, besides a peculiar standing Army in the North, and their Commissioners at London waiting on the design; and so handsomely were they placed in all great Offices, that the management of all affairs was almost come into the Scots hands; and had not God wisely defeated their erterprises, England had been Scotland long ere this; of which more anon.  
But that I may quit scores as I go along, because the Scots heighten their actings for us in this Expedition, and in their Papers speak so largely of their assistance of us against the Royal Party, as the greatest act of love and favour that ever was done unto a Nation, charging of us with ingratitude and ill requital; Let us a little remember, that it was a common cause, that but the day before (as it were) we did the like for them; we paid them for the mere standing up for their own privileges, that we bought their love at a greater rate then brotherly assistances are used to be sold for, and were at all the charges to maintain the Covenant both in England and Scotland.  
And whereas they urge the Kings offers of the four Northern Counties to be annexed to that Crown, if they would join with him, with abundance of large promises. In general, as it would be worse than inhumanity for them to have engaged against the Parliament, who had a but year or two before helped them, and sent them home with money in their purses, when they came but about their own business: So in particular, they knew who were better paymasters, the King or the Parliament; and though they had not the four Northern Counties made over by the Covenant, yet they did not doubt but to work them out, and to have them for their Arrears (which was more safe and honourable;) in the mean while, they knew they should enjoy them for their Quarters.  
However, we must acknowledge their assistance was then seasonable, and a favour; And yet when we pay well for respects, something of thanks may well be spared.  
But to return to our main discourse, It is very observable to consider the great difference in their carriages between their first Expedition for themselves, and their second upon the score of the Covenant; in their first coming they came with Bibles in their hands, singing of Psalms, and in a very lovely form of godliness, and their behaviour generally was not much unsuitable; but in the second Expedition when they came with the Covenant in their hats and hands, there was a sudden visible change, both in persons and carriages, the constitution of the Army of a more lose temper, and Religion marched in the rear; for having us now fast by Covenant, and lying under the shelter of so sure a pretence, they presently fell to plunder, and to challenge all things as their own; and (as I take it) the first night they entered England, they slew a thousand sheep, though by the Treaty they should have brought in a month's provision suitable to their Army; and so acted, as if they had nothing now to look after but an entire communion, and mutual enjoyment of all things in common with us; and though we had Commissioners with them, which by the Treaty were to order all things jointly with them; as they were seldom consulted withal, so hardly ever obeyed; these Gentlemen (though tender enough of the English Interest) giving way, and yielding to many things, being loath to make broils, and hinder the main work, they so encroached ere they were ware on our privileges and enjoyments in the North, that there was nothing but sad oppressions and violences reigning over the poor Countries, without any redress; and after they had warmed themselves with our English refreshments, they without any Warrant from the Parliament, or Approbation of our Commissioners, lay on a universal Sess upon every thing that was of any concernment to the people, besides Freequarter and particular plunders.  
Thus our Commissioners remained among them rather as spectators of the misery of the people, then as Counsellors and in authority with them; These things were sad presages, and opened many men's eyes in the North (to see such sudden changes) though the South knew not but they were all Saints; It was wisdom then to conceal these things, and not give them public vent, lest we should rejoice our Enemies, hoping likewise that it would be but for a while, and that they might be drawn farther South, where better means might be had for redress; in the mean time the burden and misery was enough to busy us in patience and prayer; yea, so high they were grown, that I heard a General person say (debating about the rights of England, and of their power over Englishmen) that these distinctions must not be admitted; the Covenant had made us one, and that we were to be ruled by their Laws as our own. I had not inserted these relations, but only that we may see what use they made at first, and meant to make of the Covenant.  
The series of the actions and carriages of the Army were always proportionable to these principles, as if in their first Expedition they came to take our affections; in the second, to take away our privileges, and possess our inheritances.  
As for their Military actions in prosecution of the War, we need make no large Chronicle, setting aside their lying before York, the battle of Marston-Moor, where they were assisted with two distinct English Armies, and the taking Newcastle and Carlisle, in which they served themselves as well as us; you may reduce all their services to a preserving their own borders, saving their last journey (in that Expedition) into the South (for March I cannot call it, being there was no enemy in the way, which yet was hardly obtained) where though they shamefully left Hereford, yet they got Newark, and the King to boot (of which more anon.) All the particulars of their strange deportment in the North will require a particular discourse, and but burden this. I am sorry we have cause to repeat any thing of their miscarriages, neither would I lessen their services; but its time now to keep even reckoning, and for England to know its own Interest. But to go on.  
God having almost beyond the faith of his people, and expectation of Politicians, blest our New Model under the Command of that ever to be renowned Lord Fairfax, to conquer the King's Forces at Naseby, Langport, Cornwall, that they had on a sudden beaten all their Field Forces, and taken in most of their Garrisons, save Oxford, Hereford, and some few more; It put the Scots into new shifts and policies; for they had kept their Army as the only reserve and Umpire, and seeing things so strangely, and without expectation altered (by almost a miracle of providence) and the main work to be done without them, and no Martial work at all left for them on the Royal Party, they secretly strive to make some, that they might not leave us without doing something.  
They were at a great loss in many regards (by these new providences) for first all their Commanders, who had before the great command of the English Army, had happily thrust themselves out of Office, proudly slighting the New Model, and scorning to stoop to a necessary Reformation, and reduction of Officers, which the State then saw fit, whereby they wanted that influence in the Military part of our affairs, which was of most concernment then unto us; and we found the misery of it in the Lord General Essex his time, by the delays and neglects of opportunities, which wasted our Treasure, and gave the King too much ground to have got all; and by the way it's not a useless observation (seeing it is drawn by providence) that God should lay aside, and not use the Scots Army, nor any of their great Officers in the full conquest of the common Enemy; but while they were lying safe in their Quarters in the North, (getting in their Sesses) God should prosper a poor despised Army, and carry them from South to West, conquering, and to conquer, that we may impartially say that they never were instrumental in one battle, nor had a hand in the effectual accomplishment of that conquest; there is something more in it then hath been taken notice of either by them or us; and so much were they affected with the envy of that mercy, that it was wonderful to see with what strange made faces they kept days of thanksgiving for every Victory which was obtained, as ordinary as we had Marches.  
Besides, they might well think it mightily reflecting upon them, that they should leave the Nation so much indebted to them, and do them so little service.  
But what an unexpressible favour God hath shown to England in that he used our own Army to do the last work, after-Ages will better judge; if they got so much into our hearts, and prevailed by the name of their brotherly assistance, and reckoned on so much deserts from us, that all our money and respects can never requite; what would it have amounted unto, if God had made them to do all that work for us? The four Northern Counties had been a small testimony of our acknowledgements.  
But that I may avoid tediousness; the Scots seeing themselves so defeated, and all their old instructions out of date, think of a new way, either to lengthen the war, or slubber over the Peace, which they had well contrived by their Commissioners, (who pretty well knew how to act their parts) and had taken a full view of our affairs; and having by our respects been admitted to all our Counsels, and privy to most of our secrets (for so kind we were) they did soon cast our water, and having had special advantages to view the generality of the people in the Parliament, they observed them to consist of different tempers, some but loosely principled, and inclinable to the Royal Interest; others but warily engaged, and almost neuters; others very zealous for some express public and national Government in the Church, and capable of their severest notions; others who were not much addicted to any seriousness, and but a few truly engaged in the English Interest; they strike in with the most comprehensive party, and fit baits suitable to them; having but one interest to oppose, they thought to crush them by strengthening the rest: To take the one party which was not quite of Royal principles, they deal with Mountril the French Agent, to bring the King to their Army, that after our Army had conquered him, they might make use of him, at least to gain breath to some other work.  
That they might take the other party, they press Reformation, and cry up Presbyterial Government; and that this temptation might not miss, they closely join Royalty and Presbytery together, as King James was wont to do Episcopacy and Royalty, saying, No Bishop, no King: The Forge wherein they form all their Engines, was the City of London; the prime instruments to effect their design, were closely some old formal discontented Citizens, who had worn out their consciences with telling of money, and some back-sliding, and rotten Lords and Commons, especially those who had been in the Army & had lost their places, and honour with the Scots Officers, as Hollis, Stapleton, Waller, Massey, Graves, Gentlemen who had their names up for a while among the people in regard of some particular acts in the war, until they became moderate towards the King's interest, and fell into a discontented, and envious humour against the new Model, who were assisted from heaven, to do that in one Summer which they had been dallying about some years, and had lost more ground than ever they gained, striving rather to balance the Parliaments interest, then improve it to a Conquest: These Gentlemen (with many others) being now out of Office in the Army, and so remoter from influences, (which much depended on the Military power) and seeing all their former services swallowed up, and lost in the present faithfulness and usefulness of this Army, join in with the Scots party (whose condition was much alike as to their overtures) and the Scots (who were glad of such instruments in our own bosoms) strike in with them, and lay their heads together how to work upon all tempers, and distempers of men, that they might either make a new war for themselves, to manage or patch up a peace wherein they might be seen to be the eminent instruments, thinking that would be most raising, and advantageous to themselves, it being more taking to the people to be instruments of making any unjust peace, then of conquering by just war.  
But the most plausible and teeming Agents they used were some Ministers in London, and other places, who had (by their good Doctrine) got into men's affections, whom they used as fit bellows for such a flame; and the religious vail, and peculiar engine, was the Covenant which was made use of to serve both ends. So that this design hath been well composed, and made up of English materials, and Scottish spirits, who were as the predominant ingredient in a Potion, of the most secret and effectual influence.  
The proper subject of these new contrivances, were that remnant in the Parliament, whom they had observed most immovable in their principles, & set against the Tyranny of the King and his interest, which they knew would be more afterwards then ever, hating to be so unfaithful to God's Providences, and their own engagements to this Nation, as to sell away their Liberties after a conquest, which they might have had in as good terms, and with less hazard before the war.  
And because God had kept the Army to the same principles, and united them with that honest party, they must be the main Butt of all these envenomed arrows, which afterwards were shot at Rovers, as well as in a level against them.  
This poor Army, because they had been too active, and had been honoured to Conquer that proud and insolent party; (the bare opposition of whom by the former Armies, cost this Nation some millions, to little purpose) must now be put in their place, and accounted the common enemy, and the tables were presently turned, and new names invented of distinction, and disgrace, that what they could not effect by force they might by craft, which the Scots Commissioners were the great Masters of: but that I may go on by degrees as this plot was managed,  
The first work they set about in order to effect their end ' was to get the King into the Scots Army, that he might be further out of the sight of the English, and to prevent the Army from having the only glory of doing all, that though they had conquered his party, they might not have the honour of taking his person.  
I know the Scots deny any capitulation with him, and professed they were as men that dreamt; but if Martial, and Hudson, and Ashburnham, who were the prime Agents in it, or the King himself, who swore it oftentimes upon his discontents, may be believed (as in these secret affairs which concerned themselves they were the best witnesses) than it is out of doubt; you may see this more full in a little Book, Entitled The English Translation of the Scots Declaration against Montross; where both Hudsons and the Kings Affidavit about this business are recorded.  
Nay, so fond they were of this new design, and the Officers of the Army so transported with it, that the old General Lesley told Hudson, that his Majesty might be sure of his welcome, he would willingly meet him half way barefoot, and on his knees, rather than to miss his company; besides, they presently hasted away with him to Newcastle, contrary to the advice of our Commissioners then amongst them, and the absolute command of our Parliament, as if they had got some rich prize, and their ultimate end in this war; and that they might have no objection of delay, the King gave up Newark, as a token of his love to them; and though by being at Newark he was full half way to the Parliament, yet they without stop carry him farther off, that they might draw him at a greater distance from us, and keep him as a pawn for themselves.  
This transaction, how ever guilded over, was of a strange and dangerous import in such a juncture of time, and shows much of the Scots ends, that when he was beaten out of most of his Holds, he should take Sanctuary in the Scots Army, and they to keep him, not only in the place where they first met him, but to convey him away so far from the Parliament, and that by the alone authority of their Army (which afterwards they condemned in our Army, though what they did was upon more special Reasons;) all the world must needs judge that there was something in it more than ordinary, and some great change, not in the King, who knew his own principles, and was too much endeared to them, but in the Scots, who were so glad of his coming unto them.  
But the truth is, by this they thought to undermine the Army, and that party they had their eyes on in Parliament, to have frustrated all triumphs of our Conquest, having got the prime Standard, or at least to have so puzzled, and altered all our affairs, that they might be looked upon once more as the first and last causes of our salvation.  
The King was not all this while unmindful of his Interest; neither were his Agents idle everywhere; for after the Scots had conveyed away Ashburnham, and Hudson (lest they should discover the secrets, and spoil the play) The French Ambassador, and their Agent Montril ply the King's business with the Scots, and improve the interest of that Nation (which with Scotland is most powerful) & all things had been done at that time (which was promised in the next Expedition) but that some of the wiser, and men of greatest interest, saw that it was not now time; the King was so fast, and stiff to his principles, that they could make him do nothing in order to the Covenant, which must have been their greatest pretence; and the thoughts of espousing such an interest so soon, and publicly standing for him ere he had given any delusive satisfaction, would have been too gross, as being a renewing of the old Cause, which would make all men suspect the design ere it was ripe, or handsomely veiled; and they knew well enough our Army had been all this while in action, and yet in the eyes and hearts of the people for their rare services, and that their spirits would fain be at the main person to end the war, whom the Scots had unworthily conveyed from them; and they might well imagine that our Army could easilier beat the Scots out of England, than the King into the Scots Army. Yet when he went from them, he was laden with as many promises as he could carry, or well believe, (which was too well performed afterwards, though privately,) of which more hereafter; some of their great men told him he had done too much, to be presently stood for ere they had worn out the thoughts of his miscarriages by their new stratagems on these they were then pleased to call his enemies; others told him that they could do him more service in his absence from them, and with less suspicion; neither could the King have gone away with comfort, nor they with that quietness, had not they promised to make up all at last; for (besides the shifting off the burden from themselves in regard of maintenance) they had the advantage of freer actings from him, by how much they had so orderly given him up to the charity of the English Parliament.  
2. Great things lay visible to any Observer, as to that transaction; first, that it was too costly for them to maintain him alone, when they saw they could make no present use of him.  
3. That they could not part with their former engagement to the King without new promises, in a more hopeful way of accomplishment; and some of their Grandees at that time, were for a present appearance, and the Army was dealt withal to that purpose; and the Regiments that were engaged; I could relate, and tell you how forward David Lesley himself was in that business, and how far the Lords, Calandre, Lanerick, Sinclare yea and Lowden also acted in that affair; but wiser, and more concerned men knew the King's temper, and how little they had from him to satisfy their best and most followed men, and what it was to fight so soon in a new mask for the old Cause; and what need they had of two hundred thousand pounds at present to pay themselves and their Army, that they changed the Case, and gave up that person to us to look after which they could get then no more by.  
The King, who was no fool, (as to Politics) was not much discontented at his removal, but looked upon it as his usual guess and progress, for he saw the Scots were too far engaged to England on the one way, as he was on the other against both, to expect a sudden opposition; but he contented himself to think that he had laid a good foundation for their future designs, and had both gained, and engaged his formerly most opposite party. And you shall find that the King's party did more storm at his giving up, than the King himself, who knew both his design, and their promises; they curse the Scots, and fall on them as those that sold their King, and betrayed their Trust, but he knew that he was not sold, but bought; and as his necessities did drive him to come to them, whom he perfectly hated, so their necessities made them give him up, and renew their first promises to be performed in a more convenient way, they not finding mediums as yet so proportioned, and fitted to their main end  
But it hath been thought with much seriousness by many, that could the Scots have prevailed on him to have taken the Covenant, they would have made a greater Cheat of him, than ever they can now hope to make of Charles their Second.  
Argyle (who was their main man in his surrender (to his praise be it spoken) though he hath since opened his heart) parted very fairly, and with much compliment from his Majesty, and told him that he could be a better friend to him at a distance then in their quarters; and whereas he could have now but one wheel moving for him (if he stayed) he should hereafter have many.  
Yet that I may not diminish any thing from them, they were very zealous in pressing on him the Covenant, and some other acts, which was well done; and indeed they had no other visible way (without shame) to make their best market by him; and the King knew them so well, that he would often tell them, They loved him only for themselves, and yet he expected no more from them, then that they might serve themselves by him.  
Many particular discontents there were between them in their debates, which the King would often put up, and remember; only when he knew their full mind of delivering him up to the Parliament of England; he laboured twice to escape from them, which whether it were to try what they would do further for him, or what he could do by himself, I know not, but he was prevented, and not only kept more safe, but secured, that future actions should manifest their real intentions.  
But however the King is now delivered up to our Commissioners, who was very cheery, whether because he was freed from a Scottish bondage, or was comforted with new hopes through their close Protestations, I will not dispute; but certainly he was no way daunted, or melancholy in sight; he now saw himself the special Umpire of all affairs, and the great prize of all Parties, and therefore intended to let them try out among themselves their own differences, and rejoiced in our divisions, that he might reign.  
But though the King was thus made ours (after many disputes of the propriety of each Nation) yet the Scots Army must have something else (which they valued more than his personal presence, viz. that English two hundred thousand pounds (which was rather as a gratuity, then pay, all things considered) and yet was gladly given to fore-speak a Peace) ere they would march; and yet to their Commendation, they did keep their Articles upon reception of their money; and I have nothing to say to dispraise their peaceable departure; only for the honour of England, it may be well considered what a fruitful and blessed Nation we are in our societies, and converses, that whereas they came in with between two or three thousand Scots Naggs, they marched out of England with about sixty Troops of as gallant horse as ever any Army in Christendom was furnished withal, and every Captain (besides the extraordinaries of Colonels) had his two or three led horses of as great value as some would judge their patrimony to be in Scotland, were they equally divided by a sterling account. But yet England have much to bless God they went away with no more than they did. But still to the design.  
This Army went into Scotland not to be disbanded after their pay, but as into their Winter Quarters (which though their march was at almost the end of our Winter, yet but the middle of theirs) and they were designed to go aside, and lie out of sight, until things were prepared in the South for their next March, and those had been the next Invadors, had not Hambleton (who was too crafty) changed the Commanders, not the design; but of that in its place, the progress will demonstrate the intentions.  
And now gins the play; (having discharged themselves of that burden) most honest men began to renew their good thoughts of the Scots, and to think them very honest, and truehearted to the interest of England, whereby they got fresh advantages to their intended work. And having understood fully our condition, as is related, set their Engines in motion, and by their Commissioners at London, transact all their secret contrivances; yet as men not only zealous, but careful, they took their times, and made such handsome vizards for their faces, as should not only hid them, but set out their design, as Paint doth ugly visages. But to particulars.  
The King by this time is settled at Holdenby, Hunting and Hawking under the protection of his Overseers, very pleasant and jolly, thinking he had need to do little, when his business was like to be done to his hand, by such happy and unsuspected instruments. The Scots Commissioners are now busy at London with that party which they found most suitable in the Parliament and City, with whom they fully strike in, not neglecting to lay baits for all collateral and hopeful instruments, not yet so directly brought to that design.  
The first plot of this new confederacy, is to destroy the Army, or weaken it, that it should be no considerable block in the way; for this end many secret trains are laid to undermine them, and blow them up, both in their persons, and reputations; they had many plausible arguments at hand for the countenance of their intentions, as the burden of an, Army, the uselessness of them now they had taken the King, and all was prepared for peace; yet they show not so visibly their hatred at first, but strive to divide them, and to cast them into another model, that they might not be looked on as the Army that conquered the King, but as reform and made fit for their use.  
For God having by special providences removed from this life the old Lord General Essex, who lived to see, what faithfulness and activity in an Army could effect, and to have his glory clouded by a New Model, which was form out of the dust of his greatness: This Gentleman (some thought seasonably taken out of the way) being verily supposed to be the fittest person to head this design, having been laid aside (as well as the Scots Army) and only honoured to begin the war, which might render him under the same animosity, especially having more of honour on his person to provoke him to envy and revenge.  
About this time also Major General Massey's Brigade, who raunted and vapoured in the West, were happily disbanded, which was a great mercy, and done with much reluctancy, but that the new conquering General was sent to see it done; this Army was designed to be the materia prima of this Model, and the Scots Army to be the form and spirit of the whole; but seeing themselves thus disappointed, first from Heaven more immediately concerning the one, and by an overpowering force as to the other; they presently fell to work with the Army itself, on whom they laid several plots. First, they strive to gain them to themselves, as knowing they were instruments fit to be used: For this end they pretend their pity and compassion to Ireland, and to send some part of them over there, or the whole as need should be; this was the most taking and religious veil next the Covenant, that ever could be thought prevalent to make all men think their intentions honest and spiritual; but behold the mystery! they must have new Commanders to conduct them, their own faithful Officers (who had waded equally with them in blood) must be reduced, for fear they should do more service, and have the honour of reducing that Nation also (which since God hath, maugre all designs, blest them to effect) and strange and engaged Officers put upon them, as Waller, Massey etc.  
This enterprise had too much of the spleen in it, and was not so handsomely managed, as the others were; for presently the very common Soldiers smell the Scots fingers in it, and by a wonderful way of providence they unite, and resolve to live and die with their own Officers.  
When they saw this would not take (they having got the casting Vote now in Parliament) think to quash them by that Authority they had most carefully preserved, and get them voted Rebels and Traitors, and all that took part with them, which were new and exotic words to be given to an Army, who had saved them from being executed according to that account; and doubtless such a vote had never been breathed forth in that house, if the Scots Air had not blown on the humours of some discontented English spirits, who would fain have had them provoked and tempted to have done something which they might more plausibly take advantage of for their ruin.  
But it proved afterwards that was too rough a way to deal with Soldiers, to whom then, Parliament, and City, and Country (as instruments under God) did owe the enjoyments of all their peace and power.  
This great and terrible Vote was passed then against the Army, only upon their desiring and petitioning (the fairest and most customary way of address to the Parliament) for the continuance of their own Officers over them, for an Act of Indemnity for acts done out of the necessity of their service, which were not justifiable in times of peace, for their Arrears, and such like equitable requests. It was noted as a strange change of the Parliaments complexion at that time, towards such faithful and active servants, and judged to proceed from great prevailings of humour, that it made the soldiers consider more seriously what they fought for all this while, and to judge that Tyranny had but changed its outward and loser garments; and that they were under the designs of the old Enemy in a new dress; so that this stratagem not being by itself effectual, they add another; for that party having now the power of the Treasury of the Nation, they spare not for moneys to encourage our discourage, promising large rewards to those Officers and Soldiers that would leave the Army, threatening others, entertaining all the Ruffianly Reformadoes of Massey's and waller's Army, paying them all their Arrears with gratuities, whereby they got them privately listed, spending all that money upon their own creatures, which should of right have been long before paid to the Army who had dearly earned it, gallantly made it due.  
At this time to make a full breach, the Scots Commssioners acted behind the Curtain, and more remotely, yet most powerfully, having the advantage of secrecy; they lie in the City, ply the Ministers to provoke the people against the Army, and to engage with these whom they had formerly made theirs in the Parliament; and that they might not want pleas, propose the necessity of a personal Treaty with the King, to make up all former miscarriages; all these like so many twisted cords, they thought could never be broken; a great part of the City, and the then visible power were so courted, and the Ministers of London so Coached up and down the City by the Scots, and these Lords and Commons, that the Trumpet was blown for a new War; all pay hindered from the Army (they withdrawing their contributions) refusing to lend any more money, without they would disband; and so vigorously was this design carried on, that the City put themselves in a posture of hostility (as if the Royal Army were at their Gates) and Reformadoes and others duly listed, encouraged by money and promises, the Army so hated on a sudden, that it was dangerous and capital but to mention them with respect; at the same time a multitude of Prentices and listed Soldiers came down to Westminster from the City, to awe the moderate party, and make them to vote in the King to London; upon which the Speaker, with many honest Members left the House, and fled to the Army at Hounslow-Heath, who were marching to prevent the design in the City, which had proved a bloody and doleful overture, if God had not by the wise mediation of some instruments prevented it.  
But that the Scots were the main wheel in this work, may be easily known, if we remember their converses then in the City, and the series of their carriages since in prosecuting the same design; for after that issue, when the Grandees, as Hollis, Stapleton, and the rest of the eleven Members were upon the Armies charge against them laid aside, that they could not act, the Scots come forth, and act the part in sight themselves by other pretences, especially that the world may know how deeply the Scots were interested in the making a new war between the Army and the City (thinking it best to begin at the head.) Let us but view their affections and carriages to our Commissioners in Scotland, who were soon after sent to keep up good correspondencies between us, they were very much slighted, especially Mr. Marshal that pious and prudent Minister (to whom England is much beholding) whom they would hardly own or look on, or suffer to preach, and all because God had made him a happy instrument at that time to prevent that bloody Engagement, and had for the present been used to qualify the spirits of the Ministers, and to make all friends; a work which was his great honour, and the Cities and Kingdoms most seasonable mercy, at which nothing but envy, malice, and a deep engaged spirit could have any exception.  
So zealous have the Scots been for England's good, that they will not let us flourish too much in peace, lest we should grow proud and wanton.  
But to go on (for if one means fail, another may effect all) the next weapons the Scots take up are more spiritual, and these kept for the last (as being of the most keen and prevailing nature) and they were the Covenant and Presbyterial Government, both good, but badly handled to such ends; the first being most large they put most weight upon, as comprehending the other. From both these they drew a necessity of a personal Treaty with the King; all which were prosecuted in their seasons.  
It fell out a little before the height of these workings, that the King was brought by Coronet Joyce into our Army, who though he was sent towards Oxford about another business, yet had a mind to visit Holdenby, and try a conclusion on the King, which he did, though without any command from the Army, yet with some advantage at present, at least of freeing them from fears of his being made use of against them; for the Scots with that party in Parliament had intended his surprisal to make a new work for the Army, and once more to try a Northern trick in England.  
This accident more incensed their spirits than ever, when they thought how they were disappointed in their best laid plots; and now they fall pellmell on both Parliament and Army, urging Treaties, plying the Kingdom with Remonstrances, and Declarations, which none durst to do but the Scots Commissioners; nor they, had not our Parliament had a large gift of patience and longsufferance, accompanied with great tenderness of the preservation of the union of the two Nations, and they too great a mind to make England Scotland.  
Yet truly they had little reason to envy the Armies enjoying the King, but as it gave a check to their designs; for they never got any thing by him but repentance, which cost them dear to obtain, and with some loss of Reputation in the eyes of many disengaged spirits; the King striving to drive on his own Interest by every party he conversed withal. However the Scots thought it a great loss, and that which did perplex their Motions, & therefore first cried out against the Army for that act, as if they had forgotten what their Army did (in a far different cause) or were not yet got out of their dream of their Armies stated reception of him at Southwell, and carrying him to Newcastle; but the great cause of the murmur was this, That they were afraid that the Army would have made that use of him, which the Scots Commissioners, and the English Scots intended.  
It will too much lengthen this Narrative, to repeat every circumstance about these Transactions; the general and moral account I doubt not but will suffice.  
When the Scots saw all this would not do, they fall to their pens, and shoot up and down their paper pellets against the Army, and now fly to the Covenant, as their last refuge; taxing the Parliament and Army with breach of Covenant; all England and Scotland is now filled with nothing else, but the cries of breach of Covenant (the most heinous, and destroying sin of any Nation) the Army given out as the Army Royal of Heresies and Schisms, names as odious in Ecclesiasticals, as Rebelion and Treason in Politics, that no good Christian can think of but abhor. And these are so fastened on the army, and reflected on the Parliament, that all good men that were not very wary and observant, looking on them both through this black Glass, could not imagine them to be otherwise then Monsters, who are incapable of any privilege in a Commonwealth; this Plea hath, and doth do the Scots more service than any that ever they made use of, because it leaves something always suspicious, and doubtful at the best in those which bear the brand of it, and wild still prevail on implicite-faithed men, of which the whole world is full.  
The Personal Treaty must be usherd in by this, (which was nothing else but a way to bring the King into London with Peace, Honour, and safety, and to lessen, and mitigate all former actings) which the Scots Commissioners prosecute with the greatest violence, and are the only main men in view standing for it; whether to regain their lost Honour in delivering up the King at Newcastle, and vindicate themselves of these aspersions, of selling him for two hundred thousand pound, or to make good their secret promises at his departure from them, it's no great matter to be informed in; but all the world may know they negotiated that affair, more like the Kings authorised Commissioners for that purpose, than the Commissioners of the Covenant, and Nation of Scotland. For when the Parliament stood on the way of Propositions, (wherein the Fundamental principles of both Nations should have been stuck unto, and the absolute necessaries of our peace without restriction insisted on) nothing would serve the Scots but a Personal Treaty, which in effect was no more but this, That we must yet be at the King's mercy for what we had by the sword wrung out of his hands; that this was a dangerous design, that the Scots had a chief hand in it, I shall demonstrate in these particulars.  
For the first, That it was not the right way, but a by path found out on purpose for to act some other affair by, is evident, if we consider,  
First, that the way of Propositions was judged at the utmost pinch of our affairs to be the safest, and fairest by both Nations; and though the King often desired it, when he had an Army as an argument, it would not be granted, knowing the influences of Royal aspects, and respect. 2. Any other way would be most useless; for what could not be done by Propositions, could not be by a personal presence; for those Propositions were not as Ceremonial and State Compliments which can be omitted without danger, but of that consequence, and Fundamentalness to this Nation, and so connected together, that we could not lose one, without hazard of all.  
Besides, our affairs were not in that equal balance at that time, we having the King as our prisoner, to Treat with him upon equal terms, or to admit his person, to explain or dash out our demands.  
Yea, the way of Propositions was most serious, as safe; for if the King refused to grant our desires in cold blood, when he had time to peruse them so long, and to know his own heart towards them, and yet refused to sign them, and we durst not recede from them, how could we expect by debate and conferences (where men are many times surprised, and lie under strong influences, and have not time of looking so round about them,) to have got any thing by such a Treaty? but these things have been in other Manifestoes more fully spoken unto.  
That the Scots have been the prime instruments in it, it's a Record in their own Remonstrances.  
And their carriages too gross in it to be kept private; they protested against the Parliaments way of Propositions, and when they had nothing against the matter, they carp at the method, and cry out upon them for not putting the Covenant in the fore front, while the Parliament intended nothing but to secure it in the middle, and make it the centre in which all things should rest, and by which they should be determined; this was judged a little politic Superstition in the Scots, to make the world believe they had the only care of the Covenant, and the Parliament of themselves: the high encroachments of these Gentlemen, on the privileges of England, and the Parliament, (though it might give us a full discovery of their designs on us,) yet it is not to be paralleled by any Ministers of State in the Christian, or Heathenish world; for still (wrapping themselves up in the Covenant) they peremptorily take upon them to determine what proposals we shall make concerning our peace, and when they have granted the substance, will take on them to hold our hands in the writing of them, that we must not place a letter or syllable in any order, but what these Commissioners would have us; nor could we have liberty to point our own words, or add an accent without a severe check from them.  
And when we had professed ourselves proper Judges of our affairs, and not to meddle with any proposals that immediately concerned their Nation, the Scots Commissioners ride post presently to the Isle of Wight, and protest against all those things that our Parliament thought most fit for settling the peace of this Nation: That all English men may see the aims of that Nation for power, and domination in England; and I may say it without partiality, the Spanish Faction never had more power in the conclave at Rome, than the Scots had at that time on the most of the English Nation.  
And so strenously do they follow this affair, that a personal Treaty is obtained at last; but lest it should not have been effected, to bring the Parliament low, and balance the King's power with theirs, an universal insurrection is designed in all Counties in England, and the Scots to come in on the back, that the Army might be divided and broken, and the Scots might back their papers with their swords: this was the deepest and most dangerous design, that ever was set on foot, and the greatest power of God was maifested in preventing the efficacy of it; which did not only make a new War, but would have utterly undone all former hopes. For upon a sudden they revolt in Wales, under Poyer, Powel, and Laughorn, get together a great Army in Kent and Essex, afterwards in Surry; & had all been as ready as these Counties, and the word so fully given, it had been a blow indeed unto this Nation, as never was yet given: the poor discountenanced Army is now fain to divide, and to go into several corners to fight, and suppress their new enemies, among whom had not God appeared by an extraordinary presence, we had not known the wonders we now see.  
That the Scots were the great occasion, if not the prime causes of this new, and desperate plot, will not be very difficult to discover, though they seemed to veil it never so secretly; for all these things fell out upon their Declarations against the Parliament and Army, and were but the result of their transactions with the King, and doubtless form especially in the I'll of Wight  
Their great endeavour (as you may observe) hath been since the work was done without them, to destroy the Army (the only bulwark God hath given us to preserve ourselves from the designs of the King, and them) and to disaffect the people from the Parliaments power, and actings; many strange things being blown up and down, and kindled in the Nation by their Papers to this end; it now breaks out into a flame; besides all the pretences, the new Mutineers make as the utmost of their desires, is for the disbanding the Army, for a personal Treaty, and to suppress Sectaries; and though the King lay close all this while, and was glad of his Prison, while his Agents were so instrumental, yet he had his predominant influences, and as they raised men, he put Commanders over them, especially in Essex, and Surrey, and Scotland: but to make it without question, that the Scots had the first hand in this business, let us but look back, and remember with what discontents and contempts of the Parliament and Army, and with what compliments from the King the Scots Commissioners parted, when their Secretary was made Sir John chiefly (a dangerous Omen in such a juncture) and with what respect (notwithstanding the complaints and charges of our Parliament against them, which were sent after them) they were re-ceived by their Parliament, and what thanks were given them, as if they had fully expressed the hearts of that Nation towards us.  
But that which puts all out of doubt that the Scots were principal, and trump in this work, is that just at the same time to a hair Duke Hamilton invades England with a mighty Army, by the authority and commission of the Scotish Parliament, as knowing his time, and how things were formerly agreed upon. For the Commissioners of Scotland, having laid fuel enough for the hottest flames to break out, and took their last leave of his Majesty (and Hamilton having over and above private instructions) they withdraw to Scotland to receive thanks, and prosecute the remainder of their work, in preparing all things for it in Scotland, which was fully done & to the utmost advantage. And had not God (who hath not yet failed to prosecute this Cause, and help his instruments in all their perplexities) made bare his own Arm, we should have had England peopled with that Nation, at least mortgaged to enrich them; but God which out of abundant mercy, was pleased to bless our Army, in every corner where any opposition was made, did specially help them to beat that Army, which was like to an overflowing land-flood, threatening ruin to every Country, and to make use of this Army, both to help some particular dissenters into that power (which they now use against them) and at last to cut off the root, that no more influence might be from such a malevolent conjunction.  
Thus the Reader hath had a faithful, and plain relation of the secret and open designs of the Scots to be Conquerors of this Nation, or to be joint-Rulers with us, whereby we may look about ourselves, and remember what it is to be too much engaged with poor and prying neighbours, where so many advantages are to be had on the one side to tempt, and so little on the other to provoke, and at last to learn how dangerous it is for States, which are like Spherical bodies, to touch but in a point.  
But things stay not here; when the Scots saw themselves ferreted out of all their holes, and the Parliament assisted notwithstanding. all designs to remove out of the way the great stumbling block, and to do Justice on the head of all our misery, the late King, that there was no more now for the Scots to do in England; the Parliament having wisely changed the Government to a Commonwealth, and cut off that hereditary usurpation of Monarchy, which was never, either justly begun or continued, the Scots presently to make new divisions, and that they might both continue the war, and renew the old advantages, proclaim his Son King of England as well as Scotland, by the name of Charles the Second, and afterwards without our consent, nay, in contempt of this Commonwealth, treated with him at Breda by themselves, both for England and Scotland, and did engage to him to endeavour to advance him to the English Throne; all this but to incense and provoke us to a new war with them, and to make themselves by our ruins.  
I am now come to the rational part of this Discourse, and to capitulate with them, about our entrance of Scotland. No man I know of any disingagedness from that interest, after all these passages will wonder that the Parliament of England should send an Army into that Nation, who have invaded us so often, both by their Armies and deceits; especially when they have now taken our greatest enemy into their bosoms; and have never given us satisfaction for all their former injuries. Though the grounds of this have been cleared fully by the Parliament and Army, yet I shall take the boldness to vindicate this overture by some further reasonings, and taking off their objections against our persons, and actions.  
In General, no man can imagine, and retain in his understanding, that our entrance of Scotland could be out of any by-end, either to enrich ourselves, or enlarge our Commonwealth; all the world know that Scotland hath not so many temptations to make English men to lose all their accommodation, to forsake their wives and children, and venture their lives to enjoy them; without poverty and penury, cold and hunger could allure them in, (which they have sadly experienced, since they set their feet on that ground) neither could power and domination be their ground, seeing it would cost us more to gain such a power, than ever we could get by the most entire communion in it; and it would be a sad exchange for English men to remove from such a fertile and flourishing Nation, to make a plantation in the fag end of the Creation.  
Neither can it be imagined, that the Parliament hath so much money to spare to keep an Army to blow up the fallow and barren mountains of another Nation; or that they are so unfaithful to this Commonwealth, as to hazard their most faithful and active instruments in a mere bravado against hunger and cold, as well as Swords and Canons.  
All men must needs conceive its a matter of greater consequence, and built upon higher grounds then mere pettishness or envy, seeing the subject is incapable of any such working distempers.  
Our great desire is nothing else but satisfaction for their invading of us, and security against the next; terms most reasonable; especially when we consider the wrongs, and damages done to this Nation by their means and the grounds of more than fear and jealousies we have reason to entertain concerning their thirst after the power and privileges of this Commonwealth; yet I do not doubt but the concession of the latter would serve us, though we have just ground to stand on the first.  
We appeal to all the world, whether we have not put it to the last, and deferred it to the utmost period; it will be a wonder to all Kingdoms and States (if it were once fully known) with what patience the Supreme Authority of this Nation hath born their affronts, from time to time, with what ceremony and affection we have courted their favours, desired a fair understanding, & a hearty compliance with us in friendship; and that Commissioners might be appointed on each side to give, and take satisfaction; but as if we were already designed to ruin, we could neither get money nor good words; and as if they meant to hold out the blackest flag of defiance, they return all our endeavours for Peace with the dirt of reproach and slanders in our faces; what can be done next? when Treaties are refused, offers of Peace slighted, must England bear all burdens like Issachar, and stoop under them? shall all the providences of God for this Nation be still darkened by a Scottish Mist? must we let them do what they please to undermine & overthrow all the happy issues of divine actings, and yet we sit still? shall they (without rebuke, and out of conscience) be left alone to abuse our Parliament and Army, enter into confederacies with all the enemies of this Nation, and take upon them to impose a young and raw Stripling as a King on us, and yet no remedy to relieve ourselves? doubtless, neither God, nor the Scots would ever thank us for acting such a piece of folly. There is a necessity of preventing a necessity; and it is as lawful for us to anticipate a mischief, as to extricate ourselves out of it, when we are involved in it.  
But that I may go on distinctly, and by degrees, let it be pondered in the weights of Justice and Equity, what reason we have to enter Scotland, to require satisfaction for their invading us, (whereby the Kingdom of England was endangered in the whole, and many Counties were so much ruinated;) is it not enough that we have forborn all this while? must we lose our Debts for want of demanding them? and must we be slighted for our patiences? and had not we need to ask satisfaction for the one, when they are preparing for another, that we may not trust too much, where there is little to pay at last? These questions are not in vain, when we consider all things.  
But whereas they say (Its enough they have protested against that Invasion, and that may be sufficient satisfaction.)  
It's easily answered, if we reflect on the former Transactions, and preparations to it, who were the authors of it; even these that protested against it, who rather protested against the leaders than the Covenant, and the person than the thing itself; for the truth is, these Gentlemen who had played their Cards so well in the South, were cheated by Hamilton in the North, who made use of all their preparations to engross the power into his own hands: Hamilton used the same arguments, and professed the same principles which the Ministers had preached; used the same words, for the Covenant, and personal Treaty to reduce the Sectaries, etc. all these good words that they themselves now use, and we have no reason but to belive with as true a heart.  
Neither did ever the Kirk disavow a War with England upon these grounds, until they saw their General, and so we caught in their own snare; for having by all their zealous agitations in Pulpit and Press, made ready all things for a War, they found they had unawares raised up a blacker Devil than they expected, which they could not conjure down until God met him in the height of his progress by that Army, which both he and they still make the Butt of their designs.  
Besides, grant all this to be a truth, what is the protestation of private and particular persons, to make satisfaction for National Damages? That invasion was by the Authority of a full Parliament, after long and serious debates; it is not for us to pry into their constitution; if every party must be judge of the whole, the Scots will soon lose all their pleas against England, and their pretences against all our proceed. They may well remember how we acted to them in a far different cause at first, when but a party in England, and at Court, acted against them, and made a War to overthrow that Nation, and infringe their Rights and Liberties, (as by Canterbury, and Strafford) though our Parliament abhorred the thoughts of it, yet they would not out of England until they had satisfaction for all their charges, and gratuities to boot for preserving themselves, (which our Parliament freely, and conscientiously gave them) and yet it must be a crime in us to demand satisfaction for an actual and ruinating invasion, by the absolute authority of their Parliament, only because some few private men (who were as deep in the design, as the invadors) have out of some selvish reasons protested against it: let our Brethren give us leave to reason; would not the Protestation against all Transactions undertaken against the Scots by some few men in England, by a full Parliament, and all good people's disaffection, prevent the Scots from craving satisfaction of England, (who was innocent of any precedent missdemeanor?) but they must have full satisfaction only for giving them occasion to form and raise an Army by these private designs, (without any actual ruin to that Nation) and shall a discontented protestation against persons, not the thing itself, by some particular dissenters, (who laid the plot first of the same invasion, for themselves) be thought a just plea against our demands of satisfaction for the actual ruins of many of our Counties, besides the Act of Oblivion of all the rest of their personal misbehaviours? we shall still appeal to Heaven, if men will not hear us.  
Had God permitted it, That England had seen that miserable day that Hamilton had prevailed, we should have had farther demonstration of their secret intentions; it's now sufficient that we had an invasion, to a very vast damage to this Nation, by the Commission of the Supreme authority of Scotland in that Act, and no satisfaction but a bare protestation, and a continued inveterate prosecution of the same design by these particular persons, who are now the chief men in the Royal Covenant Engagement against England: if God hath given us so much before hand, as to forbear the payment, yet we should not be abused for the demands of our just debts; and it's most hard and disingenuous that we must be forced to pardon all former mis-carriages because of their words, who are now ready on the same principles to cut our throats: but let us not daub that Engagement against England; as it was laid by Ecclesiastical principles, and agitations, so if God had not defeated, and overreached the layers of the Foundation, or had but prospered Hamilton in that undertaking, you would soon have seen the bottom of the business; for either had the old design been headed by their Commanders, or had the new been victorious, we should have seen to what use the Covenant would have been put unto; a full demonstration we have now, if we do not want eyes.  
But that the world may see how tender we were of that protesting party (though we knew their principles and ends were the same) as men forgetful of their own losses, we did not only (by God's strength) beat that Army for them, and take away their great eyesores, but never left (upon a small entreaty) until we had set the protesters in the Committee of Estates in Scotland, and had disbanded our enemies, though unto this day we never had either pay or thanks; yet these very men (that you may know their hearts) were, and are those which ever since have abused our Parliament and Army, and have made use of all their authority to overthrow us; and yet we must be contented with their only dissent, only to the manner and order of that invasion. And yet truly, I think, we might well be satisfied in their dislike, if we had not found that they have been both the first Agents, and mean to be the last prosecutors of the same design; but grant all these protesting spirits to be never so entire to the English interest, (the contrary to which we have found by woeful experience) yet we may see the complexion of that whole State in its aspects on England, and may very well demand full satisfaction for a Parliamentary public Commission to enslave and abase this Free born Nation.  
When England was guiltless of any design, they must satisfy. When they come and invade us for their own security against two or three persons at Court, we must out of Conscience reward them. And when we make use of them in a Common Cause, which would at last fall as hardly on themselves (if they meant to keep their first principles) yet we must pay them both for their own good as well as ours, and maintain them in their zeal and love, and Religion together: and yet its unreasonable for this Commonwealth to propose satisfaction for an Authorized invasion on us, to the undoing of thousands in the North.  
But the only, and best reason that ever I could find out to salve and quench such a motion, is drawn from that way of arguing which is ab impossibili, that its impossible for us to get satisfaction, were they as Free as they are Froward; and where there is nothing, we may remember our English Proverb, In that cause there the King must lose his Right; intimating, that if any thing could be got per fas, aut nefas, by hook or by crook, Kings would be sure to get it, who were nothing else but the Royal Catchpoles of a Commonwealth.  
But grant that all arrears were discharged between us, is it not reason that we should have security, at least when we are willing to take that for satisfaction? that is the next ground of entering Scotland, to secure our own Borders: and have not we reason when they have joined with an interest diametrically against us, to entreat that after they have laid their designs on England, they will promise not to act them? we desire nothing but peace at home, and to reap the fruit of our own labours, and Gods mercies.  
Let Scotland sit down with the Triumph, and Joys of their now Politic Convert; we shall not envy them; but they must give us leave to remember our own Condition when we have such neighbours and enemies joined together; who have been the bawds to all parties in their utmost Rapes and Ravishments of the Privileges of this Commonwealth. We wish we had as equal Judges, as we have sufficient grounds for this Act; they have given us cause of Jealousy, should they prove never so honest now, by their former Transactions; but when both the former and latter designs are made one, and the same pretences still pleaded to dress the old design, and all ways of information and correspondency is absolutely shut up by them, its time for England to look to itself, and to endeavour if they can to prevent that which they mean to prevail by, viz. our facilness and delay, upon what pretence soever. And we mean to go by examples; the Scots have led us the way, and taught as the Method of invading, long before Hamiltons' Expedition, upon slighter, and lower grounds, and less occasion than we have.  
For when the King by the prevailing Favourites at Court had raised an Army with intention to make war on them, to prevent the miseries of war in their own Country, and get beforehand with the King, they fairly march over Tweed, enter England, and take Newcastle, and by that means disappointed that intended mischief in their own Nation; and have not we the same just reasons to take our opportunities, when they have proclaimed a King over us, and were forming an Army to enthrone him in this Nation? let all the world judge.  
If they say they had not stated a war against England, or did not intent to invade us, we shall desire nothing more from them than a full confirmation of that Protestation.  
But what meant the Treaty at Breda? what meant that Article, wherein they promise upon his full satisfying the just demands of that State and Kirk, they would endeavour to restore him to his rights in England? Would they do it by an Army, or not? or could they restore him but by force upon us? These juggle will not now serve the turn; Can any man of any competency of reason, judge that Charles Stuart, who hath been bred up in his Father's principles, and who hath had such Tutors all this while, would give up himself to live on the charity of that Nation? or that he would ever enter Scotland, but as a back door to England, intending to make the furthest way about the nearest way home? Or will any imagine that the Scots are so in love with a King, as to be burdened both with his power and maintenance alone, but that they meant to make use of him to get a greater footing in England than ever they had, and to be enriched with the spoils, and rewards of this flourishing Nation, for such a special service? let every man's conscience speak this truth: and should not we be for ever branded as fools to posterity, to let them make their own preparations, and take their own advantages to ruin us, while we are terrified with the nicety of a word (which they call invasion) from securing ourselves? and certainly if the absolutest necessity had not enforced Expedition, prudence and policy would have rendered it a madness for us to send our faithful and special Army into Scotland to suffer all that misery and hardship, which they have since undergone; and notwithstanding all former affronts (without any acknowledgement) much less redress from them, God knows, and honest men might see, with what frame of spirit our Army entered Scotland; in their addresses to the borders you would not think (to see them) they had been an Army of Soldiers, but of suitors and humble Petitioners for a peace; and it was no small encouragement to some silent and observing spirits, to see the order of their addresses unto that Nation, sending in their desires for nothing else but the security of England, begging that they might not be put to extremities against that Nation, but might yet receive some hopes of satisfaction; writing as unto Saints, not enemies; and those that viewed their carriages, saw as much of the workings of Christian bowels in that Remonstrance as ever any that came from an Army; But all these amicable and sweet motions were returned with Fire and Sword, with the utmost revile and contempt, as if they were rather shooting Canons at them, than writing answers: which was a sad provocation, as it was a dangerous presage of their own ruin.  
It is likewise most observable in our March into Scotland, what a change there was in the spirits of most of the Officers and Soldiers (though they had been so egregiously abused) yet with what fear and trembling they went on in that work, not doubting of the justness of their Cause, but as out of a loving shyness, and unwillingness, and Christian tenderness to do any thing that might endamage that Nation, pausing every step, hoping God would find out some other way to preserve England, humbling themselves for former errors and miscarriages; and so leisurely and sadly they went to this work, that they seemed rather to be trailing their Pikes backwards, than advancing them; as if they were rather going to the Funeral of some dead General, than to charge a formidable and inveterate Enemy.  
And we have much reason to say, that God hath, and will answer them according to the sincerity of their hearts in that Expedition, as he hath and will remember the juggle of that Nation, both in England, and among themselves. So that they themselves by these carriages have at least strengthened our former just grounds of motion that way; and the nigher we drew to our own borders, the more reason we saw of entering Scotland. Had they had any mind to peace, or any other principle, but that which acted them to do all these things in England, they would have prevented a war in their own Nation, by some loving and respectful answers to our just desires and tender motions; and truly any kind Essay in that behalf would have too much prevailed upon our natures to stop our course for the present, and hope more; but as if they longed for such an act, they daily provoked us to it, scorning our motions, denying so much as a name of honour to our chief Commander, only styling him by the name of Lieut. General Cromwell, whereby they would demonstrate themselves as perfect haters of their persons, as of their actions: Is there no blood left in gallant and noble Spirits (who have conquered Armies of a more high and Noble Command and Model, than any Army that could be raised in Scotland) to be provoked to revenge? But, alas these things were passed by as nothing, by the greatness and magnanimity of the General, who looked after Things more than Titles; and had they but seemed to be any way pliable to a satisfying peace, he, and all the rest of the Officers would have been willing to have left their Titles behind them in that Treaty, and been content also to have born all the affronts they put upon them besides; but that they might render themselves absolute and implacable Enemies to this Army and Commonwealth, they will not so much as admit a good motion with any sense, but scorn us in our best acts of love, that they might confirm the truth of all our former suspicions of them. What could we now conclude on (after all our care and timerousness in that Expedition) but to be fully clear in that which we did but debate before? and what was but probable before, is now made necessary, and of present concernment. Thus God was pleased by the height and hardness of their hearts toward us, to add a more immediate ground of our entrance of Scotland, to all we had before; but the Scots thought to have undone us by this Act; for first they thought to make this a foundation of a surer pretence of all future actings towards us, and by the name of (Invasion) both to make us odious, and to give themselves liberty hereafter to do what they would with England.  
Secondly, they drew them in to ensnare and destroy them, as verily believing that air to be too sharp for English bodies, and that hunger and cold should do their work for them; which had been according to their design, if God had not given them more than ordinary strength; the miseries which in these few months that Army suffered in that Kingdom, hath been more than ever they suffered in all the wars of England and Ireland.  
Let all the world (once more) judge what ground we had to enter Scotland, and whether it was not high time, when we could get neither former damages repaired, nor present hopes of respect, or correspondence from them with this Nation, when they were preparing for an invasion of us, and had put themselves out of a capability of peace? What, shall England be always playing after-games? Have we bought our privileges at so easy a rate as to sell them all away upon mistaken charity? We hope now the Scots have taught us wisdom to take opportunities, though we have paid too much for the learning it.  
But that I may not waste paper, and tyre the Readers patience with things so clear and demonstrative, that I may remove any thing out of their way that may be further considered of by ingenuous and knowing men; Let us now fall on their objections, and take off their pleas against the Army and this Commonwealth in their proceed, formerly, and now.  
The great and main pretence of all their quarrel and stomach against England, is the breach of the Covenant, which they lay wholly on this Nation, professing themselves as the makers, so the only keepers of the Covenant; a charge that's heavy, and sad enough if it were as true. But as the word is general, so is the charge; God hath, and will judge who hath been most faithful, shortly, as to that act; only let it be considered, that its hard to keep the Covenant according to the forced and fixed sense of every party; but if by keeping the Covenant be meant the genuine and true end of it, from the natural and right meaning of it (ere it be brought forth from the womb of a design) than we shall not doubt but to clear ourselves before God and men, that England hath kept the Covenant more entirely than Scotland; and while they seem to keep their own words and syllables, we have kept the sense and end of it; and though we have not (as it is reported of quondam Alderman Bunce, a young Convert to the Scots) kept the paper of it in our breasts, yet we have had the true interpretation of it in our eyes and hearts, and have prosecuted the Malignants to it (against whom it was primarily made) with the utmost justice, that they might no more hinder the literal keeping of it by England and Scotland.  
I only ask what was become of the Covenant when Hamilton came in to invade England? whether was it publicly torn and burnt by that Nation? Or whether ever it can be read clearly since without any hobling and blots? If they say they protest against it as formerly, it's no doubt but the Scots themselves judge, that there be many private persons in England which cannot be taxed with such a breach: and yet because they think the public authority hath broken it, they lay the charge on the whole, and so reflectively, we do not doubt but many private spirits in Scotland have kept chaste, and are not mixed with the former and present designs; but as we are not to take notice of particular persons, but as in their sphere, but must judge of things by authoritative and National acts; so we must lay the first and absolute breach of Covenant on that Nation, which can never be repaid by any private professions; and if England have broken it since, it hath been by their example, and because they have taken themselves discharged from their part in performance, seeing the Scots have broke on their part first.  
But if men will be impartial, the ill use of the Covenant may be as bad as the breach of it, if not worse; and the truth is, the several ill uses the Scots have made of that good thing, hath made many careless in keeping of it; for it hath been put to serve all turns, the Personal Treaty, the insurrections in England for a second war, the Invasion of Scotland, who came with the fullest sails of the Covenant; and now at last it is made to serve the Malignant Interest, and to advance the Royal Party, once the common Enemy, (against whom it was first made;) these and such like actings by it hath made the world believe that it was but a Scottish stratagem at first, and is now become a defiled and common thing; yet I could wish from my heart, that it had been more conscientiously made and kept by both Nations; But let us view the particulars of this charge.  
The first is, the not setting up of Presbyterial Government in England as it is in Scotland, Reformation of Discipline being one of the main ends of it. I have nothing to say against Reformation and of Discipline, but only to say in general of it, as the Apostle doth of the Law, 1 Tim. 1.8. It is good if a man use it lawfully; Yet that we may seriously weigh the thing; as the Parliament held all care in calling together an Assembly of Divines, and have harkened unto their results; so there were several precious spirits in the Assembly, that could not well agree to a Scottish Presbytery; and many things were offered by dissenting parties, which (though all were not of the mind of) yet they saw much reason and Scripture in it; and though Government were necessary, yet they saw not that clearness of a Jure Divino, as these of the North would have forced them unto; the Assembly at first, and after full debates, were contented with such an expression as this, (That many Congregations may be under one Presbyterial Government) which shown only the prudential conveniency of the way at present, and it never advanced further until the Scots would needs intrude their own Jus Divinum; Discipline was with us, and is a hard proposition, and there are so many conscientious, and honest, and learned dissentors, that it was found one of the hardest works to settle it either way; however Scotland did leap over it by their opportunities.  
But if we mean to lay the saddle on the right horse, we may thank the Scots that Presbyterial Government hath not been fully settled in this Nation, although they make it their great pretence.  
For first, they only proposed their own Model (which was to be the exact pattern, from which he was a Schismatic that dissented) and to which they made the Word of God to stoop, and by which they judged the whole nature of grace, and all the State of Saints; a Government which as it was much controverted, and really thought unfit by moderate men; so truly it was too course for our Christians, and too tyrannical and imperious for the generousness and freedom of English Spirits.  
Besides, they wanted fit matter in every Congregation in England, to build such a large superstructure upon; the most of our Parishes being either under the darkness of formal or superstitious blindness, or Malignant and horrid averseness from such an order and Government. And if we could possibly get competent Members (which must be a wonder) yet for Elders you might traverse many Parishes ere you got one of a common capacity for such a work, unless the Scots usual way of judging Elders and Members by, were admitted; viz. by taking the Covenant; besides, there was so much to say by Episcopal men on the one side, and Congregational on the other; and so much for an English, and so much for a Scots Presbytery, that the utmost result could be no more than a convenient probability.  
And as all things were Schism and Heresy, that were not fully to that pattern (which they thought infallible) so England was utterly unprepared for such an universal and new structure, that we were rather surprised and hurried into a form, than any way fitly and ingenuously adapted to it. For ere we had time to make any suitable survey of our fitness, or any clear sight of the principle, we were imposed upon by the Authority of a Government whose rule yet lay under debate; the materials were so unfit, and the rule so unclear, that it made many of good affections to Discipline, think it not to be the time for setting of it up, or at least that the rule was not so fairly written for to hold it forth to all men; in a word, all things were so confused, as to the materials of it in all, or most places, that many godly men thought either they must change their habitations, or be put to sad shifts to satisfy their consciences in exercising all Ordinances which ought to be in a public established Church Government. But if we come to the manner of their actings; the Scots (who were the great Agents) drove so furiously and made such faces on it, that affrighted all sober and tender consciences from full closing in with it, according to such a representation; for ere they had proved the Divinity of it, they would needs set up the Authority of it; yea, before they had cleared their principles, they would have it enforced on all men to obey it, and subscribe to it, without any care of the best sort of consciences, who were but newly released out of a like sort of bondage; which certainly was not a wise act, nor very religious; for though many good men in the Assembly and Parliament were for that Government in its true nature and exercise, yet they loved only an English, not a Scottish Presbytery, which differs little from Episcopacy, but in the pontificalness of Ceremony, it claiming and exercising as full and tyrannical a power against those that cannot stretch themselves to that uniformity, as the other doth against nonconformity, the great design of Scotland in urging, (not a but) their Presbyterial Government so fiercely on England, was to make their civil and Ecclesiastic transactions meet; for as they had by their Treaties, and our favours, got a kind of a negative voice in all our Counsels, so by introducing their own pattern in the Government of the Church, they should have been to us as Rome to other Churches, the last judge to whom all appeal; and what influence the Church hath on the State, all may guests.  
But moreover the temper of our Ministers was yet contrary unto what the Scots would be at, the most of them being not yet refined from the dregs of Episcopacy; and it would be very much unsuitable to wise and foreseeing transactors to put new wine into old bottles, and trust unexperienced men with so large a power as was contended for, which would but have made them and us presently remember the old principles they were more naturally instructed by: whereas, had they been willing to trust Christ with his own Government, and had first cleared up to all men their way, and waited for the full power, until they had given some eminent testimony of the goodness of it, either to unite Saints, or set up the power of godliness, it might have have been by this established with abundance of peace and happiness to this Nation; but as most good men were very jealous of an old Tyranny under a new name, (especially when the good thing contended for was Power and Authority) so they found too many carnal mixtures, both publicly and privately, which frighted their consciences, from a full compliance; yea, which is far worse, so highly would the Scots party carry it, that the utmost distinction of godly and honest men should be according to their submission to that rule; neither would all the power of godliness serve to give out the manifestation of a Saint, or to make a Christian, but he must be called a Heretic, and Schismatic, without he were exactly measured by that tenter, and racked to make that profession. And when the dissenting Brethren themselves, (men of known integrity, and of special anointings) who agreed with them in all the principles of Religion and Directory for Worship, yea the principles of Discipline, only dissenting in the extension, and subject of power and Authority, when they desired but a forbearance, and dispensation to their conscience from the utmost rigidness, and severity of the Rule, so far did the Scots model prevail, that such a tender, and rational request would not be granted, which unheard of severity opened many men's eyes, and made them think there was more than spiritual zeal in these designs, especially when they saw Ministers of the Gospel, looking after such a full Secular Power to prefer it before the power of godliness, and full consent in the Orthodoxness of Doctrine, or the purity of the matter of such a Government: So that I cannot but lay the great blame on the Scots, as the impediments of hindering the free and full establishment of that Discipline, which would have surely took effect if it had been at first proposed in Scripture terms, and language, and afterwards had been prosecuted with the meekness, and gentleness of a Gospel-Government; and doubtless, had not the Scots rid on the fore Horse, and driven the Chariot Jehu like, with their own principles and ends, we should have had Presbytery in a better form, and settlement than now we have; for nothing opened our English eyes so much as their desperate thrustings of their pattern on us, ere we had well cast off thoughts of Episcopacy, or were in any religious capacity for another Government; all men than began to wonder what Tabernacles these men did mean to build in England, who would have engrossed the legislative power both of State and Kirk into their own hands; so that the true and real lovers of Presbytery were hindered by the violence and design of the Scots party, who because they got more by their Ecclesiastical pretences than any civil actings; therefore nothing would content them but their own Model in it, by which they thought to have the most special influences on all the rest. I hope by this time the Reader will see something into the nature of that Plea, and will look upon the Scots, who though they are accounted to Presbytery as the Spaniards to Popery, the eldest sons of the Church, yet fairer and better mediums might have been used to have wrought it out more effectually than a new inquisition, or a peremptory imposition of a Government, without clearness of principles, or care of good consciences; no more of that.  
I come to the next main Objection, which is the doing Justice on the late King; an objection which is very unbecoming Scotland to make against us, though it be too freqent; for first, Let our accusers be our Judges, they laid the foundation, we did but follow the same principle to its last end; they taxed him as a man of blood, professed there were no hopes of him to any good; and when we come to join issue with them by our actings, they exclaim on us for prosecuting their principles. When they had him at Newcastle, they knew not what to do with him, but to give him over to make more work for them among us. After all their desires of a personal Treaty, their Kirk declares that to make a peace on these Concessions would be dangerous, and destructive to the whole Cause, and that God would curse us if we did centre in these grants. And what could possibly be gained more, (seeing that was the last and utmost overture with him) but to cut him off as immedicabile vulnus, all ways, and essays were used to the utmost, to gain but hopes of happiness by him; but his returns were so gross, that the Scots themselves protested in Print, there was no residing in these concessions; and what way was there else, but a bringing him in unto his full power again, though he utterly refused either to take the Covenant, or abolish Episcopacy?  
And truly the Scots rejoice the Act is done, though they are also glad that they were not the active instruments of it; for they clearly saw he was too much engaged to several parties in England and Ireland, for them to make use of his person for themselves, and they could do no more for him than they had done, and keep up any credit and esteem amongst good men; this gallant piece of Justice, is rather envied by others, than hated; however it was done in a more noble and serious way than poisoning, a way which the Scots have been (of all Nations) most guilty of; he having a fair trial, and a free hearing of what he could say for himself.  
But we may lay the King's death also very honestly on the Scots; for they by the height of their expressions against the King, both confirmed and aggravated our own experiences of him, and provoked us to do some act to make their words good; they called him often a man of blood, one that had shed more blood than any of his predecessors; and what could we do less than revenge blood with blood, the blood of millions with the blood of a particular person? what atonement could be less and what more proper? And shall the Scots thus sprinkle blood upon all his garments, and pass the sentence of condemnation on him; and may not we lawfully execute it? when never more bloody expressions were given to any Nero in the earth than Scotland gave to that King, and as truly; and yet they are angry with us for drawing out that blood, which else would putrify in his veins, and for ever defile us.  
This great and heinous act which the Scots so abhor, as they led the way to it first, so they were the hastners of it sooner than in probability it could have been effected; for they made him stand out against all those just Propositions which were so often offered, and denied, and hardened his heart against giving full satisfaction, giving him hopes of a better way for him to regain his ends, and he who judged as a selvish Politician, could not but imagine, that he need not to improve any other than his own principles; for when they stirred so much for a personal Treaty, and to wave the way of Propositions, which he had so often knowingly rejected, and made such ado about his person, what could he think less, than that his person was the unum necessarium, and that we could never make our own peace without his being Umpire? at least it made him believe his person, was of more use than our Propositions; and if we may make rational conjectures, he had complied to any thing, if the Scots had not made him think, that he was the most useful person to the peace, as he was to begin the war; an Emblem of this the King himself gave (I take it) in the Isle of Wight, when the King talking with our Commissioners, threw a bone at his dogs before their faces, that he might laughed at them by a resemblance; and intimate, that while they were contending for him, he would get his own ends. When the Parliament of England saw how he was hardened against them, and heightened by the Scots overtures to deny and scorn all our necessary Propositions; what could we do less than improve our power to remove such a block, which lay as the snare and temptation of all parties, and at the catch of all our respects unto him?  
What way was there left to prevent mischiefs, and to settle affairs, but that just severity? either we must have given him over to the Scots to Reform him, as they have done his Son, (which is in English nothing but to make their own use of him against us) or have lest the stain of all the Blood unsatisfied for, on this Nation; or have been content to part with, and be willingly cheated of our dear bought Liberties, to save the blood of a Tyrant, who if he had lived longer, would have cut a fresh vein in these three Nations, which could hardly ever have been bound up; what a Monument would it have been in England, to see CHARLES STVART set up again in the English Throne, with his Garments sprinkled (do I say) nay died in the blood of the best people in the three Nations? and to ride to the Parliament in such Robes, and in a fair capacity of a double, and deeper Tincture; shall we ever be deluded with names, and Titles, and circumscribe Justice in the compass of some particular persons, and not let it reign on the university of mankind? But all men may easily judge the Scots never much lamented that person, whom they did first condemn as a Tyrant, and unfit to live; of whose death they laid the surest foundations; and is it not as lawful to behead him, as imprison him, when the urgency of affairs, and his deserts, merit the one as the other? But no more of that; he is sent to his Grave more Honourably, than bloodthirsty men are wont to be, and so will his Son if the Scots do not poison him before he come to so much Honor.  
The next great ground of their hatred of us, is, The change of Government, that we have not set up the Son, to propagate his Father's principles, and follow his ends with revenge; here they begin to Act according to their old way, and take upon them to determine what Government we shall have; what if England will change seven times yet more? what is that to Scotland? But the Mystery lies in this, That we have cast off their King, by whom they meant to share with us in the Privileges of this Commonwealth; and they are vexed they must maintain a King alone, whose name would do them better service in England, than his Rule can do in Scotland.  
Of the conveniency and necessity of a Change, as we are the proper Judges, so Scotland will invade us more really, than we them, if they offer to make another change among us; we have not altered any thing of the Laws and Privileges which are fundamental, or fit for the happiness of our own Nation, we have only removed those persons who were the great obstructions in the full execution of them, and who laboured always to render them useless, or to overpower them by prerogative; so that there is no alteration of the Government (we having many good Laws which must not be abrogated) but of the ill and Titular Governors, whose names did more sway than the Laws, and who superseded all Laws by their own wills.  
But how comes it to pass that the Scots are so zealous about the Change of our Governors? can they make us believe that they have so much care and love to us, as to be so sadly troubled at our Changes, seeing they themselves have made so many sad Changes amongst us? or so much judgement as to know what Government is only best for us? No, no, we have got now so much out of that Fog, that we can discern between a Scotish Brotherly affection, and an English Privilege; had not we changed him who must be their King, and by whom they mean to further their old designs on us, (which are now grown riper by their cunning pretences of the Covenant) we might have had what Government we would; and had we altered, and razed out all the Laws, which are the veins and sinews of this body, they would never have repined, had we not cast off that person, and so frustrated their hopes; and I doubt not but if we had embraced Mahomet's Religion, we should have had better correspondencies with them than now we are like to have, only because we cannot jump the whole Nation into their form, both in Kirk and State.  
But had not we reason to change the Governors, when we had like to lose both our first principles, and the sense of all the signal victories of God's Providence, by a new name added to an old Malignant, though a young pretender? Can we possibly expect any savoury fruit of such a rotten stock? or that the Son who was engaged in the Father's quarrrel, and educated in his principles, would act contrary to both? if the Scots have more faith than we have, or can get for the present, they must pardon us until we be gotten to it by experience, and that we have learned that piece of Reformation of them, as they would have us learn all the rest.  
For though the young man's years and experience cannot admit of any great judgement: yet his former principles and education may, and doth make him desperate enough in the old design.  
But because we are fallen on this new business, though we have cast him off, yet let us consider how the Scots received him.  
First, as they were fain to go a begging to get him to be their King (which he hated as by itself) so they were forced to make many a promise, and strain many a point both in Kirk and State,  they could get his approbation but to come amongst them, and were fain to be telling him of England too, as the full point of every sentence, to make up every Article taking, and powerful. For CHARLES STVART (like a wise young man) kept them to it by the advice of his Council, and rather held them to what they would do for him in England, than whether they would receive him into Scotland, as knowing he should only be more sensible of his misery in that Nation, if he had not a sleight pass into this by it: so that we are rather beholding to their King, than Parliament, who loved us better than them, and would only love them as instruments to advance him in the English Throne; and yet truly the Scots are not behind hand with him, who never loved him as King of Scotland, but of great Britain, and as they might discharge themselves of him, and recruit their designs or parties, among their flourishing neighbours.  
But what are the great hopes they have entertained concerning this Son of blood? wherein lies his conversion? why, he hath taken the Covenant; a goodly Reformation at the utmost. But alas, will they gull the world still, and themselves by such a Pretence?  
We all know what a face he made when he lifted up his hand to that Brazen Serpent; and with what Reluctancies, and reserves he took it, and that we may charitably judge considering all circumstances, that though he took the Covenant, it never took him; for both before, and since he hath given suspicions to the Kirk themselves, and full demonstrations to us, that he swallowed the Covenant as a little Pill, & as Physical, not natural food; for as the taking of the Covenant was put off by him until he came to Scotland, that so he might see how it might further, or hinder his affairs; so when he came he was fain to thrust it down by force, lest it should stick in his throat ere it came to his stomach; and all the godly party were presently afraid of a Vomit, as that they saw was most nauseous to his natural constitution; and truly it was nigh coming up (to follow the Metaphor) when the Scots sent him that Declaration to sign concerning his Father's blood, and his Mother's Idolatry, and which he refused at present, upon which the Kirk Declared not to stand for him; and it had come fully up, if the present exigency, and probability of his coming into England had not been administered as a cordial; yet as a thing not fully digested, it oftentimes made qualms, and now and then something of Phlegm and Choler came forth together; for after the glorious victory at Dunbar by which God did check the Pride of that State and Kirk, and for the present disappointed their confident hopes, when the news of it was brought to the young Convert, who was then a fishing for Salmon, it's credibly reported (and it's very suitable to the rash, and discontented humours of so raw a Ruler) that he fell on his knees, and blessed God for it, saying, He expected no other from them, who had forced him to take the Covenant against his Conscience: I report this as from credible authors, yet will not assert it but as a great probability: but since also he hath manifested his heart by his late escape, which he was like to make from the Kirk to Middleton, had they not carefully prevented it, lest they should both lose all their former hopes, and be too suddenly shamed for their delusive Transactions with him,  
But what a sad thing is this, that the Covenant must be put to such a use at last, as to be the protection of the Common enemies? who will not now take the Covenant, seeing it's become a Royal Ensign? had Montross lived,  now he had been as great a Convert, and as much Sainted as his Master, if he would but have taken the Covenant; but the poor Gentleman (without any civil respect as to a man) must be hanged, and quartered, used like a heathen, and Mahumetane, but for acting by the Commission of him (yea, and given at that time when they were Treating with him) who is thought worthy of the highest power, because he can feignedly sign a Scots paper.  
As for that Politic Declaration of his, whereby he is made to renounce all his Father's ways, and to be humbled for his blood, and his Mother's Idolatry; we know how it was extorted, and who penned it, and mended the expressions of it, and how many drops of blood it took from his heart with it; but we may justly fear by such juggle, he is like to shed as much blood as his Father hath done, if God cut him not off in season, as he hath done his great assistant, the young raunting Prince of Orange. God that judges the secrets of men's hearts will remember the Scots ravishments of the Covenant, and of all things punish such deceits; and it's most dreadful to observe, how when the Lord of Hosts, which was our word in that glorious day, met with the Covenant, which was their word and confidence; he overthrew the false Covenant party, and hath for ever stained it, though it had Carolus Rex new writ on the top of it, as hating to see men take his Covenant into their mouth and hand, and yet hate to be reform; if God had not hardened their hearts, they might remember the determination of that day (after solemn appeals) as at least a warning from Heaven, and a witness against them and their deceits.  
The next and greatest objection they are pleased to make against us, is, that we are not a sufficient authority to do the acts that we have done, not owning us by any other name than the prevailing party.  
For which, though they need no Answer, but to stand on our own guard, and vindicate our Authority by our Swords, yet that the world may see what little reason the Scots (of any people) have to make such an objection, let us compare the Scots Model and Authority, by which they act what they do, and our Constitution (for we must still make them our rule.)  
When Duke Hamilton came into England, he was sent in by their Parliament, in their fullest authority; and when they broke up, or adjourned, they chose a Committee of Estates, with whom they left their power, which was the only lawful power; our Army having beaten Hamilton in England, by the invitation of some private men, prosecutes the remainder of that Army in Scotland, where they make them lay down Arms, and come to an agreement, and set up the former Committee of Estates (then accounted more honest) and dissolve that Committee of Estates, who sat by the full authority of the Supreme power, and besides whom all were but private persons; this Committee hath ever since called Parliaments, ordered all affairs as the Commission of the supreme Authority of that Nation; and yet they will have us to be no authority, though the main of the body of the Commons of England in the same Parliament remain, only because they have purged out many, and predominant, and Malignant humours, which disturbed the health, and marred the beauty of the whole, and have cut off some rotten Members which were like to gangrene; the Scots themselves also confessing in their Answer to the Army's Remonstrance, that there was a party in Parliament which did betray their Trust; and is it a destroying of the Authority to remove such a party? And who are to be the Judges but these they call the prevailing party? Were not the Scots drunk with malice and venom against this Nation, they must be ashamed to deny us to be a lawful Authority when they remember themselves; who did not only act without King or Parliament, but got their Authority by dissolving the only lawful Parliamentary Power, and courting the Royal; which Committee of Estates was a mere nonentity, until our Army form them in that Estate.  
All that ever hath been acted in England, need no other demonstrations to make them legal (if examples may be arguments) than the Scottish pattern; but these pleas are grown too common and stolen to have any efficacy on discerning and impartial spirits; and if the Scots be admitted once as competent Judges of the Authority of our Parliament, we may be sure they will judge according to their own sense and interest; we have reason to bless God, we have yet power to maintain our just Authority; only we must observe to what end these men meddle so much in our affairs, who have enough to reform at home; and how unsuitable is it to our carriages as to their Kingdom? When did England ever send Commissioners into Scotland to tamper with parties, or to print Declarations against any of their proceed to divide the people from them? when did we take upon us to say that Scotland did do ill in dissolving and annihilating the acts of a whole Parliament, and by force set themselves in their places? we know not their reasons of State as to their special actings (neither care we to pry into them) its fit they should be their own Judges, and take their own advantages for their safety and security; neither would England ever have been angry for their taking a King in among them, or asked them why they did so, if they had not proclaimed him K. of England also, and agreed with him about imposing him on us, especially when he is the common Enemy to both Nations: I will add no more to this, let actions speak; if judgement belongs to them, Justice and vengeance I am sure belongs to God, who will judge his people, and discover and punish the Tyrannical Government of men, for the base and deceitful intentions of plausible and designing Neighbours.  
We are now come to the last and most fiery Dart which is shot against us, especially the Army, which amounts to no less than a charge of Heresy and Schism, words of the saddest import to terrify Christian spirits; which is as bad, and worse in a Church sense, than Treason and Rebellion in the States; for, as they have used all mediums both Ecclesiastical and Civil, that might hinder or destroy this Parliament and Army: so they have invented all sorts of names which might make them odious in the eyes of good and honest men; to effect which no terms could be more proper and effectual than these; something must needs be therefore spoken as to the charge, and then of the application.  
I am no pleader for any that are justly branded with these characters, I have learned the Doctrine of the Gospel better than to be an Heretic, and have tasted so much of Gospel-love, that I abhor to be a Schismatic; but as these are names of the ugliest visage in Religion; so they ought to be most warily, and with great demonstration fixed on any who profess Religion, or that are not obstinately opposite to all ways of sound Doctrine and peace; but when such horrid and black marks are fastened on men at a distance from converse, and out of politic and particular ends, it commonly either makes Heretics, or forces them to be Schismatics, & ne'er to look after communion with that party. It would be well, ere men make use of such names, they knew how to define them; what a Heretic, & what a Schismatic is, hath took up many debates among learned men, & when a man is proper to be called a Heretic; not every error is Heresy, nor every withdrawing from some particular acts a Schism; but we need not wade further into this controversy; the Scots Heresy is not to take the Covenant, and their Schism is not to follow the rules of the Kirk of Scotland; for else we bless God (setting aside some particular private desperadoes, we have their marks) we hold to the fundamentals both of Doctrine and Discipline, though we cannot yet see all the particularities of either, as we long after; but especially we must confess we want eyes to see into the divine right of a Scotish Uniformity. As for the Army on whom they lay the weight of both these expressions, which they epitomise in the word Sectaries: I shall not undertake to clear every particular person from many errors; but this I must say, if they have miscarried, I hope they have repent; and for the most of the Officers, they have publicly professed their hatred of any that can really be called by such names.  
It's true, they had long since some subtle and windy spirits, who vapoured in some high notions, and for the present took frothy and active fancies among them; but as they soon vanished, so since they have seen much of the vanity and unsavouriness of such opinions, and it hath been a cause of great humiliation among them; and like the shaking of well planted trees, it hath strengthened many of them more in the root; and I hope these delusions of some among them, hath but furbished and brightened the understanding of others, who kept always the root of the matter in life, and vigour in their hearts.  
Yet if things were sifted to the bottom, the Scots were great occasions, if not causes of such opinions among them.  
For they (who minded nothing but their own design) did so imprison and circumscribe all Religion in the Northern Model, and in a particular Discipline, with such rigid and unlimited severity against any that had but a conscientious scruple, that it made them believe, that either there was no form Jure Divino, or certainly that was not that, which came so nigh Episcopacy, and had no mixture of the tenderness, and love of the Gospel in it; thus many went to seek the Church in the wilderness, and imagined the Dragon to be pouring out a flood after her; besides, had not the violence of the Scots design hindered it (whose end was to destroy them, not reform) many fair and Gospel courses had been used to have showed them their error, and make them confess; but no way or course did they ever take, or prompt any unto, to convince them, or hear them ere they condemned them. These things (blessed be God) are in a good measure reform & execution done on many, and both the Parliament and Army have protested against owning any such errors, yea have made exact and severe Laws, unto which the utmost punishments the Word of God requires are annexed; and yet still they are the Sectarian Army and Parliament, and so they will be accounted, though they should be never so refined in Doctrine and Discipline, if they come not fully up to that pattern which they have set to us, whereby they may have their influences on our consciences, and Estates.  
It is wonderful to consider how any men can be deluded with such names, which are only coined on purpose to make some contrary design Orthodox and godly; words which are fit for any party, and made use of as ordinary for designs, as common places are to help dull and crazy memories. The Papists have made much use of them against the Protestants, the Lutherans against the Calvinists, the Bishops against the Non-conformists and Anti-ceremonialists, calling them Heretics and Schismatics, and now the Scots against the Parliament and Army; so that it's no unusual strategem, to put strange names on those which men have a mind to make odious or destroy. Yet if we compare the Army under this desperate censure, with that Army which was in England, under the banners of the Covenant, we shall find, that if the Scots had looked better at their own Army, they would have found little reason to fall so foul upon ours; for while our Army were debating and controverting about Religion (a rare thing among Soldiers) and professing to be above all outward forms (which though many were very erroneous in) the Officers of the Scots Army were carousing in every Tavern and Alehouse in the Countries, and drinking Healths, not only in Ale and Sack, but Aqua vitae, and other strong waters to an incredible proportion; and when the now Lord General Cromwell (who was particularly pitched on by their malice for the blackest mark) was exercising his gifts to benefit his Soldiers, which God hath given him a special faculty in, David Lesley, than their Lieutenant General of Horse, was jovialling up and down Yorkshire with a Gentlewoman (which should be of kind to that County by her name) leaving some fruits of his love behind him; I could tell many such stories, but that I am loath to rip up too much of their failings, and had not done this, but that you may guests at the difference between the English Sectarian and the Scotish Army, who pretend to have kept the Covenant. Is it a greater offence to have a working and elevated fancy, beyond the settled Rule in Religion, which may soon be brought down and consolidated by rational converses, than to walk in all excess of riot? Are speculative errors more sinful than practical abominations?  
I plead no excuse to any error, I only wonder how the Scots can so clearly discern motes in the eye of our Army, and stumble over such visible beams in their own; we have reason to prise them as much as the Scots to hate them; and had they or any Nation an Army of such faithfulness and instrumentalness, they would be loath to part with them upon the envious and false aspersions which a Neighbour Nation (out of particular disaffection to the State and them) can cast upon them.  
We have much cause to bless God for what he hath done by them, and what he is still doing in them, humbling them for former errors, and engaging them afresh in spiritual duties; and I could wish now that they are in Scotland, the Kirk would use all good means to convince them further, and win them from the error of their ways, by an amiable and powerful discovery of truth in love.  
The Reader hath by this time seen a coarse, yet true Relation of the Scots designs in England, and how nigh they have come to a full communion in our privileges; what friends we have made them, and what Neighbours they have been, and are like to prove to England, how cunningly they have shuffled the Cards, that they might Trump. I need make no observations on the whole, wise men may see, honest men have felt enough already, especially in the North; And,  
I have nothing else to add but a Paraenetick to all English men, to learn at last how they trust such pretenders. It's high time for us to look at home, and preserve our own interests, when we have such needy and crafty Neighbours to deal withal; God hath by a wonder of mercy and providence freed us from the advantages of that Nation, and brought us to an even standing upon our own legs; let us keep our own distance, and we may be kind enough to them; too much friendship will but tempt them, and ensnare us. Kingdoms and Commonwealths of different tempers and interests have need to be wary in their conjunctions and unions, neither to be too strange, nor too dear, especially where the one must suffer all, the other act all. It's with States in their friendship, as with bodies in a different complexion and constitution, they will never agree but in a transient and remote converse; the disproportion between our Nation and Scotland, in our enjoyments, and privileges is so great, that we cannot but lose by any other nearness, than what may exactly be fit to distinguish the two States, and yet unite them against a common Enemy; what ever nigher approach we have to each other, will but enforce us daily to wariness and observance, and them to design and temptation; for we can get nothing worth our labour and cost in Scotland, they may too much soon in England ere we are ware. What a sad and miserable business will it be for England to beg of Scotland to provide us a King, and to give way to the greediness of that Nation, to make their own ends upon us by new pretences? God hath gloriously owned our actings, notwithstanding all the stratagems of all sorts of enemies, and hath followed us with more than fortunate events in all our actions; and while we keep up the sense of God's glory, and the distinct Gallantry of English Spirits, and avoid mixtures with that deceitful people, we shall regain soon our ancient generousness, and be the most flourishing and free people under the Sun; yea, and be the first provocation and pattern to all the world, to prise Liberty and Freedom.  
But if ever we suffer the Scots (out of what pretence soever) to bring in a King on their backs to England, we may never expect to know what English names or freedoms were, but may write our names beforehand in brass, and lay them in some dark and stinking Vaults; for, no other memory of our names, or persons, or privileges is like to be preserved with honour and respect.  
FINIS.