A Loyal Subjects Belief, EXPRESSED IN A LETTER TO Master STEPHEN MARTIAL, Minister of Finchingfield in Essex, from EDWARD SYMMONS a neighbour Minister, occasioned by a conference betwixt them. WITH The Answer to his Objections for resisting the King's Personal will by force of Arms. AND, The Allegation of some Reasons why the Author's Conscience cannot concur in this way of resistance with some of his Brethren. 1 COR. 4.2. It is required in Stewards that every one be found faithful. ROM. 14.12. For we shall all appear before the Judgement seat of Christ. Oxford, Printed for W. Webb. M.DC.XLIII. TO MY REVEREND BRETHREN OF THE MINISTRY, and the rest of my Christian friends and acquaintance, in the Counties of Essex and Hartford, Grace and Peace in Jesus Christ be multiplied. Reverend and well-beloved, THese uncharitable times have made a breach in our holy Communion, a separation of me from the acquaintance of some of you, because I dare not serve them: insomuch that I may say with the Prophet, I am become a stranger unto my Brethren, my lovers and friends stand afar off, they will not know me; 'tis counted a prime note of a Malignant to be seen speaking to me, and yet (you know) I have been some body heretofore, as well as some of you: O but the report goes, I am now grown an Apostate; and why so? because I am (still the same man) obstinate in my way, will not conform to the example of such and such of my worthy Brethren, preach to promote the war (as they call it) for the Parliament. Sirs, I am a Minister of the Gospel of Peace, and 'tis against my calling and my conscience to do so, the Kings express command also being to the contrary: I may lose my credit, mine outward estate, the comfort of wife and children (as I have already done,) yea and my life too, which is (in mercy) yet preserved; but I am resolved by God's grace to keep my Conscience; the enemy shall not spoil me of that, let him do his worst. Truly (friends) I must confess, like you, I have always loved my credit well (and perhaps too well) with the people; but when my Saviour's truth conjoined with my Sovereign's honour came in question, I was glad I had loved it so well, and kept it entire till then, to sacrifice in that quarrel. What I am, you know; and what my Doctrine and conversation hath been: Had it been formerly bad, myself in these times had fared better, for I was plainly told at the beginning of my troubles, that I must suffer the punishment of an hundred knaves, because being an honest man, I did more hurt to the cause then so many: which since then I have found true, be yourselves the Judges, and say, whether you know any in these Counties that were marked for scandalous, lazy, or superstitious, and complained of, as such, that have suffered in any measure so much as I: first hear, and then determine. The Apostle says, Receive not an accusation against an Elder, but by the testimony of two or three witnesses, yet upon the bare information of one malicious varlet * One Samuel ●●rrowes, some ●nes of Col●ester, brother 〈◊〉 Master Bur●wes the Mi●ster. (whom many of you know to be most notorious for false swearing, public drunkenness, and blasphemy, for which the last year at the public Sessions he was bound to his good behaviour:) I was voted a Delinquent by some of the Members of the House of Commons, and published in a Diurnal over the Nation, to preach such foolish stuff, which none (I hope) that know me, suspect of me: hereupon being sent for by a Messenger, and committed to custody, I was at last referred to the Committee for scandalous Ministers, that so I might afterward be reckoned in that number, and disabled thereby from doing Christ any more service: (for a Minister marked with that badge by them (they call the Parliament) is more odious than he that is made such a one by sin or Satan:) so that when I returned home, the drunken Crew (whose vicious lives I had oft inveighed against) and their children too; would point at me as I went in the streets, and say, there goes a scandalous Minister, there goes he that was in the Gaol, with his fellow Rogues the other day. After this, when by Master marshal's friendship and testimony of me, I obtained to put in Bail, I was forced to make many journeys this last wintertime to London (being almost forty miles from mine habitation) for preaching against Lying and Slandering, Pride and Malice, sins notorious in my neighbours, who had now got the trick (because all was believed against me which they said) to affirm, that I preached was against the Parliament, so making that and their own sins all one, (for that indeed was able to do me more hurt than they:) and though I never failed upon the least intimation to appear, yet I was sent for again by a Pursuivant, (as if I had not been bailed) because that was most chargeable, whereby a great part of that little money which in ten year's space I had saved to keep my wife and children (if I should die) was expended. And now at last when it was perceived, that neither by threats, nor molestations, nor charges, nor weary journeys, I would be forced to deny the truth of God, my debauched adversary (knowing as should seem the intentions of his powerful friends) laid wagers, that he would quite put me by from preaching, and turn me out of my Living; wherefore having forced many of my simple people to make a purse to bear his charges, (by threatening them else with plundering, and the imputation of being counted Cavaliers) he repairs again unto London, and on the third of March in the name not only of the Commons, but also of the Lords, (before whom I never appeared, nor was ever summoned) he obtained a Sequestration to be granted to some others, (my deadly enemies of his own knot) to seize upon my Parsonage-House, Glebe, and Tithes, and a power withal to apprehend my person to do with me God knows what: And (as the words of the Sequestration are) for the better supply of an able and godly man in the Church, they sent down a stranger to officiate as Parson in my place, whom they call a godly, learned, and orthodox Divine, intimating thereby unto the world, that he whom they cast out was not to be accounted any such a one: what I am or have been (my Christian friends) I refer to your judgements who have known me; I thank God I am able to say with the Apostle, I have walked in all good conscience both before God and man unto this day; I have constantly preached twice upon the Lord's day, and oft on Holidays when I could entreat my people to come to Church: But if that their godly, learned, and orthodox Divine be such a one as is their Lecturer, whom in despite of me they did (in the beginning of my troubles) set up to preach against God's truth, and me in mine own Church, I think they will have (amongst them that are wise and godly) but little credit by him. Concerning which Lecturer * One Lemuell Tuke. some of you (my Christian friends) did at first conceive and say of him, that had he been good, the barren Country from whence he came would not have parted with him: in brief by education he is a Weaver, of no University, yet one that hath a charge of souls in Notttinghamshire, from which ever since the Parliament began, he hath been a constant Nonresident, for his Parish then framed a Bill against him to the House of Commons, articling him to be negligent, and insufficient in his place, to be guilty of Barrettry and Battery, to be famed of Drunkenness, Whoredom, and divers other such (as they are now accounted in some) small offences; upon which he fled the Country into our parts, and being more suitable to the temper of my people than I am, they made choice of him: among whom he blasphemeth God's holy Word, preacheth Sedition and Rebellion, telleth in the Pulpit many foolish lies and ridiculous tales, bawleth against the Reverend and Learned Ministers of the Country, and raileth upon the Worshipful Gentry; and so many ways he poisoneth the souls of them that are committed to my Cure, which is my greatest grief of all. But the Lord I hope will not lay to the charge of his poor persecuted Minister the damage that is thus done unto the spirits of his people; for God himself knoweth that I offered the Chaire-man of the Committee (my drunken Adversaries fast friend) to keep a Lecture myself on the week day, if any did desire it, rather than have my flock defiled with such seditious and wicked Doctrines, as I knew that Lecturer would teach among them. My reverend Brethren and friends, some of you thought me much abused by the intrusion of him: I doubt not but you think me in your hearts more wronged now, by being after all those former troubles turned out of my Living, my Wife, Children, and aged Parent exposed to the wide world, and myself forced to seek safety in strange places by flying: but blessed be God yet, my flight was not in the Winter. Sed quid mali feci, What Law of God or man is it that I have broken, which doth expose me to these miseries? O that some would discover unto me my transgressions, for as yet I am (to my knowledge) a Delinquent, upon no other ground then the bare accusation and word of my enemy: when ten of my neighbours sufficiently furnished with evil affections, were sent for up against me, they were not able to speak me culpable in any thing, save in the matter of my God; and when I urged them before the Committee and spectators, to say, whether they ever heard me speak word of evil against the Parliament in public or private, they could not say it; nor deny, but I constantly prayed for it; only my chief adversary said in behalf of himself and the rest, We think that in his preaching he meant the Parliament; and because my enemies did think so, some of the Members (as it should seem) did think so too; whose thoughts (in such a case) 'tis not comely for me to gainsay. I dealt ingenuously before the Committee, relating the truth of what I had preached, (although I might easily suspect, that some passages in regard of the malignity of the times, might prove to my disadvantage) with which my candour and plainness divers honourable Members of the Committee were so well pleased, that they concluded to have me reported to the House as a man deserving their favour: but as appears, (unknowing I believe to them in particular) some others did intent, and have now done otherwise; for five months after (as if I had never answered at all) this * The Copy of which Sequestration is at the end of this Book. Sequestration against me comes forth, wherein are some expressions alleged (that I should use in those my Sermons) as the cause of this my punishment, which are now shown up and down to justify the pretended equity of the same; but they are so false and so foolish, that I need not confute them to you that know me: or indeed, were they all true of me, I believe you would say, if you durst speak, that my penalty exceeds my sin. In the seven first Sections of this following Discourse, which is the pith of some 8 Sermons preached in the months of June and July last, when my Troubles first begun, you shall see the truth of God which I suffer for: and that you may not tax me of folly for preaching this truth, at this time when 'tis so much discountenanced, I will briefly tell you the occasion that moved me to't. I conceived that the House of Commons (when they set forth the Protestation) did foresee, that the Doctrine established in this Church of England, The King's Person, Honour, and estate, the Power and Privilege of Parliament, were or would be in some special danger, or damage, now more then formerly they had been, and therefore did thereby provide that we should engage ourselves to defend them: and for my part I was real in what I did, having taken the same I truly endeavoured in my calling to keep it; and therefore when I saw people inclining to rebellion and strife, I declared that, to be rather the doctrine of Antichrist and Popery, then of the Church of England, which taught peace and commanded patience: this presently purchased me the suspicion, and soon after the name of a Malignant: Secondly, hearing men unreverently speak of the King's Majesty's person, I opposed that blasphemy by God's Word, and endeavoured to maintain his Honour according to my duty and Protestation: this produced me the title of a royalist, yea of a rank Cavalier, and I should have a Buff Coat and a Scarlet pair of Hose bought me presently to make me complete. And then Secondly observing people on their own heads, rending Common prayer books, and altering things established by Law, I inveighed against those do, as injurious to the power and privilege of Parliament, which by my protestation also, I was bound to maintain; and this (they said) discovered me to be a plain Papist, one that loved the Mass book better than I did God: so there I had preached away my good name, but my comfort was I had two witnesses: God, and my own Conscience, which would justify me in my way: sed Hinc dolour, hinc Lachrimae. But further (for I will confess all against myself,) I have been charged, to have been a great Hinderer of the Parliament proceed in the Association, and gathering money in that well affected County of Essex: if I have, 'tis more by my Sufferings then any other way, and if God please to make me an Instrument to prevent sin in others, though by mine own sorrows, I will rejoice in my tribulations: I confess my Scandalous Adversaries have added some fame and credit to my sufferings, as well as mine own Innocency, and their malice is the more observed with wonder, at their success and favour with some Members in the House of Commons: because some six weeks before they complained of me to them, divers of these my persecuting neighbours (whereof the debauched Drunkard was one) had convented me before the Justice of peace, for omitting the Cross and Surplice, urging the worthy Gentleman (to his admiration) to inflict the penalty of the statute upon me for the same, when as notwithstanding at that time in other places to other persons, they did rail upon me for using the Common prayer book at all, which soon after they rend in pieces. And lastly, another reason of this my usage hath been alleged by a Member of the House to be this: The King (says he) turns out those Ministers that be for the Parliament, and we must provide for them, and how should we so do, but by turning out those that be for the King? but I believe His worship was misinformed of His Majesty, for unto that day I cannot yet hear (though I have inquired) that the King had sequestered any living, or turned any Minister out: perhaps some whose Consciences accused them for preaching treason and sedition, did run away when His Majesty's forces approached: and in pity to the people's souls so forsaken some might be appointed by His Majesty to preach unto them. But such wrongs upon such grounds, unto the King's Subjects that are peaceable and loyal, will make men see and believe what hath been foretold them by their Sovereign; and to further that work, had I another Living (I hope) I should be content to lose it. And now (my Christian Brethren and friends) you have heard also the reasons of my trouble & persecution, judge in your secret thoughts between me and my enemies. I hope I never gave occasion of scandal to the godly wise, I am ready to give an account of my whole faith: I took occasion from a conference with Master Martial, to publish my judgement in the case for which I suffer, that I might give satisfaction to you all, and that you might see, I have some reason for my dissent from him, and some others of my brethren; I dedicate it as to him in particular, so to you all in general: from whose hands I beg four things: 1. That you would not think the worse of that High and Honourable Court of Parliament for any of my sufferings, nor interpret that any word in these succeeding Sections, is intended against the same: I have professed before it, and so I do now to you, and to the world, that next to Christ, and the King, I judge myself bound in duty to endeavour the honour of it: I neither do, nor dare in conscience attribute the wrong that hath been done me, to the major part of that part which is now sitting; only this I say, some particular members, (who as men) being seduced by ill Counsel have been the Instruments of my unkind neighbours thus to abuse me, whose sin God pardon, and whose hearts God in mercy turn. 2. That you would bear in mind, that this publication of my faith & judgement in the case, is the Consequent of my troubles, indeed occasioned by them; for I have suffered and therefore do I speak; this I request; to the end you might be witnesses for me, if afterward out of these following lines somewhat should be picked, wrested, and alleged as the cause of my sufferings; for I observe, that 'tis the custom of these times by doing wrong to urge men to complain, and then from their expressions to get some colour for their former evil doing against them; when myself did first appear before the Committee my charge was, only of a Sermon preached the Lords day after I had been voted a Delinquent. 3. That you would not think my present flight to be a relinquishing of the cause, I never balked to appear upon the least intimations, until now that power was put into the hands of my raging Enemies, which (for aught I know, was to kill me;) indeed it was threatened before (as was evidenced upon oath) before a Justice, that I should be cut off, as not being fitting to live; whereupon I went to that Member, who was the Chief instrument of my trouble, and desired of him that I might be brought rather to suffer for this clear truth of God in public, as the Martyrs in Queen Mary's days did (which I hoped God would enable me to endure, that I might glorify him by my death) then be murdered in private, as I was threatened; he indeed made a tush at me, and said there was but one man that had said it: But I am by God's grace of the same mind still, when ever I may in public give testimony to this truth of God, I will not keep in secret. 4. My Christian friends I desire of you in the last place, that I may not far the worse at your hands, because I have fared so ill at the hands of others, the world's custom is, to judge of men according to its own usage of them, though Christ was more afflicted than other men. The Apostle tells us that to you is given not only to believe, but also to suffer; and if God gives suffering grace, he will surely send afflictions for the exercise of it; indeed the times are evil, but we must not say so: seculo premimur gravi, quo scelera regnant, the world goes ill when sin reigneth; but remember, non est ad astra mollis è terris via. through many tribulations we must go to Heaven, & invisa nunquam imperia retinentur diu, this world will not last always, egrediemur tandem, we shall be freed from all our sorrows at the last, the merits of Christ will make amends for all: and in the mean time if the example of these my sufferings may any way be serviceable unto you my Christian friends, I shall rejoice the more in them: I am not mine own, I am Christ's, nay I am yours by Christ's appointment, who hath ordained his poor Minister (blessed be his name) not only to preach the cross of Christ unto you, but also to carry it before you. I beg all your prayers for strength from him, to whom I commend all you, even to our only wise and omnipotent God, who will turn all things in the end to our everlasting good, to whom be praise and glory for ever. Amen, Your Brother and friend in Christ Jesus E. S. March 28. 1643. THE SUM OF THE SEVERAL SECTIONS. 1. THe King being the Supreme Magistrate hath immediate dependence upon God, to whom only he is accountable. Pag. 2 2. The Title of the Lords Anointed is proper and peculiar to the King. p. 4 3. Royal Birth is equivalent with Royal Unction, and speaks the best Title to a Kingdom. p. 6 4. The Precedency and Privilege of Monarchy. p. 7 5. Authority is a sacred thing; and essential to the King's Person. p. 9 6. The Subject's duty and the Sovereign's Excellency. p. 10 7. Inward Honour is due to the King, and how the same is to be expressed. p. 16 8. The question about resisting the King's Person, stated and opened. p. 22 9 The lawfulness of resisting the King's personal will by force of Arms disavowed. p. 25 10. Scripture examples for it answered. p. 30 11. Arguments from Reason answered. p. 34 12. Objection from the King's Oath answered. p. 41 13. Scriptures alleged to evidence the unlawfulness of this resistance. p. 48 14. Particular Reasons, why the Author's Conscience cannot permit him to concur with some of his Brethren in the way of resistance. p. 61 15. This way of Resistance shown to be, 1. Against the way of God. p. 66 2. Destructive to the whole Law of God. p. 67 3. Inconsistent with the spirit of the Gospel. p. 71 4. Contradictive to the perpetual practice of Christianity. p. 72 5. Opposite to the Calling of Ministers. p. 74 6. Adverse to common Prudence. p. 75 7. Dissentive from the rule of Humanity. p. 76 8. Contrary to nature itself. p. 77 9 gainsaying Reason. p. 78 10. Against the Oath of Allegiance, and late Protestation. p. 83, 84 Reader: By reason of the Author's absence some of these Sections are not so plainly noted as the rest, wherefore (for your better information) of the sum of each, and where they begin, have recourse to this Table. Faults escaped in some Copies. PAg. 9 lin. 21. for yet, read yea● p. 14. l. 1. r. more. l. 15. r. rather makes. p. 15: l. 4. r. hinder. l. 21. for these, r: those. p. 16. l. 13. r. the Lord will not. l. 25. r. thousands. p. 21. l. 35. deal and now Sir. p. 22. l. 1. r. you discern. l. 3. for at, r. out. l. 34. for or, r. and. p. 23. l. 6. r. contraria. l. 14. r. proper. l 17. for divers, r. arms. p. 24. l. 20. r. by Subjects. p. 30. l. 9 r. purpose. p. 31. l. 19 r. Osiander. p. 35. l. 12. r. which. p. 39 l. 19 r. singulatim. l. 36. r. thou. p. 40. l. 34. for this, r. our. p. 41. l. 16. for Empire, r. Emperor. p. 48. l. 29. for his, r. this. p. 89. l. 16. r. will of my, etc. TO MY REVEREND FRIEND AND BROTHER Mr STEPHEN MARTIAL. THe God of all Wisdom, Grace, and Peace, for Christ's sake direct all our spirits ever to promote, and do that only, which tendeth to the advancement of his own glory, and the tranquillity of this Church and State. Amen. SIR, THe distance of place betwixt us causeth me to reply by writing unto those things, that were urged at our last meeting, which at that time, I rather heard, then answered: and now I do profess in the sight of that great God, who knows all hearts, and must one day judge us, that I desire to maintain no opinion as mine, but as I conceive it to be a divine truth: I am ready to deny myself, in forsaking what I hold, if at length, such arguments as the weight of the cause requires can be produced against it out of God's book, which is the only bridle to my conscience. In the first place, I beg leave of your patience to declare my judgement (or if you please my faith) in the case: I will plainly, sincerely, and fully express it, with the grounds thereof; then I will answer your Objections, and discover how Scripture (to my apprehension) doth fairly lead me out of that Labyrinth wherein (perhaps) you thought me left entangled: and lastly I will give some reasons why my conscience disrelisheth that other way, wherein divers of my reverend and well regarded brethren walk. SECT. I. The KING hath immediate dependence upon God: and to him only is accountable. Wherefore my good friends be you pleased to know, that I do believe (what ever the fancy of this Age is) that next to God's Sacred word and worship, Kings and Kingdoms, are things of the most high and reverend regard in this world, with great humility therefore to be thought upon, and discoursed of. For as Scripture above all other writings, so Kings above all other persons have an immediate dependence upon God, Dan. 2.21. they are of his sole making: He removeth, and setteth up Kings: And Kingdoms are of his own disposing, Dan. 4.25. The most High ruleth in the Kingdom of men, and gives it to whomsoever he will. Rom: 13.1. And although it is most true, that all the powers that be are ordained of God, Joh. 19.11. and there is no power but what is given from above: for as, by him Kings Reign: so also, by him Princes rule, and Nobles, yea all the judges of the earth: Prov. 8.15, 16. yet I believe all inferior powers under the King, are from God more remotely, namely (mediante Rege) by the mediation of the supreme, even as the lesser Stars have their light from God, by the mediation of the Sun: they are the King's delegates, ordained and sent by him (says the Apostle) who is sent by God, 1 Pet. 2.14. and is under God the chief: à Deo secundus, post quem primus, saith Tertullian. And hence the Throne of the King is called the Throne of God, wherein the King judgeth for God in God's stead; 1. Chro. 29.23.24. but the seat of the inferior Magistrates is called the King's seat, where they sit and judge for him. And hence too, the King or supreme hath his Patent immediately from God: He is Rex Dei gratiâ, and his title is, Good Deputy, or the Minister of God, Rom. 13.4. but the Inferior Magistrates have their Patents from the King, they are Magistratus Regis gratiâ, and are entitled, the King's Ministers, or the King's judges. And as the man is said to be the Image of God, and the woman to be the Image of the man, upon whom she hath dependence, 1. Cor. 11.7. so the King is the Image of God, and inferior powers in regard of their dependence upon him, are the Images of the King; they in their places represent Him, as He in his place represents God, and they not otherwise represent God, then as they represent the King. The King is to them as Moses was to Aaron and the other Judges, Ex. 4.16. the mouth of God, and they are the mouth of the King unto the people, as Aaron and those others were the mouth of Moses: Ex. 18.22. And as the King's duty is to prefer Gods will before his own, so their duty is, to prefer the Kings will before their own, when it contradicteth not the will of God revealed in his words. And hence I gather that none can call Sovereign Princes to an account (if they transgress) but only God, whose immediate stewards they are, solum Deum quem habent Authorem habent quoque judicem: & therefore David well; tibi, tibi soli peccavi, against thee, Ps. 51.4. thee only have sinned, that is thou only O God who hast made me King and art above me, hast authority to Judge me; Pro. 24.21. for which reason The King in scripture is commanded to fear God only, and none else, whereas all other men are bidden to fear God and the King, because they are liable to answer unto both if they do evil, the Preacher says, Eccl. 8.4. no man may (so much) as say to a King what dost thou, indeed reason says, if equals have not any power over each other, much less have inferiors over their superiors, from whom they receive all their Authority and strength. A King is not servus populi, the people's servant, no more than the Minister of the Gospel is their dog, (what ever the dialect of some is in these days of Liberty) but a King is Minister Dei; Rom. 13.4. and what hath any to do to Judge another's servant, Rom. 14.4. saith the Lord: David surely was in the right, when some moved him against King Saul, no says he, He is the Lords Anointed to whom only it doth belong, 1. Sam. 26.9.10. and not to me, or any else to meddle with him: the Lord shall smite him, for who besides can do it and be guiltless. It is the King's Honour to have immediate dependence upon God, 'tis a part of his prerogative royal above other men; and surely they are no friends to the King's Honour or to that high prerogative which God hath given him, who would make him but equal with the Common sort: The Hebrews say, their High Priest both judged and was judged, Defence of Eccles. Disc. bare witness, and had witness borne against him; but so had not their King, nor was he judged of any man. And the inconformist ministers in Queen Elizabeth's days did acknowledge as much privilege to be due to the Kings of England, as ever was given to the Kings of Israel. SECT. II. The title of the Lords Anointed is proper and peculiar only to the KING. I do also believe, that in regard of this immediate dependence, the Title of the Lords Anointed doth belong only unto Kings; to Christ in the first place, who is Rex Regum, and then to them who are Kings under him: 1. joh. 2.27. And though all sincere professors have received an anointing from the Holy one, yet I believe there is a difference inter Christos, & Christianos, inter unctos Christi, & Christos Domini; for though others were uncti, yet, I find not in scripture that Honourable title of Christus Domini conferred upon any, save only Princes: nor do I think they had it from that Ceremony of pouring oil upon them, for before that was in use Abraham, Isaak, and Jacob were so called, who were Patriarches or Princes in their families or generations, Ps. 105.15. Gen. 23.6. Act. 2.29. (which 2 names we know are both of one signification, a Patriarch is a chief father in government, and so is a Prince; Abraham is called a Prince, and David a Patriarch, But that Title was given to such for their eminency above others, because of God's designation of them to supremacy, Es. 45.1. and therefore it went also afterward without the Ceremony as well as with it. Cyrus was Gods Anointed and so is Carolus. And I do believe that royal unction must be acknowledged to give Princes an exemption from all harm or wrong, who must in this respect be looked upon by all men as sacred persons: David in his lamentation for Saul, speaks as if his enemies ought to have had respect unto him in the battle, because he was anointed with oil: and in the same Chapter the Amalikite a stranger was put to death because he had dared (though desired by himself) to rid him of his life, 2. Sam. 1.21. because he was the Lords Anointed: And the Psalmist says, that for Abraham and isaack's sake, God himself reproved Kings, (scilicit Pharaoh King of Egypt, Ps. 105.15. and Abimelech King of Gerar) saying touch not mine. Anointed: teaching thereby, that such great respect is to be given by all the world to this High and Holy order of Kings, that they must not be injured by their fellow Kings; and if not by them then surely not by their own Subjects, who have taken the oath of Allegiance unto them: if they do them the least wrong either in word or deed, God will reprove them after another fashion, than he did Pharaoh and Abimeleck. For in that Kings have obtained from God a more excellent name then other men, it shows that they are of all others the most excellent persons. God hath not said unto others at any time you are mine Anointed, with mine holy Oil have I anointed you fit ye at my right hand, and rule the Nations in my stead: but to Kings he hath. Others (as was said) are his Sancti, but these are his Christi, and that is more; as the apple of his eye, they must not be so much as touched for hurt, either with hand, or tongue, or pen, for touch the Anointed and ye touch the Lord, they have not despised thee only but me they have despised, says God to his Vicegerent. 1. Sam. 8.7. SECT. III. Royal birth is equivalent with Royal unction, and speaks the best Title to a Kingdom. I do believe also that Royal Birth in those Kings that come to their Kingdoms by Inheritance, is equivalent every way with Royal unction, it speaks the same thing as truly, and as loud; which is only a right title, by God's appointment without usurpation; and royal unction spoke no more: this was the language of Royal birth of old, as well as now, for after the first of a Family had been anointed, to note God's choice, unction was no more used in that family, Bishop Andrews. (unless there arose a strife about the Kingdom, as between Solomon and Adonijah, Joash and Athaliah) the eldest son of the Predecessor was afterward the Chosen of the Lord; His Birthright spoke the Lords Appointment, as plainly as his forefather's unction had done, and invested him with the title of the Lords Anointed, as we may see in josiah and Hezekiah, and the other Kings of judah. And I do believe, that the Prince who is once possessed of a Kingdom coming to him by Inheritance can never by any, upon any occasion be dispossessed thereof again, without Horrible impiety, Sacrilege, and Injustice in the Instruments: Royal unction was an indelible Character of old; 2. Sam. 1.14. it could never more be wiped off, where it was once poured on; this was apparent in Saul, who remained the Lords Anointed to his last gasp, David himself confessed it, who durst not take the right of Government actually upon him while Saul lived, although he had it in reversion, being already anointed thereunto, and had received the spirit thereof. Now Royal Birthright being the same in sense with Royal unction, it follows that he who is truly borne unto a Kingdom, is in like fort, the Lords anointed for ever (according to right and justice) to his dying day: He that is born a King or a Prince can never be unborn more, semel Augustus semper Augustus. Yea I believe that the eldest Son of such a King is in respect of birth the Lords anointed in his father's life time, even as David was before saul's death ' and to deprive Him of his right in reversion, is as true injustice, as to dispossess him of it, were he actually invested with it. I believe, where unction speaks not, Inheritance by birth is the best Title to a Kingdom; had unction been silent, Adoniiah by this had surely prevailed as the succeeding Kings of Judah did, solomon's own words to his mother infer as much 1 Kin. 2.22. ask for him the kingdom also for he is mine Elder brother. as in this our Nation Birth hath always been the best and most unquestionable plea unto the Crown: the Conqueror themselves made use of it, so did Henry the fourth, and Richard the 3. though both usurpers, we may observe how Gods special providence & blessing hath always favoured this title, and preferred it: they that mark what story tells, concerning the opposite endeavours of some, both in Henry the eighth, Edward the sixth, & Queen Elizabeth's days, must needs confess Gods special care, in conveying the Kingdom to that Royal family where now 'tis seated, being lineally descended in the Elder surviving blood, from both the divided Houses after the union: And on the other side it is most evident that God hath sharply punished those that have offered wrong unto right of Inheritance, yea, the whole Nation hath lost much both Noble and Vulgar blood in former times, for suffering injustice to be done unto it, if we remember but the wars between York and Lancaster, we shall find somewhat in the root of them to this purpose. Concerning Monarchy, I do believe, that of all Governments it is Sect. 4 the best, and most perfect; it being most opposite to Anarchy, most agreeing to well ordered nature (as appears among planets, birds, beasts and bees) the most ancient and Noble, from the beginning of Nations, yea of families, whereof there is still an Image in every well guided house where one is chief; and lastly, it being that which God set up among his own people, and hath the nearest resemblance of himself: for where Majesty is all concentred in one, there is a more complete Image of God who is but one, yea and Majesty so united, makes it as in God, more amiable to the good, and more terrible to the wicked. And from hence I cannot but see and confess to God's praise, this Nation's Happiness, which hath ever been subject to this Government: and if I should be of that sect who are weary of it, and wish for an alteration, Pro. 24, 21, 22. I believe I should neither fear God nor the King as I ought to do, as Solomon infers they do not, who associate with them that are seditious, or affect a change, whose calamity (says he) shall rise suddenly: surely God is wiser than man, and that Government which he so long time hath blessed a Nation with, is doubtless the best for that Nation. In a Monarchy I do believe that the King hath neither superior to compel him, nor equal to affront him, for than he were not the supreme, 1 Pet. 2.14. Gen. 49.10. as the Apostle calls him: and I do conceive that in regard of his supremacy, he is fons legum, The Law giver, the Author and moderator of the Laws, or rather the Lex viva of his Kingdom, without him the Laws are dead, and on him dependeth salus reipublicae: Himself is bound to no Laws, save those of God; and the reason is, quia nemo sibi fert legem, sed subditis suis, He is the King only of his people, and to whom only he is a King, to them only he gives Laws: A King in this is like God, and must indeed be like him further, who notwithstanding he may dispense with his own precept (and so doth in some cases) yet for the most part himself is pleased to walk towards us, by those rules he gives unto us: Indeed the free conformity of a Prince to his own Laws, doth constrain his people to a more loving obedience. In a Monarchy also I do believe suscipiendi belli Authoritatem penes esse principem, as Augustine contra Faustum speaks; and if men have not their Prince's warrant, they have not Gods call to go to war, nor can they upon any good ground look for God's blessing. God called joshua and the people to that prosperous undertaking against Amalek by the mouth of Moses. We do not read in Scripture of any just war ever undertaken by Subjects, without the will and command of the Sovereign, volunteers in such a case are non entia in God's book: justa causa, recta intentio, personarum idoneitas et authoritas principis, are the 4 Conditions that make a war completely righteous: doubtless the justness of the cause alone cannot give a lawful power, (as some imagine) not though the cause be Religion itself, and the persons Holy men, & their intentions good, yet to take up arms without the Prince, is crimen laesae majestatis, and no less than Treason: & if war without the Prince be so unlawful though for Religion, then much more unlawful is it, if against the Prince, or contrary to his command though for the same cause. And I believe that in a case of war a subjects duty is, to look principally at a lawful call, yea more than at the cause itself, for that may be supra nos, and therefore nihil ad nos, if we pry into the reasons of Prince's undertake we may prove ourselves busy bodies, 1 Pet. 4.15. who in the Apostles judgement are guilty Persons: Peter Martyr out of Aug. tells us that fieri potest, ut princeps ipse contra Conscientiam bellum gerat, et milites tamen nihil peccent, dum ordinariae potestati obtemperant: populum enim obtemperare oportet principi suo, id vero dum faciunt, potest illis dubium esse, an a principe suo, contra mandatum dei pugnetur, excusantur autem dum in causâ dubiâ principi suo parent, suo inquam, non alieno. and their own Prince is He under whose protection they were borne, and unto whom only they have sworn Allegiance. Concerning Authority I believe it to be a most high and sacred Sect. 5 thing, the very Crown and dignity of a Prince, the Repositum which God hath committed to his charge, and he who is faithful to God will sooner part with life itself, then suffer that which he by him is entrusted withal, to be violated, undermined, or diminished. Yea, I do believe, that a Sovereign Prince is bound in Conscience to uphold and maintain this beam of Divinity with the sword, if he be so hindered by obstructions, that he cannot defend it by his Laws, and I believe that all his Subjects upon his call, are bound in Conscience as they will answer the contrary unto God, to assist him. I believe also that the Authority of a King or supreme Governor, is the natural and essential investment of his Person, though it extend where his Person is not, even all over his dominions, yet in him 'tis radicated, & is as unseperable from him as his life is; who ever aims at the one, aims also at the other, is the voice both of reason, Law, and story: I do conceive, that though the distinction holds good of inferior Governors, that they may be considered as men, & as magistrates, yet not so of the supreme who comes to his Authority by inheritance, He ought not to be considered of in any notion severed from that of King; saul's Person was Gods anointed. In others their Authority is only sacred, and adds veneration to their Persons, and is separable from them, the man may live when his Authority is extinguished; but the very Person of a King (in regard of royal birth or unction, and of immediate dependence upon God) is sacred as well as his Authority, and doth add veneration unto that, as well as that to him: indeed they add honour to each other, and are inseparable, they live and die together, they are of God's conjunction, (whereas other Authority is of man's) and though man may sever what himself hath joined, yet what God hath joined no man must sever. Hence I believe that as he who resists the Authority of an inferior magistrate, resists the King; so he that resists the Authority, yea or the Person of a Prince or supreme magistrate, resists God; not only his Power entrusted to him, but also his wisdom in making and ordaining of him, in fastening or bestowing the Authority upon him; And as he that resists the King in his Officers, shall from the King receive punishment, Pro. 17.11. a cruel messenger shall be sent unto him, so they that resist God in the King His Minister, Rom. 13. shall receive to themselves damnation, either temporal from the hand of him that is resisted, unto whom God will deliver them up, Pro. 20.26. to scatter, and to bring the wheel over: or from some other in his place, 2 King. 14.5. as the King's Son slew those that slew his father: or else eternal if they scape here, for Solomon saith, he that provoketh a King to anger, Pro. 20.2. sinneth against his own Soul: God doubtless will maintain the Act of his own wisdom, their devise shall be only mischievous to themselves that seek to pull him down whom God hath exalted: Ps. 62: 4. therefore Solomon well, Pro. 30.31.32. against a King there is no rising, namely without the confusion and ruin of the risers; to prevent which he gives his advice in the next words, if thou hast done foolishly in lifting up thyself, (acknowledge it,) if thou hast thought evil, lay thine hand upon thy mouth. Private men's Injuries may be washed off with tears, but wrongs done to Princes in regard of God his near and special interest, are hardly wiped off but with blood: who ever (says David) lifted up his hand against Gods Anointed, 1 Sam. 26.9. and was guiltless? as if he had said, can any one out of any story name me a man, whom vengeance in such a case hath not always followed? I do believe; that Military strength and outward wealth, are the Sect. 6 nerves and sinews of Authority, for by these fear and reverence is procured to that, and love to the Prince's person, in all those who are not able to see God in the face of Majesty, of which sort there are too many: therefore to take away or withhold these, is to endeavour the weakening of the King's Authority, and to bring the same together with his person into contempt, and his life itself into danger: surely if a King be appointed of God to be the Supreme in Authority, it is the Subjects duty to manifest their approbation of God's will, and their obedience to their Prince, in yielding to him the superiority over themselves in such matters, true fear of God will make men honour him whom God honoureth, and faith in God to trust him whom God trusteth. The Hearts of Subjects (I believe) next to the Arm of God, are the strength of the Prince's strength, and the wealth of his wealth, and therefore to rob him of these is the greatest theft, it is to rend from him his Honour, his Reverence, his Authority, and what ever God hath invested him withal: and this is often done by publishing and aggravating his humane infirmities, Psal. 35.11. but most commonly by laying to his charge things whereof he is not guilty. When Absolom and Achitophel went about their horrid Treason, they cast Iniquity upon the King, they found none upon him, but they laid some on, Psal. 55.3. 2 Sam. 15. that so his Subjects might hate him as themselves did, and join with them against him: this I believe hath always proved a sin of a purple dye, and is a blasphemy against God as well as against the King, for he that speaks evil of the King, speaks evil of God's Law which commands the contrary, and so of God himself. A King is the light of his Israel, Act. 23.5. the Sun of his Kingdom; Jam. 4.11. and true Religion (which is a light too) obscures not that light: the Locusts that came out of the Pit were they that darkened the Sun, this condition better becomes Jesuits, such as and Parsons were, than Protestants. Rev. 9.2, 3. A Prince is the breath of his people's nostrils, and his honour is the breath whereby himself lives, and whosoever have endeavoured to stop or infect this breath, have gone about to murder all the Subjects, as might be evidenced by examples, what ever pretences at first were, the issue in the end hath been, the Land was an Acheldama. Surely I believe that Piety and Allegiance doth instruct a loyal Subject to prise his Sovereign's good name before his own, yea to be glad and joyful of an occasion, even to drown his own credit in his Prince's service to advance him; Scripture teacheth to deny ourselves to Honour our King, Samuel at saul's request (when he had told him that God had rejected him, and so knew him to be actually under God's displeasure, and thereupon was himself departing from him in anger) yet was content to turn again, 1 Sam. 15.30. to honour him before the people, to put all respect that possibly he could upon him, as he was a King. I believe a true religious Subject dares not entertain an evil thought of his Sovereign, nor believe evil of him, he dares not conceit meanly or slightly of the Lords Anointed, that place of Scripture doth much awe him; Eccles. 10.20. Curse not the King in thy heart, the word in the original being disrespect not, disesteem not: a disrespectful thought of a King is an accursed thought, and who so harboureth such a thought shall not escape a curse, for rather than such a sin should go unpunished, God shall enable a bird to reveal it, as that Text further teacheth: 2 Sam. 6.16. We all know what a curse God laid upon Michal for despiseing the King in her heart; and how they are called men of belial, 1 Sam. 10.27. who despised Saul in their hearts, when God had elected him; but they whose hearts God had touched honoured him, says that Text. Sure (I believe) that our duty is to think of the King whom God hath set over us, 2 Sam. 14.19. 2 Sam. 19.27. as of an Angel of God for excellency, as David's Subjects did of him; and to endeavour too that others may have the same thoughts of him: I have reasons for my faith in this particular. Prov. 21.1. Prov. 16.10. 1. God gives King's special spirits, and he undertakes in a special manner to guide and order the King's heart, and to direct his mouth. 2. God hath honoured a King above other men, and we are bound to submit our thoughts to Gods, to concur with him, in exalting him most highly whom God so exalteth. 3. A Prince is Pater patriae, the father of the Country, yea, and of the Church a nursing father, and children must both have themselves, and endeavour to work in each other a reverend esteem of their common father. A good Subject neither can nor will see or believe any thing dishonourable of his Sovereign, should he be where he might behold a nakedness or a weakness, he would shut his eyes and not see it, so fare would he be from acting Cham's part, in discovering it unto others. 4. A King (as I conceive him) is the most excellent Image of God in the world, and the most glorious; Christ was God, Man, and Mediator, in all which respects he hath his Image amongst us. Every true Christian is the Image of Christ as Man, every true Minister of the Gospel is the Image of Christ as Mediator, (and accordingly ought to approve himself;) but a Christian King is also the Image of Christ as God, and as so, is to be reverenced and esteemed by us: He is the Image of Christ, as Judge and Governor of the world, of Christ glorified, whereas every other Christian is only the Image of Christ crucified: a King is also the Image of Christ, as he shall come; whereas we are only Images of Christ as he did come. Christ came at first in the shape of a servant, was humble to all, subjective to the Civil Magistrate, did not resist his will though contrary to Law, and like him herein I believe must all Christians be, of what rank soever (as such) under the Supreme: they must be meek and lowly, patiented when contemned, and (if providence so order) that they be delivered up to the will of the people their most deadly enemies, for no cause, as Christ was against all Law of God or Man, like him they must make no bodily resistance against Authority. But when Christ shall come the second time, he shall appear after another manner, viz. clothed with Majesty and Glory, as a Judge and Ruler, as the high and lofty one that inhabiteth Eternity; nor will he yield himself then to be despised and abused as he was before: no more will he (I believe) long suffer those that bear his Image in that respect to be contemned in the mean while; verily, I do believe, it is the most high and transcendent boldness that can be imagined to abuse or slight in the least degree the Image of Christ, as Judge, as God. Surely it is the duty of Sovereign Kings, to remember in what sense themselves are Christi imagines above other men, that so their looks may be answerable to their dignities, for the chase away evil from others, and the preventing of contempt unto themselves: But if a Prince shall be so gracious as to deny himself sometime, in respect of his greatness, and (as Christ at his first coming did) lay aside his glory for a season, to converse more familiarly with his people for their good, shall he (being most highly adorned with the sweet Spirit of the Gospel, and the conditions thereof, meekness, patience, mercy, affability, and the like) rather delight to appear to his Subjects as Christ a Saviour, then as Christ a judge, as Christ hath done, then as he shall do: I think his Subjects have no reason to esteem more meanly of him for this, or to say from hence we will not have this man to reign over us, but (unless they be of the Pharisees stamp) they will have a more high reverence and love toward him, if not, they deserve by him to be accounted rather Enemies than Subjects, and (as they in the Parable were) to be handled accordingly. Indeed I believe, that as the best Christians, so the best Kings in this world, are liable to persecution both of hand and tongue, in regard of that Image of God which is upon them: when the insurrection of evil doers had driven David from his royal City, than did Shimei's mouth also open against him, to the enlargement of his sorrows: we know the Scripture tells us, that the nature of the self advancing Bramble (when he is gotten up) is to be most spiteful against the Cedars of Libanus; Iud: 9.15. the most eminent in grace or place. Holiness alone cannot defend a Prince from ill usage, it rathers make him obnoxious unto dangers, preserve me O Lord for I am holy, said that Holy King. Ps. 86.2. Yea, as among inferiors, so among the chief, the best inclinations are most opposed, the sweetest natures most abused by Satan and his Members, whose main endeavours are to blunt (if possible) the edge of goodness; to stop all ways of discovering or dispensing love, to prevent Subjects from their full tasting of that grace, which is intended towards them by their Sovereigns. Experience shows in many places, that when Enemies have slandered right intentions, their labours are to force the doing of something which may put a colour of truth upon their scandals, they will drive a man (if they can) into such straits that (if God do not help from Heaven) he must at length by a kind of necessity be constrained to step into that disclaimed path, whereof at first they did seem to prophesy. And this God permitteth sometimes (for a season) to be done even to Princes themselves, that he thereby might have occasion more evidently to declare himself their saving strength, in upholding and delivering them, and in subduing their people under them; as also that the Eminency of fortitude, wisdom, meekness, and those other graces, which himself hath planted in a King may be manifest, to the encouragement of his Subjects under their particular Burdens: If we look unto jesus with the eye of faith, & upon our Sovereign with the eye of sense, Heb. 12.2. and consider both how they have endured the contradiction of sinners, we shall not be wearied or faint in our minds, but shall run with more patience the race that is set before us: some of us may truly speak it, that now obstructions hindered our King's protection of us from evils, his fellowship in sufferings doth afford us supportation under them. But I believe further, that a Prince in regard both of Person and Office, (notwithstanding all that darkness which for a season may cloud his Glory) is under the Almighty's most special care: God hath an eye to Princes in their dangers, was the Collection of josephus upon the wonderful escape of Titus at the walls of jerusalem: great deliverance gives he unto his King, (says David) deliverance unto others, Ps. 18.50. but great deliverance unto his King, for he is His King, His immediate and choicest servant; it concerns God's Honour to afford a special defence to Him, as men think they are bound in honour to maintain those whom themselves employ: And from good experience doth David sing in another place, It is God that giveth salvation unto Kings, Ps. 144.10. (even because Kings) it was God that delivered David his servant (and so Charles his servant at Keinton Battle) é gladio maligno from the hurtful or malignant sword. Yea I do believe that all these expressions of Divine love, and promises of favour, which are made in Scripture to any good King, do most truly also belong to ours; for our King trusteth in the Lord, Ps. 21.7, 8. in his care and providence, (as his many convincing Declarations do well express) and therefore through the mercy of the most high (though the waters swell never so,) he shall not miscarry he shall not be moved. Yea I do not doubt but his hand shall find out all his Enemies, his right hand shall find out all that hate him, Ps. 144.1.2. for God is his strength who teacheth his hands to War, and his fingers to fight: 1 Sam. 2.10. God shall give power to his King, (says Hannah in her prophecy) nay hath not God given power to his King, above the expectation of some? How is that small handful since last August (notwithstanding all those endeavours to the contrary,) come to be an Army like the Host of God? How did the Lord (that the work might be noted more clearly to be his own) when He had brought him to as low an ebb (in outward appearance) as ever gracious Prince was in, raise him again to this mighty greatness? How hath the fear of the Lord fallen upon the people, as upon them in saul's time, 1 Sam. 11.7. when they came out with one consent to help their King, whom (in the wickedness of their Spirits a little before, some of them had despised: ● Sam. 10.27. ) Surely (Sir) this is the Lords do, it should be marvellous in our eyes. O cried some (you know) in their carnal confidence, when they went forth for to pursue, He may fly from place to place for a while, but there is no remedy, he must yield and come in, at last, he cannot possibly withstand our great forces: (an expression like that in the Ps. which was used against David, Psal. 75.1. let us persecute and take him, for there is none to deliver him:) But this the Lord heard, who was even then near to his Anointed, as since then, his wondrous works for him, have well declared: and who will doubtless perfect what he hath begun, even for his own names sake: 1 Sam. 12.22. as Samuel said, the Lord will forsake his people, for his own great name sake, because it hath pleased the Lord to make you his people, so may I conclude, the Lord will not forsake His King, for his great names sake, because it hath pleased the Lord to make him his King. Yea, I do believe, that God will give the King his hearts desire, and fully grant the request of his lips; his seduced people shall be undeceived, his own righteousness shall be as the Sun, to dispel the cloud which blinds them; his true intentions for their welfare shall be as apparent as the noon day, to the shame and confusion of his enemies, whose unreverend, disloyal, and unjust reports, he shall like a pious Christian, and a Royal King, (according to the Apostles precept) for ever silence by his well doing: and I am confident that 1000 of his Subjects even in this our County) do believe that His Majesty's chief desire of prevailing is, to gain this advantage. But I proceed now to declare my faith more particularly concerning the Subject's duty. Sect. 7 I do believe from these forenamed particulars concerning Kings, that every Subject is bound (as he will answer it at God's dreadful Bar) 'to honour and reverence his Sovereign above all other men, and forsaking all others to adhere only to him; yea to suffer none but God to sit in his heart above him, not to dare to wish him evil, or to have an ill thought against him, any more than he would dare to have it against God himself. Psal. 82.6. God's honouring Kings with the name himself is called by doth confirm this; it doth teach us not only to difference them from all other men, but also to honour them with the same inward honour subordinately wherewith we honour him: and to my apprehension the Law of the Nation consents hereto, for whereas 'tis no capital crime, only to wish or seek another man's destruction, yet the Kings it is; for a bare purpose, if no hurt ensue to another, no man shall suffer death: but 'tis not so with a King, a bare purpose or endeavour to kill him is deadly: yea, we read of some that have lost their heads, but for raising a force to take away (as was pretended) evil Counsellors from the Prince, because the Law did interpret that act to be a secret intendment against the life of the Sovereign; and as I conceive the reason of the Law is this, because as Kings participate of God's name, (are called Gods) so do they of this divine Privilege, that as against God so against them the thoughts of the heart are mortal sins. Yea further, God's conjunction of the King to himself, and our duty to both, under one word fear, (My son, Prov. 24.21. fear God and the King) doth also infer, that he would have us acknowledge the same reverence due to the King under him, which we own unto himself: and that other connection by the Apostle, Fear God, honour the King, 1 Pet. 2.17. doth suggest that the most visible and immediate evidence that we can possibly give of our fearing God, is our honouring the King. Yea, I do verily believe, that what Gods wisdom hath conjoined in his Word, his Spirit hath coupled in every honest and religious heart. And now as by the fear of God is signified the whole worship of God, so by fearing and honouring the King is understood all that duty whereby the dignity, credit, esteem, safety, content, and comfort of our Sovereign by any means is preserved and kept undefaced: and as this our fear must be the same in specie, so must it have the same manner and way of expression: as namely by our believing him, by having an high esteem of him, by our obedience to his will, by our manner of address unto his presence, by our unfeigned and constant love unto his person, and by our endeavouring to rejoice and glad his spirit; for by these particulars we do express our honour and reverence of heart unto the Lord. 1. We honour God when we do believe him, yea then most of all (as Luther says) for thereby we give him the glory of all his attributes; nor do we ever more disparage the Majesty of God, then when we make him a liar like unto ourselves, in not giving credit unto his say: those (who would neither believe nor speak one word of truth themselves) did most of all dishonour our Saviour when they voiced him to be a deceiver and a false speaker: so no greater dishonour can men offer to their Prince than not to take his word, (unless withal to labour that others might not.) Surely it is a part not only of good manners, but also of that reverence and duty which a Subject owes unto his Sovereign, to credit and believe him before any other in the world, especially upon his Protestations: But indeed the more like unto Christ a Prince is in meekness, mercy, truth, sweetness of disposition, and desire of doing good, the more of Christ's entertainment shall he meet withal in this world. 2. We honour God, by having an high esteem of his Majesty, and by manifesting the same in terms accordingly, to his praise upon all occasions; and after this sort must we testify our honour to the King, we must have an high and pious conceit of him, speaking of him always as good, and praying for him not as evil: To make mention in prayer of a Christian Prince as if he were an Infidel, or an enemy to goodness, is rather to calumniate and vilify him to slander and disgrace him, then to show reverence and honour to him: it is rather the way to insinuate a tediousness of him, and to work an odium against him in the hearts of men than a venerable esteem of him. When Saint Paul required it, as a thing good and acceptable in the sight of God, to pray, supplicate, 2 Tim. 2. and give thanks for Kings, and commends it as a mean whereby to live a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty; I believe he did not intent such kind of prayers as should leave a misconceit of Kings in the minds of their people, no I believe such prayers have been the seeds of these our present troubles, they have prejudiced our peace and quiet, and provoked but little to the practice of true godliness and honesty; the Lord in his good time touch the spirits of the seeds-men. 3. We express our honour and fear to God, by our full and perfect obedience to his will and word; so must we to our Sovereign, by our obedience to his Person and Laws, preferring none but God before him; the first in Authority must always command our first obedience, God that gives Authority to the King is therefore the greatest, and so to be first obeyed; the King gives Authority to all inferior Magistrates, and therefore is greater than all they, (both divisim & conjunctim) and so before them to be preferred in our submission unto, should they command any thing contrary to his will. If it be said: but suppose the inferior Magistrate commands according to the King's Law, which is his revealed will, then 'tis lawful not only to disobey his person, but also to make resistance. I answer: This objection shall be dealt withal anon; only for the present I say this, God is not honoured by being resisted, no more surely is the King. Moreover, Authority is rather rooted in the Prince then in his Law, for as he gives being to the inferior Magistrate, so he doth to the Law itself, making it authorizable; Et propter quod aliquid est tale, illud est magis tale, He is greater therefore than his Law, & not to be resisted for the sake of that; which may be evidenced farther thus, if when the Prince commands any thing contrary to the revealed will of God, who hath given him his power, he is not to be resisted, though not to be obeyed; then much less when he commands any thing contrary to his own Law, to which himself hath given power. Christian Religion hath hitherto taught, that the Prince his will must always be done of us, or on us; of us, when 'tis according to, or not against the Word of God; on us, when contrary to the same; we must one way or other submit to Authority, to the penalty if not to the command; nor do I conceive how I disobey the Law of the Land, by submitting to the penalty annexed in obeying the will of the Prince, seeing I must honour his person by my obedience. 4. We do manifest our reverence to God by our manner of address into his presence, we do not use to carry our Petitions to God with our hands upon our swords, nor go to him with threats and arms to have our requests granted; neither must we in that fashion repair unto our Sovereign: nor do we use to think to make God yield unto us, by fore reporting of him that he means to do so and so, that we might force him for his credit sake to do the contrary: but we go to him with selfe-denying hearts and words, confessing his goodness and our own unworthiness, entreating him to take advantage of our necessities, to manifest his own free grace, and to cause his own glory to appear, and after such a manner, and with such terms must we go unto our King; the humble way is God's way, which he will make successful. 5. We honour God by our unfeigned and constant love unto him, and for his sake to those that love him, or that he loves; which is expressed by our speaking good of him and them, and not by endeavouring his or their disgrace and ruin. And so must we also show our honour to our Prince by our love, which must be unfeigned and constant, both to him and his in all conditions; we must be willing rather to suffer for his and their sakes, then to countenance any evil against either. Indeed our love to our King will be thus natured, if it be rightly grounded, namely on God's command, and because he is our Sovereign: for though indeed we are to pray that a Prince may always be as eminent in grace and goodness above others, as he is in dignity; yet if he be not, we must remember, that we own him the highest honour as he is the Lords Anointed, and appointed of God to be our Governor; God who hath deserved from us to be obeyed, hath commanded us to honour and love our King. Indeed a Christian is Homo per se, and hath a foundation for his duty and love peculiar to himself; he loves not his father only because he begat him, or his mother because she bore him in her womb, and gave him suck, or his friend because beneficial unto him, or his Sovereign because he doth protect him: these are vulgar grounds, and of mere naturals, yea of bruit creatures, but his principal foundation is the Command of God, and the apprehension of God's love to himself; and as God's Love and Word is capable of no alteration, no more is a Christians love and duty which is built upon it, it is in its measure and degree like that, constant, and unfeigned: yea, though the Prince should change and omit what belongs to him, yet a true Christian Subject changeth never, nor dareth he to neglect the least tittle of his duty. O, says he, God's love to me in Jesus Christ hath kindled in my heart a love unto my Sovereign, set over me by himself: Gods word in my soul is the root of my duty to my Prince, therefore so long as God continues to love me, so long will I continue an obedient Subject, as nothing can separate God's love from me, neither life, nor death, nor Principalities, nor Powers; so nothing shall separate my heart from my King; neither fears, nor threaten, nor plunderings, nor persecutions: as nothing can nullify God's word. Heaven and earth shall pass away, before the least tittle of that shall perish: so nothing can or shall alienate me from my Allegiance to my Prince, but him will I Honour, him will I love, fear, and obey, actively or passively, although he should account of me and deal with me as with an Enemy. 6. We Honour God by rejoicing his Spirit, and by being careful not to grieve the same: after which manner also we must Honour the King: our endeavours must be to glad his heart, and our studies to make him cheerful, that so he may govern us with comfort, Heb. 13.17. and give up his account with joy, which will be most for our advantage, as the Apostle speaketh in another case. Indeed crossness and perverseness is a great wickedness when exercised against any, specially against a Prince, yet even such a Person is sometime so afflicted: When I speak of Peace (says King David) than they make them ready to battle, such was their crossness: Ps. 120.7. & in another place, they dealt perversely with me, without a cause, Ps. 119 78. indeed when ever men deal perversely with their Prince, they do so without cause, for there neither can, nor aught to be any cause to move a man to break his duty to his Sovereign, or rather to his God who hath commanded his constant and loyal obedience. It is not spoken in Scripture to the commendation of those vexatious Sons of Zerviah, that they were too hard for David, and so often grieved his Spirit; but every true David must meet with such men, to discover him to the rest of his people, to be a man after Gods own Heart, meek, wise, and patiented. Theophilus' Bishop of Alexandria, (as some writ) having got power with the Empress, did vex joh. chrysostom to death, by tormenting his Spirit, and molesting of him, who can think of that act without indignation? & it was reported of you know whom, that he vexeda minister to death by his unjust and incessant troubling of him, an horrid thing (if it were true) and worthy of a sharp censure, but I pray God that some of them that blaimed him, have not since had a finger in such endeavours, and against a more High and Sacred person: omne occultum tandem revelabitur: Thus (reverend Sir) by this glimpse you see what kind of Honour I believe is due unto a King, and how the Subjects are to express the same, and now Sir I instance not in every particular way, as in paying tribute or the like, which our Saviour and Saint Paul commandeth; because that will naturally follow upon that which hath been said. And now Sir, discern my faith in the whole case, & the grounds of it, & you may perceive I am one of those that conceive the Standard of God's word to be the best rule to measure at a subjects duty by, indeed I would have all men obey for Conscience sake, Rom. 13.5. & the great Apostle (I am sure) is of the same mind. Sect. 8 And now I come to the second thing, namely to show, how those objections are removable, which as I remember were opposed against my judgement, of the unlawfulness to resist a King. I than desired to maintain, and indeed do still believe, that to whatsoever the King commands we must either yield our active obedience, or (if against Conscience,) we must suffer, or fly: you added a fourth, (which I did not acknowledge,) and you called it defensive resistance: And your position was this: A defensive resistance against the Kings will or Personal commands when contrary to his legal, is lawful, yea necessary. To make good this position, there was (to prove the lawfulness) alleged the Example of the people's resisting Saul in the behalf of jonathan, of David's strengthening himself against Saul, of David's purpose at Keilah, if the men thereof would have stood unto him, of Vzziah the King his being resisted, and thrust out of the temple by the Priests. Arguments from reason also were produced, or rather similitudes instead of Arguments (which I suppose were to show the necessity of it) as of resisting a father or master, commanding by unjust violence things unlawful, and unsuitable to his fatherly or masterly relation. And then the Oath or Covenant which the King takes or makes at his Coronation was alleged, as giving countenance to a defensive resistance on the Subjects part, if the Prince doth make a breach thereof. Lastly, I was required to show some Scripture oppugning this resistance, which I then promised. Sir, If my memory doth not fail me, this was the sum to which according to my Conscience, and weak ability, I shall now more fully answer then I could (in regard of your own or my preceding labours, it being the Lords day at night) do then: Entreating you to remember that as then, so now we discourse of the matter only as a case in Divinity. 1. Concerning the Position; the terms thereof, and then of the matter therein. The practice of some in this sinful Nation, doth at this present too too sufficiently expound what is to be understood by the term of defensive resistance: but I confess their exposition is very new, or else 'tis figurative, per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae vox est signans cuntraria dicto, as war is called bellum, quód minimé bellum, so defensive resistance quod oppugnat magis. To defend of old, and properly, was and is to keep of, or to avoid, not to give blows; not to begin the assault: but it infers an Assault made, & a staying at home rather than a going abroad, or a being driven from thence, rather than a driveing, it is not to hunt or pursue from place to place, but it presupposeth a being hunted or pursued: and I shall rather take the term in its ancient and prer signification, as perhaps you would have me think you take it, (as being the more gentle,) then in that new sense which this boisterous Age doth: I conceive by a defensive resistance, an active resistance by divers renouncing passive obedience. Against the Kings will or personal command, if they that maintain this position, be of the privy Council to this resisting generation, we may suspect two things from these their words, if they do not flander. 1. That the present war is not principally against those that are with the King, as the common people are made to believe, but rather against the Kings own Person: Indeed that voice, to fight against the King, would call together but little money, and few men in this Nation; nor can all that look that way, hope to wear the King's Crown; but they may promise to themselves a portion in the estates of the King's friends, who if he perish (which God defend) are sure to fall with him. 2. That this war is not to defend Religion, as the ignorant also are persuaded, but only to cross the King; that he might not have His will: Indeed the great and only Controversy between God and man is, whose will shall be done; no marvel if a good King be in God's Condition. Against the King's Personal will, when it contradicts his Law: I suppose the reason is, because we must love the Law, better than we do the King the fountain of it: but how if the Kings will be concurrent with His Law? how if he not only protests he will, but actually doth adventure his sacred Person to defend his Law? I hope in such a case, it will be yielded without dispute, that resistance is unlawful, because haply it would be suspected, that those that make it, do bear as ill an Affection to the Law itself, (as fearing a trial by it) as they do unto the King, (who would bring them to it.) But that is not our case you'll say, if you mean that which yourself have put, I grant the case concerns not us: but why then is the position of lawful resistance now preached? do any purpose in aftertimes to get their King into a straight, and so force in him some breach of Law, to gain advantage of resistance, and therefore would have people by this doctrine ready prepared before hand, to aid them against him on the sudden without scruple: well, yet I hope the Consciences of true Protestant Subjects will never swallow this principle. But concerning the Position, I conceive 'tis built partly upon that distinction already disliked as improper, specially for Subjects to make use of, it being indeed of evil and dangerous consequence: namely, that a King may be considered as a man without his office, and as a King in his office: for in an Hereditary Kingdom the King's right to Regality was at the beginning of his Personality, they were borne and they die together, and therefore not so much as lie Subjects to be considered asunder. Indeed the King himself may use this distinction in the case of pardoning those that offend his person as he is a Christian, he may forgive, (for he is not borne a Christian though a Prince) but those that offend him as he is Pater Patriae (as by stirring up Rebellion in the Commonwealth, and by shedding the blood of his innocent Subjects) he must punish in regard of his office: I confess 'tis a sin of a purple dye to offend the person of a Prince, but true magnanimity can pardon great faults, specially when none is offended thereby but he that pardons. Again, I conceive the distinction between the King's personal and legal command, is of no ancient standing in the School of Christianity; Faction bred it, and Sedition (if let alone) will nurse it; it hath been already the mother of much strife, and I pray God it prove not the Grandmother to confusion: but admit it good, yet I do not see how it belongs to Subjects to determine of the Princes will, to be contrary to his Law, whensoever to outward appearance it seemeth so: God (says Job) giveth not account of his matters, no more do Princes (those earthly Gods) give a reason of all their do to their Subjects. When Solomon pretended to divide the quick child between the two Harlots, 1 King. 3. (a most cruel and unlawful thing to outward appearance) yet none of his Subjects were so sinfully bold as to resist him in it, or to say, Thou art ungodly; 2 King. 10. so when Jehu pretended to serve Baal more than ever Ahab did; and Constantine, to honour those that would offer sacrifice to Idols, and to banish those that would not, neither of them were opposed by their people: beside the effect shown that their Wills were as right as their best Laws, notwithstanding those pretences. It was once your own honest interpretation (before the public Congregation) that if the King's Majesty were acquainted with the coming forth of that book of Liberty on the Lord's day, it was only to discover the consciences of his Clergy, how tender and faithful they would be for the service and day of God their master. But I proceed from the fashion or outside, to the matter or substance Sect. 9 of the position itself. There is a difference made, or rather coined, betwixt the King and His Law; and the Authors thereof say, It is lawful to resist the King to keep his Law, yea necessary: as if not obeying and resisting were both one, or must of necessity go together; the Apostle says, Rom. 13. They that resist shall receive to themselves damnation; not they that do not obey: doubtless therefore there is a difference. I have always thought passive obedience to be the Medium or Christian virtue between them, and surely so it is, unless Rebellion of late hath ta'en it from its place, made a vice of it, and clapped it into prison; Reason says, that by an humble submission to the penalty, a man may deny obedience without resistance, to the Personal as well as to the Legal commands of the Prince: if men obey not the Law when the King forbids, nor the Kings will where the Law inhibits, neither is resisted; had all the Nation been of this mind, we had bad no fight, though the King's will had truly opposed his Law, as is pretended. But let them be (as some would have it) both one: you say 'tis lawful to resist the King to keep his Law, and why not as lawful (at least as pious) on the other side to neglect (I say not to resist) his Law, to obey him, when the thing commanded is not ungodly? if the King be greater than his Law, we may. Nay, if to obey the King be God's Ordinance, and to obey the Law, but the Ordinance of man, it is our duty: These two particulars I will briefly prove. 1. If the King be greater than his Law we may; for as was showed before, the greater first must be obeyed, but the King is greater, for he hath a more immediate dependence upon God, than his Law hath; He is the fountain of that, and not that of him: He is the Lawgiver, (as the Scripture styles him) the Sanedrim or great Council of Elders may prepare or fit the matter of the Law, Gen. 49.10. but the King gives the form or being to it, he sets the stamp upon it, and so makes it authorizeable, whence 'tis called the King's Law: And as he gives a being unto, so he may dispense with his own Law, or with a Subject for the breach thereof; but the Law hath not that power over the King, therefore the King is above his Law. Truly I cannot apprehend how the Princes Will is more resistable than his Law, unless it were proved to be subordinate thereunto; reason says, that rather his Law is subordinate to his Will, being that his Will makes his Law, and not this his Will. The King's Person (from which (sure) his Will is not excluded) as hath been granted, is Solutus Legibus, freed from his own Laws; scil. from their coactive power, and is Obligatus tantùm vinculo pietatis, bound only in conscience to have respect unto them, as they are or may be rules for better direction; and for the breach of conscience only even we to God only are accountable, and therefore (sure) the King by us in such a case is not resistable. 2. If to obey the King be God's ordinance, and to obey the Law be but the ordinance of man, then to obey the King in the first place is but our duty: 1 Pet. 2.7. but this is evident, God's word which is unalterable, says, Honour the King; whereas 'tis only an humane constitution which is revokeable, (and perhaps to morrow) that says, obey such or such an Order, which is contrary to the King's mind: now whether it be our duty to obey God or man, Act. 4.19. judge you. Ob. But you say, that that Scripture, Honour, or obey the King, and such like, do mean only the King's Law, or his Authority. Answ. I answer, that I find not Scripture making any such restriction of the Subjects obedience only to the King's Law, or allowing any separation of his Authority from his Person: the Scripture commands obedience to the King, and the term King may include both his Will and Law, if not his Will rather, (as being an essential of his Person) when both do not agree; indeed, if the Kings will contradict God's will, 'tis better to obey God then him; and so 'tis if his Law contradicts the Law of God. Ob. But you say further, that God's Word doth only in this case tie the conscience to obey the Legal commands of the King, for when good Laws are once established, then comes God's Word in, and requires our obedience to them, and not before. Answ. I answer: If I did believe God's will were subordinate to the People's appetite in the choice of a King, that he only submitted (as some are pleased to speak) to their Election, with his consent and approbation; I might haply be induced also to be of that opinion, concerning His word: but (as my judgement is) I neither can, nor dare conceive so meanly of God's Word, as to think it in this case only subservient to the precepts of men, to account it no more than a bare Copula between humane Laws and men's consciences, when as rather it is, or aught to be the foundation of, and guide unto both. I do find and feel that God's Word ties my conscience to obey every one of the King's commands (that are not against piety) yea his Personal, as well as his Legal, and those first in case of difference: nor do I (for my part) obey the King's Law, because it is established, or because of its known penalty annexed, nor yet the King himself, because he rules according to his Law; these are not my grounds of obedience, but I obey the King's Law because I obey the Kings and I obey the King, because I obey God; I obey the King and his Law, because of God and his Law, which I hold to be the best obedience, and that of a Christian man: when the fear of the Master makes the Scholar obey his precept, it is better than when the fear of the precept makes him obey his Master: so when the reverend and loving regard of the Prince makes us obey his Law, 'tis better than when fear of the Law makes us obey the Prince. Ob. But you say, to obey the Prince his Personal Command against His Legal, is to obey him against himself. Answ. So (as I think) is to obey his Legal Command against his Personal, for I take his Person to be himself: But we must remember, that the dispute is not about obedience to the one, rather than unto the other, but about active and violent resistance against the one, in behalf of the other, which I believe is unlawful against either: because the King's Authourity goes with both: you deny the lawfulness of resistance against the Legal Commands, although ungodly, because established, (for here, say you, comes in passive obedience.) And shall I hold resistance lawful against the Personal, though not impious? it must be then earatione because Personal, truly (Sir) I dare not, those Scriptures Honour the King, and whoever resisteth shall receive damnation, do forbidden me. Besides, if it be unlawful by violence to resist Kings, or to defend ourselves by Arms against them, when they command contrary to God's Law, my reason cannot reach how it agrees with Christianity to lift up the hand against them, when they command only against their own, sure man's Laws ought not to be dearer to us then Gods, nor our own wealth more precious than God's truth. Ob. But shall we prefer the Prince his passion before his reason? Reason goes with his Law, but passion with his will. Answ. This hath been answered in part already, only I add these particulars. 1. The Prince his Personal commands, do not always presuppose passion, nor are attended with it: if they did, yet the Apostle says we must be Subject, Rom. 13.5. for fear of wrath which not only may, but usually doth proceed from passion. 2. Yielding pacifieth wrath, allayeth passion, removes the cloud that darkens reason, whereas grievous words (and much more violent actions) do stir up and increase anger; Prov. 15.1. Prov. 20.2. and who so provoketh a King thereunto, says Solomon, sinneth against his own soul. Ec. 10.4. 3. It is the advice of the wise: that if the Spirit of the Ruler rise up against thee, leave not thy place, that is modesté te in station tua teneto, nec rebellato (says Tremelius) keep thyself modestly in thy station, and do not Rebel against him, He forsakes his place, (says Cartwright) qui animum ex accept á injuriâ abalienatum gerens, obsequium subducit, aut etiam aliquid in principem molitur: that being alienated in affection from his Prince, withdraweth his obedience, & doth endeavour somewhat against him by way of resistance. Ob. But to what purpose then are Laws established, if the Kings will be above them, or must be obeyed in the first place? Answ. Laws are established to instruct the Subjects in their duty, not to rule the King, they are the Kings will in scriptis his revealed, or written will, and therefore 'tis supposeable that his personal will may yet at least be coordinate with them, and so no more resistible than they▪ for we must remember still the question is about resistance. But for the matter of obedience, let me add further the Lex or Law is one thing, and Ius or right may be another, it may be supra legem, and on the King's side when his will commands contrá, & in such a case even Conscience itself requires us to prefer the dictate of his will in our obedience. There was among the Romans a power called potestas regia, which was absolute, and above the Laws, (still retained in that Common Wealth, after the enacting of that festival called Regifugium, for the banishment of their Kings;) and it was inherent to the Person of the supreme magistrate, that was pro tempore; for those wise men, (though they were great lovers of that which they called Liberty, yet they) conceived that if the chief Authority were restrained within the straits of Laws, it could not be exercised to the public utility, and therefore since all Laws were to be interpreted pro ratione locorum, temporum, ac personarum, with respect to place, time, and person, and many things fell out which might render the Law evil, that was in itself good, they thought it fit in all doubtful cases, to repair ad Dictaturae Ius, to the Personal direction of a chief Magistrate called the Dictator: et quod Dictatori (ut res postulabat) fuit temporarium, Imperatori et Regi oportet esse ut sit perpetuum, what was to him temporary is to a settled King perpetual, the State of the Kingdom so requireing. Ob. But suppose Ius or Right be on the Law's side, and the Kings will be to violate that, as well as the Law. Answ. I answer, that notwithstanding a King should do so, yet I do not conceive it lawful for Christian Subjects to resist him by force of arms; In the Jewish Politics (we know) that were made by Moses, was couched not only Law, but even Right itself, yet when Samuel foretold the people of the conditions of their King, and mentions such acts of His will, as might be reckoned among such kind of violations, he did not grant them any warrant or countenance for resistance: when the King should take away their Sons and Daughters, to serve his lust and will, their servants and fields, to dispose of according to his pleasure, 1 Sam. 8.18. Samuel doth not say thereupon, and you shall fight it out in that day against your King. But, and you shall cry out in that day, because of your King: and to whom shall they cry? to the people, or to one another? no, but even unto the Lord, (says the Text) who gave the King, and who alone is above the King, and who sometimes permits a King, for the people's sins to do such things. Indeed reason says that God only, whose servant the King is, hath power over him, and to him only we must repair if we have any business concerning him, Pro. 21.1. to which parpose the Spirit says: the King's heart is in God's hand, who turneth it as himself willeth, all men's hearts (we know) are in God's hand too, but the King's heart is said to be there in a special manner, to teach that our duty is to use Gods help only when we would have the King's heart turned to us: if we neglect God in such a case, and address ourselves unto the people, stir up them to rage, and be tumultuous, we shall rather drive the King further from us, then draw him nearer to us: no way, or hand can, or shall incline the King's heart but the way, or Hand of God; Nehemiah went to God when he would have the King's Heart inclined to him, and his request, and so did Mordecay, and Hester when they desired the like favour from the King. These are (Reverend Sir) the objections, as I remember, that were expressed or involved in your discourse, which according to my weak power and my Conscience, I have thus answered, and do conclude, that I cannot see how it is lawful to resist the King's Personal commands in the behalf of his Legal, when opposite; I do conceive, that rather than so, his Personal (if not against the Commands of God) are to be obeyed, nor can I apprehend how a man in such a case, can properly be said to break any Law, that obeyeth the Commands of the Lawmaker. Sect. 10 I now come unto your Scriptures which were alleged to prove the lawfulness of resistance. They are not precepts any of them, yet for points of practice in matters of far less moment, precepts are necessary: and I must confess I think it strange, that a business of such high concernment●●s resisting a King by force of Arms) should be in action among Christians, and not one direct command of God to bottom it upon. Ob. Yea, but if the Examples be pregnant, and nothing in God's word contradicting, they being many may be as valid as a precept. Yes haply in some cases, though whether in such a one as this, I question: but are these such? nothing less; they are rather blind, and unlikely suppositions, and so threadbare with often use for want of better change, that for this purpose (almost to every eye) they seem worthless. The first is, that of the people's resisting Saul in the behalf of Jonathan, 1 Sam. 14.45. But how did they resist? the words of the Text are these: The people said unto Saul (who had made a rash vow) shall Jonathan die, who hath wrought so great salvation in Israel? God forbidden: as the Lord liveth there shall not one hair of his head fall to the ground, for he hath wrought with God this day; so the people rescued Jonathan that he died not. Here we see are only Reasons and Arguments, such as might become prayers; here is no intimation of Arms or violent resistance: as therefore Saint Peter might be said to be rescued out of prison by the prayers of the Church; or Nabal and his family from slaughter, by the prayers of Abigail, so was Jonathan out of danger by the prayers of the people: And that is the judgement of Divines, Junius, Borrhaius, Psiander, whom Willet allegeth in this case, and Gregory as I find him quoted. And reason says, that Saul might easily be entreated by his Subjects (without any violent resistance on their parts) to break a rash and unlawful vow, to save the life of his eldest son, whom he loved, who was innocent; and had that day been God's Instrument of so great salvation unto Israel: Nay, Peter Martyr adds further, that if the people did any more than pray, if they pressed violently upon Saul in making a mutiny, they sinned; so that the first example is nothing to the purpose. The second is of David's strengthening himself against Saul. To which I answer, that I find not in Scripture that David ever strooke up the Drum, or used any means to call or gather men unto him for any such end; indeed 'tis said, 1 Sam. 22.2. that many that were afflicted (as he was) gathered themselves unto him, and he became their Captain, so that properly he strengthened not himself, they rather strengthened him, or the Lord by them preserved him for that employment whereunto he was appointed: But do we ever read of any act of hostility that David with them did exercise against Saul, or against any of his followers, so long as Doeg was in favour, they might well pretend that the King had ill Counsellors about him, yet we read not of any violence that was used to remove them: Nay, very easily might David have revenged himself upon the Ziphites, that did their good will to betray him into saul's hand, if his conscience would have served him to kill any of the King's Subjects, against the mind of the King. Whereas you say, that you gather from 1 Chron. 12. that David was 40000 strong in the days of Saul; and 'tis probable he did not lie still with his great Army. I answer, it is not apparent that all those Captains mentioned in that Chapter, brought all their men with them: yet if it were so, it makes against you; that David being so strong, should always flee from Saul when pursued by him, and resist never, much less seek after him; should get him out of saul's Kingdom with so many men following him, and beg a place to dwell in of Achish King of Gath. But (Sir) the truth is, David was never above 600 strong, till about the time that Ziglag was burnt, which was about the time of saul's death, and that great concourse of men mentioned, 1 Chron. 12. came then to him, it may be probable that they fled from the battle wherein Saul was slain; for the Text says, vers. 21. some of them helped David against the Rovers: And vers. 22, 23. 'tis said, They came to him to turn the Kingdom of Saul to him, according to the word of the Lord. It was well known in Israel that David was appointed to succeed Saul, and who will not (at such a time) look to the Sunrising: Thus to my apprehension the second example is as fare from the mark, as the former. (Beside David being an extraordinary person, full of God's spirit, and by unction designed of God unto the Kingdom, his example in such a case is not proper. Sam. 23. The third you alleged is the business at Keilah: It is supposed (say you) that David would have defended that Town against the King, if the Inhabitants would have been faithful to him: ergo. 'Tis lawful to resist the King, and to keep his Towns against him. We use to say, à facto ad jus non valet consequentia; indeed this was not factum, yet I see not how it follows. It is so supposed, but not by every body, for some may (and perhaps as simply) suppose because 'tis said afterward, Chron. 12.1. that David kept himself close in Ziglag) that he would also here have lain close in Keilah, if the men thereof would (as Rahab did the spies) but have concealed him. But by the way here is one thing notable; David it seems though he was 600 strong in that Town, would not venture upon it for to hold it, until he knew whether he should have the good will of the Inhabitants, he did not seize upon it on the sudden, whether the King and they would or no, before they were ware, and keep it by force against both, robbing, kill, and plundering his fellow Subjects. But to the place: the Text says, vers. 9 1. Sam. 23.9 that David knew that Saul secretly practised mischief against him, and thereupon fearing some treachery in the men of Keilah if he stayed there, being in a great straight, He asked counsel of God about the matter, and the Lord answered him accordingly, and this was all the business: But if you will suppose further that David had a purpose to have kept the Town against the King, if the Citizens would have stood to him; I hope it may be lawful for me to suppose also, that the Lord (whose counsel was asked) both could and would have inclined their hearts to have been faithful, if the thing purposed had been lawful; but God's answer speaks to my apprehension his disallowance of it, and so doubtless it did to David's, as appears by his departure, and his never attempting any such matter afterward: if the answer of God had been clean contrary to what it was, or such as might in any sort have countenanced his stay, there had been some colour to have alleged this story for this matter of resistance; but God's wisdom would not have any such example upon record in his Word, he foresaw that they, who are so bold upon a bare supposition, would have been more bold (if more could be) upon a plain example, Gods answer therefore is such, that all may understand (if they please) his refusal of a blessing upon such an enterprise. If it be yet urged upon me farther, as was before the Committee; what I think David would have done, if he had stayed in Keilah till Saul came; I must make the same answer as I did then: what David would have done I cannot tell, but I suppose the men of Keilah would have done to him as the men of Abel did to Sheba afterward, (even cut off his head, and thrown it o'er the wall) had the King came, or sent for to demand it: But truly I wonder that the example of David should be alleged in this case of fight against the King, considering what his deportment to Saul was at two several times, when he had him at such advantage. Chron. 26. ●s. 17, 18, etc. But now for the last example, that of Vzziah, who for going in the pride of his heart (says the Text) into the Temple, to meddle with the Priest's office, was withstood by Azariah the Priest, and fourscore Priests with him that were valiant men: But how was he withstood by these men in the Temple? not with swords, or weapons, but vers. 18. They withstood Vzziah the King, and said unto him, it pertaineth not to thee Vzziah to burn incense unto the Lord, but to the Priests the sons of Aaron, who are consecrated thereunto; go out of the Sanctuary therefore, for thou hast trespassed, neither shall it be for thine honour from the Lord God: thus they withstood Vzziah by saying these words unto him. Indeed when he persisted notwithstanding this, The Lord strooke him with leprosy, vers. 19 and then the Priests thrust him out of the holy place, because of his uncleanness; (according to the Law) Nay, says the Text, vers. 20. themselves hasted also to go out, because the Lord had smitten him: this example therefore makes nothing at all for the lawfulness of resisting the King's person, commanding against his own Laws. Other examples as little to the purpose are also alleged by those that would feign wind God's Word to speak the language of their own spirits: but these only were mentioned at our conference, and therefore I will not spend time to answer any other, which indeed are already answered by abler pens than mine. Sect. 11 Now I come to the Argument from reason, which in your thoughts (as it seems, if you be in earnest) doth imply a necessity of resistance in such a case; Salus populi which is Suprema lex, doth require it: for thus you argue. It is according to reason that every particular man should endeavour the preservation of his own being; yea, 'tis Lex naturae, every member of the body, every creature in the world will do it, ergo, much more man, who hath also the use of Reason to persuade him to defend himself against an unjust violence. Indeed (say you) Christianity commands us patiently to submit when we are wronged by the Law; but if against Law, than we may stand upon our own guard by all the Laws of Nature and Nations. As for example (say you) if a father or master (whose commands are to be bounded within the compass of their particlar relations) shall by unjust violence require things unsuitable to be done, the child or servant may and aught to defend himself, even to the disarming of his Governor: so if a Prince shall command any thing beyond or beside the relation of his Kingly office, (as for example, when a sentence is passed by a trial at Law, for me against him, he shall notwithstanding in his passion, send to my house to do me violence) I must defend myself, and disarm him if I can, for if in such a case I shall yield my throat to his fury to be cut, I shall be guilty of self murder: and if this may be done for the safety of a private man, then much more when Salus populi wrich is suprema lex doth require it: These in brief (as I remember) were your Arguments and illustrations, to which I thus answer. First, in general; Reason I grant ruleth well, when Religion opposeth not, but 'tis her duty to veil unto faith, and therefore as you and I have often taught, even reason herself must be denied in some cases, as well as nature: a Christian as well as another creature, may and must look to his own preservation; but we are bought with a price, 1 Cor. 6.20. and so are not our own, nor must be in the first place for ourselves: the Honour of that profession which he that bought us, hath entrusted us to maintain, must be preserved by us, before life itself; if self defence will blemish my Holy profession, if resisting the King speaks rather the doctrine of the jesuits, then of jesus, I had rather by patience possess my soul in safety, then by opposing endeavour the preservation of my body. Ob. But for the particular instances: every member of the body (say you) will defend itself. Answ. True, and all the Head, yea every one of them, will defend the Head before itself, 'tis natural to them; and if we be right members of the Commonwealth, the King is our Head. Ob. Every Creature will endeavour the preservation of its own being. Answ. So will a reasonable man, and a Christian in special aught so to do, that he may do his Creator the more service; but only in that way, and by those means, as may not cross the end of his being. Ob. But Christianity commands to submit with patience only when wronged by the Law. Answ. It hath been already answered that Christian patience is not so limited, if the Law be on my side when the King wrongs me, my wrong is the greater, and my patience in such a case is more glorious, and comes nearer to perfection. Ob. But the King's Commands are bounded, as those of a Father or master within the compass of their particular relations. Answ. That is already denied, and must be better proved before I answer further, only this I add, that the similitude of a father or master is not to this case corresponding: for, 1. I am equal to my father or master as I am a Subject, (though their inferior in my particular relation to them,) but so I am not to my Prince. 2. I have a Law to warrant me to stand upon mine own defence against them, and to disarm them when they break the King's peace upon me, but I have not, to justify me in my so doing against my Prince. 3. The King hath not given a father or master potestatem vitae et necis over those that in their relations are under them, as God hath given the King, therefore although I may defend myself against them, yet not against him, to whom (being the public father and Lord) I own the greater duty and obedience, and am to forsake them to serve him, Answ. 2 Besides, I do not wholly yield to the lawfulness of resisting a father or master, only for the unsuteablenesse of their command, or perhaps, because jujurious to the child or servant, if it be not impious in itself: for that place of the Apostle seemeth to gainsay it: servants, b● subject to your Masters with all fear, 1 Pet. 1, 18.19. not only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward, for this is thank worthy if a man for Conscience sake toward God endure grief, suffering wrongfully. q. d. when in the frowardness of their Spirits, they command things unsuitable; submit yourselves, and resist not: now if subjection in such a case be due to Masters, much more is it unto a Prince. Answ. 3 Or lastly I answer, there is a medium between obeying and resisting, in a case of that nature; and that is complaining to those that are above them, for fathers and masters are themselves also under Authourity, unto which their children or servants may appeal for their own defence, when unreasonable commands with violence are forced upon them: and so may and must the Subjects do, appeal to God in such a case, 1 Sam. 8.18. who only is above their Prince. 1 Sam. 8.18. Ob. But suppose the straight be such that the Son or servant cannot appeal to the Magistrate, he must either yield to the thing unlawful, or be killed, if he do not resist. Answ. The case is never so between us and God, Gen. 22.14. he is every where to whom we may appeal, yea providebit in monte, our extremity is his best opportunity. Quest. But what warrant for this? Answ. I know yourself at leisure can find many, I'll mind you but of two, one a precept, and another an example: the first is Esay 50.10. whoever fears the Lord when he is in darkness and hath no light, that is, Es. 50.10. in such great streightes, and deep dangers, that he can see no glimpse of deliverance from the creatures, no hopes of escape: let him (namely at such a time) trust in the name of the Lord, and stay himself upon his God: O! (Master M.) when shall we live by faith, if not in such a Condition? The second warrant is the example of David in the wilderness of Maon, Saul had beset him round, he was in a great distress, 1 Sam. 23.26, 27. fly he could not from his Prince, fight he durst not against his Prince, what shall he do? He stayed himself upon his God, who appeared to his help, by diverting the King to a business of better consequence, a messenger comes all on the sudden, and brings him word the Philistines had invaded his Land: Ob. But suppose the Prince sets upon me in mine own House, and I therein am able to defend myself, (which perhaps David in his distress was not) why may I not so do? and trust to God's Assistance that way, my House is my Castle: Answ. I yield your house is, and may be your Castle, to defend you against any private Person, but whether against your Liege Lord the King, or no, I question? or if the Law yields you this, that the House which was left you by your predecessors, be your own, and the weapons therein which you bought with your own money, be solely yours, for your defence, and for that purpose you may use them. But (not forgetting your similitude) suppose you be in your fathers or master's House, and the weapons therein be his weapons, whether you may keep his own house, or use his own weapons against himself, Hoc restat probandum. Ob. But shall I yield my throat to be cut, than I shall be guilty of selfe-murder? Answ. It doth not follow, that if you yield to your Prince in such a case, that your throat must needs be cut: for we read of some that by faith stopped the mouth of Lions, Heb. 11.34. and escaped the edge of the sword: God is able (and will if you pray and trust to him) by your yielding to your offended and displeased Prince, mollify his heart towards you, as he did saul's heart to David, Laban's to jacob at one time, and Esau's towards him at another. (O dear Sir) have we been preaching faith and patience thus many years to others, and shall we thus boggle and wriggle against the Power of faith, and the practice of patience, when we are put to trials? nay shall we argue in the behalf of flesh and blood against the power of faith? But I return. Ob. To permit a Prince (said you) to do what he will without resistance, is the way to destroy the whole society of men, and the Church in special, if a Prince be so minded. Answ. It doth not follow, for Church and Commonwealth are both preserved by God's providence, God is Governor of and in both, and so far as the rage of men shall make to the praise either of his wisdom and justice in punishing the wicked, or of his Power and grace, in the trials of his servants, Psa. 76.10. Es. 10. so far doth he permit it, and the remainder thereof doth he restrain: we see it in Assur. Es. 10. and in all the Tyrants of all Ages; the Roman Emperors that had their wills, had also but their time, and did no more by all their fury, than God's hand and counsel had foredetermined should be done: Ob. But this is Anabaptism to hold it unlawful for Christians to fight. Answ. It is one thing for Christians to fight under their Prince's Banner, and at his command, and another thing, to fight against his standard, and contrary to his will, to fight for him is Christianity, but to fight against him is Anabaptism: nor indeed do the Anabaptists hold it unlawful to fight, when they think themselves strong enough to resist, as appeared by their behaviour at Munster, but as Jsrael had been in peace if Ahab had been as free from troubling it as Elias was whom he accused, 1 King. 18.17. so should England at this time be, if they that oppose Regality, and endeavour the damage of it, were as far from Anabaptism, as they are that hold such resistance unlawful. Ob. But Salus populi is suprema lex, and for the preservation of the whole we may resist a part. Answ. There is indeed much talk of Salus populi now adays, but I believe there is a great mistake both in Salus, and in Populi. 1. In Salus, which as appears by men's proceed is thought to consist in fight rather than in flying, in resisting rather then in yielding, in shedding one another's blood, rather than in sleeping in peace; God the general conserver of mankind, hath created man for that end, conservare speciem; and his will is that those virtues should be specially practised and maintained, that are most conducible thereunto, and those are not wars, and contentions, strife, and debate, but love, meekness, and patience, bearing and forbearing one another: I profess (Sir) it is a Paradox to me, that men should lead people from peace to war, to preserve them▪ sure there is a mistake in Salus. 2 And so there is in Populi too, for whereas some say, by the people they mean all, who conjuncti●● are as much above the King, as he is above any one of them sigill●atim: and therefore though one may not resist him, yet all may (as if the sin were the less because many commit it, or rather none at all, if they have but strength and company for to act it) others again by the people do interpret every man's particular self; whence arise those expressions, I value the King no more than I do another man; I would rather disarm the King, than he should disarm me; yea, and kill him too, to save myself. I tremble to mention these say, doubtless these varlets to save themselves would deal so with God himself, if he were capable, and they could reach him. I do believe, yourself will yield that there is a mistake also in Populi. But Sir, is not the King the Head of the people, and can they be safe without him; I admire at some of us, that dare in the pulpit separate betwixt them, and vilify Majesty to advance popularity. O, cry some, the whole must be preferred before a part, Ob. for Christ says if thy right eye, or right hand offend thee, cut it off, and cast it from thee, 'tis better that a part perish, than the whole. Answ. Yea but Christ doth not say if thine head offend the, cut off that, for that would be to the ruin of the whole. Ob. O, say others, the Kingdom is chiefly to be regarded, the King is but for the Kingdom's sake; He is the younger of the two; there was a people before there was a King, he was ordained for their good, and therefore is to serve them. Answ. So Esau was jacobs' elder Brother, yet the elder was appointed to serve the younger: and the whole world, that great Kingdom was made before man, yet made for his sake to serve him, not he to serve that: indeed a King is no more ordained for the people's good, than they are for his good, they are each ordained for other good: and both for God's glory, which is most advanced by peace and union, so that 'tis not Salus populi alone, but 'tis Salus Regis et populi, that is suprema Lex; and so highly to be regarded: nor doth Salus populi consist in resisting or suppressing the King. What says Pilate the Heathen, (to them that called themselves God's people) shall I crucify your King? q. d. what an unnatural, and unreasonable thing is it, for Subjects to go about to ruinated their own King? if they had answered, O 'tis to save ourselves, Pilate would have laughed them to scorn: although indeed perhaps when people go about any such business, 'tis to save some of themselves, whose black merits do make them suspicious of the King's mercy; but should they prevail, the effect would show, that the safety of the enemies would never countervail (to the Commonwealth) the King's damage. Some there be that think Salus populi to consist in Liberty, and Li● qerty (as they conceive) is for every man to do what is right in his own eyes, be of what Religion he please, commit Idolatry, and Adultery, rob, plunder, and take away the goods of others, be both his own Carver; and his own Judge: and thus it was of old, when there was no King in Israel: ergo. But Sir, though some (upon a taste of this kind of Liberty which hath of late been permitted to them) cry out, O these be the blessed days, these be the happy times: yet you and I cannot but conceive that they are the beginning of sorrows, & will end in bitterness; we know this Liberty is every way destructive, and rather Beastlike then Humane; whereas this should be Christian, which consists chiefly parendo, God's service is a perfect freedom: and there was a King set up in Israel, to remedy those abuses. And thus (Sir) you see, that I do not apprehend from your reasons or arguments any necessity of such resistance in the case. Now concerning the Oath or Covenant which the King takes or makes at his Coronation: how that doth countenance a defensive resistance Sect. 12 on the Subjects part, if the Prince shall make a breach thereof, we shall a little consider. First (Sir,) let me mind you: of what you yielded, namely, that the King is King before his Coronation; indeed his Crown is but a note or ensign of his Kingly dignity, he hath a right unto, and is in actual possession of his Inheritance given him of God, before he makes his Covenant on the Coronation day, which cannot therefore be supposed to be conditional with the people; nor be thought that he by it from them receives his office with a quandiu bene se gesserit, so that of necessity he must forfeit his power unto them, if he breaks his promise. We read that supreme Princes in ancient times, as they were free from Laws, so from Oaths; the Roman Empire was not wont to swear unto the Senate, or to the people, but they both did take an Oath to him. Those Oaths & Covenants the Scripture mentions in the Story of the Kings of judah, were not made or taken by the King, (if we mark them) but by the people to their King; or by the King and people together, unto the Lord, after some general defection from his worship and service: no, this custom of a Kings swearing, is the Infant of later times, it was borne ad faciendum fidem, people's distrust was the parent of it: evil suspicion (as being for the most part the root of Rebellion) was ever counted ominous; and therefore to prevent a sinister opinion of a new King it was thought meet by such Princes, upon their solemn Coronation day, to enter into a visible Covenant with God, in the presence of their people. And I believe the custom's good as a mean (by God's grace) to keep a Prince his will, within the bounds of Conscience: but (in that it was not so ab initio,) it plainly shows that a King's entrance into his Government, doth no whit depend upon his Covenant, nor doth this Covenant at all diminish his supremacy, or derogate from the absoluteness of his Power: no, if it were made unto his people, as it is not, I do not see how of necessity it must make him any way liable to their subjection, God himself was pleased ad faciendam fidem to swear to Abraham, and to David, yet did he not thereby any way make himself their inferior. But indeed the King's Oath and Covenant, is only unto God, 'tis His Oath of Allegiance to the Lord; and in effect to this purpose, that he will discharge the trust imposed upon him by the God of Heaven and earth, of whom he holds his Kingdom; and this is made visibly in the presence of the people, that they might not distrust the faithfulness or integrity of that Person, to whom is committed (by him who knows all hearts) so great a Power. And sure, as 'tis a heavy sin in a Prince to falsify his Covenant with the Majesty of Heaven, so 'tis no small sin in Subjects to distrust a Prince his fidelity upon slight grounds, or to expose him by any means to the general suspicions of his people. But now, (Sir) what warrant have the Subjects from hence for their resistance, if the King breaks his Oath to God? is not God able to revenge his own cause? hath he not always done it? observe stories, and see if you can name one example of any King, though never so great, that broke Covenant with God, whom God hath not remembered, and is his arm shortened? or is not his Justice still the same? Ob. O yes, say some, we have a warrant to help the Lord against the mighty; Meroz was cursed, because she did not. Answ. Meroz indeed was cursed with a bitter curse, and did deserve it, because she came not to help her King, her Captain, or supreme Judge whom God had set over her, & on whose side the Lord was, against his Enemies that risen up, or went out against him, & that were so many and so mighty; but she is not cursed, because she did not resist her own Governor. The breach of our Oath of Allegiance unto the King, is only an offence against the King, and to be punished by him, and not by any of his Subjects without his Authority, nay, if any break promise and Covenant with one of us, ourselves only can justly accuse him, and shall we not allow God the same Privilege? by what Authority therefore do you this thing, (call your Sovereign to account for his breach to God (if he were guilty,) or who gave you this Authority? To my thoughts that saying of David concerning Saul, should be able to tie up all hands from such an enterprise; 1 Sam. 24.5. when his men moved him to take the advantage, intimating that God's providence (according to some former promise as might seem) had afforded it on purpose: O, says David, God forbidden, what do so to my master, the Lords Anointed; lay hands on him? absit mihi, fare be it from me; never let me come where God hath to do, if such a thought lodge in my heart; I have done more already in cutting off the lap of his Garment, than I have comfort in: 1 Sam. 26.9.10 So a little after when another like opportunity was tendered, and some were ready to conclude for him, that God had renewed the advantage, to check his former fearfulness, yea, and to take away his scrupulousness, one offered himself to do it for him; give but your consent (says he) and I will warrant, you shall never more be troubled with your Enemy: O, says David, by no means, shall I suffer any to offer violence to the King? Lord be merciful unto me, and keep me from such an Horrid thing: I straight charge you, that you do it not as you love your own life, for who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed, and be guiltless? if we mark the words well, in both places they are denials with great vehemency; and indeed let us all again and again observe his Arguments in both places, for they are very suitable to this purpose. 1. He is my master: scilicet, my Sovereign, my Liege Lord, I have taken my Oath to be true to him, therefore my duty is to defend him, against all the world; though he forget himself towards me, and towards God too, yet I must not forget myself towards him, unto whom I am sworn, nor towards God by whom I have sworn, never servant or subject prospered that neglected his Oath and duty in a case of this nature, shall I be a forsworn man? shall I turn son of Belial? Child of the devil, as those appear to be that offer violence, and affronts unto their Sovereign? no, God forbidden. 2. He is the Lords Anointed, (says he) and this particular he rests much upon, repeats the Title over 3 or 4 times, (as we may observe in the places) to manifest that awful dread which he had in his own heart towards the King, and to work alike in the hearts of those his servants that moved him to so impious a mischief: and indeed of all Arguments, 'tis the most forceable to an Honest heart: q.d. what shall I rise against God? against him whom God hath anointed and marked? shall I lay hands upon what is Holy? Holy things are not to be meddled withal: His Person is Holy in respect of unction; his calling is holy; and 'tis sacrilege to offer violence to either: His Anointing is the mark of God upon him, et quos Deus unxit nemo tanget, it is unlawful to meddle with anything that hath but another man's mark upon it, with his sheep, his horse, his servant that wears his Livery; and shall I dare to meddle with him for hurt, that hath the mark of God upon him? O I dare not, he is none but God's, and none but he may deal with him; as God hath sentenced him, so God shall put his own sentence in execution: v. 10. of the 26. cap. as the Lord liveth, the Lord shall smite him, or his day may come to die, or he shall descend into the battle (namely against the Philistines) and perish: But from me he shall receive no damage God may smite him if he please, but I may not, I must not, though I know him to be rejected of God, & myself to be appointed of God to succeed him; God's hand may be upon him, but mine shall never; or his day may come to die, but not a day sooner for me; for I wots well, he is marked for God's, He is the Lords Anointed. 3. Who can stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed, and be guiltless? namely of high treason before God and man, he (whoever he be) shall be questioned for it, and found guilty of the highest crime upon trial, and shall have the due demerit of all Traitors, they that stretch forth their hand in a violent way against Gods Anointed, there will come a time, when their necks shall have a violent stretch for it, Hanging, drawing, and quartering, is the punishment of such crimes; God himself else will see execution done, if Humane Laws, or power should fail in this particular, one way or other God will bring judgement upon them even in this world, beside that which remains for them in the world to come; for he will never hold such guiltless: The Psalmist speaking prophetically of strange children (and such are all Traitors, Ps. 144.6.7. and Rebels, of a strange birth, a Bastard brood, none of Gods) says, cast out thy lightning and scatter them, shoot out thine arrows and destroy them, etc. God can from Heaven cut them off, or he can cause their own beasts to help bring them to their deserved end, as Absoloms' mule did help to hang the Traitor his master: or he can give them up to hang themselves, as Achitophel did. Surely (Sir) God doth not use to chastise Princes for their failings by any of their own Subjects who are good men; some perhaps, that are vessels of wrath, he permits (on their own head) to make themselves instruments thereof before hand: but good Subjects that are ordained to be vessels of mercy, have hearts and spirits only delighting in works of love; vessels of mercy hereafter, are instruments of mercy here; but whoever makes himself (without authority) God's rod is sure to be thrown into the fire, Had Zimri peace that slew his master? He was a rod, and he felt the fire. Ob. Yea, but (say some) in the King's Oath there is quas vulgus elegerit, the King must make and maintain such Laws as the common people shall think fit to make choice on: therefore if the King do not so, the common people, or vulgus may force him, or at least make Laws without him, for by that clause the King submits himself unto the people, and d●th in effect say unto them, as the good Emperor Trajan did unto his Officers, use the sword against myself, if I do not rule according to the Laws. Answ. First, for that speech of Trajan, so oft quoted in pulpits, and pamphlets, to the shame (as must be thought) of Christian Princes, and for their imitation, I conceive it savoured more of Popularity, then of Christianity; and discovered the Author of it, a rank Heathen, who knew not himself to hold his Authority of God: for a King being Gods sole and immediate servant, can no more give power to any of his people, to draw the sword against himself, than I being the King's Subject, can give my servant power to kill me; or if a King should so much forget God and himself, as to use such a sinful speech to please the people, I am sure they (if such as truly fear God) dare not make any such use of it, though never so great provocations were given: they would think with themselves thus: what have we to do to meddle with another's servant? we must leave him only to God his own master: shall we be so vile as to think God either weak and cannot, or wicked, and will not punish him in his time? shall we make ourselves Judges, or executioners for God? shall we think we can be more careful for his credit, than himself is? shall we imagine to do him a good office, in promoting his glory in a way contrary to his reveale● will? O let us study to approve ourselves Gods good servants, 〈◊〉 not his masters to teach him how or when to correct his own i●●●diate Officer, upon the said Delinquents lands, cut down his 〈…〉 and timber trees, and make spoil of all: or if a Minister shall 〈…〉 preach obedience to the King, when he sees his people 〈◊〉 ways of disloyalty, he should forfeit all his profits ipso 〈…〉 forced to wear the brand of a malignant, yea of a very Cavaleir (a mark as bad as a Popish Sau bennet) until he recant such his detestable errors, and preach more approvable Doctrine: Is the King bound by his Oath, to establish and defend such a Law? surely no, therefore people are much deceived in their interpretation of that clause, if there be any such in the King's Oath: But his Sacred Majesty in one of his Declarations, doth fully declare the true meaning of it, and to that only I do refer you: Only this, I would have you remember that the vulgus do commonly go in the broad way, which as Scripture says, etc. But now for quas vulgus elegerit. Whether there be any such phrase in that Oath which the King now taketh, I know not, but if there be, doth it thence follow that the common people alone must resolve what Laws are just, and to God's glory, and what not? and that the King must establish and defend what they only think well of, or else forfeit his power to them, or be liable to their enforcement? every man's reason cannot reach this: for, Suppose the vulgar should think it just at the present, and for God's glory, that every man that would should be a Priest, (as it was in jeroboams time) and preach according to his own spirit, or new pretended light, though rents and divisions thereby are made in all places; and thereupon should choose to have a new Law made, that the Church Government allowed when the King took his oath, should be quite put down; and those that hitherto have been called the Clergy suppressed, and all learning (as Popish and profane) discountenanced; and every man, be he weaver, pedlar, or cobbler, should have free leave in public to show his gifts; is the King bound to establish and defend such a Law? must he break that part of his oath, which is to preserve the present established Clergy and Church of God to the uttermost of his power? and when God shall call him to an account for 〈◊〉 will it be sufficient for him to answer, as Aaron did Moses, the peo●●uld have it so? I believe not. 〈◊〉 ●●ough the vulgus be somewhat unreasonable, yet we will not con●m 〈◊〉 so bold, as to urge the King by any new Law, to break any 〈◊〉 ●ath or Covenant, because they seem so careful he should 〈…〉 find such fault with the imaginary breach thereof: I will 〈…〉 ●ce in another case. to be vessels of mercy, have hearts and spirits only delighting in works of love; vessels of mercy hereafter, are instruments or mercy here; but whoever makes himself (without authority) God's rod, is sure to be thrown into the fire. Had Zimri peace that slew his master? He was a rod, and he felt the fire. Ob. Yea, but (say some) in the King's Oath there is quas vulgus elegerit, the King must make and maintain such Laws as the common people shall think fit to make choice of: therefore if the King do not so, the common people, or vulgus may force him, or at least make Laws without him, for by that clause the King submits himself unto the people, and doth in effect say unto them, as the good Emperor Trajan did unto his Officers, use the sword against myself, if I do not rule according to the Laws. Answ. First, for that speech of Trajan, so oft quoted in pulpits, and pamphlets, to the shame (as must be thought) of Christian Princes, and for their imitation, I conceive it savoured more of Popularity, then of Christianity; and discovered the Author of it, a rank Heathen, who knew not himself to hold his Authority of God: for a King being Gods sole and immediate servant, can no more give power to any of his people, to draw the sword against himself, than I being the King's Subject, can give my servant power to kill me; or if a King should so much forget God and himself, as to use such a sinful speech to please the people, I am sure they (if such as truly fear God) dare not make any such use of it, though never so great provocations were given: they would think with themselves thus: what have we to do to meddle with another's servant? we must leave him only to God his own master: shall we be so vile as to think God either weak and cannot, or wicked, and will not punish him in his time? shall we make ourselves Judges, or executioners for God? shall we think we can be more careful for his credit, than himself is? shall we imagine to do him a good office, in promoting his glory in a way contrary to his revealed will? O let us study to approve ourselves Gods good servants, and not his masters, to teach him how or when to correct his own immediate Officer. But now for quas vulgus elegerit. Whether there be any such phrase in that Oath which the King now taketh, I know not, but if there be, doth it thence follow that the common people alone must resolve what Laws are just, and to God's glory, and what not? and that the King must establish and defend what they only think well of, or else forfeit his power to them, or be liable to their enforcement? every man's reason cannot reach this: for, Suppose the vulgar should think it just at the present, and for God's glory, that every man that would should be a Priest, (as it was in jeroboams time) and preach according to his own spirit, or new pretended light, though rents and divisions thereby are made in all places; and thereupon should choose to have a new Law made, that the Church Government allowed when the King took his oath, should be quite put down; and those that hitherto have been called the Clergy suppressed, and all learning (as Popish and profane) discountenanced; and every man, be he weaver, pedlar, or cobbler, should have free leave in public to show his gifts; is the King bound to establish and defend such a Law? must he break that part of his oath, which is to preserve the present established Clergy and Church of God to the uttermost of his power? and when God shall call him to an account for it, will it be sufficient for him to answer, as Aaron did Moses, the people would have it so? I believe not. But though the vulgus be somewhat unreasonable, yet we will not conceive them so bold, as to urge the King by any new Law, to break any part of his oath or Covenant, because they seem so careful he should keep it, and find such fault with the imaginary breach thereof: I will therefore instance in another case. Suppose the vulgus should for the present think it just, that all whom the King loves, or that love him, should be counted malignants, and be liable to plundering, and should choose to have a Law made, that whomsoeyer the King casts his favour upon, (unless approved of by themselves) and whosoever shall speak in the King's behalf, should presently forfeit all their estate unto the said vulgus, unto whom it shall be lawful (before any public trial) to seize upon the said Delinquents lands, cut down his woods, and timber trees, and make spoil of all: or if a Minister shall dare to preach obedience to the King, when he sees his people run into all ways of disloyalty, he should forfeit all his profits ipso facto, and be forced to wear the brand of a malignant, yea of a very Cavaleir (a mark as bad as a Popish San bennet) until he recant such his detestable errors, and preach more approvable Doctrine: Is the King bound by his Oath, to establish and defend such a Law? surely no, therefore people are much deceived in their interpretation of that clause, if there be any such in the King's Oath: But his Sacred Majesty in one of his Declarations, doth fully declare the true meaning of it, and to that only I do refer you: Only this, I would have you remember that the vulgus do commonly go in the broad way, which Scripture says is not the best, Mat. 7.13. Company (you know) is the strongest argument to prevail with the many; therefore Moses well, follow not a multitude to do evil, Ex. 23.2. inferring thereby that for the most part they go in a way of evil doing, and so of ill choosing, 2 Sam. 15. Mat. 27.20, 2● as when they forsook David to follow Absolom, and Achitophel, nay when they chose Barrabbas, and would have an order to crucify Jesus: indeed 'tis true, some factious Priests, with some Scribes and Pharisees that were gracious with them, did persuade and teach them to make that sinful choice, but their weakness did appear in their being so persuaded: and the Common people still are apt to be seduced, & thrust by such means into the worst ways; Bellua multorum capitum (you know) one calls them, they are apt to be led they know not whither, to say they know not what, & to cry they know not wherefore, as that example shows, Acts 19.32. Act. 19.32. therefore nothing of that nature which was alleged, but may be supposed of the vulgus: perhaps, experience also could say somewhat to the matter, if she might as safely use her tongue, as she may her eyes, and ears. Ob. But though the vulgus or Common people may not (haply) on their own heads resist the King, or call him to an account, yet the Parliament may, the great Court of the Kingdom. Answ. What a Parliament may do, I will not determine. Only this I hope (as a man desiring information) I may say: I do not see how the Parliament, taken in a complete and perfect sense, conjoint together of head and members, scilicet of King, Nobles, and Commons, can be said to resist the King, or to call him to an account, for that himself is the principal or chief part thereof: nor (if we take it in an incompleate or imperfect acceptation, for the minor or inferior part, as divided from the King and the major part of his Peers) do I see how properly (I am sure not kindly) the head can be resisted by the lower members: I see not how such a part hath power to do more than the Prince himself can do; scilicet, dispense with oaths, & enable men without offence to God, to break those his Laws wherein he commands Honour to the King, and forbids resistance, nor how such members may do that for which they were not chosen: scilicet arm us that chose them against him, that gave us power to choose, and them to sit: nor how that they themselves as Parliament men have Authority to oppose him, whom as private men they have sworn to obey, and whom God in his own stead hath set over them; they are but the representations of us, our Images, and how they can pull down the Image and representation of God I cannot see. But this I know, and will be bold to say, as a minister of Jesus Christ, that a Parliament (take it in either sense) though it may do what private men may not do, yet it must not do, what a Christian ought not to do: I believe that the Members of that Honourable Court, are Christian men, & that their duty is in the midst of their State Affairs, to remember their relation to Christ, and to do nothing contradicting the same, for it will be no sufficient excuse, when he shall come to judge both quick and dead, and charge any of them for breaking his Law, to say I did it as I was a Parliament man, and not as I was a Christian, for if the Parliament man be punished for his faults, I believe as a private man he will feel the smart thereof: and so I conclude this particular, with my daily prayer: Lord give to every member of that Honourable Court now Assembled, a full measure of thy grace, that they may be willing and ready to comply with his Sacred Majesty, their Gracious Sovereign, and thine Anointed, in all those ways that tend to thy Glory, and the peace of this Church and Commonwealth: Amen. Sect. 13 scriptures evidencing the un●wfulnesse of ●ch resistance. Now (reverend Sir) I have answered all your objections, that I can remember, and come to your request, which was to show some Scriptures oppugning this resistance. (Sir) I know it rests only on their part who forsake the old way, to produce Scriptures for their new; but because you know 'tis easier to overthrow that which you are upon, then to maintain it, you are pleased to put what you conceive is less difficult upon me; which I accept both willingly, and thankfully. Rom. 12.18. I will not insist upon that precept of the Apostle, So much as in you lieth, if it be possible live peaceably with all men, which the Doctrine of resistance doth manifestly contradict, if there be another course to be taken, as undoubtedly there is, (according as I shall show anon) nor will I much mind you of those places where he propounds prayer for, and obedience unto, (not resistance of, 1 Tim 2.1, 2. Tit. 3.1. ) Princess and Kings to be the necessary and only way to live Godly, and honestly, quietly, and peaceably: nor yet of that saying, ye have not yet resisted unto blood, Heb. 12.4. which not only the Apostle himself, but also David Dixon of Scotland; and all the godly learned expositors do interpret to be a passive resistance of evil, by suffering our own blood to be shed (after Christ's Example in the former verses) not an active resistance thereof, by shedding the blood of others: I say I will not insist upon these or any other Scriptures of like nature, because it will be answered as it hath been already, that those places concern private Christians, not a Parliament or public State; as if a Parliament or public State, were not bound to do all that is possible to live peaceably; as if the members thereof were not chose on purpose to procure the peace of all, to settle godliness, honesty, religion, and quiet in a Nation; as if the Parliament men were no Christians; as if by being advanced to that Honour they were exempted from the rules of Christianity, or could in their wisdoms, devise ways to promote peace and godliness, better than those which God's Spirit hath propounded; such language therefore (as I conceive) how frequent soever, is not to the dignity of that High Assembly: but (as I said before) I will not meddle with the power of a Parliament, nor do I desire to hear or know any thing of that Court, but what is pious and Honourable. But the first Scripture which I will allege, shall be that which some, because they cannot evade, do scoffingly call our great place: viz. Rom. 13.1, 2. Let every soul be subject to the Higher power, for there is no power but of God the powers that be are ordained of God, whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the Ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. I first demand, what is meant by higher power in this place? * Author of the Pamphlet called the glorious name of God, the Lord of Hosts, pag● 113. one answers me, That Authority which God and man hath put upon a man: I demand again, is it only naked Authority so put, without any relation to the man, on whom put, that must be subjected unto, and not resisted? He answers yes, for 'tis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (which signifies power in the abstract or the power of the Law, and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a more concrete word, which may imply also the power of the Person; I confess 'tis somewhat difficult to me, to have such an abstrusive apprehension of Authority, yet because 'tis so Magisterially affirmed, I will not resist the higher Spirit: though I cannot upon such an ipse dixit believe, the full and true sense of the text to be, The power of the man may not be resisted but the man that hath the power may: for I would ask this question, why may the man that hath the power, be resisted? I confess, the answer is ready, in respect of his illegal will, and ways: & why in that respect? is it because Authority thereby is abused or misapplied? it should seem no for 'tis professed in the same page that Power and Authority though abused, is not to be resisted: where then doth the Burr stick? is Authority subjected solely in the King's Law, and no whit in his Person, though put upon him both by God and man? or is Authority itself the subject, and the person exercising the same, a bare accident unto that, being in it (only more separably) as pride and folly are in Homine? so it may appear in the same place, for (says that Rabbi) if one that is in Authority, command out of his own will, and not by Law, I resist no power, no Authority at all, if I neither actively nor passively obey; no, I do not so much as resist abused Authority: for why? it must be believed (as his fathers the Jesuits teach) that the Prince by his disordered will, (or descent from Law) hath quite lost his Authority, and is become like another man: and so though He be resisted, yet Authority is not, for that's fled from Him. But by the way, if Authority be wholly subjected in the Law, who placed it there? our great new master yieldeth the Lawmakers (who it seems are too indiscreetly prodigal of their Authority, to give it all away to their Laws, and keep none of it to themselves, nor can have any save what it pleaseth the Law to return unto them) His words are these, if those who have power to make Laws, shall make sinful Laws, and so give Authority to any to force obedience, we say: here, there must be either flying or passive obedience, (no resistance) whence we may conjecture, that those who have power to make Laws, are some Persons in Authority; and that those Persons have a possibility in them to make sinful Laws, as well as good; and when they have made those sinful Laws, they can give power to any to force obedience unto them; and those Officers so enabled with power, must not be resisted for the sinful Law's sake: but if he that made this sinful Law, shall command out of his own will a thing less sinful, than what (perhaps) the sinful Law requires, He may be resisted, and yet no Authority resisted by the resister, because no authority abused by the Commander, he having unclothed himself thereof to adorn and strengthen his sinful Law, to make that more venerable than himself, and less resistible: If this be the man's understanding of the case, let us see how by this his Doctrine he must understand the text: by Higher powers (according to this) is meant Humane Laws and ordinances, which are the bounds and bridles of restraint to Kings as well as to other men, let every soul, (the Prince himself not excepted) be subject unto these, and take heed of resisting them; for though they be evil, yet submission either active or passive, must be yielded to them, for the establishment of iniquity by a Law doth make it altogether unopposeable: this must be the meaning of the Apostle in this Expounders sense, but every faith cannot swallow this construction of Higher powers to be only Humane Laws, for as he said rightly, they may be evil, and are ordained by men; whereas the Apostle tells us that the powers which he means are ordained of God, and therefore must needs be all good, for God hath nothing to do with the stool of wickedness. I confess myself lost in that teacher's Meanders; I am even earthed in Burrowes, and need some faithful Jeremy to direct me out of these dark and crypticke Caverns, and I find him in God's book bidding me look about and ask for the old way which is the good way, the old exposition is the best which is this; Jer. 6.16. By every soul is to be understood every man, with all that belongs unto him; and by Higher power, is meant not only the power itself, but also the person excerciseing the same; for as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the power, so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes the person, yea the superiority of the person, and gives the power the denomination of Higher; so that we must not only be subject to the Power because a power, but also to the same because an Higher power; in which respect every inferior not only soul, but also power, must be subject to that power which is higher than itself. And the King being the supreme person under God, hath therefore in these his Dominions the Highest power, and may be called without any great impropriety of speech, as he is God's immediate deputy on earth the Highest power. If any * The Author of the Pamphlet called the Glorious name of God. etc. pag. 122. 1. Peter ● enemy of Regal Authority shall object, and say, though the King indeed be supreme (the Apostle Peter speaks it too plainly to be denied) yet in the same place the King is made an ordinance of man, and therefore to be limited by man. Calvin on the place answers? Dicitur humana ordinatio, non quòd Humanitùs inventa fuerit sed quòd propria Hominum est degesta & ordinata vivendi ratio, 'tis called an humane ordination, not because 'tis man's invention, but because ordained (of God) for the good and conservation of men, or because executed by man, and about the government of mankind. But (Sir) I return to yourself, that this which I have given is the true meaning of that place to the Romans, the text itself doth evidence; for what is called the Higher power in the first verse, is called the ruler, and the Minister of God. v. 3. which imply the person, as well as the Authority: now (says the Apostle) this Higher power must not be resisted viz. by any kind of resistance: and his reason is strong, for to resist, says he, is malum culpae; who ever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and 'tis malum poenae too; they that resist shall receive to themselves Damnation: for, si bonus, nutritor est tuus (says Augustine) si malus, tentator tuus est: if the ruler be good, receive thy nourishment from him with obedience; if he be evil, receive thy trial by him with patience: and so you have my first Script: against resistance. My second shall be Eccles. 8.2, 3, 4, 5. verses: Solomon was a wise man, and the counsels of such are good: I counsel thee (says he) ut os Regis observes (as the Hebrew hath it) that thou observe the mouth of the King, Eccels. 8, 2. etc. and that in regard of the oath of God: i. e. that oath of Allegiance or subjection which in the name of God with his approbation Subjects have always taken unto their Sovereigns, and whereunto God is a witness, and whereof (if broken) he will be a severe punisher. Be not hasty to go out of his sight: that is, says Tremelius, ne ab obsequio illius te subducito animo perturbato, withdraw not thyself from his allegiance in a discontentedness of spirit: stand not in an evil thing, scilicet, in perturbatione & rebellione quae tibi malum allatura esset, in thy sullenness and rebellion which will bring mischief upon thee, for he doth what ever pleaseth him; it is not thy will and pleasure but the will and pleasure of the Prince that must be done; Kings have long hands to reach those that resist them; and God doth enable them to have their Will upon such treacherous and disobedient Subjects as will not willingly submit unto it. Yea, where the word of a King is, there is power; as to break the heart of a good Subject into duty, Confregit David viros suis verbis, 1 Sam. 24.7. says the text, David broke his men with his words; so to blast the conspiracies, and to confound the spirits of those that be rebellious: for indeed God's wrath awakened by the breach of oath, attends the King's word to accomplish the same upon resisters. And hence is that of Solomon in one place, against a King there is no rising up; Prov. 30.31. and in another, He that provoketh a King to anger, (by opposing his word, Prov. 20.2. or any other way) sinneth against his own soul: therefore however for a season, the word of a King, like that of God, be resisted, slighted, and contemned, yet it shall appear in the end again, to be a word of power. Who may say unto him, what dost thou?] i. e. none hath power to call a King to account save God alone, no man hath authority to gainsay him, says Elihu in Job. Is it fit to say to a King, thou art wicked? Job. 34.18. or to Princes, ye are ungodly? it seems it was not in those days. Who so keepeth the Commandment shall feel no evil thing.] that is, the command of God in the first place and then (for the oath of God's sake) the command of the King, be it dictum or scriptum, not contradicting that of God; qui rebellaverit ori tuo moriatur, said the people to Joshua their Captain, Josh. 1.18. Whosoever doth rebel against thy commandment, and will not hearken to the words of thy mouth in all that thou commandest, he shall be put to death: but on the other side, He that keepeth the same shall feel no evil thing. Sir, this is my second Scripture, and, as I conceive, 'tis suitable to our present case, against resisting the personal will and word of the King. More precepts I could give, but because examples are most regarded in these days, I will remember you of some of them. In the third place therefore be pleased to think of the children of Israel in the land of Egypt, and of the manner of their deliverance by the hand of Moses and Aaron. It must be confessed that Pharaoh was a wicked King, & exercised great tyranny over God's people, then under his subjection, and was condemned by God's express word; yet being lawful Magistrate over the Country, Moses did not arm the Israelites against him, though they were able to make their part good, as appears by their number, being six hundred thousand men: Exod. 12.37. and Pharaohs confession, that they were more and mightier than he and his Egyptians: Exod. 1.9. but Continent sese & observant Pharaonem obedienter, as one says, they contained themselves, and beseeched him obediently. Exod. 2.12. Yea, it should seem that Moses himself at first had a fancy, that this deliverance should be by way of resistance, when he slew the Egyptian; Act. 7.25. for as Stephen tells us, he knew then that God had appointed him for that service, but that error cost him 40 year's exile in the Wilderness: and when God employed him, he directed him to go in another way, namely, in all humility to repair unto the King, and demand a dismission at his hands; we cannot but suppose that God could have made them able (had there been fewer of them) with their own swords to make their own way, and by his command could have made it lawful so to have done; but this other course which God would have them take, did in the effect more aggravate Pharaohs obstinacy, and illustrate the Religion of God's people: and was more to the magnifying of God's glory. In the fourth place let me mind you of that in the first of Samuel, cap. 8. the 9 and following verses: God having a purpose to give Israel a King, doth order so in his wisdom that they should make suit for him themselves; whereupon he takes occasion by his Prophet in that place, to forewarn them of some intolerable qualities that might fall to be in some of their Kings, and thereby doth timely prepare them to obedience and patience under them: if we mark, there is as great injustice and tyranny foretold as could be imagined, their sons, daughters, and servants, should be taken from them; those that were noble and free borne should be made slaves, and put to servile offices, their lands and goods should be extorted from them, and diverted to his own and his Courtiers private use and commodity, which were as great breaches of the Laws of the Commonwealth as any could be made, yet no resistance in the case is countenanced, but countermanded rather, the only course prescribed is vers. 18. You shall cry unto the Lord in that day, as if he had said, be as weary as you will, or as you have cause, yet you shall not have leave to shake off the yoke which God through your importunity hath laid upon you, it shall not be lawful for you to resist or oppose by force these personal and unjust courses of your King; but you shall only cry unto God: as you cried for a King, so shall you cry under a King, and till ease and help comes unto you this way; you must submit to the highest extremities that his illegal will shall impose upon you: It is to be remembered, that this was at the first erection of a King among God's people, and all Scripture being written for our Learning, doubtless this is chronicled in God's book for the instruction of all Subjects that should acknowledge and fear the Lord in after times. And most fitly also for the good of posterity did God's providence and spirit strengthen this prescription by recording the example of David's carriage toward that their first King: for as Saul discovered in part the described manners of such a King as Samuel had spoke of, so David discovered the prescribed conditions of such a Subject as God approves off: It is well known how unjustly and illegally he was persecuted by Saul, and how he avoided his fury, only by flying from place to place; he did not hunt the King, the King hunted him: He in all his straits did cry to God, and trusted in his providence, and he lost nothing by it, God wrought for him better than he could have done for himself; and did him more good than e'er his own resistance could have done him: 'tis worthy our special remembrance, how God provided for his escape in the wilderness of Maon, when he was so encircled about with Saul and his men, that of necessity he must be killed, if he did not stand upon his own defence; 1 Sam. 23.27. but God would not suffer a good Subject to have a hand in so sinful a business, or to leave so evil an example to aftertimes, and therefore his providence sends a messenger to tell Saul that the Philistims had invaded his Land, whereby he was on the sudden forced to be gone, and so David was delivered. 1 Sam. 29. Likewise at another time when David was in as great a straight, namely, when he should have gone out with Achish against Saul, the Lord did also deliver him: Achish had allowed him Ziglag to dwell in, (for David durst not in conscience possess himself of any City in Israel without the King's leave, much less hold it against his will) and therefore that he might not offend, he fled the Kingdom, and God gave him favour in the eyes of Achish, an enemy to Israel: and David could not tell how in gratitude to deny Achish to go out with him against their common enemy, and therefore feigned a willingness, but doubtless in his spirit he cried unto the Lord for his help, that he might not be forced to lift up his hand against his Sovereign: whereupon the Lord moved the Princes of the Philistims to dislike of his being there, so that he and his men were dismissed: thus is the Lord ready at hand to help those good Subjects in their straits that walk in the ways of loyalty, and God is still the same. 1 Sam. 15. I could here mind you of samuel's behaviour, when he had from the Lord pronounced saul's rejection, how he went home and prayed, and wept for him, did not stir up the people to rebel against him; he did not forget (as some of us do) his own doctrine of passive obedience, 1 Sam. 8. which formerly he had preached unto them: I could also remember you of Elias his carriage towards Ahab, an unjust man, one that had sold himself to work wickedness; that Prophet had as good credit with the people (as any Preacher in these days hath) to have persuaded them to resist his illegal commands, had it been lawful for him to have employed it that way; but he only saved himself by flight from his cruelty, and so by his example taught others to do. But the fifth special place which I desire you to observe, is the story in the book of Ezra: Ezra 1.1. etc. Cyrus you know had made a Decree, (and the Laws of the Medes and Persians were unalterable) concerning the building of the Temple at Jerusalem: which work the adversaries of the Jews hindered, and obtained a Letter from King Artaxerxes (one of Cyrus his successors) to command the Jews to cease; Ezra 4.21. unto which, Ezra 6.3. (though only the personal command of the King, and contrary to a written and unalterable Law) the people of God submitted, did not stand upon their own defence, pleading the Decree of Cyrus, or the goodness of the work, the building of Gods own House: Ezra 4.24. but says the Text, The work ceased until the second year of Darius' King of Persia, when as they had new leave to proceed in the same. And by the way 'tis worthy to be observed for the better practice of this age, when the King had given them authority, and put it into their hands to build the House of God even as themselves pleased, they did not neglect that work and fall to argue and dispute about the King's authority, or to set things in a combustion to grieve the King's spirit, but they set themselves to their proper business, and blessed God for their King: Ezra 7.27. Blessed be the Lord God of our fathers which hath put such a thing as this into the King's heart, to beautify the House of the Lord which is in Jerusalem; which was indeed the way to continue the King's heart still towards them. O that this wise generation were but acquainted with such piety! But I return. If it be objected (as 'tis often in Pulpits alleged) that the people in building that Temple in Nehemiah's time, Nehem. 4. did work with their swords, and spears, and bows, and so did defend themselves against their enemies: I answer, it is true; but they had the Kings leave so to do, the King was on their side, Nehemiah was strengthened by the King's special authority; so that not they, but those that opposed them, were the resisters of the King. 'Tis worth your noting also in the sixth place, how the Jews in Mordecay's time, Esther 3.10. being destined to death to please the lust of proud Haman, yet because that wicked Decree was countenanced with the King's authority, his Privy Seal, the jews durst not resist, for the safeguard of their lives, and all they had; they did not plead that the King was seduced by ill counsel to destroy their whole Nation, (as they had cause) and therefore by the Law of nature they must stand upon their own defence: no, the people of the Lord were not acquainted with any such devices; they prayed & put their trust in their God, who never failed them; and he brought it so to pass, that against the day came, Esther 8.11. they had the King's leave and authority to draw their swords in their own defence, which else they durst never have done, as is plainly evident in the story. 2 Sam. 9.1. Truly (Sir) those phrases of Scripture, When Kings go forth to War; and, What King going forth to War against another King, do plainly speak to my conscience, Luke 14.31. that the power of wageing War, either offensive or defensive, is only in and from the King, who alone is enabled of God to warrant men in such a way; wherein whosoever goeth without the King's approbation, is not allowed of God: and if so, then sure the Lord will never say, Well done, good and faithful servants to them that go in that way against the King's command, yea, and against his Person. But (Sir) I will not weary your Spirit with the quotation of too many Scriptures of this nature, contradicting resistance; I shall only therefore remember you of two more, and then conclude this particular also; one is Act. 23. you cannot deny, Act. 23.3, 4. but when Ananias commanded Paul to be smitten, it was a command contrary to Law, (for the Text doth so affirm it) he had no ground but his own will to offer that violence: and yet how doth the Apostle check himself, for his but ignorantly speaking an unbeseeming word against him? and allegeth Scripture against himself, it is written, thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of the people, and if that word Ruler did comprehend Ananias, I am sure it includes the King, and if not an unbeseeming word to such a one, then sure not a resisting action against a King, which is fare more unbeseeming: if you say, Saint Paul was a private man, but what is his example to a public State, or Parliament? I answer, a public State consists of private men; besides, the Title of volunteer, which they that walk in this way of resistance are called by, doth speak to my apprehension, that the Parliament doth not command any to run upon their own damnation, Rom. 13.2. by going this way, but leaves it to every ones own free will, and so in effect, all resisters are but private men: and (without offence be it spoken) I think Saint Paul's example in a matter of this nature, should be more prevalent with a Christian, than the very command itself (if such a thing were) of a whole Parliament. Lastly, let the example of our Master and Saviour Jesus Christ never be forgotten by us; who when apprehended in the Garden, would not suffer Peter to use his sword in defence of him against authority, but told him, He that smit with the sword (against that) should perish by the sword (of that): and yet if you well consider it, I believe you will confess that that authority was rather guided by Will then Law, in that particular action: nay, and our Saviour adds too, that he was strong enough to have defended himself had it been lawful, for he could have had twelve Legions of Angels with a word speaking: yea, the whole course of the proceed against our Saviour was illegal, for what Law was there ever that an innocent person should be delivered to the will of his accusers to be crucified, yet the text says of Pilate, Joh. 19.16. that, Tradidit Jesum voluntati eorum, it was mouth and malice only that prevailed, yet our Saviour made no resistance; it cannot be said that he was then only as a private man, for sure at that time he was (of all that ever was) the most public person also; if it be said, but his case was particular: I answer, true, but our Saviour did not sin in the managing of it, as (for aught I see) he must have done, if he had omitted any thing that had been lawful and necessary; and such (if we will believe it) is defensive resistance against the personal and illegal commands of a Governor. Besides, I do not see how Christ can be freed from the imputation of unfaithfulness; if this doctrine of resistance be so lawful and necessary a thing for the preservation of a Christian Church and State, (the matter being of such grand importance) that he did not leave some express and plain warrant for it: No, no, Christ was faithful in all things, righteousness and peace, truth and love, humility and obedience met all in him, let his ways only be acknowledged safe and good, and ours confessed to be dangerous and ungodly. Thus (good Sir) you have my Scriptures against resistance, from which (with many others of like nature) I do conclude, That to the Prince his personal command, as well as to his legal, I must yield mine active obedience, (if not against the revealed will of God) or else submit with patience to the penalty that shall according to pleasure be inflicted: or lastly, I may fly for mine own safety, if I have not a sufficient measure of suffering grace. And I do conclude, that by God's Word resistance is utterly unlawful in this case, and that no man from thence can have a sufficient ground for his conscience to go in such a way. And now (Sir) I could argue thus with you: If we must not by the rules of Divinity resist the Kings will when it commandeth against his Law, then surely not when it concurres with his Law, not when it contests for his Law, not when the King adventures his sacred person in defence of his Law, against those that not only stop all proceed of Law, but directly break all Laws both of God and Man; such are those that pull down Religion established by Law, that, (slighting all oaths, duties, and relations) do murder, plunder, rifle, rob, and by violence take away all they can lay hold on, contrary to Law: I say, when the King's personal Will concurres with his Laws against such persons, than we are not to resist him; I suppose yourself will confess it. Or again from your own position I could thus argue: If it be lawful to resist the personal will of a King, when it opposeth his Laws (as you say); then sure 'tis much more lawful, and our duty, to resist the personal commands of others when they oppose the Law, and the King too; And if the King be bound to allege an established Law for every thing he commands, or else may be resisted: sure we have reason to look that others should produce an established Law for all that they require at any of our hands, or else we need not obey them, specially against the King; even sense and reason will make that consequent: Thus (Sir) I could argue, but I will leave the Argumentation to your own conscience. Only there is one more Objection which fell from your lips at supper, against this my judgement, which then I said nothing unto: and that was this, Ob. Then we are all Rebels: all that are interessed in this present business are in a Rebellion, if resistance be unlawful. Answ. There is least danger, and most safety, when men's own Consciences do make conclusions for or against themselves: only I say this that Rebellare in a literal acceptation, is to strike again, him that, strooke first, to return war upon him that began it, and in that sense I think you be no Rebels. But indeed 'tis counted only a State Business in these days to determine of Rebellion, and therefore referrning what I have said to your own application, I will only as a Brother in the Ministry, mind you what in Divinity Rebellion is accounted. Rebellion is all kind of evil, 'tis the Puddle of all sins, the Sink of all villainy, the breach of all Laws and relations both towards God and man: Pride, profaneness, Perjury, envy, wrath, malice, theft, murder, Cruelty, rapine, spoil, and oppression, irreligion, and unnaturalness, are all concentered in Rebellion, yea all sins, by all names, that sins can be named, and by all means that sins can be committed do follow Rebellion, and are found among that disordered and disobedient sort of people, yea Rebellion is the ruin of Religion, Church and Commonwealth, of States, families, and men; 'tis monstrum horrendum, inform, ingens cui lumen ademptum, a most horrible, ugly, blind, ill-favoured Monster, quite void of the light of grace, or of God's fear, what ever it pretendeth: Rebellion, says the Spirit, is as the sin of witchcraft, though ugly and diobolical in itself, (for the Devil was the first Rebel) yet exceeding specious and betwitching, 1 Sam. 5.23. because masked commonly with Religion, and usherd with pretences of Reformation: and therefore it is most odious unto God. I may well say of it, as the Apostle doth of fornication, 'tis a sin not to be named among the Saints; Eph. 5.3. of which judgement (as may seem) are others too, for let but a Minister (in these days) pray or preach against Rebellion, let him but say God needs it not to maintain Religion, the very mention of the name Rebellion, makes him capable of a Prison, and liable unto punishment: Indeed Rebellion is the Devil's sin, and a sin as bad as the devil himself, for 'tis the continent & cause of all sin, and no more can be said of him; 'tis a sin that God hath as surely punished, as he hath the Devil; I could give you many examples hereof, but I spare you; only know this, that for my part I resolve with myself from these Considerations, Ps. 66.7. that the Psalmists prayer shall be ever mine (in private, since I am barred from the public) O Lord, thou that by thy power rulest for ever, whose eyes behold the nations, let not the Rebellious exalt themselves. And thus (Sir) you have fully seen my judgement, and resolution in the case, and the grounds I go upon, if your disposition be not altered from what it was, you will freely accord with me, or friendly discover unto me wherein I have erred. Sect. 14 But yet there is one thing more which I promised in the beginning, Reasons why the Author's Conscience cannot permi● him to concurr● with some o● his Brethren in this way of resistance. viz. to give you some particular reasons of my dislike of the present practice of so many of my brethren, with whom (till now) I have been so inwardly and familiarly acquainted: for this as a great fault hath been objected against me, not only by yourself, but also by others. Sir, let me still deal ingeniously without offence: I do profess in the presence of God who knows all hearts, that I desire with my soul, so fare as my Brethren follow Christ to follow the meanest of them, but if my Brethren leave him, they must not be angry if I forsake them: Saint Paul himself desires men, to follow him no further than he followed Christ: And I do not find that ever Christ went in that way, wherein my Brethren would have me go after them; I dare not do what Christ did not, to please my Brethren: I have asked my conscience many a time, whether it thinks that Christ (if he were here) would walk in the path of resistance with my Brethren, whether he would say and preach such things, as some of them do now urge and press upon the people, and it hath answered me, surely no. for Christ never stirred up men to war, or to shed the blood of one another, or to resist their Sovereign upon any occasion, he always preached for p●ace, Love, and obedience, and against oppression, rapine, and wrong: He commanded all to deny themselves, as himself did, and to leave their wrongs to God: He requires us to learn of him meekness and lowliness; to be so fare from returning blows, that rather we should turn the other Cheek when the one is smitten, this was his own practice when they buffeted his blessed face, spit upon it, and plucked of his hair: truly (Sir) my Brethren must pardon me, if I prefer Christ before the best of them. Besides (Sir) if I should fancy to follow some of my Brethren in their new way, it must be I know not how fare, and in all things, for should I come short but in one particular, I had (almost) as good be failing in all, I must pray as they do, either not mentioning the King at all, or speak of him in a defameing way, I must preach as they do, and cry Cursed be the Parent that dissuades his Child, Cursed be the wife that withholds her Husband, Cursed be the Master that hinders his servant, from going to this war, to help the Lord against the mighty (that is to say) against the King, (for so I must interpret it) yea I must turn my pulpit into mount ebal, and curse with Bell, Book, and Candle, with the great curse, and the little curse, with Meroz Curse, the most bitter Curse, under the name of Malignants (that is to say Devils) and enemies to God and truth, all persons of what rank soever, that have set their hands to the petition for peace; I must argue, that the King is not an absolute God, therefore he is mortal, and may be resisted; He shall die like a man, and therefore we may fight against him, though my conscience did never yet learn such Logic: And then too, in stead of God's word, I must tell some fearful tales of the Cavaliers, how bloody they be in their actions, and how blasphemous in their expressions, to fright, and embitter the good women's spirits, that so they may solicit their Husbands to be more liberal of their purses in maintaining the war against them: and then I must (to comfort them again) and further to encourage them, relate some valiant exploits done by some of God's poor ROUNDHEADS, accordingly (as they say) they are scoffingly termed, affirming all to be as true as God is in heaven; thus must I beautify and adorn my sermons, or else they will not be worth a rush, nor shall I be free from being suspected: But (Sir) nobis non licet esse tam disertis qui musas colimus sacratiores, I dare not in that place, relate any thing as matter of faith, but what I know is in God's word, or grounded thereupon. Nay and further yet, I must not only follow thus; but also approve of what ever injury and wrong is done by others of that side, to those whom my Conscience thinks to be Honest and Conscionable men, I must allow of all rifling, plundering, robbing and stealing, and commend the actors though never so vile in life and carriage, as friends to the good cause: I must delight to see reverend, grave and aged Divines for preaching obedience haled from their Churches, flocks, and families, to prisons, and insulted over and shamefully abused by the basest men; (even as the Christians were by those bloody wretches under the Heathen Emperors, and as the Martyrs were in Queen Mary's days) I must joy, to bear that they are turned out of means and maintenance, unheard and perhaps unseen, only upon the bare information of some malicious and beastly drunkard, whom the same Minister hath formerly endeavoured to reclaim from sin. and I must laugh when I hear they are hunted and pursued (as the Indians were, by the Spaniards Dogs) in the fields and Highways by the ungodly Soldiers with swords and Pole-axes, unhorsed and forced to betake themselves to woods to hid themselves; though I know them to be Godly, learned, holy, and unblameable, yet I must deny such my knowledge, and conclude of them, (as some did of Christ) that they are justly smitten of God, even because they are not of our opinion; and I must believe all the rude people that are employed to do this mischief, and delight therein, to be very zealous for God, and worthy of thanks for their care of the cause. And I must also rejoice to see noble, worshipful and gallant Gentlemen, that have borne the office of Magistracy with Honour many years, who have spent themselves and their estates to do their Country service, fetched from their houses, by the rabble of men, and haled to prison, spoiled of their goods, or forced to fly from place to place, only for their Conscience sake, because they believe that according to God's Command, they are bound to love and Honour their Sovereign, and not to join in a mortal resistance against him: these things and many such like must I approve on, which (Sir) I profess I cannot, I dare not, I had rather lose my life then my Conscience. Nay (Sir) let me add one thing more, if I should imitate my Brethren, and humour the people in this their heady way, I should but like the fool in the Gospel build upon a Sandy foundation; for vulgus est mobile you know, they that cry Kill the King today, will upon better information cry hang up the Seditious Preachers to morrow; when they come home lamed from the Battle, and frustrate of all their expectations, or have well paid with their purses for their ungodly and inconsiderate undertake, who do we think they will cry out upon, but on those that provoked them to the business; even the Ministers that promised Heaven, and assurance of Victory, and rich spoils out of the estates of Delinquents? whom shall the desolate widow curse that hath lost her husband in the Battle, or the fatherless child that hath lost his parent, or the childless old man that hath lost the staff of his age, in the War against his Sovereign, (who hath preserved him and his hitherto in safety, under the arm of his protection) but only the Ministers that scared them with the curses of God, if they did not yield them up to that service? The Lord in mercy deliver me from the curse of the aged, the fatherless, and the widow. Sir, it hath been observed of some, that being maimed, have with much difficulty returned from Edge-hill Battaile, (where, if their Sovereign's fatherly bowels had not yearned with pity towards them when they were taken, in regard of their simplicity, they had been hanged according to their merits) when they have come for relief to the rich of the Parish, discovering their wounds, they have been slighted with this Answer, Who bade you go, Who bade you go? now whom shall these poor afflicted cry out upon, but on the Preachers, whose seducing tongues wrought most upon their ignorance and good meaning? And alas, should I be thus cruel to impoverish men, to lame their bodies, to defile their souls, to undo them every way? the Lord keep me from doing such a thing. When Abigail dissuaded David from slaughtering Nabal and his family, she used this Argument; Ne sit in singultum cordis Domini mei in posterum, lest it be a corrosive to my Lord's spirit afterward: and I profess unto you I do believe, that had I been at Edge hill (as some Ministers were) against his Majesty, all the blood that was there shed, would roar continually night and day in my conscience; but the Lord I hope will ever preserve the soul of his poor Minister, from the hearing of so hideous a cry. Nay (Sir) may it not be imagined that all the blood that hath been shed throughout the Land in this unchristian and unnatural War, shall in the conclusion be charged upon the Ministers heads, both by God and Man? Some say of late that they are resolved that this War against the King is lawful. who hath resolved them? God's Word I am sure hath not, who then? even such and such good Preachers; for my own part I am not ambitious to be called good upon such a ground, nor do I believe that ever any Member of the Honourable Houses of Parliament (their desires at first were so right for God) either would or durst have countenanced this business, if they had not been encouraged thereunto by their Prophets, sed saepe in magistros scelera redierunt sua, the blame in the end may overtake the sinners: We may observe in Scripture how though Dathan and Abiram, Princes and Peers of Israel, were engaged in the insurrection against Moses and Aaron, yet because Corah was a Levite, and a provoker unto it, he hath the name of it; 'tis called The conspiracy and gainsaying of Corah, unto this day. Sir, from these and such like thoughts my resolves are, as I told you at our last meeting, to endeavour by God's grace to be able to say when I die, with S. Paul, I am free from the blood of all men; Act. 20.26. and if any of my Brethren be offended hereat, rather than break my resolution, I shall even bid farewell unto my Brethren. And yet (Sir) I hope you remember that I do not go all alone, some of my godly Brethren of the Ministry are of my judgement, who for their ability and faithfulness in their calling, for their holiness and honesty of life, have been as well approved of, as any of the others when time was, although at this present they are discountenanced and defamed, for their bearing testimony to the truth of Jesus, and their dutiful love unto their Sovereign; some of whom (you know) I named unto you, and others I could name, but their bonds and imprisonments, their abuses and reproaches, their being made the scorn of men and the outcasts of the people doth save me that labour. But for the matter of example: Sir, I speak it without flattery, (as God knows) there are few whom I have desired more to be like then yourself, such an high reverence have I always had of those graces and gifts which our rich God hath bestowed upon you, which in his service you have heretofore to my apprehension most faithfully and unweariably expended: and indeed I believe your bare example in this business, hath swayed more with many of our Brethren in these parts of Essex, than their own judgements: (if a man may guess at their judgements by their former Doctrines) they have trusted to your eyes and shut their own, against their former received light: I am sure many of the vulgar can allege no other Scripture (nor do they think 'tis needful) but Master Marshal's example, and the conformity of such and such good Ministers thereunto; and I have been wondered at as the only Owl of the corner, and judged to suffer all this molestation and persecution (by beastly men, whose stink of late displeased many) as a due punishment sent of God for my dissent in opinion from yourself and the rest of my reverend Brethren, unto whom before for ten year's space I was so well united: But (Sir) though I confess you have been a burning and a shining light, in which I have much rejoiced, and for which in secret I have often blessed the Lord, yet I must forsake you to follow that pillar of fire, Gods holy Word, which is the lamp to my feet, and must be the guide to my paths, while I walk in the wilderness of this world: And I am sure if you are still your former self, you'll not distaste me for so doing. As concerning those my Brethren, who think so well of themselves, that they would have me make their example my Scripture, (as many of the common people do) I say but this, let them as their duty is, but make their own example God's Scripture, (conformable to that) and I am theirs as much as any: and to help them herein, let them but consider of these aberrations which are in their present way, and which are the reasons of my alienation from them. Sect. 15 1. This their way is not the way of God, for in that, righteousness and peace, This way of resistance is discovered to be, 1. Against the way of God. truth and love do all meet, whereas none of these are visible in this; experience shows that this is the way of strife and debate, of lying and slandering, of malice and hatred, etc. insomuch, that the Apostles words, Rom. 3.12. and following verses, may be fitly spoken of those that walk in it, They are all gone out of the way, they are altogether become unprofitable, there is none that doth good, their throat is an open sepulchre, with their tongues they have used deceit, the poison of Asps is under their lips, their mouth is full of cursing and bitterness, their feet are swift to shed blood, destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace they have not known, nor will they know it; the Apostle concludes of such conditioned men, that There is no fear of God before their eyes, and shall I go with such men in such a way, God forbids me? Prov. 1.10, 11, etc. My son (says he) if sinners entice thee, consent thou not; if they say, come let us lay wait for blood, and lurk privily for the innocent without cause; let us swallow them up alive as the grave, and whole as those that go down to the pit; we shall find all precious substance, we shall fill our houses with spoil: that is, in a word, let us rob, plunder, and destroy, cast in thy lot among us, etc. My son, walk not in the way with them, for this is not the way of God; Mercy and truth are in his ways, and all his paths are peace: Hos. 11.4. He draws by the bands of Love, he rules by the Law of Love, and the servants of the Lord must be like the Lord, not men of strife but gentle unto all, apt to teach, 2 Tim. 2.23. patiented, in meekness instructing those that oppose. Jam. 1.17. S. James describes the wisdom that comes from above, and that which comes from beneath, by their fruits: O that my Brethren would but examine, of which kind their present way and wisdom is by the fruits thereof; and that they would consider, whether those that were made a gazing-stocke to others by reproaches and afflictions, Heb. 10.33, 34. that were spoiled of their goods (as some of us now are) were not in a better and more Christian condition, than those that offered these abuses to them: and whether if themselves were to appear at God's Bar (as one day they shall) they had not rather stand in the number of the spoiled, then of the spoilers; and whether if they and I were condemned to death, they for walking in the way of resistance, and I for practiceing the duty of obedience, they had not rather be in my case (in respect of the cause of suffering) then in their own: If any of you would but in earnest ask your consciences this question, I dare say it would tell you that your way were not the way of God. 2. This your way destroys the whole Law of God: Destructive to the whole Law of God. It becomes us who are Gods Ministers, entrusted with his holy truths, to be faithful unto every one of them; all God's commands ought to be equally dear unto us: when time was, you were all faithful to the fourth Commandment. You did run well, who did hinder? My conscience tells me that the fifth Commandment (being upon the stage of persecution) must be as precious to me now, as the fourth was then; and if Gods will so be, I must be as willing to suffer with and for that, though alone, as I was before in behalf of the other with your company: Nay (Sir) as the ruin of one Jew would not satisfy Hamans' malice, his aim was at the destruction of the whole Nation; so 'tis not the death of the fifth Commandment only, that the unruly and bloody Genius of these times thirsts after, it desires rather (as may appear) the extirpation of all, insomuch, that if ever we had cause to cry, 'tis time for thee Lord to work, for thy have made void thy Law; we have cause now. For consider, doth not the first Commandment require us to acknowledge only one God, and him alone to be omnipotent, most blessed, and of an unerring spirit; and yet have we not many that would make a certain piece of the Parliament God's equal in these Attributes? do they not entitle it the most blessed, infallible, omnipotent, and wonderworking Parliament? for my part I do as truly honour the Parliament in a complete sense, as any poor Subject in England; and being rightly congregated, and jointly compacted of Head and Members, I think it not fit for any inferior to imagine it to err in matters of State, and yet even than it may in matters of God, for there is no Scripture (that I know) to the contrary; I love the Parliament so well, that I had rather die, then be one of them that provoke God to such jealousy against it, as I fear they do that call it by his names of omnipotent, and unerring, and most blessed. I have read what God did to the Spanish Navy in 88, that had the title of Invincible; and how the Pope and his Church have gone down the wind, since Infallibility hath been affixed to his Chair by his flatterers. I have read also how the good King of Sweden did truly presage his own death, when he saw the people begin to give him more honour than was due to man: Act. 12. and Scripture tells us, how God smote Herod with worms, because he took to himself from the people's hands that honour which was God's due: nor do I see how that part of the Parliament hath greatly prospered, to the benefit either of Church or Common wealth, since those high and divine titles by its adorers have been given unto it. I have much wondered that among the late plenty of Ordinances, there hath not been some one to inhibit people this Blasphemy and Idolatry, doubtless it affords suspicion of little true love to the first Commandment. So, is not reverence in God's House and Service, with a due regard to his Ministers in the execution of their office, required in the second Commandment? (as well as Superstition forbidden?) and yet we see, 'tis counted rank Popery to be more reverend there then other men, and want of zeal not to abuse God's Ministers; yea profaneness and misbehaviour in God's worship, and opposition to his servants are reckoned by some the best Characters of Religion, I dare affirm it from what I have read, and now see; that no people in the world, not they that worship the Devil himself, are so rude and unmannerly in their actions of this nature, and to the Ministers of their Religion, as some of ours are at this present, and yet there is no Law to punish them; nay, all Laws are taken away (as they say) that were wont to restrain them: sure (if this be so) 'tis a making void of the second Commandment. And concerning the third, we have those (and they in favour too) that not only think it lawful for themselves to break those oaths which they have formerly made in the presence and name of God, but also (having as may seem as good a faculty as the Pope) to dispense with the breach of them in others, and teach and exhort others thereunto as a thing necessary, so it be in ordine ad causam, (as the Jesuits speak) to promote the good cause. Surely (Sir) I am much deceived if this be not the highest contempt that can be offered to the third Commandment; if God were in earnest when he made it, he will never hold them guiltless that do such things against it. And for the fourth, I wonder how that of late hath lost the favour of some of them, who four or five years ago were ready to venture all they had to maintain the dignity of it, did they only endeavour to preserve it till now, that it might perish with its fellows? or are all kind of revel or sport not sins on the Lord's Day, because they are acted in this year of Jubilee, these blessed days of liberty (as they are called)? nay, are mustering of men, (when there is no enemy nigh) plundering of men, murdering of men on the Lord's Day, no violations of the Day? (it seems so) for some of us on that day can exhort to nothing else: Surely (Sir) from preaching for, and approbation of such do, some will be ready to say, that we Ministers endeavoured only to preserve the fourth Commandment heretofore, that ourselves might destroy it now; and our fear only was, lest any should be injurious to God beside ourselves. And for the fifth Commandment, is there any thing required in that, which this generation will acknowledge as a duty; any thing forbidden therein, which it will yield to be a sin? the Author of the late exhortation to repentance (published to the whole Nation) doth instance in no one direct breach of the fifth Commandment, to be confessed on the fast day, indeed all bonds of duty and relation are preached asunder to make way for liberty, the Subject may not only resist the King (says the Weaver that is set up to preach in my Church) but also kill him in some cases; and so the wife may kill her husband, and the child may kill his father▪ and Surely Sir if such preachers and Doctrines, must be forced upon a Minister's people in spite of his teeth, I must needs fear that treason is hatching against the fifth Commandment, we must bid farewell to that very shortly. And for the 6. which forbids murder, the Commission to Kill, slay, and destroy, hath silenced that half a year ago, and he that kills most of the King's best Subjects is thought worthy the best wages. And for the seventh which inhibits uncleanness, that is out of date too, since the Courts to punish that sin went down, people think they may get as many Bastards as they will or can; for Laws (they say) are suppressed for this very end, to encourage them to take their Liberty more cheerfully. And for stealing, robbing, spoiling, rifling, violent taking away the goods of others, which are sins against the eight Commandment, these (they say) they may do by an ordinance (a certain thing above all Law) which though for my part I dare not believe, yet this I may say, the Land was never so full of thiefs as now, and never less force appeared in the Law to punish them. And for lying and slandering (the breaches of the ninth Commandment) they are the main trade of the times, the very foundation of reformation, to preach against them, in some men's apprehension speaks us enemies to that, I know who was sent for, to the Parliament by a Pursuivant, for no other cause (that he knows of) but only for preaching against lying and slandering. And for Covetousness (which the tenth Commandment gives charge against) Public faith hath taken such a course to procreate and enlarge that sin, as never (I think) was practised before, by its promising payment out of the estates of Delinquents; which very device hath planted so much malice in men's hearts against those they never saw, and so much covetousness of what is none of theirs, that many year's pains in the Ministry will not be able to pluck up again. Thus Sir, together with the King, the Custos utriusque tabulae, both Tables themselves of the divine Law are opposed and resisted, all Gods most holy Commandments together with his servants, are most injuriously made delinquents, & collecta vitia per tot aetates diu in nos redundant simul. And shall we the Ministers who are entrusted of God to defend his Laws, consent or provoke to these breaches of them, to this injustice to them? O then how shall we answer it, when reddite rationem villicationis vestrae shall be spoken to us? 3. Inconsistent with the Gospel of God. This new way of my Brethren is not only destructive to the whole Law, but altogether inconsistent with the Gospel, and the Spirit thereof, which is a meek, patiented, gentle, and obedient spirit, and its way the humble, lowly, self denying way, the way of faith and not of flesh; in fide non in ferro salutem esse, says the Gospel, our safety consists in beleeveing not in fight, our strength is to fit still, and to wait upon the Lord, not to resist evil, but to overcome it with good; whereas my brethren's way is (if they could) to overcome good with evil: for as our Saviour said to the Jews, many good works have I done, for which of them do you stone me? so our Sovereign may say to them, many mercies you have enjoyed under the wing of my government, many years of peace under my protection, for which of them do you preach and stir up my people to rebel against me? O Sir, that we who are the Preachers and professors of the Gospel, should delight to vex and grieve the spirit thereof! O what a blessed advantage did the Lord afford us to discover the nature of this sweet spirit, unto those whom we judged our adversaries, for the uniting of their hearts unto us in the ways of God you know how Harshness and abuse of power was condemned in the Bishops, but have not some of us abused our liberty much more since we had it, to the making of greater distractions, and the raising of greater combustions, both in Church and Commonwealth then ere they did, have not some of our fingers been heavier than the Bishop's Loins, hath not rebellious judah justified her sister Israel in all her ways? O (Sir) I may truly say of this Church since some of us have been so busy, as Veleius Paterculus said of the Roman State, that we are fallen a vitiis in prava, a pravis in praecipitia, from bad to worse, from worse to worst of all: (Sir) you may remember that above a year ago in a private letter I did warn you of these miseries which I saw then beginning, and desired you to apprehend the season of prevention, and to take heed of walking in condemned paths, I hinted to you the occasion, which God did offer you to illustrate the spirit of the Gospel, and since that, even the last summer, I did publish to the world my small treatise of the right nature and temper of that loving Spirit of the Gospel, even to the same end that I might mind yourself and the rest of my Brethren of their duty in this particular: insomuch that though I am injuriously deprived of all my outward comforts, for not walking with my Brethren to the grief of that spirit, yet I have abundance of peace and cheerfulness from that spirit, for such my discharge of duty to my Brethren: who I am sure have been failing unto me; for were I in an error, for not going with them, they should have endeavoured my restoration with the spirit of meekness as the Apostle bids Gal. 6.1. and not have joined with the wolves as some of them have done, for though I say little, yet I know somewhat: which of them have ever writ unto me since my troubles? which of them have ever of their own accords spoken to me? they have all forsook me and stood a fare off, that they might make the ignorant world fear and loathe me. Nay when I have complained to some of them of my wrongs and begged their Counsel, they have slightly rejected me with this answer: you must practise your own Doctrine of passive obedience, for if your way be God's no doubt but he will carry you through it: which Answer (to my apprehension) sounded like that of julian the Apostate to the Christians complaining of wrongs done them: 'tis (says he in scorn,) according to your Religion to suffer wrong, you must turn the other cheek: or like that of them concerning our Saviour He trusted in God, let him deliver him if he will have him: well: though my sufferings be not such as my Doctrine requires, (because I do not acknowledge them from whom I suffer to be my Sovereigns) yet I will trust in God, and I know my God will help me; But (Sir) this way of my Brethren towards me is not the way of the Gospel no more than is that wherein they walk towards their Sovereign. Contradicting the practice of Christianity. 4. Their way doth contradict the practice of Christianity: in all ages no weapons but faith, and patience, prayers and tears, were wont to be acknowledged comely for a Christian specially for a Minister: coactus repugnare non novi (says Ambrose) dolere potero, potero flere, potera gemere, Lacrymae meae Arma sunt tal●a enim munimenta sunt Sacerdotis, aliter nec debeo, nec possum resistere, I know not how to resist, but I can weep and sigh and groan and pray; and indeed this is the way to conquer and silence our opposites, specially if superior to us: Say not again that these conditions concern only private men in their private way, for Sanctitas, pietas, fides, & patientia are not, at lest ought not to be tantum privata bona or the proprieties only of private men, but they do best of all become public persons, & in the discharge of their most public trust: let me speak a bold word: I do not see how it would misbeseeme a whole Parliament to imitate David that man after Gods own Heart, in their carriage to a King: of whom 'tis written, that when God had given him an advantage in the Cave and Tent, he did not use it to hurt his Sovereign, or to disarm him or tie his hands, but to discover his own Loyalty of Heart unto him, and to confute those intendments that were suspected of him, by the whisper of Doeg and other slanderers: whereby he drew a Confession from the Kings own mouth of his righteousness and sincerity: which was ten times more to David's Honour, then if himself had set forth an hundred Pamphlets of bitter invectives against the King's do; or 1000 Protestations to justify his own Loyalty, or had had as many clawing Chaplains to extol him: and indeed this is the only way to conquer a King, when ever he is contrary unto his people or so apprehended to be, 'tis that which the Scripture teacheth & which God blesseth: surely if it was thus prevalent with a Saul, much rather would it so be with a David if put in practice. But (Sir) how ever others boggle with Religion, it is the duty of us Ministers to look to the Honour of Christianity, whereof Martyrdom was wont to be the crown, which this new way (to my apprehension) doth quite abolish and deny, for they that walk in it, do seem plainly to profess that they have more need of Pistols then of patience for their use: faith and prayer are means too contemptible for such aspireing spirits to trust unto; and yet what gathered the Parliament first together but these? what did extract those willing Acts of grace from His sacred Majesty's hand at the beginning thereof, but only these? we did run well in the right way, who did hinder, after a beginning in the spirit shall we think to bring our work to perfection by the Arm of flesh? God will never suffer it: O (Sir) was ever our Holy profession under that disgrace and obloquy as now? by this practice of resistance all those unjust scandals which former Ages have cast upon it are fully verified: wherefore let us now cease to complain that we are traduced to be seditious, rebellious, and disobedient to Princes, for our passage in this way doth loudly speak us guilty: one of the grand seducers of this generation, is so shameless as to endeavour to acquit himself of that true imputation, by saying that Luther was falsely styled Tuba rebellionis, but had Luther been of his spirit, he had justly deserved that title; for if ever Parsons the Jesuit was worthy of blame for his black mouth against his Sovereign, and for endeavouring to seduce the Subjects from Allegiance, and to stir them up unto Rebellion; the Author of that Pamphlet, entitled The glorious name of God the Lord of Hosts, deserves a censure, The Lord rebuke him in his due season; I confess the man hath good parts, if they were but sanctified: I have (indeed) observed that 'tis the craft of some Preachers to speak against those sins whereof themselves are most guilty, (as he doth against Rebellion) that so the simple sort might not perceive their dishonesty; but Lord let not my foot ever tread in their paths, nor let my soul ever come into their secrets: Machiavelli is their Master, whose doctrine was Leoninae assuere vulpinam, to piece out the Lion's skin with the Foxes; like Satan that roaring Lion, they thirst for blood, and like Butcher's dogs they yelp for it, and yet they do vulpinari too, pretend fairly to deceive the vulgar; but as Martyr tindal at the stake prayed, Lord open the King of England's eyes; so my prayer is and shall be, Lord open the people of England's eyes, for many of them are seduced, blinded, led hood-winked into ways of damnable error by their teachers, which will be bitterness in the end. Opposite to the ●lling of Mi●isters. 5. This way is directly opposite to the calling of us Ministers: We are not entitled Filii Martis, but the Ministers of Peace, of the God of Peace, and of the Gospel of Peace, and our Master's name is the Prince of Peace, and shall we stir up to War? by what Authority? It would be more seemly to see us upon our knees between both Armies, when they are preparing to fight, beseeching a Peace and Reconciliation betwixt them, then busying ourselves in exciting of either unto the Battle; they were all lying Prophets that provoked Ahab to such a business, and possessed with a lying spirit, and shall I thrust myself into that number? no, let me rather with simple single Michaiah dissuade from it, though I be smitten for it, both with hand and tongue, and fed (as I am) with the bread and water of affliction; I know that Coelestis ira quos premit miseros facit, humana nullos, God's displeasure only can make me miserable, and not man's. Besides, when you and I and the rest of our Brethren were altogether in danger of a suffering condition, for defence of the fourth Commandment (as we apprehended,) and for our dislike of illegal Innovations in God's worship and service; we did use in prayer to complain unto God, that we were scandalised to be men of seditious spirits, turbulent, factious, and enemies to the peace both of Church and State: and we appealed to God that we were innocent, and begged of him occasions to evidence the truth of our intentions against the defamation of our adversaries; (and for my part in all this I was in earnest:) Now God hath heard our prayers, freedom and opportunity is afforded to us, which I apprehend, is in part to try whether we did formerly dissemble with him, or no. And truly (Sir) I dare not prove myself a mocker of God, I dare not but be the same now which I pretended then, although my portion is to be the outcast of you all for it; I had rather be styled an Apostate for falling off from my Brethren, then prove myself an Apostate by forsaking the truth of God, and and disgraceing my calling of the Ministry: I remember a passage which I have heard yourself oft use in prayer, and it was this, Lord we are thine to do withal as thou pleasest, if thou shalt think us fit to be used still in thy vineyard, we shall bless thy name, and by thy grace endeavour to be faithful; but if it seem good to thee to throw us aside as broken shards, to make us of all people the most useless, unregarded, and contemptible, thy will be done. Sir, I have from these your words been moved through God's grace, to labour to get a contentedness of mind, to be alone the only one of you all in such a despicable condition, if God so please to order, and I find (through divine mercy) that I have not altogether laboured in vain. 6. Adverse to common prudence. This way (wherein yourself and many of our Brethren are engaged) is contrary to common prudence: It is not wisdom for any man with his nearest and dearest friends, to trust himself in a suspicious path, lest unawares to himself and them, he be on the sudden in mediis malis, when as tempus cavendi nimis serum est. I remember how Peter in the High Priests Hall, not only forsook, but forswore his Master, which before he intended not: And I have (since that time) often thought of your own expression to some of your neighbours, when I was last at your house: namely, that if you were but settled again as quietly in Finchfield as once you were, Finchfield had never been so sweet unto you as it would be; which intimated to me, that you would not have walked so fare in this new way, if you had understood before what you now do: indeed, we know engagements have persuaded a necessity of proceeding in a sinful path, for scelere velandum est scelus, is the Doctrine of some men, & suprema solent facere securos mala; when Hazaell had fouled himself in a treason against the King his Master and Sovereign, he proved more vile, cruel, and bloody, than himself before could possibly believe; what am I a dog, says he to the Prophet, when he foretell him of such things: O (Sir) we learned it long ago; facilis descensus Averni; sed revocare gradum,— Hic labour, hoc opus est. Beside, 'tis not wisdom for a man to enter into a business, whereof he cannot in probability see a fair conclusion: but I can see no good in Civil War, I take it to be absolutely the worst thing that can happen to a State, wherein the height of men's best hopes can come but to this, to venture and hazard their own, to overthrow their friends and kindred's fortunes; 'tis commodious to none, but desperate unthrifts, that they may cut their creditors throats without fear of the Gallows: Sir, I have read, that Arma non servant modum, nec temperari facilè, nec reprimi potest, stricti ensis ira; 'tis easier to set men at odds, then to make them friends; who is able to set bounds to the Sea, or put a period to the madness of the people? and should I join to blow the fire, to put weapons into their hands against their Prince the Lords Anointed? there will be no lasting comfort or safety in it: some sayings that I learned long ago stick still in my remembrance, Nemo potentes aggredi tutus potest; & gravis ira regum est semper: and though vis magna est populi, Principis major tamen, common prudence therefore (though conscience were asleep) should forbid this way. Dissentive from the rules of Humanity. 7. This way dissenteth from the rules of Humanity: for 'tis not humane to return hatred for good will, unkindness for benefits: did Naball well in giving David occasion to say, In vain have I kept all that this fellow hath, so that nothing was missing of all that pertained to him, and he hath requited me evil for good: and shall we give the like occasion to our Sovereign? have not we all for these many years been kept in safety under his arm? have we not been miserable since he hath been barred of his will, and we of his protection? and is it now comely for us to say to him in his affliction, as some did to Christ upon the Cross, He saved others, let him now save himself, if he be the anointed and chosen of God: David bade the daughters of Jerusalem to weep for Saul, for he had clothed them in scarlet and other delights. But our Gracious Sovereign hath not only done so to us, but also (by maintaining the true Religion among us in peace) hath endeavoured to us with the righteousness and robes of Christ, and shall we for this laugh at his sorrows, and labour to enlarge them? for my part I do confess to God's glory, and with thanks to him, that I have received some warmth of grace under the wing of His Majesty's Government, and have done (as I hope) some good in the Church of God under his defence; and shall I join with them that lift up the heel against him, and that say, We will not have this man to reign (any longer) over us? the Lord keep me from doing such a thing. O (Sir) it was ill done of the Disciples to sleep, when their Master was in an agony; it was more unkindly done of them to forsake him, when his enemies came out against him; but it was most villainously done of Judas, to go along with those that went to apprehend him: when some of my Brethren went Northward with the Soldiers against their Sovereign, I could not but with tears think upon that passage of our Saviour, You come out as against a Thief with swords and staves for to take me. 8. This way is against nature itself, Contrary to nature itself. for 'tis unnatural to consent to our own destruction, and what else do they that endeavour the suppression of their Sovereign? the word for a King is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that signifies the foot or base of a pillar, the ground or foundation of a building, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Atticè for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies people, implying that a King is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the ground or foundation of the people, over whom he is a Governor; and as the foundation upholds the building, so the King doth them in their welfare and being; for take away the foundation and the building is down: Kings do not use to fall alone; Let us kill the heir, and the inheritance shall be ours, is no certain consequent. Pitiful it is to think how many honest and well-meaning men have ignorantly parted with their moneys to destroy the Land that bred them, and to set men on work to kill one another; 'tis true by other pretences their Preachers have provoked them to it: but public faiths promise at the first to pay her debts if the Kingdom stood, viz. out of th'estates of Delinquents, was cause of suspicion that there were intentions to put it to the hazard whether it should stand or no, by making an assault against the Royal foundation, and the Noble pillars that did support the building: and then the Commission to kill, slay, and destroy all that raised, or conducted forces against those who went with the same, (the King himself not being excepted; though it might easily be apprehended that He and his faithful Nobles would be constrained to gather strength to defend themselves) did speak such plain English to my apprehension, that when the Chaire-man of the Committee threatened to make such a report of me to the House, as should prove little to mine ease, unless I would go home and preach to promote that business; I durst not fear his threats to offend my conscience: for I durst not be so unnatural to my dear Country, as to help forward its destruction, nor indeed so injurious to my unkind neighbours, as to spur them on to their own hurt, whereunto already they are every way too forward; the Lord amend them: Pretences move not me, as they do other men, when actions speak a contrary language: the Pharisees in our Saviour's time pretended they were for God, and Antichrist now pretends he is for Christ, and the Rebels in Ireland pretend they are for the King, sed quid verba audiam cum facta videam? I must not wink that I may not see; Esau may be discovered by his hands, and ye shall know them by their fruits, says our Saviour: there is I confess but one mean (under mercy) beside the Justice of the King's cause, which gives me hope, that God may yet suspend to destroy us utterly; and that is the course that hath been taken of late, in casting so many good Ministers and Christians of all sorts, both noble and of low degree into prison, the best place for prayer, and the best means to provoke thereto: the God of mercy enlarge all their hearts in the duty, and stir their bowels. Gainsaying reason. 9 This way is against reason; for 'tis unreasonable to proceed in that path wherein we see all others have perished before us: who that hath viewed in sleidan's Commentaries, the Story of the Anabaptists at Munster, that can deny the proceed of this generation to be like theirs? they pretended the cause of God, and against the superstition in Churches, and of Churchmen, as also strange lights and revelations, they endeavoured at the ruin of their Governors and Magistrates; and they had some Preachers of eminent note for gifts and abilities, as Bernard Rotman and others, that were assisters in the business, but did they prevail and prosper in the end? nothing less, much mischief indeed they did, and much blood they shed of the best men, but the strife did end in their own destruction. So who that hath observed in the French story, the ways and do of them that called themselves the Holy League, in the days of their Henry the 3d. but must needs say, that the practice of some Associatours in this our nation against their Sovereign, doth most notably in many particulars go parralel with them? 'tis said that the Preachers tongues (who were for that Holy League) did further their affairs more, than their soldier's swords, and that in those days it was more feared to speak evil of a Page of such or such a Nobleman who was a Leaguer, then of the King himself what ever respect was pretended to him. Massac. of France in the life of Hen. 3. Pag. 164. The intent of the Leaguers (says the Historian) was to encroach upon the King, and to leave him nothing but a vain shadow of Royal Authority, under the conduction and direction of their Tyranny: and as a Bridge to pass to this point, they endeavoured to make all his actions odious and intolerable; by their false charges and imputations, and in another place, they were altogether against peace, stirring up the people, to oppose the King's desires thereto, and the edict thereof: Pag. 8. But they pretended they were for God, for the Honour and increase of Religion, the utter extirpation of Heresy, to preserve the estate and crown of the King, and to maintain the rights and privileges of the Subject; yet they swore obedience and service to the General that should be appointed over their fellowship, ingageing their lives, Honours, and estates, to adhere unto him, and all that would not assent to the Association, should be persecuted as Enemies to God, rebels to the State, and perturbatours of the public good, in which number were also reckoned those that fell from it. Let me allege the Historians Expostulation with the Leaguers concerning their Pretences and do. What think you to do, O you Leaguers, for God, for the faith, Pag. 8. and 9 for the King? you undertake Arms for God, who desires nothing but peace: you publish Rebellion, he commands obedience: you trouble the rest and quietness of a Christian King, God willeth us to endure at the hand of a Prince although he be a Pagan: you do it for God, whose name you call upon, and deny the power; you do it for God, who detests your actions, and knows your thoughts; you do it for God, that will confound all those, that breed confusion among his people; you undertake wars for religion, and nothing hinders that, more than wars: you fight for Holiness; and yet you authorise blasphemies, plant Atheism, impiety and despiseing of Devotion in all places; you march under pretence of the Church's cause, and yet spoil the Clergy and destroy the Churches, etc. You say 'tis for the King, if it be, where are his Commissions? if for his service, where are his Commandments? if for him, why do you it without him? if for his obedience, wherefore do you adhere to the head of the League? can you serve two Masters and be bound by one oath to two Contraries? etc. Know you not that all bearing of Arms is treason without the King's Authority? that the Subjects cannot make any league without the Prince & c? and again: Pardon me, I beseech you, (says he) Noble Princes, Prelates, Lords, and Gentlemen, if I tell you that this fortress which you build will be your overthrow, this fire you Kindle will burn yourselves, these Knives you forge will be tempered in your own entrails, and that thereby you will leave neither of yourselves, nor your League, but a most pitiful and shameful memory, etc. Pag. 170. Sir, I writ but the Historians words, which I leave to your own thoughts, concluding them with his relation of the Lord de Mandelot a Noble Personage of those times, that it was to his great comfort upon his deathbed, that he had never subscribed to that falsely styled Holy League, but died constant in his religion and the service of his King: and I am confident that all those Noble Lords and Gentlemen among us, who in that, are like him, shall when they die, partake of his comforts in their Consciences; but those on the other side though they may help to butcher their Brethren and the Saints of God for a while, yet they shall have the same in the end at God's hand, which those Leaguers had, they shall lie down in sorrow. I have read of the Carriages of Hacket and his fellows in Queen Elizabeth's days, and find them the same in all respects with those of some people now, only those were not so violent as these, because not grown to that height and strength: Their talk was much of the Government of Christ, and the setting up of that: They said this could not be done, nor reformation come to this nation without blood, they prophesied that there must be a great bickering, which would be very short but sharp, these were their very words, which are also the language of these times: they boasted that their side was an hundred thousand strong; and just that number do they boast of now; they went much upon blind prophecies, and had high conceits of the merit of their own fastings and prayers, which is also the very fancy of this Generation; they defamed and belied the Queen that She was a favourer of the Popish Religion, as these do our King: They stirred up the people to advance their way, and published this position among them, It is the multitude and common sort that must bring this work to pass, and is not this the tenant and practice of these times? They endeavoured indeed to engage some of the Nobility and inferior Magistrates, with themselves in the quarrel against the Queen and her Government, but those were more wise and godly then to be so deluded: Now what the end of Hacket and his fellows was, the story tells us, and reason says other men's harms should make us wary. Nay (Sir) I have also observed with diligence what Josephus tells of the manners, ways, and words of the seditious in Jerusalem, when that City was destroyed by Titus Vespasian, and finding the same so fully consonant to the qualities of our resisting spirits, I confess I have often feared the like Consequence: I will name some few particulars unto you, and leave them also to your own thoughts and Conscience for Application. 1. They were divided among themselves, and would not be persuaded to lay down their hatred towards each other, yea they killed those that moved thereto, and said plainly we will not leave our Enmity. one was slaughtered but for making this prayer: O Lord plant among the children of Israel friendship and Brotherhood, take away from them this hatred that is risen of nothing, & let not the one prevail against the other, seeing they be all thy servants and the children of thy Covenant. 2. They also at that time of division fell off from their obedience to Caesar who was their King; indeed they had been brewing of that revolt in their purposes, many years before; as appears by that advice of Agrippa unto them (mentioned by Josephus) Be not hasty I beseech you of Liberty: for many seeking Liberty have fallen into further Captivity and greater Bondage. 3. It was a fault among them, not only to be peaceable and Godly, but also to be rich; for the Captains of the Conspiracy with Cutthroats like themselves, would lay hands on the rich men of the City, and spoil them of their goods pretending they had sent letters to Vespasian (their right Governor) to betray the City to him; which by the Testimony of godless persons of their own Company, limbs of the Devil (as the Story calls them) they would prove, and thereupon spoil them of their goods, put them into prison, and condemn them to death for Rebels. 4. They held the Judges in awe, threatening that unless they did give sentence upon those they brought before them, they should go themselves the same way. 5. They were of such contradictive spirits, that if any whom they persecuted, did but request aught at their hands, for that cause they would deny it: when Gorinion a good rich man, being condemned for his wealth, and his honesty, desired but burial, they answered if he had not desired it they would have granted it, but since he was so bold to ask it, he should not have it, and so threw his body being slain unto the beasts. 6. They made one Pavi the son of Peniell a Carterly Husbandman (ignorant of what belonged to the Priests office) High Priest: for says the Story, they held the Preisthood and service of God, but as toys, gauds; and trifles, though they pretended that all they did was for it. 7. When Josephus (being sent by Titus with promise of favour, if they would submit) did make an Oration to them, dissuading from resisting Caesar their Sovereign, alleging many Scriptures against their way, telling them withal that their fathers did never prevail with spear and shield, but with prayer, repentance, and pureness of heart; instanceing in Abraham, Jacob, Moses, David, and Ezekiah's examples: they did use all means that possibly they could, to do him some mischief. 8. When Titus himself, who for his sweet disposition was entitled Amor & deliciae humani generis, the Carolus of that age; in pity to the poor seduced hungersterved people, did with all compassion and promise of mercy, persuade them not to suffer themselves to be destroyed; they would not believe him, nor suffer the people to yield unto him, but railed upon him, and abused him most shamefully, endeavouring from the walls to do him hurt: who for all this when he heard of the number of their slain, he would lift up his eyes to Heaven, and say, 'Tis well known to thee O Lord of Heaven, that I am not the cause of these evils, for I desired to be at peace with them oftener than once, but the seditious evermore would nothing but war, war. 9 They pretended in all their rebellion that they fought for the Lords cause, for the Law and Religion of their God: which the Romans had no purpose to debar them of, nor indeed had they that so pretended, the least spark of God's fear in them, as appears by the Proclamation of one of the Captains to gather Soldiers together, which was in these words: Whosoever listeth to be rid of his Master, or hath received any injury, and desires to be revenged, or that cannot abide the rule of any, or that is in debate or in fear of creditors, or that hath shed innocent blood, or that lurketh in secret for fear of the Law; whoever is disposed to rob and rifle, to do injury or wrong, to haunt whores, to steal and murder, to eat and drink at other men's cost, without labour of his own hands; let him resort unto me, and I will deliver him from the yoke and danger of the Laws, and will find him his fill of booties and spoils. 10. They had their lying Prophets, that prophesied to the last, yea when the Temple was burnt, and divers of the obstinate Priests had leapt into the fire; these Prophets still stirred up the people to play the men, and to resist their enemies, telling them, that the Temple should be builded by itself without hands, that God would declare his power unto the Romans, who now did glory in themselves, that they had overcome the Jews: and thus the poor people were befooled, partly by their seditious Captains, and partly by their lying Prophets, until the whole Nation in a sort was slaughtered, and that noble City quite destroyed: Deus nobis avertat omen. Sir, these thoughts have wrought with me. 10. This way of my Brethren is against our oath of Allegiance, Against our oath of Allegiance. an Oath is a most sacred and regardable thing; God the avenger is thereby called to witness the truth of our hearts in what we say, or promise: This Oath of Allegiance I have taken seven or eight several times unto His Majesty; had it been but once, I should not dare to break it: I remember that place in Ezekiell, Ezek. 17. v. 15. ad 30. where the Lord saith concerning the King and people of Jerusalem, (who had despised their oath of Allegiance, and broke their Covenant made to the King of Babylon) they shall not be delivered, they shall not escape severe punishment; 'tis expressed over and over by the spirit, to show how highly God is incensed for such a sin, and though it was made unto an Heathen Prince, yet v. 19 the Lord calls it his Oath, because made in his name and presence (as all oaths are) and himself swears, as he lives, It shall be recompensed upon the breakers heads; and so it was most heavily: for as S. chrysostom upon the matter says, Vbique ignis grassabatur Barbaricus, juramento ignem ducente, & flammam passim circumagente; the Barbarian fire every where spoilt, the violated oath led the fire, and carried the flame about from place to place: nor can I forget how that oath which was made to the Gibeonites, Josh. 9 though on their parts obtained by fraud, was to be kept inviolably, because a sacred tye, and how the breach thereof was punished afterward in David's time, by three years' famine, and the death of seven of saul's sons: for that Saul to please the people to show his zeal to them, had slain the Gibeonites against the oath which his forefathers had made; 2 Sam. 21.2. from whence we may learn 2 things: First, That Princes may endanger their Posterities and Kingdom's welfare, to the severity of God's displeasure, by humouring their people in all things. Secondly, That the violation of an Oath, though but once made, and by forefathers unto slaves and servants, shall be sure by the Lord to be sharply punished upon the violators, or their posterity: and if so, then much more will God most surely avenge the wilful breach of a Subjects oath, so often renewed and taken in God's name and presence unto his Sovereign. Sir, we Ministers were wont upon the Fast days (when with our people we renewed our vows & covenants with the Lord) to declare the high danger and penalty of breach of oaths; and is it honest or comely for us now by our doctrines and examples, to confute our former selves, and drive our poor ignorant sheep upon their assured destruction; God forbidden that ever my soul should consent thereto. Opposite to our late Protestation. But in the last place of all, this way of my Brethren directly opposeth our late Protestation, which I think myself bound in conscience to keep, so fare as lawfully I may: therein I promise to maintain to the uttermost of my power, The King's Majesty's Person, Honour and Estate; but if I go in this way I must oppose His Majesty's Person, and (as it seems) hold that 'tis lawful to resist His Personal will in behalf of His Legal; (though this be not so much as mentioned in the Protestation); and I must (as others do) extenuate His Name and Honour, by venting confidently as truths what ever evil I hear of Him; I must be glad to hear that His estate is withheld from Him (as Himself complains) and employed against Himself: and I must hope (as others speak) that mere poverty and necessity will at length make him humble himself, and submit unto his people. No (Sir) rather than I will thus willingly break my Protestation, Let the enemy persecute my soul and take it, let him throw my life down to ground, and lay my credit in the dust. But this is not all, I must join to bring in Popery, contrary to my Protestation too: for (Sir) I believe there be more points of Popery than one, Superstition alone doth not make up the religion of Antichrist; in this very way of yours are many tenants and points thereof, besides a great deal of its practice: let me instance in a few of many particulars. 1. The Doctrine of resisting Princes is a Doctrine of Popery, which is now maintained with sword and spear, and all weapons of war; the Doctrine of calling Kings to account by their Subjects, was the opinion of Pope Hildebrand, the brat of his brain, he hatched it, and shall I break my Protestation to set up Pope Hildebrand? 2. That there is an infallibility of judgement in some men, is a point of Popery, and so it is that men may absolve from oaths, and they are dangerous points too; the one is the ground of all errors in the Church, and the other the cause of all disturbance in the State, and these two points are now preached and practised by some of them that walk in the new way. 3. To believe in the creature is a point of Popery, the Papists say they believe in the Church; and I have heard His Majesty found fault withal, because in his pious and convincing Declarations he says, that he trusts in God, and in his providence: whereas (said the fault finder) he ought to have said, He trusted in His Parliament. 4. No faith (says the Papist) is to be kept with Heretics, (so they call good Protestants) no faith is to be kept with Malignants, say some amongst us, (for so they call good Subjects:) Memento homo quod Gibellinus es, remember friend you are a royalist, was sufficient matter to condemn a man of old among them, and so 'tis now among us. 5. The Doctrine of merit is a Popish tenant, and is not that daily preached by some, unto those that go forth in this war against the King; even as the Friars of old were wont to promise salvation to all that promoted the war of the Pilgrims to the Holy land, and against the Christians of Merindoll and Cabriers, so do some of our preachers warrant salvation, to all those that die in this their cause, whereas Damnation is threatened unto the contrary parties. 6. The Doctrine of Popery is a Doctrine of Lies▪ what is their way of preaching but a telling of tales and lies, against those whom they call Heretics; and of the forged Miracles done by their own Saints? and is not that the manner of those Preachers that are for this new way? do they not fill their sermons with fearful tales of those whom they count their Enemies, and with miracles (as it were) of those on their own side? 7. Hath it not been counted Popery, to press the precepts of men with more eagerness than those of God, and to punish the neglect of them with greater severity than the breach of divine Laws? and may not men now a days, break the righteous Laws of God, steale, rob, and spoil their neighbours, persecute God's Ministers, profane his worship and deface his houses, with impunity, nay with commendation for their zeal and care of the cause? but if any for conscience sake forbear to give a ready obedience to a burdensome ordinance of man, which perhaps too he cannot possibly stand under, shall he not be prisoned and plundered, his living taken from him if he be a Minister, and his people poisoned with the intrusion of some false teacher? 8. The Doctrine of Popery is a Doctrine of Pride all must submit to the Pope and his Popelings, he for his part will be judged by none, but all must be judged by him; from which condition, he is called by the Apostle Antichrist, because he advanceth himself against all that is called God, which is the title of Kings and Princes▪ and is not this superlativenesse of spirit manifest among us? nay do not our Brethren of the new way aim at a fare greater power over men, than the Bishops had of late, whom for that cause they counted Popish? what did those words else of one in my hearing discover: We shall (says he) be as much troubled with the Justices of Peace, as we were before with the Bishops, if there be not some order taken with them: and that device of another, that for the government of the Church we only that had been molested by the Bishops should be employed in that, and they that had before been any way Prelatical, should have nothing at all to do therein: Sir, those expressions and such like did (I must confess) begin to work the first suspicion in me of my Brethren: I (before) did think they had all endeavoured as I did, at the reformation of evil, and not at their own supremacy, both over their Brethren, and the Gentry too; therefore for my part I shall rather choose to walk in the low way alone, then in that High way with them. 9 The Doctrine of Popery hath always been a Doctrine of violence and cruelty, the whole book of Martyrs doth sufficiently show it; and may it not be said of them that pretend they are the reformers of Popery amongst us, that destruction and violence are in their ways? for their cruelty, I think that reverend Brother of ours, did sufficiently intimate it by the resolution he gave to a tender Conscience desiring to know whether it were lawful to lend or give money to maintain this war against the King: His Answer, as I heard, was Affirmative, and his reason was taken from the Examples of Succoth and Penuell who were rend with briers and thorns when the Captain returned, because they had not given him their assistance; and to prevent a like punishment he concluded it was lawful to give; the resolution was doughty, but it inferred Cruelty in the exactors: And so myself talkeing with another about this business of plate and money, his judgement was, we had better give then not, for if the King prevailed, we were like to find mercy from him, for he was gracious and pitiful, and would in his Princely compassion consider the enforcement that was used upon us, and the danger we were in; but if they prevailed on the other side, nothing but cruelty in the excess could be expected from them; could their any more be said of the Papists? It is true as the Papists cry out of the Cruelty of the Protestants, so do they, of those of the King's party, but why do men practise themselves what they condemn in others? Author of the Pamphlet called, The glorious Name of God, etc. Pag 21. How cruelly they of the King's side demean themselves I know not; but this I know however that unreverend speaker is pleased to call the Nobility and Gentry with the King, clouts, and rags, and wispes, appointed of God to scour such unclean vessels as himself is; yet they are better bred then those persons employed to plunder and spoil us, and a Noble, Gentile spirit ordinarily scorns Cruelty. Secondly those Declarations that come from His Majesty, if as we are urged to believe, are made by his Cavaliers, we may say their breath is not so nauseous, to the apprehension of a Gospellike spirit as that of others, we do not meet with Kill, slay, and destroy in any of these expresses, which indeed is the Language of Antichrist, who is therefore called Apollyon a destroyer; where ever I hear Kill, slay and destroy: I conceive it to be the Language of Abaddon. Nay in one thing more let me show you the Spirit of Antichrist in this new way: As the aim of the wicked Papists hath been chiefly to defile men's Consciences, and to destroy their souls, by labouring to persuade them by promises and threats to recant and deny the truth of God which they have professed, as is evident by many examples in the book of Martyrs: and because they would not do that, therefore was that mercy less Cruelty exercised upon them: so is it the fashion now, I can speak it by experience: when I had been a prisoner for preaching the truth of Jesus the space of seventeen days, I addressed myself unto that member, who (by seduction only as I hope) was made the first instrument of my drunken adversary to bring me into trouble, (for I thought it my duty out of love to his soul, to deny myself and beg a plaster from that hand, that most unjustly had given the wound) and to this end I obtained your most friendly and brotherly letter unto him: but what did I meet withal, a serious persuasion to recant, whereto I answered that I durst not deny the truth of God which I had preached; He most discreetly replied, yea but the truth must not be spoken at all times: I humbly answered, that a divine truth is then in special to be spoken and maintained by them that are entrusted with it of God when 'tis in danger to be lost; which he also denied, (but (as be said) his business was such, that he could not stand to argue the case with me:) by which I gathered, that if I would have defiled my conscience in disclaiming that depositum which God had committed to my charge, I might haply at this present have enjoyed my living and the Society of my wife and children: But (Sir) I did see the Hand of God bringing me before the Parliament, as well as the hand of that member; and although perhaps he brought me upon the stage of trouble, that I might deny the truth of God, yet I am sure God's end was that I might confess the same to his glory, and truly He must pardon me, if I endeavour to satisfy God's expectation before his: for I am more beholding to God than I am to him. Last of all (though I could instance in as many more particulars) the endeavours of the Papists have been chief to suppress the most honest men that have been in judgement differing from themselves: to defame and abuse them, that the world might think that they did deservedly suffer those further cruelties which they would afterward inflict upon them; And is not this the practice of those that are for this new way of resistance; yourself thinks (if you remember) who told me, that, because I was an honest man, I did more hurt to the cause then an hundred knaves, and therefore I was liable to suffer accordingly: and so I think I have since that time, for (after my imprisonment, and five more journeys, upon new calls, and by Pursuivants unto London) when it was apprehended I would not recant: My living (I know not wherefore) was sequestered, a stranger put into it, my wife and children threatened to have the house beaten down over their head, unless they would resign up all to the will my drunken and malicious adversaries, who have power put into their hands to take me, and carry me prisoner to Cambridge, or otherwise to abuse me, as they shall please: and thus the Papists did with the Martyrs of Christ; nay, thus Pilate dealt with Christ himself, tradidit Jesum voluntati eorum, (says the spirit) he delivered Jesus to the will of those that most maliciously cried out against him: and this is my comfort in mine affliction, my conformity to my Master. And in the point of defamation, these new way men are fully as dexterous as the Papists, for on the sudden they can do that against a faithful Minister, which the devil in many years was not able to effect, scil. make him a scandalous Minister, by casting iniquity upon him, or by ranking him in that number: whereby he becomes fare more odious in the judgement of the vulgar, then if by his own sins, and Satan's temptations he had made himself such a one indeed; and hereby is discovered the greatness of their power, but indeed God's omnipotency is discovered another way, namely by turning evil into good, and by drawing a beautiful world out of a confused Chaos: 'tis true I confess they have a trick to make evil men good too, upon the sudden, for let those that were scandalous before, but speak for this war, and urge people to lend money, and persist in this way of resistance, why on the sudden all their former faults appear to be but imperfections: or, 'tis concluded for certain of their conversion, and you may see (will they say) how God's blessing goes along with the Parliament, there was never heard of such admirable Converts, and of such floats of them in the days of the Prelates; by which kind of expressions I fear God's name is rather blasphemed, then truly honoured: Sir, I could undertake to evidence unto you, that all these and many such ways the Papists and jesuites walk in; therefore I say whoever promoteth this new way doth thereby introduce Popery, and manifestly breaks his Protestation, which for my part I dare not do. Thus (reverend Sir) you have seen divers of my reasons why I cannot go with yourself and my brethren in this your new way: I apprehend it to be against God, destructive to his Law, inconsistent with the Gospel, contradicting the practice of Christianity, opposite to the calling of our ministry, contrary to common prudence, to humanity, to nature, and to reason; to our oath of Allegiance, and our late Protestation: so that I hope you will think from these grounds that my dissent from you, is not because I am given up to the spirit of madness, as some conclude. And now (dear friend) do not blame me, if I wish your return unto myself into that good old way, wherein we formerly walked together, in which only you did Christ good service; for by your stepping into this new way, I can assure you that both Christ and you have lost, though the cause hath gained. Sir let me beg of you again (as before by my private letters I have done) and even for Christ his sake, that you would deny yourself, and speedily put forth your strength to prevent (what in you lies) the ruin of this Noble Nation, that bred and fostered you: you were wont to be ready to every good work and motion, and you cannot imagine what good your return might do, I dare say it would recall many of our Brethren: what if the raging Genius of the times should imprison you, and divest you of your outward subsistence (as it hath done me,) yea what if it should shed your blood for your revolting from it, and rebuking of it, it would be both Christ's gain, and your glory: If your Conscience tells you, that you have too highly offended your King, know that your Sovereign is the Image of your Saviour in meekness and mercy; O help to make up that great breach which you have unadvisedly been a means to widen between him and his people. your aim at first was (as I hope) God's glory, and the purging of his Church, your unhappiness was to pitch upon the wrong way, wherein you have gone beyond yourself and purpose. O confess it, and come out of it, and the good hand of the Lord shall again be with you and upon you. And for the Parliament sake, (whose reputation next to Christ's glory and the King's honour, I am bound to regard) I would beg one thing at your hands, wherein I think you may do as much as any one man; and that is, that you would solicit the same, that your Brethren of the Ministry who are in tribulation for preaching the truth of Jesus, and obedience to their Sovereign, may not be dealt withal as John Hus was at the Council of Constance, of whom it was said, Combustus est, non confutatus Hussius, burnt, but not confuted; so that we might not be condemned unheard, and unconvinced: that some particular Members, (who doubtless (as men) may be seduced by ill Counsel) might not be suffered in the name of the whole Parliament to turn out of their Live Gods painful Ministers, with their wives and children, upon the malicious information of some beastly drunkard. I am credibly informed, that when my Living was sequestered, and a stranger put in, and myself forced to fly for the safety of my life, and my house threatened to be beat down upon my wife and children, unless they with my aged parent would quietly departed they knew not whither, and resign it up unto my enemies, even some of them my adverse neighbours had some regret of spirit at this great injustice, and said, if he (meaning myself) had offended the Parliament, yet what hath the poor woman and her tender infants done? Believe it (Sir) this is not for the honour of the Parliament. You know how the Bishops were cried out upon by some, for putting Ministers out of their freeholds; but they heard them first, told them what they would do before hand, and for what cause, and was this their fault? should they have done it on the sudden and said nothing, had it been lawful then? well far Stephen Gardiner yet, and Edmund Boner, for they by their Chaplains would labour to convince and convert men to themselves, before they would condemn them, and give them up to the secular power; nor do I read they did then put power into the hands of their professed enemies and accusers, to afflict and hurt them: Worthy Sir, if you shall please to consider of this, & put to your helping hand, many that are in persecution for their faithfulness to Christ, and their love unto their Sovereign, shall be engaged unto you. I move you not to solicit, that we might have leave to lay open the conditions of our adversaries, when they are malicious, drunken, blasphemous, and perjured persons, because I understood by the Chaire-man, that it was not the custom of that Court to permit such a thing, which he called recrimination, because it had been a practice in the High Commission: But (Sir) my desire only is, that we might be suffered to dispute the case before we be condemned, that the Court might not be so liable to be ill thought of: Never among the Papists was any man condemned for a point of Religion, till the same had first been determined upon, to be erroneous by some Assembly or Convocation; but when or where in this Church was this point of obedience to the Lords Anointed, (for which we suffer) adjudged culpable? And (Sir) for myself, if it were lawful for a persecuted Minister to speak in his own defence, against a perjured blasphemous drunkard, I could evidence, that nothing but my oppugning his sins is the root of my sufferings: indeed now such persons have got a trick whereby they will suppress us all, unless God's mercy do prevent it; whatever sin we preach against, if they do but say we preach against the Parliament, they boast they shall be believed, for they are for the Affirmative; and the Minister with his Negatives is of no credit, though he bring his witnesses: wherefore now they resolve that sin shall live without control, at his peril the Minister must not meddle with it, for if he do, they make no more to put him by, from preaching God's Word, and to cast him out of his Living, than they do for to be drunken; you may well think that my drunken adversary was confident to prevail, when he offered to lay wagers before hand that he would effect this against me, which he hath done. Sir, when I preached against Treason, Rebellion, and Disobedience, than they said (no question but) I meant the Parliament; afterward I preached against Lying, Slandering, and Malice, and this they said was against the Parliament too, and got me to be sent for up again by a Pursuivant about the same; nay (Sir) when I did but quote those words of our Saviour, Wide is the gate and broad is the way that leadeth unto death, and many go therein; this they said was against the Parliament, because the major part of people in those parts are for the same: and when I quoted that place in the 120 Psalm, where David says, that He was for Peace, but others were for War; when he spoke of that, they made them ready for battle, this also they said was for the King, and against the Parliament. When I preached against vainglory, upon those words of our Saviour, I seek not the praise of men, they said I preached against that Member, unto whom in my behalf you writ your Letter, when I protest I never thought of him all the while I was upon that subject, (that I know of) save only when I prayed for my enemies: my custom being to apprehend the wrong that any doth me, as Gods call unto me to pray for that man in particular, and therefore then I use to think of such in my prayers. But (Sir) I pray consider whether the Parliament be not abused by these men as well as I, yet I alone from some of its Members must bear the punishment: alas! if God gives up some to make lies, and others to believe lies, how can I help it? I confess I do admire at the humility of those Members, who will condescend so low, as to be instruments of such base and inferior persons malice against any of God's Ministers whom they know not: But alas, I believe indeed the reason in part is their ignorance, they do not know the men; for had they known, they would not so fare have consented to them: Now (Sir) it being unlawful (as it seems) for such a one as I to discover the abuse which such conditioned accusers do offer to that high Court, and to the Members thereof: I desire that you would endeavour to do the same in the behalf of the rest of your Brethren of the Ministry, who have not yet drunk of that bitter cup which I have tasted, but are haply liable thereunto. And now (Sir) I entreat you to pardon me if I have erred in these lines, by my length, or any other way; you know my phrase and stile both in writing and speaking, 'tis always plain: wherefore if expressions at the first relish appear unpleasing, let your wont love interpret well; my zeal (I hope) is right, and my love I am sure is unfeigned unto you: I would not willingly offend my most deadly foe, much less mine endeared friend, by whose society I have formerly enjoyed much good: wherefore in confidence of your well acceptance of my sincere thoughts, I take my leave of you, commending you to God, and to the Word of his Grace, which is able to from errors, and to direct in all truth both you and me, who shall by the help of that Word and Grace ever be Sir, Your faithful associate in the way of passive obedience, (when you shall walk therein) not only to the loss of goods, but of life itself E. S. FINIS. A Copy of the Sequestration that was brought against Edward Symmons Minister of Rain in Essex, for his preaching, and his refusing to renounce that Faith and Doctrine of Christianity, expressed in the seven first Sections of the preceding Discourse. Die Veneris tertio Martii. 1642. WHereas Edward Symmons Clerk, Rector of the Parish Church of Rain in the County of Essex, hath in his Sermons and otherwise expressed great malignity and opposition against the Parliament, and the power and proceed thereof, affirming that the Parliament would force the King to comply with those Laws they shall make, and that they raise a Force against the King, and that they are not to be obeyed, though they command according to God, if it be not according to the King's Command; and advised them not to lend any Money, Plate, or Horse, toward the raising of Forces for the Parliament, and pressed his Auditors to believe whatsoever is set forth in the Declarations published in the King's name, because a divine sentence is in his mouth, and he cannot err; and that if David's heart smote him for cutting saul's garment, what would it have done if he had kept away his Castles, Towns, and Ships: which the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled taking into consideration, for the better supply of an able and godly man in the said Church, and for the provision of fit maintenance for those that shall officiate therein, do constitute and ordain that Emanuel Stock, Peter josceline, Richard Bugby, William Chaukley, Henry josceline, Ralph josceline, Edward Hiat, or any three of them, shall have power and authority; and hereby are required to sequester the Parsonage-house, and all the Tithes, Rents, and profits whatsoever of the Parsonage of that Church, and to appoint Collectors for the gathering and receiving of them, as they in their discretion shall think fit, and shall have power to pay the same unto Robert Atkins Master of Arts, a godly, learned, and orthodox Divine, who is hereby appointed and required to preach every Lord's day, and to officiate as Parson, and to take care for the discharge of the Cure of the said place in all the duties thereof, until further order shall be taken by both Houses of Parliament. And if any shall refuse to pay unto the said Sequestrators, or any three of them, or to the Collectors appointed by them, any of the Rents, Duties, or lawful Fees, accustomed to be paid, upon information thereof by the Sequestrators, or any three of them, unto either House of Parliament; the said Lords and Commons do declare they will proceed against such refusers, according to their several offences and contempts. Ex. Io. Browne, Cleric. Parliamentorum.