Aulicus Coquinariae: OR A VINDICATION IN ANSWER TO A PAMPHLET, ENTITLED The Court and Character of KING JAMES.  
Pretended to be penned by Sir A. W. and published since his death, 1650.  
— Auribus oculisque recepta.  
Nemesis à tergo.   printer's or publisher's device 
London, Printed for Henry Seile, over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet, 1650.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 5. line 20. which read with. p. 7. l. 24. Chimstry r. Chemistry. p. 11. l. 15. Turnpike. p. 36. l. 24. sore. p. 39 l. 10. Tercera's. p. 45. l. 1. deserve. p. 52. l. 14. Assassinations. p. 54. l. 5. to. p. 54. l. 7. Exception. p. 67. l. 15. the. p. 82. l. 2. leave. p. 97. l. 6. of. p. 105. l. 24 was. p. 120. l. 11. her.   

Preface.  
THere are some Men so delight in sin, who rather than be idle from doing evil, will take much pains to scandal the Dead.  
My fear to offend, hath withheld my hand a convenient time, lest I should fall into the like error with Him that published the Pamphlet, Entitled, The Court & Character of King James, and Father's the Brat upon Sir A. W; And if common fame mistake not the meaning, His Parent took rise from Q. Elizabeth's Kitchen, and left it a Legacy for preferment of his Issue.  
This Man went the same way, and by grace of the Court got up to the Green-cloth. In which place attending King James into Scotland, he practised there to libel that Nation, which at his return home was found wrapped up in a Record of that Board, and by the hand being known to be his, he was deservedly removed out, as unworthy to eat of his bread, whose Birthright he had so vilely defamed. Yet by favour of the King, with a piece of money in his Purse, and a pension to boot, to preserve him loyal during his life, though as a bad creditor, he took this course to repay him to the purpose.  
And I have heard, that in his life, he discovered a part of this Piece to his fellow Courtier, who earnestly dissuaded him not to publish so defective and false a scandal, which as it seems in Conscience he so declined.  
And therefore my Exception willingly falls upon the practice of the Publisher, who by his Additions may abuse us with this false Story, which he discovers to the Reader in 5 Remarkable Passages, and gives me the occasion to spare my censure on the deceased person: but to bestow my unkindness (which necessarily intervenes in this Vindication) on him who yet lives, to make out his bad act with a Reply (if he please) more Pestilent, upon Me.   

THE CONTENTS.  

QUeen Elizabeth pag. 1  
1. Remark. Gowryes' Conspiracy, of the name Ruthens, and Family, the manner of the Treason, and effects afterwards 5  
George Sprott, Confederate with Gowry, his confessions, arraignment, execution, and testimony hereof 16  
E. of Essex his Character, undertake, Treason and execution, 36  
Caecils. Sir Rob. Caecil his services, sickness, and death 49  
Hen. Howard, E. of Northampton, his character and death 64  
James L. Hay, E. Carlisle his character, Embassies, and Interest 67  
2. Remark. Sir Walter Raleigh his character, treason, trial, and reprieve; observations upon him, and his former voyage to Guiana, sentence, and execution 74  
Sir Tho. Lake his character, rising, & ruin, with his Wife and Daughter 98  
3. Remark. Sir Tho. Overbury, and Sir Rob. Carr 110  
The Nullity of Essex Marriage with Suffolk's daughter, with the Legal proceed 113  
Of Archbishop Abbot 130  
Sir Rob. Carr, E. of Somerset his Marriage with Essex's Relict 133  
3. Remark. Sir Tho. Overbury, his imprisonment, and poisoned 135  
Somerset and his Wife's trial, and Sir Thomas Monson 138  
4. Remark. Pr. Henry his character, sickness, disease, and death, not by poison 143  
Sir Arthur Ingram his condition 158  
Sir Lionel Cranfield, E. of Middlesex, his birth breeding, and advance 160  
George Villiers his descent and advance, a Favourite, and Duke of Buckingham, occasioning several narrations, etc. 164  
E. of Nottingham Admiral 169  
Egerton Lord Chancellor 171  
Bacon Lord Chancellor 171  
Buckingham's Kindred. 174  
Williams Lord Keeper. 178  
5. Remark. Spanish Match, the Prince's journey into Spain, and return 179  
bristols concerned 180  
Inicossa, Spanish Ambassador 182  
Yeluerton Attorney General 186  
King James sickness, the plaster, and death, not by poison 192  
Conclusion 197  
The Character 200    

Aulicus Coquinariae: OR THE CHARACTER Of Him who SATARIZED KING JAMES AND HIS COURT.  
QUeen Elizabeth died, 
Queen Elizabeth.  Anno Domini 1602. having been long sick; and indeed desperate; which gave this State, time enough to conclude for his reception, the undoubted Heir to these Crowns; JAMES then King of Scotland; She hath been highly valued, since Her death; the best of any former Sovereign over us. She was fitted for fortune's Darling, but with some Imprisonment, the better to mould Her, for the Rule and Sovereignty of a Kingdom; and for the custody of a Sceptre. She shown Her Justice and Piety as a Precedent to posterity. She was a Princess learned, even then, when Letters had estimation, and began them into fashion; which brought forth many rare and excellent Men, both of the Gown, and of the Sword. Some say, She had many Favourites, but in truth She had none. They were near, and dear to Her, and to Her affairs, as Partners of her care; not Minions of fancy. And yet such as they were, she ever mastered, by her own Rules; not they Her, by their own Wills. And she wanted not many of them at need, or pleasure. She was Magnificent, (comparatiuè with other Princes;) which yet she disposed frugally; Having always much to do with little money: for truly, those either Wise or Gallant Men, were never cloyed with her Bounty, more than in her Grace; which with her Manage, passed for good payment.  
The Irish affairs was to her Malign, which drew her Treasure almost dry; the only cause of distemper in the State, and ended not, but with her life. At which time, she left her Coffers empty, and yet her Enemies potent; 
Pamp. 34.  And therefore it could be no Treason in them, that afterwards counselled the Peace, but rather in such who endeavoured then, and after, the re-establishing a New War.  
Amongst Her Favourites of the Sword, none could boast more of her Bounty and Grace, 
Essex. Pamp. 10.  than the Earl of Essex; whose ingrate disposition, blown beyond the Compass of his steer, by too much Popularity and Pride, cozened him into that absolute Treason against his Sovereign, that notwithstanding many forewarnings of his nearest friends, and unwilling Resentments of his dearest Mistress, his open Rebellion at last brought him to public trial, condemned and executed as the most ingrate that former times could produce. (Of which we shall take occasion hereafter in some particular.) Wherein Sir Robert Cecil acted no more, than a dutiful Subject, Councelour and Judge ought to have done against him, and such like of her time, evermore attempting by Assassination or Poison to take away her life. As were also the like attempts, by others in Scotland, (witness the forewarning of the Duke of Florence, by express Message of Sir Henry Wootton, to King James, a year before his coming to these Kingdoms) against Her beloved and undoubted Heir; and in Them to destroy the Protestant Religion.  
The most remarkable, was, 
Gowries Conspiracy.  that of Gowries Conspiracy, in Scotland. And I never read or heard (till our Pamphlet) That Sir George Rheums his gravity and Wisdom ushered him into the Secrets of the KING [therefore] and chief to make good that story]. 
Pamph. 8.  
The first passage of the Preface Remarkable.  For of that Nation, both the wisest and most honest, gave great Credit thereto; And the commemoration, was advisedly settled, by Acts of their Parliament; which Anathematise upon Gowries House and Name. And Solemnised there and here, with Narratives in print, of each particular Circumstance, and the ground the cause inviting that Treason.  
And truly, the Anniversary feast-day in August, was usually solemnised to God's Glory, by the most Reverend Preachers: witness those rare Divine Sermons of our Bishop Andrew's and others, whose Consciences no doubt were not so large, to cousin God Almighty with a feigned tale. Indeed there might have been more additional truths, annexed to the relation, which I have heard, to make it more apprehensive to our Pamphleter; whose Speculations, in this as in other his stories of Court and State, took Information (belike) but in his Office, Below-staires; And which makes his faith draw down the effects of those Sermons for the Father, 
Pamp. 10.  as a Cause of the sad Events, and sufferings of the Son, and us all to this present.  
The Name of Ruthen in Scotland was not notorious, until Anno 1568, when Ruthen amongst others, confederates, in those divided times of trouble, laboured, much, for the Imprisoning Queen Mary Mother to King James. In 1582. his son William was created Earl Gowry, in the time of that King's minority. Though the father bore deadly hatred to the King's prosperity. And in 1584. themselves was in actual Rebellion, in which he suffered at Dondee. His eldest son John, then in travel in Italy, returns home to inherit his lands and honours; But not one jot changed in disposition, from the traitorous ways of his Predecessors: For not long after, he falls into this Conspiracy. Which is not so ancient, but that many then and now living can relate, and myself, have often heard the repetition.  
The House of Gowry, were all of them, much addicted to Chemistry. And these more, to the Practice; often publishing (as such professors usually do) more rare experiments then ever could be performed; wherein the King (a general scholar) had little faith. But to infuse more credit to the practice, Alexander Ruthen the second Brother takes this occasion; and withal conspires with Gowry to assassinate the King; and taking opportunity in his hunting, not far from his house, St. Johnstone; invites the King, to be an eyewitness, of his productions. In their way, Sir Thomas Erskin (after Lord Kelly), overtakes them and others, Demanding of the Duke of Lenox, then present; why Alexander had engrossed the King's ear, to carry him from his sports? Peace man, said the Duke, Wee's all be turned into gold. Not far they rid, but that the Earl Gowry, made good by protestation his Brother's story. And thus was the King brought to Guest. near the end of Dinner, at his fruit, and the Lords and Waiters gone to eat: Alexander begs of the King, at this opportunity, to withdraw, and to be partaker of his Production; to the view of that, which yet he could not believe.  
And up he leads the King, into by-lodgings, locking each door behind them, till they came into a backroom: Where no sooner entered, but that Alexander claps on his Bonnet, and with stern Countenance faces the King; and says: Now, Sir, you must know, I had a father, whose blood calls for revenge, shed for your sake. The King amazed, deals gently with his fury, excuses the guilt of his death, by his then Infancy. Advising him, not to lay violent hands on the sacred Person of his Anointed Sovereign; Especially, in a cause of his Innocency. Pleading the laws of God and Man: which so much wrought upon him, that he said: well, I will speak with my Brother; And so put the King into a Lobby Room, next the Chamber, where no sooner entered, but that there appeared a fellow, weaponed, ready for execution; to whose custody the King is committed till his return.  
Alexander gone down; the fellow trembles with Reverence, puts down his sword, and craves pardon; which gave the King occasion to work upon that passion; and to ask him whether he resolved to murder him? Being assured to the contrary, the King gets leave, to open a window, that looked into a back Court. When presently Alexander returns, and tells the King, that he must die. But much affrighted, at the fellow's countenance, with his sword, offers violence to the King. Which the fellow seemingly opposes; and between them began a scuffle; which gave advantage to the King, to cry Treason, at the Window, which looked into a back Court; where Sir Thomas Erskin, and one Herries, were come, In pursuit of the King, who was rumoured, to be gone out, the back way to his hunting.  
At the cry of Treason, and known to be the King's voice; they both hastened up a back stair, called the Turnepike; being directed by a servant of the house, who saw Alexander ascend that way. And so forcing some doors, they found them above panting with the fray; And up comes also, at heels of them, John Ramsey (after Earl of holderness) by them Alexander was soon dispatched.  
Not long after, came the Earl Gowry (by his double key) the first way, with a case of Rapiers, his usual weapons; and ready drawn. To whom, Erskin said, as to divert his purpose; what do you mean my Lord, the King is killed? (for the King was shadowed, having cast himself, upon a Bed, from his sight: and his cloak was thrown upon the Body of Alexander, bleeding on the ground.) At which Gowry stops, sinking the points of his weapons; when suddenly Herries strickes at him, with a hunting fawchion. And Ramsey having his Hawk on his fist, casts her off, and steps into Gowry, and stabs him to the heart; and forthwith, more Company came up.  
And the truth, very notorious, then, to every eye and earwitness, not a few.  
There remained but one younger son of that House, who though a child, was from that time Imprisoned, by Act of their Parliament. And so continued afterwards, here in the Tower of London, until that King's death; and the grace of the late King Charles, restored him to liberty; with a small pension, which kept him like a Gentleman, to these times. But now failing, he walks the streets, poor, but well experienced, also, in Chemical Physic, and in other parts of Learning.  
Not long after this Conspiracy, Herries dies well rewarded. John Ramsey hath the Honour of Knighthood, with an additional bearing to his Coat of Arms, A Hand holding forth a Dagger, reversed proper, piercing a bloody heart, The point crowned Empcriall; with this Distich, Haec Dextra Vindex Principis & Patriae. Afterward he was created Lord Haddington, and Earl of holderness.  
And our Pamphlet, bestows on him this Character, A very good Gentleman by nature, but (in this Story) a Liar by practice: 
Pamp. 9  for which all these favours were too little Reward.  
Sir Thomas Erskin was after. wards created Earl of Kelly, Knight of the Garter, Captain of the King's Guard, and Groom of the Stool. And the Fellow, designed for the Murderer, had a large Pension confirmed, by Act of their Parliament.  
And all these men (but Herries) were living, with other witnesses at King JAME'S journey, when he went from hence to visit Scotland; and met together by direction at the same House, with Ceremony; and all of them with a number of Courtiers, ascended into the same Room, the blood yet remaining, where the King related the Story; and confirmed by them. And afterwards kneeling down, with tears of Contrition for his Sins to God, and thankfulness for this Mercy; using many pious Ejaculations, embraced all these Actors in the former Tragedy; when the poor fellow, also kissed the King's hand.  
These circumstances gave occasion then, that this whole story was freshly revived, to the common Satisfaction of the whole Country, and our English Courtiers. And in especial, unto the very Reverend Bishop, and Nobly borne, James Mountegue, then present; to whom the King addressed himself, in this Relation, and from whose Mouth, I received these particulars, at his return into England.  
And thus much we have by word of mouth: somewhat I shall add out of writings for more satisfaction.  
This Treason was attempted the 4. of August 1600. And though there followed sundry Suspicions and Examination of several other Persons supposed Abbetters & Contrivers; yet it lay undiscovered, tanquamè postliminio until 8. years after, by the circumspection principally of the Earl of Dunbar, a man of as great wisdom as those times and that Kingdom could boast of. Upon the person of one George Sprot, Notary-publick of Ayemouth in Scotland. From some words which at first he sparingly or unawares expressed, and also by some papers, which were found in his House; whereof being examined, with a little ado he confessed, and was condemned and executed at Edinburgh the 12. of Aug. 1608.  
A Relation I conceive not common, but in my hands to be produced, and written by that learned Gentleman Sir William Hart, than Lord Justice of Scotland, and Principal in all the Acts of Judicature herein.  
And first George Sprot confesseth, That he knew perfectly that Robert Logane late of Restalrig, was privy and upon foreknowledge of John late Earl of Gowrie's Treasonable Conspiracy: That he knew, there were divers Letters interchanged betwixt them, anent their Treasonable put pose July 1600. which Letters James Bour, called Laird Bour, Servitor to Restalrig (employed betwixt them, and privy to all that errand) had in keeping, and shown the same to Sprot in Fast-Castle. That Sprot was present, when Bour, after 5. day's absence, returned with answers by letter from Gowry, and stayed all night with Restalrig at his house Gunuesgreen, & road the next morn to Lothiane, where he stayed six days, then to Fast-Castle, where he abode a short space.  
That he saw and heard Restalrig read these letters, which Bour brought back from Gowry, and all their Conference there anent. And that Bour said, Sir, if you think to get Commodity by this dealing, lay your hand on your heart: and that Restalrig answered, though he should lose all in the world; yet he would pass through with Gowry: for that matter would as well content him as the Kingdom. To whom Bour said, you may do as you please Sir; but it is not my Council that you should be so sudden in that other matter. But for the Condition of Darlton, I would like very well of it. To this Restalrig answered, content yourself, I am not at my wit's end.  
That Sprot himself entered into conference with Bour, demanding what was to be done between the Earl and the Laird? Bour answered, that he believed, that the Laird would get Darlton without gold or silver: but he feared it would be dearer to him.  
That Sprot enquiring further, how that should be done? Bour said they have another pie in hand then buying and selling of land: But prayed Sprot for God's sake, that he would let be, and not be troubled with the Lairds business: for he feared, that within few days the Laird would be landless and liveless.  
And Sprot being demanded afterwards, if all these Confessions were true, as he would answer upon the salvation of his soul, seeing his death was near approaching? Sprot said,  
That he had no desire to live, and had care only of clearing his Conscience in the truth. And that all the former points and circumstances were true, with the depositions made by him the 5. of July last, and the whole confession made by him since, as he hoped to be saved, and which he would seal with his blood.  
And further being deposed; where was now the letter of Restalrig to Gowry? He answered, That he had this letter amongst other of Restalrig's papers which Bour had in keeping, and which Sprot copied out, and that he left the principal letter in his Chest amongst his writings when he was taken and brought away, and that it is closed and folded in a sheet of paper.  
These depositions made by George Sprot the to of August 1608. and others before (being all included in his Indictment following, to which for brevity I shall remit the Reader) and written by James primrose, Clerk of the King's Council, and subscribed Georgè Sprot.  

Present  
Earl of Dunbar, Earl Lothiane, Bishop of Rosse, Lord Schone, Lord Hallo-rod-house, Lord Blautire, Sir William Hart Lord Justice, Mr. John Hall, Mr. Patrick Gahoway, Mr. Peter Hewet, Ministers of Edinburgh; and subscribed with all their hands.  
The next day 11. of August, Sprot was reexamined, and to him declared the assurance of his death, and was advised not to abuse his Conscience to witness untruths, and upon the Innocency of the dead or living. To which he deposeth, That being resolved to die, and as he wishes to be participant of Heaven, upon the salvation or damnation of his Soul, that all that he had deposed were true in every point and circumstance, and no untruth in them.  
The next day being the 12. of August 1608. Sprot was presented in Judgement upon Pannell within the Talboth of Edinburgh; before Sir William Hart, Knight Lord Justice of Scotland assisted with these Persons, viz.  
Alexander, Earl of Dunferling, Lord Chancellor. George, Earl of Dunbar, Lord Treasurer. John, Archbishop of Glascoe. David, Bishop of Rosse. Gawen, Bishop of Galloway. Andrew, Bishop of Brechine. David, Earl of Crawford. Mark, Earl of Lotharine. James, Lord Abernethie of Saltonne. James, Lord of Balmerinoth Senitapie. Walter, Lord Blautire. John, Lord Burley. Sir Richard Coburn, Knight. Master John Preston, Collector General. Sir John Skewe, Knight, Register.  
And he was declared, accused and pursued by Sir Thomas Hamilton, Knight, Advocate to the King, for his Highness' entries of the Crimes contained in his Indictment; whereof the tenure follows viz.  
George Sprot, Notary in Ayemouth, You are indicted and accused, forasmuch as John sometime Earl of Gowry, having most cruelly, detestably and treasonably conspired in the month of July the year of God 1600. to murder our dear and most gracious Sovereign the King's most excellent Majesty. And having imparted that devilish purpose to Robert Logaine of Restalrig, who allowed of the same, and most willingly and readily undertook to be partaker thereof. The same coming to your knowledge, at the times and in the manner particularly after specified. You most unnaturally, maliciously and treasonably concealed the same, and was art and part thereof in manner following. And first, In the said month of July 1600. after you had perceived and known, that divers letters & messages had passed betwixt the said John sometimes Earl of Gowry and the said Robert Logane of Restalrig, you being in the house of Fast-Castle, you saw and read a letter written by the said Restalrig with his own hand to the said Earl of Gowry. viz.  
My Lord, etc. At the receipt of your letter I am so confuted, that I can neither utter my joy, nor find myself sufficiently able to requite your Lordship with due thanks. And persuade your Lordship, in that matter I shall be as forward for your honour as if it were my own cause. And I think there is no Christian, that would not be content to revenge, that Machiavilian Massacring of our dear Friends: yea howbeit it should be to venture and hazard life, lands and all things else. My heart can bind me to take part in that matter, as your Lordship shall find proof thereof. But one thing would be done; namely, that your Lordship should be circumspect and earnest with your Brother, that he be not rash in any speeches touching the purpose of Milan.  
And a certain space after the execution of the aforesaid Treason, the said Robert Logane having desired the Laird of Bour to deliver to him the said letter or else to burn it; and Bour having given to you all tickets and letters, which he then had either concerning Restalrig or others to see the same, because he could not read himself, you abstracted the above-written letter, and retained the same in your own hands, and divers times read it, containing further, to wit,  
My Lord you may easily understand, that such a purpose as your Lordship intendeth, can not be done rashly, but with deliberation. And I think for myself, that it were most meet, to have the men your Lordship spoke of, ready in a boat or bark, and address them as if they were taking pastime on the Sea in such fair Summertime. And if your Lordship could think good, either yourself to come to my house Fast-castle by sea, or to send your Brother; I should have the house very quiet, and well provided after your Lordship's advertisement. And no others shall have access to haunt the place, during your being here. And if your Lordship doubt of safe landing, I shall provide all such necessaries, as may serve for your arrival, within a flightshot of the house. And persuade your Lordship, you shall be as sure and quiet here, while we have settled our Plot, as if you were in your own Chamber. For I trust, and am assured, we shall have word within few days from them your Lordship knows of. For I have care to see what ships come home by. Your Lordship knows, I have kept the Lord Bothwell quietly in this house in his greatest extremity, in spite of King and Council. I hope if all things come to pass (as I trust they shall) to have both your Lordship & his Lordship at a good Dinner ere I die. Haec jocose. To animate your Lordship, I doubt not but all things will be well: and I am resolved thereof, your Lordship shall not doubt of any thing, on my part: Peril of life, lands, honour and goods; yea, the hazard of hell shall not affray me from that; yea, though the Scaffold were already set up. The sooner the Matter were done, it were the better. For the King's Buckhunting will be shortly, and I hope it will prepare some daintier cheer for us to live the next year. I remember well my Lord, that merry sport which your Lordship's Brother told me, of a Nobleman at Milan: for I think that a Parasceve to this purpose.  
My Lord, think nothing that I commit the secret hereof to this bearer: for I dare not only venture my life, lands, honour, and all I have else on his credit; but I durst hazard my soul in his keeping: I am so persuaded of his fidelity. And I trow (as your Lordship may ask him if it be true) he would go to Hell-gates for me, and he is not beguiled of my part to him. And therefore I doubt not, but this will persuade your Lordship, to give him trust in this matter as to myself. But I pray you direct him home again with all speed possible; and give him straight command, that he take not a wink sleep, till he see me again after he comes from you. And as your Lordship desireth in your letter to me, either rive or burn this letter, or send it back again with the bearer: for so is the fashion I grant.  
Restalrig.  
Which letter writ every word with the said Robert Logane's own hand, was also so subscribed with this word, Restalrig.  
And albeit by the contents of the aforesaid letter, you know perfectly the truth of the said most treasonable conspiracy, and the said Logane his foreknowledge, allowance and guilt thereof, like as you were assured of the same by his receiving divers letters sent by Gowry to him, and by his returning letters to Gowry for the same purpose, and by sundry conferences ferences betwixt Logane and Bour, in your presence and hearing, concerning the said Treason, as well in July preceding the attempt thereof, as at divers other times shortly thereafter: as likewise by Bour his revealing thereof to you; who was upon the knowledge and devise of the Treason, and was employed as ordinary Messenger by Logane to Gowry; whereby your knowledge, concealing and guilt of the same was undeniable.  
Ye● for further manifestation thereof, about July 1602. the said Logane showed unto you, that Bour had told him, that he had been somewhat rash, to let you see a letter which came from Gowry to Logane, who then urged you to tell what you understood by the same. To whom you answered, That you took the meaning thereof to be, that he had been upon the council and purpose of Gowrie's Conspiracy: And that he answered you, what e'er he had done, the worst was his own: But if you would swear to him, that you should never reveal any thing of that matter to any person, it should be the best sight that ever you saw. And in token of further recompense, he gave you twelve pounds of Silver. Nevertheless, albeit you know perfectly the whole practice and progress of all the said Treason, from the beginning to the end; as also by your Conference with Bour and Logane, during all the days of their lives, who lived till the year 1606. or thereabouts: and so by the space of 6. years you concealed the same, and so you was and is art and part of the said Treason, and of the concealing, and so you ought to suffer under the pain of High Treason. To the token, that you have not only by your depositions subscribed by you, and solemnly made in presence of many of the Lords of his majesty's Privy Council, and the Ministers of the Borough of Edinburgh, of the dates of the 5.15. and 16. days of July last passed, and 10. and 11. of August instant, confessed every head, point and article of the Indictment abovesaid, but also by divers other depositions subscribed by you; you have ratifyed the same, and sworn constantly to abide thereat, and to seal the same with your blood, Which Indictment being read openly, before Sprot was put to the knowledge of Inquest, he confessed the same and every point to be true; And therefore the Indictment was put to the Inquest of the honest, famous and discreet Persons, that is to say,  
William Trumball of Ardre. William Fisher Merchant and Burgess of Edinburgh, Rob. Short there, Ed. Johnstone Merchant Burgess there, Harb. Maxwel of Cavens, Ja. Tennent of Linchouse, Wil Trumbill Burg, of Edinburgh, Geor Brown in Gorgy Mill, Joh. Hucheson and John jews Merch. Burg. of Edinburgh, Ja. Somervill, & Wil Swinton of the same, John Crunison of Dirlton, Th. Smith & John Cowtis Burg. of Edinburgh.  
Which Persons of Inquest sworn and admitted, and reading over the same Indictment again in his and their presence, the said George Sprot confessed the same to be true. Whereupon the said Sir Thomas Hamilton, his Majesty's Advocate, asked act and Instrument; and therefore the Inquest removed to the Inquest-House, and elected Harbert Maxwell to be their Chancellor or Foreman. And after mature deliberation, they all reentered again in Court, where the said Foreman declared the said George Sprot to be guilty, filled and convict of Art and Part of the said Treason; for which cause the said Justice by the mouth of the Demster of Court, by sentence and Doom ordained, the said George Sprot to be taken to the Market. Cross of Edinburgh, and there to be hanged upon a Gibbet till he be dead, and thereafter his head to be stricken off, and his body to be quartered and demeaned as a Traitor, and his head to be set up upon a prick of Iron upon the highest part of the Talboth of Edinburgh, where the Traitor Gowrie and other Conspirators heads stand, and his lands and goods forfeited and escheat to our Sovereign Lord the King's use.  Extractum de Libro Actorum Adjornalis S. D. N. Regis per me D. Johannem Coburne de Ormeston Milifem, Clericum Institiarii ejusdem generalem. Sub meis signo & subscriptione manualibus. 
And so was George Sprot conveyed to a private house, remaining at his Meditations; and afterwards conferred with the Ministers, confessing all aforesaid with extreme humiliation and prayer. Afterwards ganging up the ladder, with his hands lose and untied, he was again put in mind of the truth of his Confessions. He for the greater assurance thereof, performed an act marvellous; promising by God's assistance to give them an evident Token before the yielding up of his Spirit; which was, when he had hung a very good while, he left up both his hands a good height, and clapped them together three several times, to the wonder of thousand Spectators, and so died.  
For more Confirmation of the afore Narration, there was present George Abbot, than Doctor in Divinity, and Dean of Winchester, after Arch-Rishop of Canterbury, who was present both at his Examination & Execution, & hath made the same writing and observance even almost verbatim, as all the afore specified Relation intends; which I can produce also.  
And more one— Dr. of Divinity present also, says as much; which no doubt is sufficient satisfaction to all reasonable Men, that there was such a Conspiracy and not feigned. 
Earl of Essex his Treason.   
And now we come to remember the Earl of Essex; the universal Love of whose memory, was but of such whom he formerly caught, by his affected Popularity; or of others, that followed his Treasonable practices, which were gross enough to be sore apprehended, by every faithful Subject, especially, being prosecuted against the Person of that glorious Sun, his obliging Mistress, 
Pamp. 10  whom a little before, our Pamphlet commemorates with much Passion, till now, that he comes to Ireason; a small fault, belike, and pardonable in Essex. For he saith, that King James hated Sir Robert Cecil: it seems, for but prosecuting amongst other Councelours and Peers a traitor's death. Intimating no doubt the King's impatient desire to inherit these Crowns by any Treason. But he spares no Invectives against any of worth or honour, that comes in his way.  
This Earl was eldest Son to Walter Devoreux, 
Robert E. of Essex.  (of a Norman family) Viscount Hereford, and Bowrchier; Lord Eerrers of Chartley: and by Queen Elizabeth created Earl of Essex, and Ewe; Anno 1572. and Knight of the Garter.  
He was sent into Ireland, Lord Martial against the Rebels; and as if but sent of an errand, he presently falls sick, and dies at Dublin, 1576. His body brought over, and entombed at Carmarthen in Wales.  
This Robert succeeded his Father's Honours; and was looked upon in Court, by all with pity, through the Sacrifice of his Father: But by the Queen with great affection; whom she advanced (his fortunes being low), with many gifts of grace and bounty. At his Arraignment, accounted to the Lord Treasurer Dorset to be 300000. l. sterling, in pure gift for his only use; besides the fees of his offices and the disposition of the treasurein his Armies. Of all which he soon became a bold engrosser both of fame and favour.  
And first in Anno 1585. he receaves Knighthood. In 1588. Knight of the Garter. In 1589. he had command in chief; in an Expedition into Portugal against Lisbon. In 1595. sworn Councelour of State. In 1596. he was sent with a Navy to the Isle Cadiz in Spain; and presently after made Lord Martial of England. In 1597. he commanded in another Fleet, to the Islands Serceras; his Contemporaries who stood in Competition with him for fame, were, Sir Charles Blunt, afterwards Earl of of Devonshire, and General Norris, 
Blunt late E. of Deu.  his near friends; and yet whom he envied, the last to his ruin; Men, of greater merit and truer value. And after the destruction of Norris; He takes upon him the Expedition into Ireland; the place of Exercise for the best of the Militia.  
And who durst oppose him? Though the Queen had an eye of favour upon Blunt, often saying, That She presaged him, the Man, to end Her cares in that Kingdom. And She was a true Prophetess, though not in Her time, but in Her Successor, King James.  
This Blunt was a Gallant Gentleman, and learned, on whom She bestowed a Jewel for his behaviour at a Tilting, which he wore after, tacked with a Scarlet Ribbon, upon his Arm; and for no other cause, Essex must needs fight with him, and was run through the Arm, for his labour.  
But Essex got Employments from them all; offering the Service evermore, at less charge of Men and Money, then others his Competitors.  
And over he goes, 
Deputy of Ireland and General.  Deputy of Ireland, and General of all the forces there: with Commission strict enough, to imbound his Popularity with the Soldiery, and his own family, which followed him in Troops, either to devour or undo him.  
No sooner landed, but ere he drew sword on the Enemy, he dubbs Knighthood upon seven Gentlemen, Volunteers; which honour, he had very lavishly bestowed at Cadiz; and was therefore sound chidden by the Queen.  
And now restrained by his Commission, with much a do, unless to Men of known Merit, and those after Battle.  
For this first Act, the Queen swore he began his Rant: Of which he had present Intelligence from his dearest Friend and Uncle, Sir Francis Knowls, a Councelor of State, 
Sr. Francis Knowles his Correspondent.  and Controller of Her Household, and after Earl of Banbury: Who spared not his advice and Council at all times. And between them there passed Intelligence, with every dispatch; whose letters and papers, Principal from Essex, and Copies to him I have seen; by which there appears, even from the beginning of that Employment, a very plain and Intentional resolution in Essex, to make himself Master of his own Ambition, and by this way and means to effect it; grounding all his discontents and dislikes, that the Queen's ear was open to his Enemies at Court. And therefore it behoved him, to guard himself; which he resolved to do, by help of his Friends and fate; And indeed having fallen into remarkable offences, together with the Treaties with Tyrone the Arch-rebel, without Order from England, and without acquainting his Council of War, with whose advice he was limited to act.  
'Tis true, 
Treats with Tyrone.  he advanced against the Enemy, and soon accepts an Invitation to a Treaty accompanied with his Council of War. But coming to the brinck of a River; the place assigned, he plunges his Horse to the Mid stream, alone; and there meets him Tyrone on Horseback; where their private discourse gave sufficient Caution, to all that looked on a-loof-off, that Essex meant no fair play for his Mistress. For which fact, and no blow stroock in all this time, Men and Money wasted; He was sound blamed by the Council at home; and no more letters from the Queens own hand, which he usually received afore.  
In great choler, 
Returns home.  as to Dispute or Revenge; and without leave from hence, he leaves his Command to a Lieutenant; and comes over with a hundred Gentlemen, his best Confidents; hastens to Court, ere it was known to any, but to his dear Uncle, to whom he writes, Dear Uncle, Receiving your last, at my entering on Shipboard, Ireturn the accounts thereof, at my Landing; being resolved with all speed, (and your Silence) to appear, in the face of my Enemies; not trusting afar off to my own Innocency, or to the Queen's favour, with whom they have got so much power etc.  
At sight of him, with amaze to the Queen, She swore, God's death my Lord, what do you here? Your presence is most unwelcome, without Tyrone's head in your Portmantle. But he, falling more to a Dispute, than any Excuse: She, in disdain to be taught, but what She pleased to do: Bid him begone, his boots stunk.  
And so was he presently commanded, 
is committed & censured.  and committed to the Archbishop of Canterbury to Lambeth; where not long after, he was convented before a Committee of the Council, and Correctionem, not ad destructionem. The Queen very gracious, hoping his offences might discern favour. for according to his Examinations then, and the merit of his cause. I have seen his Uncle's papers, breviates, (who was one of his Judges) intended as his Censure, to condemnation, and so fitted for further Trial. But the day before, they had other direction from the Queen, saying, he was young enough to mend, and make amends for all.  
And so their Censures, showed him his Errors, and left him to Her grace and mercy; only restraining him to his own House, against Saint Clement's. Not without daily letters from Knowles; with advice to be rid of his ranting followers; Captains and Swordmen of the Town flocking, and Encouraging him, to a Revenge on his Enemies.  
It was not long that he could contain; Saying, 
His rebellious rising  he was engaged to go on. And on a Sunday morning, the Council sat; (which was usual, until the late Archbishop Lawd in honour of the Morning Sacrifice, altered that course, to the Afternoon. Then the first flame broke out.  
To him, 
Imprisons the Clerk of the Council,  they sent their Clerk of the Council, to know the reason from his Lordship, of the meeting of so many weaponed Men at his house; But the Messenger not returning, being kept Prisoner, the chiefest Councelours commanded by the Queen, came to him; and no sooner entered Essex house, but the Gates were clapped too, all their Train kept out, the Court-yard full of Gallants. Some cried kill them; Imprison them; 
and the Lords of the Council.  To the Court; seize the Queen, and be our own Carvers. Essex comes down with all reverence, ushers them up, resolving to detain them Prisoners, and pledges for his Success.  
Indeed in this hurly burly of advice he took the worst. For leaving them in safety with Sir Ferdinando Gorges; He with the Earl of Southampton, in one boat; and some others in other boats, took water at his Garden stairs; and landing near the Bridge, went on foot, up the streets, with such straggling company as came in their way; To whom he protested, that the Queen should have been murdered, and his, and other good Councillor's lives, in peril, by enemies of the State, that forced a power from the Queen, to the eminent destruction of the Kingdom. These speeches with their swords drawn, took little effect with the people, who came running out of the Churches, being Sermon-time; without weapons, or any offensable assistance, contrary to his expectation.  
But on he goes to Sir Thomas Smith's, where he kept his Shreevealty near Fan-church, his confiding friend; by whose countenance he hoped to work with the Multitude. He being absent, at Paul's Cross Sermon, Essex stayed no longer, then to shift his shirt; and so passed through Cheapside to Paul's west-end; where he found his first opposition by some forces got together, by the Bishop of London, and the trained band. And after Proclametion, That Essex and Southampton were Traitors, & all those that followed their faction: Many dropping from the Crowd, there was little defence by his party, though some were killed; and himself forsaken of the wisest. He retires back to Queenhithe, and so to Essex-house by water; where finding the Birds flown, the Councillors released, by their Keeper; who in hope of pardon, accompanied them to the Queen's presence; discovering so much as he knew, concerning his Lord; who finding himself too weak, to withstand the force of a piece of Cannon, mounted upon the Church, to batter his House; He and Southampton yielded themselves Prisoners to the Tower; 
Arraigned and executed.  where being arraigned and condemned, Southamton had reprieve, and after pardon; But Essex the reward of his merits, and Executed in March 1601. upon the Inner Hill in the Tower; to the regret of None either wise or honest: Leaving behind him one only Son, the last of his Line.  
William Cecil, 
Cecils. Pamp. 10.  illustrate from the family of Cecils (who suffered persecution in the times of Henry 8. Edward 6. and Queen Mary) he was knighted by Queen Elizabeth, so soon as she was settled in her Crown, than Secretary and Councillor of State. Afterwards created Baron of Burligh. Then made Lord Treasurer of England, and Knight of the Garter: and died Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, Anno 1598. Entombed at Westminster, leaving two Sons. The elder Thomas, was then Lord Precedent of the North; And afterwards created Earl of Exeter by King James, and privy Councillor of State. He died Anno discreet and honourable, whom the world could never tax with any taint.  
The other son Robert, 
Sr. Robert Cecil.  was the second; But a true Inheriter of his Father's wisdom, and by him trained up to future perfections, of a Judicious Statesman: after his Knighthood, the first employment from Court (for he was not at all bred out of it) sent him Assistant with the Earl of Derby Ambassador to the French King. At his return, the Queen took him second Secretary with Sir Fr. Walsingham, after whose decease, he continued Paincipal, and so kept it to his death; Not relinquishing any Preferment, for the Addition of a Creater. A remarkable Note; which few men of the Gown can boast of. His Father lived to see him settled in these preferments, and after Master of the Wards and Liveries. These he held to the Queen's death: Being in all Her time used amongst the Men of weight, as having great sufficiencies from his Instruction who begat him. Those offices here in public, with perpetual Correspondence by Emissaries of his own into Scotland, might no doubt make him capable of Reception with King James, who was to be advised by him, how to be received here of his people. Without any necessity, then, to make use of Sir George Hewmes or his Initiatiation afterwards, with any juggling tricks, 
Pamp 13.  his merits certainly appeared to the King, who not only not diminished his forformer preferments; But often added to them, even to the day of his death.  
As first Baron of Essenden; then Viscount Cranborne; after Earl of Salisbury, and Knight of the Garter; and lastly Lord Treasurer of England.  
He was a Councillor of singular merit. A very great discoverer of the late Queen's enemies abroad, and of private Assinations at home: For which She valued him, and the Papists hated him; which they published by several Manuscripts, (which I have seen,) and printed Libels; and that most pestilent against his birth and honour, threatening to kill him, which himself answered wisely, learnedly and religiously, Extant in English and Latin Adversus Perduelles.  
Indeed, It behoved the King to bestow upon him the weight of the Treasurer's Staff. The Coffers then in some want; which the King was not likely soon to Recover, but rather to increase in debt: having the addition of wife and children to boot. And being now come, with common opinion into the Capacity, (by his additional Crowns) to reward his old servants; and to appear obliging unto new Ones.  
The world wondering at the worth of this great Councillor, I know not upon what score, our Pamphleter should endeavour to scandal his memory.  
Which he ranks into Numbers of ill Offices to his Nation; 
Pamp. 12.  as the burning of a whole cartload of Parliaments Precedents; which no man can be so sottish as to believe, that knows the strict concerving of those Records by sworn Officers.  
As for the Baronet's, 
Baronet's.  It was the earnest suit of two hundred prime Gentlemen of Birth and estates to my knowledge; for I copied the list before ever it came this Lord. And as true it is, That this Lord's Reception thereto, was in the same words which our Pamphlet puts upon the King, That it would discontent the Gentry; to which themselves replied, Nay my Lord, It will rather satisfy them, in advance of Dignity, before others; who now, come behind those Meaner Men, whom the King was forced to Knight for his own honour, and some merits of theirs, having no other Reward, or money to spare: and therein not much to blame, to oblige them that way.  
As for that supposed juggling, 
Pamp. 13.  which the Duke of Bullion should discover: As it was never known to wiser men; So we may take it, a devise of his, who in these, as in other such like, of his own, may truly merit that Character which he bestows before [On the good Gentleman.] 
Pamp. 9   
I desire pardon, if I speak much and truth, in the memory of this Noble Lord; being somewhat concerned, to speak my own knowledge.  
I know, that this Earl of Salesbury, declining his health, with continual labour for the good of this Nation, both in the former, and in this his Sovereign's Service; And am willing to give some light thereof, to such as are pleased to read these particulars, being an Account of his concernments.  
For first, 
Salisbury his service to the State. Manors, Lands.  he found the King's Manors, and fairest possessions, most unsurveyed, and uncertain, rather by report, then by Measure. Not more known, then by ancient Rents; the Estate granted rather by chance, then upon knowledge.  
The Custody-Lands, 
Custody-hands.  (anciently termed Crown-Lands) much charged upon the Sheriffs; yearly discharged by annual pensions. A Revenue which seemed decayed, by descent of times, and worn out of all remembrance: these he evermore revived, by Commissioners of Asserts.  
The Woods, 
Woods.  were more uncertain than the rest. No man knew the Copices, Number of acres, growth or value; nor of Timber-Trees, either Number or worth. So as truly he might well find himself in a Wood, indeed. The Trees wasted without control, because no Record kept thereof. These he caused to be numbered, marked and valued, easily to be questioned, when thereafter missing.  
The Copyhold Lands, 
Copy-holds.  where the arbitrary sins ceased, by the discretion of the Stewards; and did seldom yield the Parson's part; and that also vanished, in fees and charges. The State was then after like to raise of these Natures, the true values; and to receive equal benefit, with the rest of the Subjects; if the Book had been since observed, which he caused in print.  
And for the Copy-holders' of Inheritance, who by many Records, prove their fines certain; they did hereupon, offer for their freedom 20.30.40. and 50. years' purchase, where they could show probable Records, without sine; to free themselves. The Wastes and Commons, were tender Titles; 
Wastes & Commons.  full of murmuring and Commotion; which truly he never durst offer to enclose; Nor to urge the Tenants to become Suitors themselves; with whom Commissioners were to be appointed, to compound for a part; and so he made a good Precedent for the rest.  
The Casual fines, 
Casual fines.  due to the King, out of the private possessions, (as other Lords have by their Courts of Leets, Court Barons and such like) and out of public offences, as the King was Parent of the Commonwealth; unto whom belonged & praemium & poena. These being natures, left for the King's bounty, he commended them also to Commissioners, for a better Revenue, to be raised; being till his time utterly neglected and almost lost.  
As for the extended Lands; where the Officers became indebted to the Crown; and made it an Art, to have their Lands extended, at easy rates; He caused the most of these to be surveyed; commended the Improvement to Commissioners, and commanded the Tenants to appear before them.  
The Improvements of the Customs, he advanced from 86000. l. to 120000. l. and from that to 135000. l. by the year.  
He bargained, for the Riverwater to be brought to London, 
River water.  and so to the driest parts, which brought a great yearly value.  
He always encouraged all Industry of Manufactures. 
Manufactures.  Such Inventions as the Statutes admit and countenance. As home-making of Allome; Salt by the Sun; Busses for fishing; Salt upon Salt, by new fires and Inventions; Copper and Coperas of Iron, and of Steel; That the Subjects at home, might be set on work; and the small Treasure of the Nation kept within.  
It concerned him as Secretary to have Intelligence from all parts of the World; 
Intelligence.  and Correspondence with all Em bassadours and Foreign States; not to be neglected at any hand; which he did at his own cost. So did all parts grow confident of such a Councelour. And so he kept Rules with the united Provinces whose Friendships he would say, much concerned this State.  
I may not forget his Christian care, 
Ireland improved.  for poor Ireland; Plantations there, and transplantations of the Natives; to advance the Customs there, and to abate the charges of the Garrisons. And he did endeavour, and in manner did effect an universal course of Law and Justice, in the most barbarous and remote parts of that Nation.  
And now concerning the Court of Wards and Liveries; 
Wards & Liveries.  By constitution of this State, all the lands of this Nation, are holden by two Tenors: By Soccage or by Knight's Service. By the Plough to feed us; or by the Sword to defend us. And who so died, leaving an Heir within age, unable to do this service, his Heir and Lands, fell both to the Protection of the Sovereign. And this in ancient time, was promiscuously carried, in the Court of Chancery; until the middle time of Hon. the 8. when this Court of Wards, was first erected. Since which time the Masters thereof, by favour of the Sovereign, did accustom (as a bounty of State) to grant unto Noble Men; the King's Servants and their own followers, both the marriag of the body, and the lease of the Lands for a third penny, of their true worth.  
But in all humility, his Lordship finding the estate in a Retrograde Consumption, did with all obedience present his Patent, at the King's feet: and so the whole benefit became the profit of the Crown.  
Thus, he wrought in the Mine of the State-affairs, and wasted his Carcase with desire, to have done better Service, in these his offices of Treasurer, Secretary and Master of the Wards: And yet these were sufficient, just and true merits; Without Friends, Wit, or Wealth, to raise him so much, in his Master's esteem: Or without ill offices done by him, to this Nation, as our Pamphlet will make us believe, in many absurd particulars.  
And truly, 
Pam. 11.12.  his studious labours in the State, brought him the sooner to sickness, a Consumption of the Lungs; wherein he wasted some years, and at last, by advice for cure at the Bath; he took leave of the King, who came to visit him at Salisbury-House; and with tears, at his parting, protested to the Lords attending, his great loss of the wisest Councelour and best Servant, that any Prince in Christendom could Parallel. Of whom one says,  
Tu Pater & Patriae Princeps, Prudentia cujus Extulit immensum Reges, Populósque Britannos.  
His time at the Bath was short; being spent to extremity, ere he came thither; and returning back by the way, he was taken out of his Litter, and put himself in his Coach, and died afterwards at St. Margaret's, in the House of that worthy Gentleman Mr. Daniel, in May 1612. My Lord Viscount Cramborne, now Earl of Salisbury, and the Lord Clifford, Sir Robert Manton and many more Gentlemen of quality then present, whom I saw there: He was Imbalmed, and after Entombed, at his Princely Manor of Hartfield. 
Pamp. 14.  A fairer Corpse than any brazen face, that belies his disease. His death was extreme sadness to the King, and to all his friends, and others of worth and honour. For in spite of the Pamphleter, 
Pamp. 14.  he will be valued, as he does confess  
Never came a Better.  
The next we meet with is Henry Earl of Northampton. 
Henry Howard Earl of Northampton.   
The Ancient and Illustrious family of the Howards, were here more Eminent, than any other, that ushered the King to his Additionall Crowns.  
This Henry Howard was Brother unto Thomas Duke of Norfolk; who suffered for his attempt of marriage with the Queen of Scots, whilst she was Prisoner here in England. Which might be some Motive to induce the King to consider the advance of that family, though they were endued, with large possessions from their Ancestors.  
The Duke left two Sons Philip Earl of Arundel & Thomas Howard Earl of Suffolk afterwards Lord Treasurer.  
Henry Howard their Uncle, 
Pamp. 15  was more wedded to his Book, then to the Bed: for he died a Bachelor; and so had the less occasion, to advance his fortune, by Court-flattery, or State-employment: nor indeed was he ever any Suitor for either.  
He was accounted both wise and learned; and therefore out of the King's great affection to Letters, especially when they are met in a Noble Person, he was advanced, in his Creation of Baron of Marnhill and Earl of Southampton; then Pryvy Councelor, Lord Privy Seal, and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Knight of the Garter. He had very plentiful for his single life, and to spare for his friends.  
In his expense not over frugal; maintaining his Port, the most remarkable (like the Ancient NOBLE MAN) in his family and Dependants; of any other Lord then, or since his time. He assisted his Nephew the Earl of Suffolk by his designing and large contribution, to that excellent Fabric Awdley-end. He built the Noble structure at Charingcross, from, the Ground, Northampton House and presented it a New-years-gift to the Lord Walden, Suffolk's eldest Son, and now called Suffolk-House: and yet left his other Nephew, the Earl of Arundel, the rest of his estate; so to appear to the world, his equal distribution to such even kindred. He was Religious, and gave good testimony thereof in his life, built that handsome Covent at Greenwich, and endued it with Revenue for ever, for maintenance of decayed Gentlemen a sufficient number; and for women also considerable. He died in Anno 1613. full of years and Honourable fame: though Our Pamphleter will not know so much; 
Pamp. 16.  and yet no doubt must needs be jutimate with his Person: for he tells us his thoughts; That he had assuredly promised to himself the Treasurer's staff. Although we can produce this Lord's Letters, and other testimonies, employing all his own and his Friend's Interest, for that preferment, upon his Nephew Suffolk, and excusing himself, of the burden and weight of that Office, by his known Infirmity of Stone of the which he died.  
Indeed; 
James Hay Earl of Carlisle. Pamp. 18.  It is no matter upon what Score, that the King gave his affection, to this Favourite James Hay.  
The Scots were never very eminent, with Neighbour-Princes; what credit they had, came by the French, to keep balance with England and them. The beginning might then be hoped, when their Union with these Crowns, should afford the means, to set them forth.  
And it was prudential in the King, to pick out one of his own to splendour that Nation, in our way of peace and Courtship: Especially when all was done at the Master's cost. For Hay was poor, unless what he got by his first Match, with the Lord Dennis heir, for by his last he had nothing; the great spirit of Percy Earl of Northumberland, disdaining the Marriage, and refused to afford a Groat, to a beggarly Scot, as he called him.  
And now this Lord (for so was he soon made Lord Hay, 
His vain 〈◊〉 spences.  than Viscount Doncaster, and Earl of Carlisle) did most vainly prodigallize, what he often begged. And in truth, he had it granted for no other purpose; to put down the English Courtier at that vanity. And which, both abroad and at home, was often paid for, by the King's Privy Purse. As that feast at Essex-House, 
Pamp. 19  and many his Masqueradoes at Court (for he meddled not with the Tilt-staff, as being no Swordman) but in the other, and such like, he never escaped, to act One part.  
And these expenses, famed him with little credit; how erche appears to our Pamphleteers Judgement; who cries up, 
Pamp. 21.  the bounty of his Mind, beyond the Moon at least; who in truth, was never good, to Man or beast.  
His Embassies, 
His Embassies to Germany.  were not so weighty when he posted so long through Germany, to find out the Emperor; who afforded him the Wild-Goose-Chase, as knowing his Errand, before he came at him. Which in truth was purposely so designed by the King; only to spend time, and to amuse men's expectations (who were wild after a War) to beget a Treaty, concerning the lost Palatine. The effects whereof, (as the King wisely prophesied,) would produce distemper, through all Christendom, if not destructive to his Son in law.  
He went into France Extraordinary; 
France.  it was to treat with that King, in favour of the Huguenots (the Religion as they account it) being risen to a Civil War, by management of the Duke d'Rohau, Count Sobeeze, and others; to a dangerous consequence, in several places, almost over France: which to allay, that King had raised a great Army; resolving with countenance of his own Person, to give end thereto: But King James, being invited by several troublesome Commissioners, their Agents, to implore for their cause, and take upon him their protection, which he (a wise Prince in that) declined, yet not to neglect them; and the rather to satisfy some of our People, of the like Gang, meddled thus fare to mediate by Embassy of Hay; who as in that of Germany, did nothing with effect, but went up to Montaban, and so come home again.  
'Tis true, he went into Spain, 
Spain.  with a message to our Prince; with no more matter, than others that came after, to wait on him in that Courtship. For there as in other Kingdoms, his Scots vanity must also be blazoned.  
And for his last Embassy in France, about Our Match with that Daughter, and our Queen; 
Again into France.  he came not into Commission, till the Treaty was confirmed, and the Marriage concluded, by Embassy, only of the Earl of Holland; and Carlisle put in afterwards, to dance out the Measures; His name, being used in the Proxy, for that Ceremony; and at this time, the Earl of Holland, 
Earl of Holland.  had some colour for his expense which he lavished without reason, to the weakening of his unsettled fortunes; being forced to follow the other then, in all his fashions. And which Infection, by after-Custome, became his disease also, and almost if not overmastering, yet over-shadowing his Natural, eminent parts, with which his inside was habited, and perspicuous to such as knew him.  
But I am not delighted, to urge out this story of the Earl of Carlisle: as not willing to speak ill of any; unlike our Pamphlet that spares none, but Him. For I should know; that virtue and vice, are Inherent in Man. And as it becomes us to tell truth, when we speak their virtue: yet with modesty and compassion to discover their vices: either being Examples for the future; that, to imitate; this, to shun. And I cannot but with Compunction remind, That the monstrous excess of the belly, and the back, by his first Precedent, became then the Mode of those times, for great Persons (the most part) to follow, and for the Common People to this hour to practise.  
And truly, a wise and a good Man, ought justly to have hated his condition in this without suspicion of malice or envy; 
Pamp. 21.  as it is said Northampton did, who yet, as may be remembered, took leave of this life, ere Hay was settled on horseback.  
And that other mark of Reproach also, may without partiality be taken oft the Score from that Noble Northampton; who on my conscience (for I knew him well) disdained the Gild in that frivolous story of Sir Robert Mansell. Nor is it material, to credit the rest of that Rant, in his Vice-admiral voyage.  
The Second Remark of the Preface, 
Second Remark. Pamp. 30.  falls upon the Treason of Sir Walter Ralegh, which the Pamphlet calls an arrant trick of State; and Cecil the Imenire facias thereof.  
Sir Walter Ralegh was a Gentleman of good alliance, 
Sr. Walter Ralegh.  in the west of England, and very well descended. He began his Improvements, by the University, and Inns of Court; the latter was always the place of esteem with the Queen which, she said, fitted youth for the future. But he stayed not there. And as his fate would have him, of the Sword first; so his destiny drew him on, to have a mixed reputation, with the Gown: For he was often called to Council but never sworn. He was twice in Expeditions of Land-service into Ireland, under General Norris and Grey, a Volunteer in either, as also in the Low-Countries, and a voyage at Sea ere he was known at Court.  
And such ways as these, were his Introductions (the best hopes of his rising:) some Natural parts he had, a good wit and judgement; but his best weapon was his tongue, which gave him repute to be learned then; but after he improved to a great value, in his future troubles; the best School to a wise man.  
He had a quarrel with Grey in Ireland, which being referred to a Council of War, it had like to cost him his life: But by reference came afterwards to repetition, at home before the Lords. Grey had the better cause, but Ralegh the advantage in pleading; who so took them, especially Leicester, that the Queen was told the tale; and somewhat more of him. And no sooner he came to be known to Her, but She took him, to grace. In whom (as in other of the like form) their always meet oposites, Enemies of greater rank, and they kept him under, sometimes in, sometimes out, which when it fell out to be so, he would wisely decline himself, out of the Court-rode. And then you found him not but by fame. In voyages to the West Indies, Gueana, New Plantations, Virginia, or in some Expeditions against the Spaniard: Against whom, his and other the like success, of Drake, Candish, Forlisher, Hawkins, with other Island-voyages, near home, confirmed Ralegh, a grand Opposer of the general peace which King James brought in with him; and that brought Ralegh to his ruin.  
And for all these his good parts, he risen to no more, than Governor of Jersey, Lord Warden of the Stannaries in the West, and Captain of the Guard to the Queen's person; which last place, brought him to esteem in the Court, but not in the State at all.  
Yet busy he had been heretofore, to speak his mind, of the General affairs; and therein he pleased his late Mistress. For than his inclination went with the humour of those times of War; But now, his Council came out of season. For at the entrance of the King; He was presented by Ralegh with a Manuscript of his own, against the peace with Spain. It was always his table talk, to beget the more esteem, which took accordingly. And the way to make him the contrary, was the work of the Spanish faction. Either to buy him out of that humour, or to abuse him into a worse condition which was thus effected.  
And indeed to mould this Treason, 
His Treason.  there was a medley of divers conditions; but the contrivers were two Priests, Watson and Clarke and count Arembergh, Embassedor Extraordinary for the Archduke, who brought in the Lord Cobham; and he, his brother George Brooke; and he, Parham; and these, the Lord Grey of Wilton. Then came in Sir Walter Ralegh, the wisest of them all; who dallied like the fly with the flame, till it consumed him. Willing he was (it seems) to know it, and thought by his wit, to overreach the confederates; whom he knew well enough; though none but Cobham, for a good while, dealt with him. And with him, Ralegh played fast and lose, till himself was caught in the Gin.  
There was one Matthew De Lawrencie, here at London a Merchant of Antwerp; with whom Cobham held Intelligence, for many years before; & for some reasons of State, connived at, by the late Queen and her Council. This Man, was the property, whom Arenbergh made use of, to Cobham; who now was much discontented.  
These 3. made the first step to the contrivement: And it hath been my jealousy, that Lawrency betrayed it, to this State: for I never, could be assured, how it was discovered; though I have been often present with Sir Walter, in his Imprisonment, when he privately discoursed hereof.  
But being ripe, they were severally examined, & resirained; first to their own homes, not without watchful eyes, on either of them; then to Imprisonment, and lastly, to their Trials at Winchester; whither the Term removed, out of this evermore Pestilential City.  
And on the 17. November 1602. 
His arraignment  the day of Arraignment for Ralegh, and the Jury called to the Bar. Against whose Persons he did not except; nor could: for they were the most able sufficient, in Middlesex, (where the fact had its scene.)  
I shall name them. Sir Ralphe Conisby, Sir Thomas Fowler, Sir Edward Peacock, Sir William Roe, Knights. Henry Godwin, Bobert Wood, Thomas Walker, Thomas Whitley, Thomas Highgate, Robert Kempton, John Chalk and Robert Bromley Esquries.  
The Indictment was managed, by the King's Attorney Sir Edward Cook, Sergeant Heal, and Ser. Philip's; and drawn from the 9 jun. 1603. The accusation was double, against the King, and the State. The personal, had 2. parts, first against his life.  
Secondly to disable his title to this Crown.  
To the first, was read Brooks confession; That his Brother Cobham used these speeches, That it would never be well, till the King and his cubs were taken away, and said, that he thought it proceeded from Ralegh.  
To this Ralegh answered, That Brooks was his enemy. It was replied, but Cobham was ever your friend; and it would seem, a strange malice in Brooks, to ruin his brother, to undo you.  
To the second part, there was produced a Book, (which I have read) a defence of the Queens proceed, against Mary Queen of Scots; which Cobham confessed Ralegh had delivered to him, and he to Brooks, and Brooks to Grace, upon Cobham's discontent.  
Ralegh acknowledged, that it contained matter of scandal to the King's title. And that he had leave of Sir Robert Ceill, after his Father's death, to search his study, for Cosmographical Manuscripts, of the Wests-Indies, and so lighted on this Book.  
Sir Robert Cecil then present upon the Bench acknowledged this lease: and said, He would then as really have trusted him, as any man; 
Sir Robert Cecils words.  though since for some Infirmities of Sir Walter the bonds of affection were cracked; and yet, reserving his duty to the King, which may not be dispensed withal, in this his Master's service, he swore by God, he loved him; and had a great conflict in himself, that so complete a member was fallen from this State.  
And this passage, needs no soothing, to excuse Cecil either for the Father or the Son. For I have heard Sir Robert Cecil, when he was Salisbury, say publicly at his own table, That he had intercepted and kept all the considerable Libels, against the late Queen and this King. But though Justifiable in them as Councelours of State; yet it was a crime in Ralegh, who never was any. And this Book, as I remember, was of one Bragg or Stagg a Jesuit. But Sir Walter excused it; That there was nothing acted thereby, to the King's prejudice; for the Book was burnt.  
But to insist hereupon; Cobham had confessed, That Rale g had agreed; That Cobham should treat with Aremburgh for 600. thousand Crowns, to the intent, to advance the title of the Lady Arabella, to this Crown. That Cobham under pretence of travelling should prosecute this design, in the Lowe-countries, France and Spain; and to carry 3. letters from her, to the Archduke, Duke of Savoy, and to the King of Spain, and to promise toleration of Religion, and her Marriage to be disposed of, by them. That at his return, he should meet Ralegh at Jersey the place of his command; and there agree, to dispose the money to discontents. And Ralegh should have 7. thousand crowns from Arenberge, for himself.  
And further confessed, that Ralegh had Instigated him to all these Treasons.  
And that Ralegh should say; that he thought the best way to trouble England, was to cause division in Scotland.  
To this, only of Scotland, he answered & confessed the words; and that he had so thought, these 20. years. It seems by the sequel since he was not in staken.  
Lawrencie confessed that he and Cobham and Ralegh being together, he delivered a letter to Cobhane, from Arembergh; and presently Ralegh went with Cobham in private, to confer thereof.  
To all these confessions, Ralegh craved that Cobham might appear, to accuse him face to face.  
I may not omit one passage acted heretofore, which comes in properly here to be considered. When the confederates had suffered under some Examinations, and were restrained to their several houses: And Ralegh knew well that Lawreney was then suspected, but not examined; then did Ralegh discover in a letter to Sir Robert Cecil, where Cobham was with Lawrency; and that then was the time, to apprehend Lawrency, and so to intercept their Intelligence, ere matters were ripe.  
What Ralegh's design was herein, I must confess, my conceit is very blunt. But this use was made of it to Raleghs' ruin. For after that Cobham, had denied much of the former stuff, upon his first Examinations; this letter was showed him, under Ralegh's hand, & upon mature & often deliberation, to be assured, that it was his hand: Then Cobham in an Ecstasy, calling Ralegh Villain, Traitor; delivered his positive Accusation of Ralegh, as aforesaid: and added, That Ralegh, after his first Examinations, before the Lords, had writ to Cobham, that although he had been examined of many things, yet that he had cleared Cobham of all, when (as the Lords protested) he had not at all, been examined concerning Cobham. And thereby this was inferred by the Council) to confirm Cobham to deny all, when he should be examined; Sir Walter said, That Cobham had not signed his accusation, and that he was at the worst but singularis Testis. To which my Lord Chief Justice gave it for law, that it was not necessary, to sign, nor to have more than One witness: after much pleading herein; and Ralegh alleging law and Scripture, for not admitting a single witness, to condemn one, yet the Court was satisfied therein, by the Judges to the contrary.  
Ralegh said, Then prove it by One witness face to face, and I will confess myself guilty: but the Judges were of opinion, that it was not to be permitted by law: yet Ralegh insisted hereupon, with many stories which took up much time: Then being asked, if he would be concluded thereby if Cobham would now justify his accusation, under his hand. To this it may be observed that Ralegh made no answer at all but consented that the Jury should go together.  
Then was produced Cobham's letter to the Lords, writ but the day before, in effect thus.  
That Sir Walter, had writ a letter to him wrapped in an apple, and cast in at his window ten days since, in the Tower, to entreat him for God's sake to write to him, under his own hand, that he had wronged him in his accusatious: and odvised him to be constant in denials, rather than to appeal to the King. And now (writes Cobham) It is no time to dissemble; and therefore protested before God and his Angels, that all and every part of his accusation, of Sir Walter Ralegh, was substuntially true. And added; That Ralegh had dealt with him, since the King's coming to procure him a pension from Spain, for Intelligence etc.  
Then Ralegh, railing against Cobham, confessed this letter was in an Apple, to which Cobham returned an answer; which Ralegh produced, and desired that it might be read. But the Attorney opposed Sir Robert Cecil's consent thereto. To whom Cecil replied: Sir, you are more preremptory than honest, come you hither to direct us? And so read it. Which in effect was a confession that he had wronged Sir Walter, and that he was Innocent. This bore date 10. days before. And here Ralegh confessed, That Cobham had offered to him a Pension, from Spain, to the effect before confessed: And that he had concealed it, as loath to ruin Cobham.  
Then the Jury went out, and returned in half an hour, with their Verdict; Guilty. So was Sentence, as in Case of Treason. And he was returned, to the Tower of London, and there lay upon Reprieve 2. years, and 3. years after was executed in October 1618. 
Observations upon this Trial.   
And because this Second Remark in the Pamphleter and this Prefacer, sticks in their stomaches, with which they endeavour to choke the Readers; I have theresore been the more prolix; 
Pam p. 35.  that thereby the whole world may judge, with the Jury, of his guilt or Innocency. Vide page 35.  
Ralegh's rise of preferment, was occasioned upon a contest with the Lord Grey in the Queen's time, which they were to plead face to face: Where indeed, but not in truth, Sir Walter had the better by the tongue, telling his tale to advantage; which took the Queen, who took him from that instant into favour as before remembered. Belike he expected the same providence at this time, when so oft he desired to plead face to face, 
Pamp. 35.  with Cobham.  
How could Wade the Lieutenant of the Tower (as is surmised) tamper with Cobham, to write his name to a blank, to which Wade framed the accusation against Ralegh. When it appears, Cobham never signed at all, to his Examinations; which therefore was so much insisted upon, at his trial, for his advantage.  
But in truth; besides the confession of Cobham, the fatal evidence was Cobham's own voluntary last letter of accusation, or confession over night, writ every whit with his own hand.  
The King commanded (as the COURT was assured at the trial) that upon any examination, there should none be racked, which made Captain Kemish (who was the Instrument of messages and letters between Ralegh and Cobham) often to protest, in my hearing, That in truth, he was threatened with the Rack, which was showed to him, but had he tasted thereof, he said, that he should have been enforced, to tell an odd tale, meaning of discovery.  
Sr. Walter was admitted a chair, pen, Ink and paper for his memory. And truly he rather typed the Court and Jury, 
Repreef. ed.  with Impertinences.  
And thus was Sr. Walter Ralegh reprieved to the Tower, and many years of Imprisonment in that liberty, till his future merits, and fame of learning, begat many to pity his sufferings; So that at last, by means of the French Ambassador, with others of our own Lords, he had freedom, to repair for his health, to his House at Saint James, and after a year or two, he procured a Commission, to make a Voyage to Gueana in the West-Indies for the return of Gold Oare or Mine. But was expressly limited, not to trench upon the Spaniard, to the breach of Peace.  
His landing was at St. Tomaz, a Town of the Spaniards, upon the opening of the Great River Orenoque, in America. Where he killed many of them, and there lost his eldest son Walter, under the Walls. Then sends he Captain Kemish, his old Servant, (upon whose confidence it appears this voyage was resolved) up this River, to the foot of a Mountain, where heretofore, and also during Ralegh's Imprisonment, he had been sent, and returned, with wonderful Remarks of a rich Mine, or rather Madre-del-Ore. But now comes from thence. And all the account came to no more, but that the Mountain was fled away, he could not find it.  
Upon this, the whole sleet 4. or 5. sail, mutiny forces him home again as a Prisoner: in the return, Kemish kills himself, in his own Cabin, & so no tales could be told.  
Ralegh's ships were first, cast upon the south of Ireland: then they land in the West of England; where warrants were ready to apprehend him Prisoner to the Tower. In the West, he is discovered to deal with a French Master of a ship, to steal away into France. Then in his journey to London, he combines, with a French Mountebank, who assisted him with Ingredients, (which he desired) that would without danger of life, bring him to break forth into Blanes: Purposely done, by this means to get longer time, to work opportunities to save his life; which he knew he had so deeply forfeited.  
Then being delivered into the hands of Sir John Stukely, Lieutenant of the Tower he deals with him for a sum of Money, part in hand being paid, to join with him in Escapeboth of them, into France. Stukely yields to all, and accompanies him by water, in the way to Gravesend; where (by design of Stukelie's treachery, in that, and so it prospered with him, being hanged afterwards, for clipping of Gold) they were seized and brought back to the Tower. From whence, very speedily, Ralegh was commanded to the King's-Bench-bar at Westminster, before the Lord chief Justice Mountegue; where the Records of his former Sentence only were read; & hedemanded, why Execution should not be done?  
Sir Walter acknowledged that Sentence, and the King's Mercy for his life thus long: And that he hoped, seeing he had been employed by Commission, with power of life and death, over the King's Lie goe People, it did make void that former sentence.  
He was told to the contrary, and that his time of Execution was the next morning: and so the Sheriff of Middlesex, took him into custody to the Gatehouse, and to Execution the next day, in the old Palace yard, at Westminster; where he had the favour of the Ax. which he said (smilingly touching it) was a sharp Medjoine, but a true Physician, to cure all diseases: and so it proved to him, at this very time in his Ague. sit.  
At his death, himself endeavoured; to clear some points, (which it seems our Pamphleter knew not of otherwise he would have done it for him.)  
To have had often plots with France, which he denied, but confessed, that he had been solicited thence; and endeavoured to escape thither at twice. That the French Agent, came oft to him, with Commission from that King to him; But he returned the Commission.  
That he should speak disloyally of the King: his accuser, he said, was a base runagate, Frenchman, and perfidious, whom he trusted; being sworn to secrecy, which he betrayed; much he said in these particulars, which he did not deny, but traversed.  
So then there were, other business of charge, to which he was liable to a new Trial. But the prudence of the King would not hazard further proceed, having a sufficient upon the old score. 
Pamp. 38.  And now for that additional tale of the Pamphleter concerning Sir Welter's recovery of Queen Anne; for which he begged the boon, viz. for the Examination of the Lord Cobham by 4. Earls and 2. Councelors.  
I never heard nor read thereof before, nor can believe it. For this I know by several relations of those great Ladies of her Bedchamber; and of her Chirurgeons and Physicians now living, That She was never cured of her disease, but by death, that ends all Maladies. It follows in the Pamphlet, That after he hath ranted his Stories of Mansell and Monson, and of the peace, ratifyed and sworn; He makes Cecil the chief Ringleader of the King by the Nose.  
But to say truth, The King was always brought up to his ease, though the forepart of his Reign in Scotland, proved troublesome enough to his Council. And therefore now, he was to follow his affairs, in peace, and his own Inclination, in a Sportful life. The rather; He being much Subject to unwildines or weakness in his Limbs, and which because of his extreme disaffection to Physic, he was advised to the best Air, most agreeable to the Nature of Scotland, fresh and bleak: and for that end, he chose Roystan, and Newmarket.  
Without, that Scandalous Intimation, of leaving his Queen, without any love or liking.  
We are forced to fall upon One Lake, 
Sir Tho. Lake. Pamp. 54.  whom we find to be that learned Gentleman Sir Thomas Lake, apted in his youth with rudiments of the Book, to attend Sir Francis Walsingham (that subtle Secretary of State to Queen Elizebeth) as Amanuensis to him: And after good experience of his deserts, he was recommended to the Queen, and read to her French and Latin. In which tongues, she would say, that he surpassed her Secretaries, and was so employed to her death; for he was reading to her, when the COUNTESS of WARWICK told him, that the Queen was departed.  
But not long before; 
& merits  she received him Clerk of her Signet. And he was chosen, by this State in that place to attend the King from BARWICK. And so sufficient he was, that the King made use of his present service, in some French affairs, after he came into England. Which indeed Secretary Cecil had reason to resent, as too much trenching on his Office. And therefore craved leave of the King, that he might not attend beyond his Month to prejudice the other Clarks Which was excused, and he kept still at Court.  
These Sufficiencies of his, enabled him in those times of gaining, with much repute, and direct honesty, to purchase large possessions.  
After Ccils death, the Place of Secretary, 
as secretary.  was joined in two Principals. And not long after he was one of them, & so continued, with Honourably esteem of all men; until that Malice and Revenge, two violent passions, overruling the Weaker Sex, concerning his wife and daughter, involved him into their quarrel, the chief and only cause of his ruin. He had by his Wife, 
His Engagement with his wife and daughter.  sons and daughters. His eldest married unto the Lord Baron Rosse (in right of a Grandmother) the son of Thomas Earl of Exeter by a former venture. And upon the credit of Sir Thomas Lake, he was sent Ambassador Extraordinary into Spain, in a very gallant Equipage, with some hopes of his own, to continue Leaguer, to save charges of transmitting any other.  
In his absence there fell out an extreme deadly feud ('tis no matter for what) between the Lady Lake and the Countess of Exeter. 
Against the Countess of Exeter.  A youthful widow she had been and virtuous; and so became Bedfellow to this aged, gouty, diseased but noble Earl. And, that preferment had made her subject to Envy and Malice.  
Home comes the Lord Rosse from his Embassy, when being fallen into some neglect of his wife and his kindred; I conceive, upon refusal of an increase of allowance to her settlement of jointure, which was promised to be completed at his return.  
Not long he stays in England, but away he gets into Italy, turns a professed Roman Catholic, being cozened into that Religion, by his public confident, Gondamore.  
In this his last absence (never to return) the Mother and daughter, 
the accusation.  accuse the Countess, of former Incontinency with the Lord Rosse, whilst he was here, and that therefore, upon his wife's discovery, he was fled from hence, and from her Marriage. Bed, with other devised Calumnies by several designs and contrivements, to have poisoned the Mother and daughter.  
This quarrel, was soon blazoned at Court, to the King's ear, who as privately as could be, singly, examines each party. The Countess, with tears and Imprecations, professeth her Innocency, which to oppose the Mother Lake and her daughter, sergeant her hand, to a whole sheet of paper; wherein they make the Countess, with much contrition, to acknowledge herself guilty, craves pardon for attempting to poisonthem, & desires friendslsip with them all.  
The King gets sight of this, as in favour to them, and demands, the place, time, and occasion, when this should be writ. They tell him, that all the parties met, in a visit at Wimbleton, (the house of the Lord of Exeter) where, in dispute of their differences, she confesses her guilt of attempting their poison. And being desirous of absolution and friendship, (being required thereto) consents, to set down all Circumstances therein, under her own hand, which presently she writ, at the Window, in the upper end of the great Chamber, at Whimbleton, in presence of the Mother and Daughter, the Lord Rosse, and one Diego a Spaniard his confiding Servant. But now they being gone, & at Rome, the King forthwith sends Mr. Dendy (one of his Sergeants at Arms sometime a domestic of the Earl of Exeters, an honest and worthy Gentleman) post to Rome, who speedily returns with Rosse, and Diego's hand, and other testimonials, confirming, That all the said accusation, and confession, Suspicions and papers, concerning the Countess, were notorious false and Scandalous, and confirms it by receiving the Host, in assurance of her Honour and his Innocency. The King well satisfied, sends to the Countess friends and trusties, for her Jointure and Estate; who comparing many of her letters, with this writing, do conclude it counterfeit.  
Then, He tells the Mother and Daughter, that this writing, being denied by her, and their testimonies being parties, would not prevail, with any belief. But any other Additionall Witness, would give it sufficient credit. To which they assure him, That one Sarah Swarton, their Chamberesse stood behind the hanging, at the entrance of the Room, and heard the Countess read over, what she had writ: and her also they procure, to swear unto this, before the King.  
To make further trial, the King in a hunting journey, at New Park near Wimbleton, gallops thither, views the Room; observing the great distance of the Window, from the lower end of the Room, and placing himself, behind the hanging, and so other Lords in turn; they could not hear one speak a loud, from the window.  
Then the Housekeeper was called, who protested those hang had constantly furnished that room, for 20. years; which the King observed, to be two foot short of the ground, and might discover the woman, if hidden behind them. I may present also, the King saying, Oaths cannot confound my sight.  
Besides all this, the Mother and Daughter, sergeant another writing, a Confession of one Luke Hutton, acknowledging for 40. l. annuity, the Countess hired him to poison them; which Man, with wonderful providence, was found out privately; and denies it to the King.  
And thus prepared, the King sends for Sr. Thomas Lake, whom in truth he very much valued; tells him, the danger to embark himself, in this quarrel; advising him, to leave them to the law, being now ready for the Star-chamber. He humbly thanked his Majesty, but could not refuse: to be a Father and a Husband, and so puts his Name with theirs, 
comes to Hearing in Stur; chamber.  in a cross Bill. Which at the hearing, took up 5. several days, the King sitting in Judgement. But the former testimonies, and some private confessions, of the Lady Rosse, and Sarah Wharton; which the King kept in private, from public proceed, made the cause, for some of the days of trial, appeared doubtful to the Court, until the King's discovery, which concluded the Sentence; and was pronounced upon several Censures. Sr. Thomas Lake and his Lady fined 10000 l. to the King; five thousand pounds to the Countess; 50. l. to Hutton, Sara Wharton to be whipped, at a Cart's tail, about the streets, and to do penance at Saint Martin's Church; The Lady Rosse for confessing the truth and plot in the midst of the trial, was pardoned by the Major Voices, from penal Sentence. 
and sentenced.   
The King, I remember, compared their crimes, to the first plot of the first sin in Paradise: the Lady Lake to the Serpent, her daughter unto Eve, & Sir Thomas to poor Adam; whom he thought in his conscience, that his love to his wife had beguiled him. I am sure, he paid for all, which as he told me, cost him thirty thousand pounds; and the loss of his Master's favour, and offices of gain and honour; but truly with much pity and compassion of the Court.  
Our Pamphleter. 
Pamp. 57 concerning the Scots.  enters upon the Scots, pa. 57 and would cousin us, to credit their Story, where he gins a division, between the English and them at Court, & goes smoothly on, to the middle of these last times, 
Pamp. 58.  when it seems he writ this: And, as he says, saw all our happiness derivative, from their favours, by their own valour, and bravery of spirit. Good Man! He believes, what he thought he saw; But wanting the eye of faith to foresee this great Alteration, which he lived not to find; but We, now to feel: Our late good Presbyterian Brethren, turn false Loons, and become the traitorous Rebels to that reformation, which not long ago they professed, & he, & others believed, and so disunited the union of all our quiet, and happiness. 
Pamp. 60. Scandal. upon E. of Salisbury.   
He tells us of a trick, that the Earl of Salisbury had, to compound with the Scots Courtiers, for their Books of Fee-farmes, which they bought at 100 l. per annum for a thousand pound. Then would he fill up these books with prime land, worth 20. thousand pounds.  
A pretty trick indeed to make himself Lord Para-Mount, of the best lands in England; but it had been a gainful trade of our Author, to have turned Informer to the State, in the particulars of these Tricks; and so the return of these lands so deceitfully got, would prove now as hard a bargain to his son (as the Lordlike purchasers of Debenturs have done lately) & to his son, that may succeed him.  
We are come to the consideration of the third Remark in the Preface; 
Remar. 3.  
Pamp. 61. Robert Car and Sir Tho. Overbury.  and so we fall into the History of Rob. Car, after E. of Summerset, and intermixed with that of Sir Thomas Overbury.  
Ro. Car, was a Scottishman, of no eminent birth, but a Gent. and had been a Page of honour, to the King in Scotland. And in truth, he became the first Favourite that we find; that is, one whom the Ki fancied, merely for his fashion: upon no other score, nor plot of design. His Confident, was one Sr. Tho. Overbury, a man of good parts, whom our Author, hath well characterized; and his policy, was to please the English, by entertaining them his Domestiques.  
There was amongst other persons of honour & quality in Court, a young L. of great birth and beauty, Fra. the daughter of Tho. Howard, then E. of Suffolk, & L. Treasurer of Eng. married in under- age, unto the late and last E. of Essex.  
Of him, common fame had an opinion (grounded upon his own suspicion) of his insufficiency, to content a wife. And the effects of this Narration, with the sequel of his life and conversation with his second wife, is so notorious, as might spare me and the Reader our sever all labours, for any other convincing arguments. But with his first, when both were of years, to expect the event and blessing of their Marriagebed; He was always observed, to avoid the company of Ladies, and so much to neglect his own, that to wish a Maid into a Mischief, was to commend her to my Lord of Essex: Which increased the jealousy of such Men, whose interests were, to observe him; That he preferred the occasion himself, to a separation. And which indeed from public fame, begat private disputation, amongst Civilians of the legality thereof, wherein those Lawyers are boundless.  
This Case followed the heels of a former Nullity, fresh in memory, between the L. Rich, and his fair Lady, by mutual consent. But because the E. of Deu. married her, whilst her Husband lived, the King was so much displeased thereat, as it broke the E. heart: for his Majesty told him, That he had purchased a fair woman with a black soul. And this is a known truth, That before Viscount Rochfort (for so was Car lately created) had made any address to this Lady, her own friends in Justice and honour to her birth, exposed her to the plaint of her Husband, & to the severest trial in a Course of judicature.  
And 'tis as true, that the King knew hereof, our Pamphlet says: [A party in this ●●udy business] for, what was legal for the meanest Subject, 
Pamp. 77.  could not in justice be denied unto Her: Which in fine, sentenced them both, by Divine and Civil Canon, lose from their Matrimonial bands.  
And, because the Nullity gave freedom to either, and so the means to the Countesses after- Marriage, with the sad occasions of all the sequel mishaps, and suspected scandals, so untruly expressed by the Pamphlet; I have with some diligence, laboured out the truth, precisely and punctually, as it was acted, and proceeded by Commission Delegative; not easily now otherways to be brought to light.  Upon Petition of the Earl of Suffolk and his Daughter Francis to the King. 
Proceed of Nullity.  
That Whereas his Daughter Francis, Countess of Essex, had been Married many years, unto Robert Earl of Essex, in hope of comfortable effects to them, which contrariwise, by reason of certain latent, and secretemperfections, and impediments of the said Earl, disabling him in the rights of Marriage, and most unwillingly discovered to him by his daughter; which longer by him to conceal, without remedy of Law, and the practice of all Christian policy, in like cases, might prove very prejudicial.  
And therefore pray the King,  
To commit this cause of Nullity of Matrimony, which she is forced to prosecute against the said Earl, to some grave and worthy persons, by Commission under the great Seal of England, as is usual, etc.  
Which accordingly was granted unto four Bishops, two Privy Counsellors learned in the Law, and to four other Civil Lawyers; with Clause to proceed Cum omni, qua poterint, celeritate, & expeditione, summary, ac de plano, sine strepitu, ac figura Judicii, sola rei & facti veritate inspecta, & mera aequitate attenta. And with this Clause also, Quorum vos praefat. Reverendissimun patrem Cant. Archiepiscopum, Reverendissmum patrem Lond. Episcop. & jul. Caesar. Mil. Aut duos vestrorum, in ferenda sententia, interest volumus. But for some exceptions concerning the Quorum by the Commissioners in the words sententia esse, not interest, A second Commission was granted and adjoined two Bishops more, with this Quorum. Quorum ex vobis praefat. Re. Pa. Georg. Cant. Archiepis. joh. Lond. Episc. Tho. Winton Episc. Lancelot Eliens. Episc. Richard Covent. & Lichs. Episc. joh. Ross. Episc. julio Caesare, Tho. Parry Mil. in ferenda sententia, tres esse volumus.  
Upon this the Lady procures Process against the Earl to Answer her in a cause of Nullity of Matrimony. 
The Lady's Libel.   
The Earl appears before the Commissioners, by his Proctor, And She gives in her Libel, viz.  
That the Earl and the Lady, six years since, in january Anno Dom. 1606. were Married, her age then thirteen, and his fourteen, and now she is 22. and he 23 years old.  
That for three years since the Marriage, and he 18. years old, they both did cohabit as Married folk, in one bed naked and alone, endeavouring to have carnal knowledge each of others Body.  
Notwithstanding, the Earl neither did, nor could ever know her Carnally; he being before, and since, possessed with perpetual incurable Impediment, and Impotency, at least in respect of her.  
That the Lady was, and is apt, & fit, without any defect, & is yet a Virgin, and Carnally unknown by any man.  
That the Earl hath confessed often times to persons of great credit, and his nearest friends, that he was never able Carnally to know her, though he had often attempted, and used his utmost endeavour.  
And therefore prayeth the Commissioners upon due proof hereof, to pronounce for the Invalidity & Nullity of the Marriage.  
The Earl by his Proctor, denies the said Contents, Contestatio Litis negatiuè.  
His Answer is required by Oath, by second Process, where, 
His Answer u● Oath.  in open Court his Oath was administered, with so great care, and effectual words, to mind him of all Circumstances, as the like hath been seldom observed.  
The Earl confesseth the Marriage, 
Viva voce.  and Circumstance, (as in the Libel.) And were not absent above three months, the one from the other, in any of the said 3. years.  
That, for one whole year of the three, He did attempt divers times, carnally to know Her. But the other two years, he lay in bed with her nightly, but found no motion to copulation with Her.  
That in the first year, She shown willingness, and readiness thereto.  
That he did never carnally know Her, but did not find any impediment in himself, but was not able to penetrate or enjoy Her.  
And believeth, That before and after the Marriage, he found in himself ability to other Women; and hath sometimes felt motions that way.  
But being asked, Whether he found in himself a perpetual, & incurable Impediment towards Her? He answered, that in 2. or 3 years' last, He hath had no motion to Her; and believeth, He never shall, nor that She is apt as other women: And that She is Virgo integra & incorrupta.  
And confesseth, That He hath often, before Persons of credit, confessed thus much.  
Notwithstanding this his Oath, She produced sundry Witnesses of the Marriage, Time, Age, Cohabitation at Bed and at Board; as before in the Libel, etc.  
So then that period of time, limited by the Civil and Canon Law, proved his Cohabitation, and Condormition, for consummation.  
The next was, That notwithstanding, She remained Virgo integra, incorrupta. But, because the Earl believed not the Lady to be fit and apt for copulation, Therefore her Council desired, Matronas aliquas probas & honestas, fide dignas, & in ea parte peritas, per dominos assignari, ad inspiciendum Corpus dictae dominae.  
Whereupon it was decreed,  
That six Midwives of the best Note, and ten other Noble Matrons, fearing God, and Mothers of Children, out of which themselves would choose 2 Midwives and 3 Matrons; and out of which the Delegates did select 5. ut sequitur.  
Tune Domini viz. Arch. Cant. London: Eliens: Coventry & Lichf: Caeser, Parry, Dun, Bennet, Edwards, habita inter eos privata deliberatione, ex numero Matronarum praedict. eligerunt, The Lady Martha Terwhite, wife of Sir Ph: Terwhite, Baronet; the Lady Alice Carew, wife of Sir Matthew, the Lady Dalison, wife of Sir Roger. Et in supplimentum Casu earum impedire. The Lady Anne Waller Widow, & ex obstetricum numero, etc. Margaretam Mercer, & Christianam Chest. Et assignarunt procuratorem dictae dominae Francis. ad sistendum cujusmodi Inspectatrices, coram Reverendissimo patre Lond. Episc. julio Caesar, & Daniele Dun, etc. Inter caeteros nominat. islo die, inter hor as quintam & sextam post meridiem, juramentum in hac parte subdituras, atque inspectione facta fideliter relaturas; earum judicium juxta earum scientiam et experientian, etc. Coran dictis dominis, delegatis, sic ut praefertur, assignatis, quam cito fieri possit, ante horam quartam, post meridiem diei jovis prox. alioquin, ad comparendum, hoc in loco coram Comissariis, dicto die lovis, inter horas quartam et sextam post meridiem ejusdem dici earum judicium in hac parte, tunc relaturas, et interessendum diebus, hora & loco, respective predict, ad videndum Inspectatrices praedictas, juramento in hac parte enerari. Necnon quibuscunque aliis diebus, hora & loco per dictos Dominos Commissarios nominat, dictis inspectatricibus ad referend, earum judicium assignatum.  
Accordingly, between the hours of five and six in the afternoon that day, were presented before the said Delegates, London, Caesar, et Dun; the said Lady Terwhite, Lady Carew, Lady Anne Waller, Margare● Mercer, and Christian Chest Midwives, sworn ad Inquirend. & Inspect.  
1. Whether the Lady Francis were a Woman, apt and fit for carnal Copulation, without any defect that might disable Her to that purpose.  
2. Whether she were a Virgin, unknown carnally by any man.  
Whereupon, they went from the presence of the Commissioners, into the next room, where the Lady was, accompanied then with the Council of both sides; into which room was no entrance but at one door, whereout the Council came forth, and only the Lady left with the said women, who after some convenient time returned their report under their hands; the Commissioners having first sequestered from their presence, the Council of the Earl and Lady, who had been present in all these passages, and all other persons except the Register, that so the Ladies and Midwives might more freely deliver their secret reasons, etc. though it was not fit to insert them in the Record.  
And this is their sum of their relation, viz.  
1. That they believed the said Lady fitted with abilities to have Carnal copulation, and apt to have Children.  
2. That she is a Virgin incorrupted.  
And to coroborate all this, the Lady in open Court produced 7 women of her Consanguinity;  
That, in as much as the truth of all was best known to herself, She might by virtue of Her Oath should be no further regarded, than it was confirmed by the oaths of these her kinswomen.  
The Law presuming that such kindred should be best acquainted with the inward secrets of their kinswoman.  
In order hereto, the Lady Francis, in open Court, had an Oath administered to her, with all the like grave admonition, as before to the Earl.  
And so She affirmed;  
That, since the Earl was 18-years old, for three years, He and She had divers times lain naked in bed all night; And sundry times there, the Earl had attempted, and endeavoured to consummate Marriage with her, & She accordingly yielded, and willing thereto, and yet he never had Copulation with Her.  
And then these seven Noble Women, viz. Katherine Countess of Suffolk, Francis Countess of Kildare, Elizabeth Lady Walden, Elizabeth Lady Knevet, Lady Katherine Thinn, Mistress Katherine Fines, Mistress Dorothy Neal, her Kinswomen, being charged by the Court to speak without partiality what they believed as to the Lady's deposition, they did all depose, that they believed the same to be true.  
1 And in particular. That post plenam pubertatem utriusque, they both endeavoured Copulation.  
2 That notwithstanding this Cohabitation, and ability on his part per Inspectatrices, she remained a Virgin incorrupted.  
3 That the Earl had Judicially sworn, that he never had, nor could, nor should ever know her carnally.  
And this the Law being, That Impotentia coeundi in viro, howsoever, whether by natural defect, or accidental means, and whether absolute towards all, or respective to his wife alone; If it precede Matrimony, and be perpetual, as by Law is presumed, when by 3 year's continuance, after the Man's age of 18 years, there having been nil ad copulam, the Marriage not consummated. the Law allowing the said proofs, etc. was abundantly sufficient to convince the said Earl of Impotency.  
Because, Canonum Statuta custodiri debent ab omnibus; & nemo in actionibus, vel judiciis Ecclesiasticis, suo sensu, sed eorum authoritate duci debet.  
The said Reverend, and grave Judges Delegates, gave this sentence unanimously, as followeth.  
Idcirco nos Episcopi, etc. in dicta causa judices, Delegati, & Commissarii, Christi Nomine (primitùs) invocato, & ipsum selum Deum, oculis nostris praeponentes, et habentes, deque et cum consilio Iurisperitor cum quibus in hac parte communicavimus; maturéq, deliberavimus, praefatum Domi. num Comitem Essex, dictam dominam Franciscam, ob aliq vod latens, & incurabile impedimentum perpetuum; praedictum contractum, & solemnizationem, praecedens, citra solemnizationem, et contractum praedictum, nunquam carnaliter cognovisse, aut carnaliter eandem, cognoscere potuisse, aut posse, et eundem dominum Comitem qu●ad carnale copulam, cum cadem domina Francisca, exercend omnino inhabilem, et impotentem fuisse, et esse: Pronunciamus, decernimus et declaramus praefatum praetensum Matrimonium, sic inter praedictum virum Robertum Devoreaux, Comitem Essex, Et praedictam praenobitem faeminam, Franciscam Howard, de facto contractum, et solemnizatum, Omniaque exinde sequentia, ratione praemissorum, omnino invalidum, ac nullum, nulla fuisse, et esse, viribusque juris caruisse, et carere debere; atque nullo et aullis; et invalido et invalidis; ad omnem juris effectum, ettamque pronunciamus, decernimus et declaramus, dictum matrimoniumpraetensum, omniaque ex inde sequentia, cassamus, anullamus, & irritamus; Memoratamque Dominam Franciscam Howard, ab aliquo vinculo, huiusmodi praetensi Matrimonii, inter Eam, & dictum dominum Robertum Comitem (ut praefatur) de facto contracti, & solemnizati, liberam, & solutam fuisse, & esse. Et sic tam liberam, & solutam insuper pronunciamus, decernimus & declaramus. Eademque dominam Franciscam, ab eodem domino Comite Essex, quoad vinculum Matrimonii praetensi praedicti, omniaque ex inde sequentia, liberandam & divortiandam fore debere, pronunciamus, & sic liberamus, & divortiamus; eosdem quo ad transitum ad alias nuptias, conscientiis suis, in domino relinquere per hanc nostram sententiam desinitam, sive hoc nostrum finale decretum, quam si ve, quod secimus, & promulgamus in his scriptis.  
And these Records extant, do mention the proceed (you see) modest and legal; parallel with any former of the like kind, though our Pamphleter with his bawdy tale, pleaseth himself to defame those Reverend Bishops, whose dignities gave them place of Judges; acting no more, or otherways, than the Ecclesiastical Canons in such cases prescribe. Nemine contradicente.  
Yes says He [Archishop Abbot, 
Pamph. 78.  who was therefore excluded the Council Table, and so died in disgrace of that King, though in favour with the King of Kings.]  
The truth is otherwise. For the Archbishop (providence permitting) aiming with a Crossbow to strike a Deer, killed his Game keeper; for which Act, having His hand in blood, by the Canons of the Church, he cannot be admitted to officiate at the Altar; and so, He not being admitted to the full use of his spiritual calling; Himself forbore the Council Table, as He told me in these words. [Since they will have it so, that I am uncapable of the one, I shall spare myself the trouble of the other.]  
But he enjoyed the benefit of that See, whilst he lived, and retired in that time (most constant) to his Palace at Lambeth.  
Much displeased he was (as I well remember) with the Court and Clergy; and upon that Score. And, forsooth, to justify, that his Function was not weakened, by his Mischance, quarrelling with the Canons, he fell upon downright Puritan Tenants; which gave occasion to many Discontents of our Church and State, to visit him so frequent, that they called themselves, Nicodemites, and his Disciples.  
And I observed very often, perhaps therefore, (for I could not meet with a better reason) that the Archbishop, constantly with Candle light in his Chamber and Study, made it Midnight at Noon day.  
And here he began to be the first Man of Eminency in Our Church, a Ringleader of that Faction, for I can name those, than his private Disciples, which lately appear desperate Proselytes. And thus He lived, 
Pamph. 1●5.  but [died not in displeasure of King James] for the Phamphlet persuades us afterwards to believe [him to be the King's confessor] living long after in the late King's time, from whom no evil Resentment could pass in relation to this former Story; it being buried in Oblivion to Him and all good Men, till that Our Pamphletter, rakes in the Embers, to light His own Candle.  
And thus, after all the former proceed, and the Nullity pronounced, a Marriage was solemnised, with Viscount Rochfort then Earl of Somerset.  
And truly, here I should be unwilling to prosecute this Story; but our Pamphleteers foul mouth leads me back to Master Copinger, 
Pamph. 6● Mr. Coppinger.  whose birth, breeding and behaviour deserves no less of fame, than to leave him quiet in the silent Grave. [But He knew Him otherwise deserving.] I am sure many men now living know, that Our Author may give himself Copingers Character; faces about, and in truth you have Him to a hair's breadth.  
Master Copinger had been heretofore, Master of a larger fortune, which yet, fell not so low, [as to turn Bawd for want of better maintenance] Indeed he was entertained a Dependent on Rochfort, a favourite, and Lord Chamberlain, and so no dishonour, for Him, or other Men, of better Rank, and Birth, than Our Author's family, to be near attending so great a Person, as Gentleman of his Bed Chamber; and thereby, the more proper to be trusted, with the Secrets and Civilities of his Masters lawful Affection, and address to so great a Lady; which might then, well become Him, or any other honest Man to advance; and I may believe, he afforded the conveniency [of His own house for their meeting and consent of Marriage] which was not long after solemnised with much honour and magnificence. 
Sir Themas Overbury.  And Sr. Thomas Overbury, congratulating the Ceremony, with as public profession as others in Court expressed. And it concerned this great Favourite, to look upon Him with respect of preferment; and as he failed not the meanest, so it became Him, to advance his Confident Overbury, most eminent. 
Pamph. 65.  (Whose Character Our Pamphletter hath more deservedly hit upon, than any other.)  
And therefore, it was his own seeking, as best fitting his excellent parts, to present the King's Person in Embassy to France, which to my knowledge he accepted and seemingly prepared to advance.  
Conceiting, perhaps, that the power which he usurped over Somerset; and the Interests of either's affection, (which Overbury knew best how to Master) could not endure absence, without much regret, which accordingly had for some time, the true effects, as Overbury intended.  
But when Somerset had wisely considered, that there would be no great loss of so lose a friend; Then Overbury would not go; no, though I know his Instructions were drawn, and additionals thereto, by his own consent.  
And this was a just, and true ground, for the King and Council, to punish so great Insolency, with Imprisonment in the Tower, which Somerset hearty endeavoured in due time to release.  
But Overbury (to shadow his own demerits,) devised the reason and cause, from his disaffection of the former Marriage, and which he published, with much dishonour, though not the tithe which is studied in our Pamphleteers Libel. For which, the Malice of Women, (as it often meets) sought Revenge by Poison, to punish him, to the death. And for which Fact, they were arraigned, and some suffered death.  
In prosecution of which, it behoved the King's Piety and justice, to be severe and serious, without [any Kingcraft.] And therefore needed not such an additional falsehood [as to kneel down to the judges] when then, as usual he gave them their Charge, upon their Itinerate Circuits.  
For then, the truth of Overbury's poisoning was but suspected; And therefore it was not unnatural nor wondrous [for the King to take his leave of his Favourite and friend, with expressions of great kindness] who yet in justice he exposed to Persecution.  
And truly, in this much forced story of our Author, take him at his own dimension, an ingenious good Nature, may find out much struggling in the King, to make justice and Mercy, kiss each other.  
I was present at their Arraignments, and the [Pictures, Puppets, for Magic spells] were no other, but several French Babies, some Naked, others Clothed; which were usual then, and so are now a days, to teach us the fashions, for dress of Ladies tiring and apparel.  
And indeed [foreman's Book was brought forth] wherein the Mountebank had formerly for his own advantage and credit, saucily [inserted the Countess' name, so of many others that came to seek Fortunes] which she cleared by her own Protestation, and Foreman's confession, that she was never with him.  
Sir Thomas Monson was brought to the Bar, 
Sir Thomas Monson.  and began his Trial, but was remitted to the Tower, with as much Civility, as is usual to other Prisoners.  
And Sir Geo. More than Lieutenant of the Tower, took him from the Bar, and both together were carried in his Coach to the Tower. I say the truth, for I saw it.  
But I cannot pick out the meaning, why [so much pains is taken to tell out Monsons' tale] was he Guilty, or No? By the story, he had hard measure. So perhaps had some of the others; for He was a Creature of that Family. And yet for some (not doubt) private respects of our Author (for he was his Companion) He is in, and out, and out, and in, and in, and out again.  
And now comes Somerset, 
Pamph. 115.  who he says [being warned to his trial, absolutely refused, and was assured by the King, never to come to any] when was this assurance? For he tells us, [At their parting at Royston, they never met after] but we must conceive it by Message.  
And why for this, must [More a wise man be at his wit's end?]  
The warrant for Trial came over night late; and it is so usual as it never fails, that the Lieutenant of the Tower hath freedom of access [to waken his Sovereign] at any hour.  
The importance of his Place and Trust, having that consequence annexed. And in special to give Knowledge of Warrants, either of Trials, or of Execution of Prisoners. And this, of Course he did. [When the King in tears, is told a tale in his Ears] that none knew, but he that was furthest off.  
[A trick of wit brings him to the Bar, and a desperate plot by two men placed at his Elbow, with Cloaks to clap over him, made him calm at his Trial] And thus it was, that the Lieutenant on his right, and the Gentleman jailor on his left hand, with Cloaks on their backs, [but not on their arms] might colour our Author's conceit.  
It had appeared a mad Precedent, when a Prisoner at his trial, upon Life and Death, hath Freedom to speak for himself, in public Course of Justice, [to be snatched from the Bar, and from the power of the judge, at the pleasure of a jailor.] But to make out this Monument,] the King rewards him with 1500 l.] 
Pamph. 119.  And for a truth [More tells all this to the Author, of whom (himself confesses) he had no assurance of his honesty] nor I beseeve any body else.  
The Conclusion of all is, That due execution was done upon Sir jervice Ellowayes, Mrs. Turner, Weston and Franklyn. Mo●son cleared, the Countess and Earl reprieved, [our Author and most men clear him of the Poison, and condemn him only in the high point of friendship, for suffering his imprisonment] which he could not release, And the Countess only guilty of connivance.  
And now comes this.  
Our Prefacers 3. Remark to the judgement Seat for sentence. Let him pick out a greater Precedent in any History, more Remark, than this of the King, to make good this His former Protestation, wherein by the way He may take leave, to be allowed, His own even Conscience, for justice and Mercy both.  
Which no doubt, hath found acceptance at God's Tribunal, in behalf of Him and His, His own death being Ordinary, not forced by any Poison. And His posterity in due time, by our Saviour's merits, shall be gathered up in the mystery of everlasting salvation.  
But by the way how smoothly we are told a Story of the Pitiful Palsgrave [how He Married a King's Daughter, with much joy, 
Pamph. 82 Palsgrave  and great misfortune to all the Princes of Christendom; but failing of that, and all the rest, how He was cast out, He and His, to beg their bread, But had His Father-in-law been half so wise, (with our Authors good Counsel to boot) and had He bought swords, with a quarter expense of words, He had been—] What? As his Son that succeeds him; Palsgrave.  
But we hasten; 
Prince Henry.  having much matter to meddle with, confusedly put together in our Pamphlet; 
The 4th. Remark in the Preface.  which we must take leave to separate, for each single story: and Re-mind back, the death of that Heroic Prince HENRY (in the midst of Somerset's Greatness) [Who had he lived to have been King would not doubt (with our Author's leave) have been so gracious as to leave alive, 
Pamph. 85  one HOWARD, to piss against the Wall.] When as with reverence to His Memory, it was a notorious truth, that He made Court to the Countess of Essex before any other Lady then living.  
But He is dead, [and poisoned too, as we shall have it in his following discourse] and yet speaks not one word more of Him afterwards.  
Prince Henry was borne in Scotland, at Striveling Castle, in February 1594. the first son unto King JAMES and Queen ANNE.  
His breeding, apted his excellent Inclination, to all Exercises of Honour, and Arts of Knowledge, which gave him fame, the most exquisite, hopeful Prince in Christendom.  
In the nineteenth year of his Age, 
His Sickness.  appeared the first Symptom of change; from a full round face, and pleasant disposition, to be paler and sharp, more sad and retired; often complaining of a giddy heaviness in his forehead. Which was somewhat eased, by bleeding at the Nose; and that suddenly stopping, was the first of his distemper, and brought him to extraordinary qualms, which his Physicians recovered, with Strong waters.  
About this time, several Ambassadors Extraordinary, being dispatched home, He retired to his House at Richmond; pleasantly seated by the Thames River; which invited him to learn to swim, in the Evenings after a full supper: the first immediate pernicious cause of stopping that gentle flux of blood, which thereby putrifying, might engender that fatal Fever that accompanied Him to his Grave. His active Body, used violent Exercises; for at this time, being to meet the King at Beaver, in Nottinghamshire, he road it in two days, near a hundred miles, in the extremity of heat in Summer. For he set out early, and came to Sir Oliver Cromwell's near Huntingde●, by ten a clock before Noon, near 60 Miles, and the next day bet mes to Bever, 40 Miles.  
There, and at other places, all that Progress, He accustomed to Feasting, Hunting and other sports of Balloon and Tennis, with too much violence.  
And now returned to Richmond, in the Fall of the Leaf, He complained afresh of His pain in the Head, with increase of a meager complexion, inclining to Feverish; And then for the rareness thereof called the New disease.  
Which increasing; 
Takes His Chamber,  the 10th of Octob. He took His Camber, and began Council with His Physician Doctor Hammond, an honest and worthily learned Man. Three days after He fell into a looseness (by cold) 15 times a day.  
Then removes to London, to St. Iame's contrary to all advice. And (with a spirit above his Indisposition) gives leave to His Physician to go to his own home.  
And so allows Himself too much liberty, in accompanying the Palsgrave, and Count Henry of Nassaw, (who was come hither upon Fame to see him) in a great Match at Tennis in His Shirt, that winter season, his looks then presaging sickness. And on Sunday the 25 of Octob. He heard a Sermon, The text in job; Man that is born of a Woman, is of short continuance, and is full of trouble. After that, He presently went to White-Hall, and heard another Sermon before the King, and after dinner being ill, craves leave to retire to his own Court, where instantly he fell into sudden sickness, faintings; and after that a shaking, with great heat and Headache, that left Him not, 
And His Bed.  whilst He had Life.  
Instantly He takes His Bed, continuing all that night in great drought and little rest; The next day Head ache increasing, his Body costive, pulse high His water thine and whitish.  
Doctor Mayern prescribes Him a Glister; After which he risen, played at Cards, that, and the next day: But looked pale, spoke hollow, dead sunk eyes, with great drought.  
And therefore Mr. Nasmith should have let him blood by Mayerns' Counsel. But the other Physicians disagreeing it was deferred; yet He risen all this day, had His fit, first cold, than a dry greatheat.  
On his 4th. day comes Doctor Butler, (that famous Man of Cambridge) who approved what had been ministered, gave hopes of revery, and allowed of what should be given Him.  
Mayern, Hammond and Butler, desired the assistance of more Doctors; but the Prince would not, to avoid confusion in Counsel. His Headache, drought, and other accidents increased.  
This Evening there appeared 2. hours after Sun set, A Lunar Rainbow, directly cross over the House, very ominous.  
The 6.7. increasing His disease.  
The 8th. His Physicians bleed the Median of his right arm, 8. ounces, thin and putrid: After which He found ease, with great hopes; and was visited by King, Queen, Duke, Palsgrave, and Sister.  
The 9th. worse than before; 
His disease  and therefore, Doctor Atkins, assisted their opinions, That his Disease was, a corrupt putrid Fever; seated under the Liver, in the first passage. The Malignity, by reason of the Putrefaction, (in the highest degree) was venomous.  
The 10th. increasing Convulsions, greater rave, and Fever violent. And therefore Mayern advised more bleeding: But the rest would not; but applied Pigeons and Cupping glasses, to draw away the pain.  
The 11th. small hopes, All accidents violently increasing, no applications giving ease. His Chaplains continuing their daily Devotions by His Bed side. The Archbishop of Canterbury, and Doctor Melborn, Dean of Rochester, and others, with whom He daily prayed.  
The 12. No hope. The King with excessive grief, removes to Kensington House.  
There were added Doctor Palmer, and Doctor Guifford, all imaginable helps, Cordials, Dia. phoretick and quintessential spirits; & a water from Sir Walter Raleigh Prisoner in the Tower: all these were by Consent administered; without any effect.  
And so He died at 8 a Clock at night, Friday the 6. 
His death.  of November 1612.  
The Corpse laid upon a Table, 
Corpse laid out,  the fairest, clearest and best proportioned, without any spot or blemish.  
The next day was solemnly appointed, for imbowelling the Corpse, in the presence of some of the Counsel, all the Physicians, Surgeons, Apothecaries, and the Palsgraves' Physician.  
And this is the true Copy of their view, 
And viewed by Certisicate.  under their hands as followeth.  
The Skin, as of others, Blackish, 
Skin,  but no way spotted with Blackness, or Pale marks, much less purpled, like Flea bites, could show any Contagion, ●r Pestilenticall Venom.  
About the place of His Kidneys, 
Kidneys  Hips,. and behind His Thighs, full of redness; and because of his continual lying upon his back, his belly somewhat swollen, and stretched out.  
The Stomach whose & handsome, 
Stomach.  within and without; having never in all his sickness, been troubled with vomiting, loathing or yelping; or any other accidents which could show any taint.  
The Liver marked with small spots above; 
Liver.  and in the Lower parts, with small lines.  
The Gall Bladder, 
Gall.  void of any humour; full of wind.  
The Spleen on the top, 
Spleen.  and in the lower end, blackish, filled with black heavy blood.  
The Kidneys without any blemish. 
Kidneys.   
The Midrise, under the Film or Membraine, 
Midriff,  containing the Heart (wherein a little moisture) spotted with black leadish colour by reason of the bruising. 
Heart.   
The Lungs, the greatest part black, 
Lungs.  the rest all spotted with black, embrued and full of adust blood, with a corrupt, and thick Serocity, which by a vent made in the Lungs, came out foaming in great abundance. In which doing, and cutting a small Skin, which invironeth the Heart to show the same, the Chirurgeon by chance cutting the Trunk of the great Vein, the most part of the blood issued out into the Chest, leaving the lower Veins empty; upon sight whereof, they concluded an extreme heat and fullness; & the same more appeared, that the windpipe, with the Throat & Tongue, 
Throat.  were covered with thick blackness.  
The Tongue cleft and dry in many places. 
Tongue.   
The hinder Veins called Pia mater, 
Pia mater.  in the Inmost Film of the Brain, swollen, abundance of blood, more than natural.  
The Substance of the Brain, 
Brain.  fair and clcere; but the ventricks thereof, full of clear water, in great abundance, which was engendered by reason of the Fever Malign, divers humours being gathered together, of a long time before. He not being subject to any dangerous Sickness by Birth.  
The other part, 
Without poison.  by reason of the Convulsions, resound and benumming, and of the fullness, choking the natural hear, and destroying the vitals, by their Malignity, have conveyed Him to the Grave without any teken or accident of Poison.  
His admirable patience, in all his sickness, might deceive the Physicians never dreaming danger.  
The Urines showed none. And the unknown state of His greatest grief, lay closely rooted in His head, which in the opening was discovered.  
But the Picture of Death by a strange extraordinary Countenance, from the beginning, 
And vainly surmised.  possessing him, hath been the cause, that some vainly rumoured, that He was Poisoned.  
But no Symptom appearing, 
By sent.  it is surmised, that He might be Poisoned by a Sent.  
But indeed, He died in the Rage of a Malicious Extraordinary Burning Fever.  
The seventh of December, He was Interred at Westminster 1612.  
His Mottoes Fax mentis, Honestae Gloria.  
Juvat ire per Altum.  
He was comely tall; 
Description,  five Foot eight Inches high; Strong and well made; somewhat broad Shoulders; a small Waste, Amiable with Majesty. 
and  His Hair Aborn colour. Long Faced, and broad Forehead, a piercing grave Eye; a gracious Smile; but with a Frown, danting.  
Courteous and affable; 
Character.  natural Shamefast and modest. Patiented and slow to Anger. Merciful and judicious in punishing offenders. Quick to conceive, yet not rash. Very constant in resolves. Wonderful secret of any trust, even from his Youth. His Courage Princelike, fearless, noble, undaunted; saying that there should be nothing impossible to Him, that had been done by another. Most Religious and Christian, Protesting His great desire to compose differences in Religion.  
In a word; He was never heard, by any body living to swear an Oath, And it was remembered at his Funeral Sermon by the Archbishop, that He being commended by one for not replying with passion in Rlay, or swearing to the truth; He should answer, That He knew no Game, or Value to be won or lost, that could be worth an Oath.  
To say no more, Such and so many were His Virtues, that they covered Sin.  
We are told by our Pamphlet [that his death was foretold by Bruce, 
Pamph. 85  who was therefore banished] And if so, he deserved rather to be hanged.  
But in truth, He was not banished at all, but wisely removed himself into Germany, where his Profession of Prophesying gained most profit. And from whence all Christendom are filled with such lying foretellings. But in this particular he needed not much Art or Devils help to say [That Salisburies' crazy body should yield to Nature before Prince Henry's.]  
And this true story of Prince Henry, 
Pamph. 86  may answer the fourth Remark in the Preface, that he came not to untimely death.  
Sir Arthur Ingram, 
Sir Arthur Ingram. Sir Lionel Cranfield.  and Sir Lionel Cranfield, our Pamphlet couples upon the score of Merchants; though the latter being of merit and was ranked with the Peers.  
Ingram was bred a Merchant, and for his wit and wealth employed as a Customer: and afterwards came to that esteem, as to be preferred Cofferer in the King's house; and with much Reason and Policy, so to be. For the vast expense of the State, kept the Treasury dry; Especially, the needful disbursements of the Court, divided into severals, of King, Queen, Prince, Princess, and Palsgrave, and Duke. And at this time also of the Marriage, and, who more proper to assist (the Revenue failing) but such able men as these; who could, and honestly might, discover the cunning craft of the cozening Merchant. And it was high time so to do, or the Customers had Engrossed all the wealth of the Commonweal.  
Though our Pamphlet bestows on them the Characters [of evil Birds desiling their own Nests] what is our author then? 
Pamph. 87  who defil'd the Court that gave him breeding, defamed the King that gave him hread?  
And this I know, That the King most prudent, put this course in practice at Court (somewhat differing I confess in the Line of Ascent, to the Household preferment, which rises by Order and Succession.)  
This Man Sir Arthur Ingram a stranger in Court, stepped in to discover the concealments of the Green Clo●h also, and when this Tide had its Ebb, it returned again to its wont Channel. And 'tis true, that the King shifted the fault upon his Favourite. An ordinary fate, which of ten follows them, to bear the burden of their Master's mistakes. Which yet was but an Experiment, proper enough for the Lord Chamberlain to put in practice.  
He being laid aside, 
Sir Lionel Cranfield.  Sir Lionel Craufield came into public, upon such like Design, but in a nobler way.  
I find him of an ancient Family in Glocestershire, as by their bearing of Arms in the Herald's office appears.  
This Gentleman, a Brother unto Sir Randall Cranfield, who inherited his father's possessions there, and in other Counties, of good value; And in Kent; Neighbouring Our Author's habitation.  
He was bred, a Merchant Adventurer, in London, and by his extraordinary qualities, and the blessing of God upon his endeavours, in that most commendable way of Adventure, (besides his great understanding in the affairs of the Customs) became useful to the State.  
And first, had the honour of Knighthood; then the Custody of the King's Wardrobes; afterwards Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries; and lastly succeeded Suffolk, in the place of Treasurer of England; and in that time, created Earl of Middlesex.  
In all which Offices of Trust; I never knew then, nor can find since, any suspicion, unless in that of the Treasury. The ground whereof is hinted unto us by our Author. 
Pamph. 166.  But in truth, in this He hath but Scummed the Pot, to clear the Broth. For indeed, who more fit (for the reasons I have showed) than this man of experience, in Stating the Accounts, for the Revenues of the State, which I know he improved, and not unlikely thereby, purchased Envy for his Eminency. And to say truth, according to his Place, He did endeavour to Husband the same to piece out with the expense, which the Prince's journey into Spain, had wonderfully and unnecessarily exhausted; as by the Printed account thereof lately divulged by Parliament, doth manifestly appear. Then which no better Evidence can be produced to acquit the Treasurer, together with what the Pamphletter publishes as a supposed crime, 
Pamph. 166.  [His refusal to supply that journey and Buckingham's folly and prodigality;] and this [He did deny] as the duty of his Office required, and which He well understood, as being [of Counsel and acted as a Counsellor in that undertaking] to My knowledge; and as indeed being then the Statesman at the Counsel Table.  
But his refusal of supplying Buckingham, upon that Score only, wrought him (no doubt) at his return home, the Treasurer's great enemy.  
And whom He opposed [a small accusation might serve the turn, to turn any Man out of all] as He did, Him.  
And yet to the Honour of his Memory; though they raked into all his actions, and racked all men's discoveries, to the height of Information, the power of Buckingham could never produce any Crime, (though mightily attempted) against his exact accounts, in that boundless trust of the tempting Treasury.  
And in spite of Malice, though they divested him of that Office, yet He lived long after in Peace, Wealth, and honour; And died since these times of inquiry, leaving to his Heir, his Honours untaint; with a plentiful Estate to all his Children; enabling them to bear up the worthy Character of their Father's merits.  
And thus, having digressed in our matter beyond our time; we return to the first appearance of our new Favourite, 
George Villiers, 89 His descent.  George Villiers, who was of an Ancient Family in Leicestershire. His Father Sir Edward Villiers, begat him, upon a second Wife, Mary Beaumont, of Noble birth; whom for Her beauty and goodness He Married. He had by Her three Sons, john Viscount Purbeck, George Duke of Buckingham, and Christopher Earl of Anglesey; and one Daughter, Susan Countess of Denbigh.  
Our Pamphlet tells us. 
Page. 90.  [That He came over by chance, from his French Travels; and sought his preferment in Marriage with any body, but missed of his match, for want of a hundred Marks jointure.] And so pieces him for the Court (like in the Story of Dametas Caparisons) borrowing of every one piecemeal, to put him forward for the King's Favourite.  
The truth is thus, His Mother a Widow, was lately Married unto Sir Thomas Compton, second Brother to the Lord Compton; who by chance falling upon a wonderful match (for matchless wealth) with Alderman Sir John Spencer's Daughter and Heir.  
And his Father then lately dead, this Lord was Master of all, which was of more than credible; and so might be enabled bountifully to set up a Kinsman, without help, or alms of the Parish.  
And it was plotted long before, and Villiers sent for to the same purpose. And this indeed, was done by practice of some English Lords.  
And I can tell him the time and place. There was a great, but private Entertainment at Supper, at Baynard's Castle, by the Family of herbert's, Hartford and Bedford, and some others; By the way in Fleetstreet, hung out Somersets picture, at a Painter's Stall; which one of the Lords envying, bade his Footman sling dirt in the face; which he did: and gave me occasion thereby, to ask my Companion upon what score that was done. He told me, That this meeting would discover. And truly, I waited near, and opportune, and so was acquainted with the Design, to bring in Villiers. And thus backed. [Our new Favourite needed not to borrow, nor to seek out many Bravo'es to second his Quarrels,] which at first, I confess he met with.  
For, having bought the place of Cup bearer to the King, his right was, to have the upper end of the Table, at the reversion of the King's Diet; only during his monthly waiting. But he, not so perfect a Courtier in the Orders of the House, set himself first (out of his month) when it was not his due; and was told of it, and so removed: which was not done with over much kindness; for indeed, the Other was Somersets Creature.  
But not long after, this party by chance, (rather than by design) spilt upon Villiers clothes, as he carried meat to the King's Table; and returning to Dinner, Villiers gave him a box on the Ear; For which the Custom of the Court was to have his hand cut off, and which belonged to Somerset, as Chamberlain, to prosecute the Execution, 
Favourite.  as he did. And here the King's merciful pardon, without any satisfaction to the party, made him appear a Budding Favourite.  
And now we are fallen upon a story [of fooling and fiddling] sometime used for Courtlike recreations I confess; 
Pamph. 91.  but always, with so much wit as might well become the Exercise of an Academy; 
Not Gerbiers.  which our Author misconstrues, and calls [a Brothelry] to usher in the New Favourite, and to out the Old One, (whose Misfortunes with his Lady, broke out, even now as we have told of before.  
And now indeed, 
Pamph. 124.  all the browse boughs cut down, or removed, to plain the Stem; our Favourite appears, like a proper Palm.  
His first step into honourable Office, was in the Admiralty, 
Admirals.  to succeed a good and gallant Old Lord of Nottingham, who being almost Bed rid, made suit to the King, That himself might dispose his place, as a Legacy, in his life time upon Villiers: which was so done; and who, to my knowledge, went in Person to acknowledge the Kindness, and presented his Young Lady, with a very noble and valuable reward, which my Lord Compton paid for, and besides a Pension therefore, during his life. And all this was done with so much love and liking, that I have often observed Villiers his great Civility to him ever after, at each meeting to call him Father, and bend his knee, without the least regret of the Lord, that gained more than he lost by the bargain, and did not cost the King a penny.  
And because Sir Robert Mansell (a dependant of Nottingham) had the place of Vice-admiral at pleasure only; Villiers (for his Lord's sake) continued him by Patent, during life.  
For which Courtesy, the good Old man came himself to give thanks, (as I remember) the last Compliment his age gave him leave to offer.  
And thus was this Office of Honour and Safety to the Kingdom, Ordered from the Command of a decrepit old Man to a proper young Lord, and strengthened with the abilities of an experienced Assistant, 
Pamph. 124.  without deserving the least quarrelling Item, of our Carping Pamphleter.  
The next in our way, 
Chancellor Egerton.  is that of the Lord Egerton, He was Chancellor of England, a man very aged, and now with sickness fallen on his aeath-bed. 
Pamph. 125.   
The Term come, and the Scal to be disposed, In order thereunto, the King sent Secretary Winwood (not Bacon) for the Seal, with this Message, That himself would be his under keeper, and not to dispose it whilst he lived, to bear the name of Chancellor. Nor did any receive the Seal, out of the King's sight, till Egerton was dead, which followed soon after.  
Sir Francis Bacon succeeded him in the Chancery. 
Chancellor Bacon.  He was Attorney General, and as others by that Place, and the usual way of preferment (time without memory) come to high Office of judicature, either in Chancery, or to the other Benches, so did he rise.  
He was a man of Excellent parts, of all other learning, as of that of the Law; and as proper for that place as any man of the Gown. His merits made him so then, which in after time his vices blemished, and he justly removed to his private Studies, which render him to the world full of worth: and with the small Charity of our Author, might merit the Bays, before any Man of that age.  
And so we shall spare our labour, to observe his entrance into that Honour; by the idle Message from Buckingham, 
Pamph. 127.  made up only by our Author's mouth. [Who tells us of his growings, height and pride. Particularly intimated afterwards to the King in Scotland, 
Pamph. 131.  by Letters from Winwood, which the King read unto our Author.] At which [he says, they were very merry.] Good God The King opens his bosom to him, at that instant (not usual to any of the Green-cloth) when this Man, so vilely studied, and plotted his Sovereigns, and that Kingdom's dishonour? 
Vide Preface.  for which he was turned out of the Court. Was the King so gracious to him, & he so graceless, then, and since, in the Pamphlet to defame him, and his Posterity? He that eats of his bread, lifts up his hand to destroy him.  
And afterwards we are told his downfall: which he says, at last humbled him to a Horse boy.  
He did (as became him to do to the House of Peers) prostrate himself and sins, which ingeniously he acknowledged, craving pardon of God and Them, promising with God's mercy to amend his life; which he made good to the world's Eye. Those excellent works contrived in his Retirements, dye manifest.  
And let me give this light to His better Character; from an observation of the late King, than Prince; returning from hunting, He espied a Coach, attended with a goodly Troop of Horsemen, who it seems were gathered together, to wait upon the Chancellor to his House at Gorembury, at the time of his declension.  
At which, the Prince smiled; Well! do we what we can, said He, This Man scorns to go out like a Snuff. Commending his undaunted Spirit, and excellent parts; not without some regrett, that such a Man should be falling off. And all this, much differing from Our Author's Character of Him.  
Those times are complained of. 
Pamph. 129.  [What base courses our Favourite took to raise moneys for advance of his beggarly Kindred.] Heretofore we are told, that the Great Men mastered all: & now, the affairs are Managed with beggarly fellows; & concludes against himself, that Riches make Men Cowards, and Poverty Valiant.  
'tis true, Plenty makes Men Proud, and Industry brings a Man to Honour. Had our Author lived to these our days, and observed as much now, as he pried into then; He must have spoke other Language; unless (as likely He could) hold with the Hare, and run with the Hounds.  
We all know the Duke of Buckingham had many Kindred, for his Family were Antient. And dispersed by time, into several Matches with the Gentry; who no doubt, did address to the Favourite for preferment. And what strange, or new device was it in Him, to raise them, that were near in Blood, by Noble and worthy ways, as he did; and if our Author had liked, to lick after the Kitchen-maid, had it been handsome for a Kinsman, to have kicked at his kindness? 
Pamph. 129, 130.   
Good God, what a Summary Bead-roll of Pensioners are listed in our Author's Account; Sure He became Register, to the Revenue of that Rabble. Chancellor, Attorney, Deans, Bishops, Treasurers, Rich and Poor, raking upon the rates of Offices, Bishoprics, Deaneries with Fines and Pensions. Otherwise he says It had been impossible that three Kingdoms could have Maintained His Beggarly Kindred.  
Oh, 
Pamph. 7.  but He must tell us, He made them all Lords, which. got him much haved. He did so, and he did well. He made his two Brothers Peers, his Mother and Sister Countesses, the rest of his kindred, by his Countenance, got means to live like their Birthrights, being a Race Handsome and Beautiful.  
And yet let me tell him, I have been often present, when it hath been urged as a Crime to this great Man, the neglect of his own; when the discourse hath been pressed, for preferment of his Friends. And this I know, for I acted therein. The Late King in honour of Buckingham's Memory supplied the necessities of his Kindred, which his untimely death left without support.  
As for the base Observations, through and through the Pamphlet, though I lived in the shadow of the Court reasonable years, to see many turns of State; Yet I confess, my time other ways diverted, than to rake after so much Ribaldry, and beastly bawdry, as now to question this his peeping, pimping, into each Petticoat Placket; and for his sufficienency therein, he might have been made Master of the Game.  
In Bacon's place, 
Pamph. 139. Doctor Williams Lord Keeper.  comes to preferment Doctor Williams (by the title of Keeper of the Seal, during pleasure, which the Chancellor hath for life.) He was also Dean of Westminster, and Eishop of Lincoln; brought in (says he) [to serve turns, to do that, which no Layman was sound bad enough to undertake.]  
Former Ages, held it more consonant to Reason, to trust the Conscience of the Clergy, with the Case of the Layman they best knowing a Case of Conscience.  
And anciently, the Civil Law was always judged by the Ministers of the Church: and the Chancery, and Courts of Equity, in charge of a Divine Minister.  
So ran that Channel, till Bacon's Father had it from a Bishop, and now a Bishop has it again.  
And had King james lived to have effected his desires, the Clergy had fixed firm footing in Courts of judicature, (out of the road of the Common Law.)  
And this was the true Cause of William's Initiation thither. How he fell from that, and other his ways since, from worse to worst of all, we leave him, if he be living, to lead a better life, and make a Godly end, Amen.  
'Tis no new matter to tell us, 
Pamph. 143. Spanish Match. Fift Remark.  That the Spanish jesuit is more than our Match in the intricate way of Treaty, being enabled to Out-wit us and all the world besides. Of which we made trial, upon trust of our Emissaries, and now the King was minded to put it to the touch.  
And so resolved, That the Prince, with Buckingham and Cottington, and a domestic of the Dukes, should hazard a journey into Spain; Being invited thither by secret Intimation of Sir Walter Aston, Ambassador Extraordinary, with the Earl of Bristol, Leaguer. Which was to put period to that business of a Marriage, that had lasted long enough in Design, to weary both Parties. Nor was it held such a Ranting journey by wise Men, that knew more perhaps, than our Author would make us believe he did.  
For the great business Inclusive with the Match, was to get Render of the Palatinate, which this way, or none, was to be expected.  
And it appeared afterwards, That though the Spaniard did pretend it, yet he had other Overtures with the House of Austria, as a double bowstring.  
All which, we suspected before; and therefore it was a Princelike boldness, to bring it to issue by himself, or to break the Bonds asunder. Which at his being there, he soon discovered, and so returned.  
Wherein, Bristol, a suspected Pensioner to that State, did not so timely unmask the Spanish Counsels, to the Prince's advantage, as he might and ought to have done. For which neglect, it had like to have cost him his life, when he came home to the true Examination.  
But evermore we must expect a bawdy tale in our Author's stories. 
Pamp. 146.  Which, to all Men that know the retired custom of the Spanish Wives (much more of the Grandees Ladies) from conversing, or sight of their own, either kindred, or friends, (much more of strangers) must needs discredit this Tale of Buckingham, with Olyvares Countess, as absurd and feigned.  
Nor hath our Author, either Courtship or Civil breeding otherwise to understand, what the Prince's behaviour should have been, towards so great a Person as the Infanta of Spain: but to allow him, his cap cap on his head, and prevacy in her Cabinet.  
But above all the strains of impudence, Give me leave to mark out the Insamy which he endeavours (oh horrid!) to cast on King James; as of many other which he asperts him, so this Sans-parell; intimating thus much, [That, not glutted with the blood of his dear, 
Pamph. 149.  and eldest Sen (that most incomparable) Prince Honry, for whose death he should cunningly dissemble with a feigned sorrow. So now to add to that, and for hatred to Buckingham (whom the world know he could have blasted with his breath) He should think it no ill bargain, to lose this Prince, his only Son, and Successor to all his Crowns.  
And to illustrate the King's weariness of Buckingam, 
Pamph. 150.  he tells us a Tale of the Lieger Spanish Ambassador Marquesa d'Innocossa, and a Spanish Confessor, Padre Maiestre, which he says, was sent to reveal to the King, what he had received under seal of Confession, and on pain of damnation never to utter) which was, That the King should be Murdered by Buckingham, or some body else, (or no body at all.)  
Then, The King's passion hereupon, (without any other proceeding, to secure his own life, that was so fearful to lose it.)  
And then, That the Duke being challenged with the truth, durst not fight in his own defence; which certainly, had he been so wicked to design, the Devil might have assisted him with courage to have countenanced it.  
Indeed, Pamph. 155 there was a Letter of Complaint sent to Spain, by advice of the whole Council here, to demand of that King, how far he had Commissioned his Ambassdor in an affair of Consequence, which Letter was enclosed and returned to him, with peremptory command, to give satisfaction to the Prince and Duke: or to be subject to worse Construction. Which to my knowledge the Ambassador did recant, (for I copied the transactions;) and with much ado, begged favour of the Prince, to be reconciled, upon sulmission; which the Prince in Honour was pleased to accept, or it might have cost Innocossa his head, at his coming home.  
The former story is interlaced, Pamph. 151 with Observation; [Bucking hamshifted from trusting the King, as knowing his desire to be rid of him. And so the Duke wrought himself into the Prince's poor spirit, with much regret of the old King, and every body else, Especially, when he should rather have called to mind, the bravery of his brother who hated the whole Family, although, he says, none of them had ever offended him.  
Certainly, Euckingham was not in being, when Prince Henry died; And if he were, he was more brave indeed, than to hate the Family that never did him hurt. But sure our Author meant, Somersets Ladies Family howard's; For he tells us before, That Prince Henry would not leave one of them to piss against the wall (the Male ones he means.)  
And taking occasion before, to smell out something of suspicion of Poison in Prince Henry's death; we are promised in his page 84. Pamph. 84 that his discourse following will tell you the truth thereof, and yet he never speaks word of him, no more, nor otherwise than in this place.  
Our Author proceeds, and says, Pamph. 156 [Now that we have heard, what made the King hate Buckingham, we shall know the reason of Buckingham's extreme hatred to the King, which is believed to be the cause of his so speedy death.]  
More poison yet?  
But first we proceed to the story of Yeluerton.  
Sir H. Pamph. 156 Yeluerton, was Attorney General; 
Sir H. Yeluerton. Attorney Gener all.  and by his place of Employment, it was his duty to manage the charge of Impeachment against Somerset, or any Subject whatsoever, without dispute: which he refused, as receiving that place by his Favour; and this contempt to the King's service, (not without suspicion of concealment of some passages concerning Overbury's death) He was for those Reasons, (and deservedly) by the whole council, committed to the Tower, close Prisoner.  
Where (we are to be persuaded [the Lieutenant Balfore, admits the Dake to treat with him in private, and then, to piece out a Peace between them.  
Certainly Yeluerton had Law to teach him, or any other Prisoner of Reason, that this was treason in Balfore, and in the Duke to attempt. And therefore to clear it, Balfore himself hath vowed to a Prisoner, sometime under his Guard, that there was never any such act done by the Duke, or by his permission to any body else.  
But afterwards, upon yelverton's humble submission, for his former fault; and his Innocency cleared in the other suspicions; he was set at liberty. And in truth, according to the merit of the Man, other ways, he was afterwards trusted with the Judgement Seat.  
And what was this secret information, which we are told he should tell the Duke, [Forsooth, That which the King spoke in Parliament [not to spare any that was dearest or lay in his bosom, by which he pointed to you; (meaning the Duke.)]  
And must Buckingham adventure his, and the Lieutenant's head to learn this News, which no doubt the Duke heard before, being then at the KING's Elbow.  
Pamph. 161 After this impertinent digression (or great secret) he discovers (which none ever dreamed of) a wonderful [failing of the Spaniards both wisdom and gravity] And why? gravity?) forsooth. [That (which had been against all Humanity, Commerce and Custom of Nations) the Spaniard missed of the advantage, to imprison the Prince] a sure pledge (no doubt) for the Spaniard, to have gotten the Heirdome of England.  
And this he tells us for truth, [out of their own confessions] But they were caught with a trick [having the Prince's faith, and his Proxy to boot, remaining with Digby, which might cozen them into this kindness, to let him come home again] Where at a Conference of both houses of Parliament, Bristol is blamed, and (it being truth) the Prince owns it, and Bristol is sent for by authority, (otherwise it had been petty Treason in him to return home from his Commission.) Pamph. 163  
The King of Spain (he says) dissuades bristols return, as doubting the success, (as well he might, knowing him to be his Pensioner) who for his sake is like to suffer.  
But, he being come, and convented before the Parliament, endeavours to clear himself, with a single Copy of a Paper (and a bawdy tale to boot) against Buckingham, but forbore to tell it out, for offending their chaste Ears.  
In this, Pamph. 165 the Author is so ingenious; as to be judged by the Reader, what a horrible wound, Bristol gave the Prince or Buckinham? and yet by his Confelsion the wisdom of the House committed Bristol to the Tower, but some days after (not the next day) he was set at liberty, nor durst any bring him to further trial.  
He was committed for his contempt, and might have lain there longer, Prisoner; But the Duke made means for his Release, lest it should move a jealousy, that it was his design thereby to delay the Trial. Which, to my knowledge, was earnestly pursued, by the Duke, and had that Parliament lasted, might have been a dear bargain for Bristol.  
In this Parliament, Pamph. 168 our Author observes [the Princes early hours to act by, where (he says) he discerned so much juggling, to serve his own ends, that being afterwards come to be King, he could not affect them.  
A notable Note, he calls that Parliament jugglers, and gives it a reason, why the late King must needs disaffect all other Parliaments that succeeded.  
Then have we a discovery of our Authors own making, Pamph. 169 which is intended (he says) as a caution to all States men, with a singular Commendation of the wisdom of the late Earl of Salisbury, (whom before throughout his Pamphlet he loads with singular disgraces.)  
He tells us of a Treaty heretofore with Spain, for a Match with Prince Henry, where the juggling was discovered, that there was no such intention. And that the Duke of Lerma, the Favourite of Spain, leavs the Spanish Ambassador here in the lurch to answer for all; who in a great snuff, against those that sent him hither, prostrates his Commission and letters of Credit, (under the King his Master's hand and seal) at the foot of our Council Table; and so returns home, (and yet was not hanged for his labour) but lived and died, bonus Legatus.  
And thus, our author having hunted the King hitherto; blows his death at parting; 
Pam. 171. King James' Sickness.  which he says [began with a Fever; but ended by a poisoned Plaster, applied by Buckingham. For which being questioned the very next Parliament, it was hastily dissolved for his sake, only to save his life.]  
In the entrance of the Spring, the King was seized with a Tertian Ague; which to another Constitution might not prove Pestilential.  
But all Men than knew his Impatience in any pain, and always utter Enmity to any Physic. So that nothing was administered, to give him ease in his fits.  
Which at length grew violent, and in those Maladies, every one is apt to offer advice, with such Prescriptions as have been helpful unto others; and in truth, those as various, as the disease is Common.  
So it was remembered (by a Noble, virtuous, 
The Plaster.  and untaint Lady, for Honour and Honesty, yet living) of a present ease, by a Plaster approved upon several Persons, which, because the Ingredients were harmless and ordinary, it was forthwith compounded, andready for application; not without serious resolution, to present it to the Physicians consent.  
But the King, fallen into slumber, about Noon the Physicians took opportunity to retire, having watched all Night, till that Time.  
When in the interim of their absence, the King wakes, and falls from a change of his Fit, to timelier effect, than heretofore it usually happened; which to allay, this Plaster was offered, and put to his Stomach.  
But it wrought no mitigation, and therefore it was removed by the Doctors. Who being come, were much offended, that any One durst assume this boldness without their consents.  
But by Examination, they were assured of the Composition, and a piece thereof eaten down by the Countess that made it; and the Plaster itself then in being, for further trial of any suspicion of poison. Which, if not satisfactory, it must, and aught to lodge upon their score. Sir Matthew Lister, Doctor Chambers, and others, who were afterwards examined herein, with very great satisfaction, to clear that calumny, and are yet living, to evince each one's suspicion.  
It was, indeed, remembered the next Parliament following; and whereof the Duke was accused, as a Boldness unpardonable; But in the Charge, (which as I remember, Littleton Managed, at a Conference in the Painted Chamber,) it was not urged as poisonous, but only criminous.  
But [ere the King died, 
Pamph. 174.  it is told us, That Buckingham was accused to his face, by an honest servant of the Kings, (name him if you can) who valiantly tripped up the Duke's heels (that his pate rung Noon) for which, he called upon the gasping King (no body being by) for Justice. And though speechless, we are told, what he would have said, viz. Not wrongfully accused.]  
And here observe; 
Pamph. 175.  he makes Archbishop Abott the King's Confessor at his death; who before, he says (pag. 78.) lived in disgrace, and excluded the Counsel Table. And died in disgrace of this King on Earth, 
175.  but in favour of the King of Kings. [Bishop Williams, then Lord Keeper, was the other Confessor] and in the mouths of two Witnesses consists the Truth. What regrett and jealousy remains then in our Author's heart? that some Mischief should lie hid in the secrets of the Sacrament of Confession; which he could not learn, to outlive the Honour and Fame of his Sacred Sovereign?  
How hath our Author patched up a Pamphlet of State Notions, picked up from the Glean of some Smell-feast Guests, at his Table Diet, afforded him by the bounty of his Sovereign Master? and which, this Man hath as a rhapsody, mingled with Misconstruction, Incertainties, Improbabilities, Impossibilities, In as much he can to poison the Memory of His Majesty, and blanche the Government of the State, and Court. Wherein, his Forefathers, and Himself took Lise and Live, in the advance of his Family, with some repute and Fortune, to be what they are.  
But he is dead; Peace be upon his Grave.   

Conclusion:  
ANd thus have we done, with our Pamphleter, and his Book, My pen being dulled with disdain, to deal with such a subject, were i● not to enlighten good Men with the knowledge of a Truth; before that either age, or longer time had wasted with too much Oblivion, or that the negligence of others, (of any) (more able I confess) had given but too much way to confirm the ignorant.  
What I have done, may seem defective in some part to some Persons; whose Eminence in Court, and years of Experience, could have limned the Originals with a bolder Pencil.  
However, I have adventured upon this Copy; not to discoulour Truth, by any Concealment.  
A hard Task, I confess; When Modesty forbids the defacement of Persons, departed to their Graves of Rest, whom living, we should not dare to look in the Face; And whose Posterities enjoy the merits of their Parents Virtues.  
To them I submit; craving pardon, that without their leave, I have been bold to speak in their Cause; which might better become greater Abilities to plead.    

THE CHARACTER  
IT may merit dispute, whether I shall Quarrel with the Character of King James, or let it alone, as the Pamphletter hath described Him, which (he says) Is easier to do, than to take his Picture; and he gives the Reason for't, His Character was obvious to every eye, I am sure His outward observations are so; infering that His Picture was Inward; 'tis true indeed, His best Piece was His Inside, which wise men admired.  
Was ever Prince thus Limned out to Posterity, by His quilted Doublets, and full stuffed Breeches? who reads His Court, needs none of this Character; so like they are in belying. But I spare the Author, and pity the Publisher.— The deficiency of the One, could not make out the Other. For it becomes the Wit of Man, in truth, to apprehend King James, whose wisdom in His Sovereignty, had esteem beyond any Contemporary Potentate, with His Reign. Take Him in His turn, who had to do with all about Him. For at his entrance into His Inheritance, He was engaged to go through with the difficulties, in Order as He found them, Or to make Bargain with All, the better to conserve it.  
Had He not done so, He might have sound little leisure, to live in Peace, and to enjoy His Realms as He did, with as much quiet as ever any King upon Earth, since the Story of Solomon, 
* Who bent all his Counsels and endeavours to promote that now exploded Motto of Beati Pacifici.  and yet (in the like Example with us) fell to distraction in his Son that succeeded. Compare them together, and find me a Parallel with more even conclusion.  
I know it were to be wished, That in evil effects we could find out the true Cause; But like blind men, we grope, and catch hold of the nearest; not looking up to Him who ballanceth Counsel with His Hand, and disposeth the Success in the future, not always by the failings of the former.  
In the Government of His Birth-place at home, what wisdom was there not, to preserve Himself from jealousy of His Predecessor, of being too hasty an Inheritor here? what Jesuitical plots in the many against Queen Elizabeth, as Defender of the Protestant Faith, which because Providence protected Her to the last, was not revived with more cunning designs upon Him, who was to act over Her part, with disadvantage against fresh plots to oppose Him?  
What Emissaries, and secret dispatches by several Princes addressed to prepare and gain Him, as an advance to either's Interest?  
With what amaze to all Christendom? how He could so easily enter His possessions, and then to amuse them all, how to deal with Him?  
How He was welcomed, and caressed, by Ambassadors of each Potentate, upon several designs of their Own?  
What Contracts were made, and to be made, amongst His Neighbours, upon sundry Overtures in Case He should do, even any thing but what He did, with what difficulty to any other, He maintained Himself in Peace against the Envy of them all.  
How was He by Consanguinity embroiled in His Son in Law's too hasty Accession to the Kingdom of Bohemia, when as a wise King He forewarned, and prophesied His destruction, and Christendoms distraction?  
What Ambassies public, and Messengers private He wisely disposed, for advantage of His and the People's Interest?  
How he managed the General affairs of the Church Protestant, as a wise Patriarch, against the plots of the Pope?  
How far His Reputation, reached out, to Foreign Princes far off?  
How from abroad and at home, He enriched His Subjects, and increased His own Revenue?  
What did he not do without the Pike, if not with his Pen?  
How He preserved Himself with friendship of all?  
And thus in particular to put down in print, is the work of a weighty Pen.  
But to take His true dimension, we have no Scale.  
Nor can it be done without much dishonour, to patch Him up in a petit Pamphlet: We shall remit it to mature deliberation.  
And for the present, leave Him so great a King to His continued Memory, by His own excellent Impressions in Print, that same Him to Posterity; whom we did not value, because we could not comprehend.  
FINIS.