Some New Observations and Considerations upon the present State of things in ENGLAND.  
The Differences between King and Parliament impartially disputed, the Persons on both sides truly Anatomised, and the Public Faith Vindicated.  BY J. S. Gent. 
IT is a principle in reason aswel as policy to support great designs with firm resolutions, & endeavours equal to both; wisdom (which is the object of the intellect) speaks no less, common and prudence (which acts in the will) directs what it is to decline the accomplishment of an expedient once attemdted; Many justify public folly, and deny public faith; they approve of safety, but dislike the means, they affect the appearance, and reject the essence of truth; they seem to obey the King, and yet repugn the Laws; they honour the Parliament; and slight its power; they are ambidexters, and yet neuters; for they look one way, and swim another. If you demand a reason, passion shall step in, and plead tradition; and if you make a further progression, they will be ready to swallow you up with your duty of Submission to higher powers; they urge a personal, and connive at a national good; if they be learned, they speak and write obscurely; if ignorant, it is sufficient they have the learned (though malefactors) for their precedents; private relations so charm them, that they seem to be asleep, and happy were this Kingdom, if they might not be awaked till reformation may receive a deep rooting; the discipline (or circumstantial part of religion) they dote upon, but which of them have appeared, in defen●e of any doctrinals wihch have been wounded by Arminians and others, or have suppressed superstition, or the graduals of Idolatry? It is a facile matter, to make lubric professions, and reserved oaths; but how do they check such semblances by the express opposition of the general good? But they say they have a Protestant King, who will defend the Religion of Queen Elizabeth's time, they have known Laws still in force, and with whom, or for what should they contest? In answer to which, my subject will admit of variety of matter (as necessary introduction to my conclusion) therefore let it not offend the Reader, that a method is propounded to so short a work.  
First, 
1. Quest.  I demand, Whether at the Queen's time, there were not relics of superstition fit to be abolished?  
Secondly, 
2. Quest.  Whether since that time the same have not multiplied?  
Thirdly, 
3. Quest.  Whether if the same be urged, they may not be denied?  
Fourthly, 
4. Quest.  if innovations of law or religion be enforced by poover, they may not be forceably resisted?  
For the first, It is notorious, 
1. Answ.  whose immediate successor Queen Elizabeth was, and how active in reformation; but as in nature a habit is not without great peril deserted, so in policy a sudden change causeth a Catastrophe; undoubtedly had the good Queen had the command of time, or that the thread of her life had been prolonged, she would have prevented the plea of the present opposers, Sed non reluctandum est eum Deo.  
For the second, 
2. Answ.  who can be ignorant what Commissions for composition with recusants have been since authorised? and what growth such toleration hath occasioned; what indempnities, appeals, and connivences have been fostered, what encouragements they have implicitly and expressly received? and how in many places they have trampled upon our most resined Protestants? they began to overlook the power provided for their suppression, and under the Arms of their papal protectors to undermine authority, but I hope I may speak to them as Seneca in another case, Non in re sed opinione laborasti, your endeavours have not been pertinent, but opinionate.  
For the third: if I justify not the dissenting from, 
3. Answ.  I do (ipso facto) tolerate the assenting to an impious imposition? power is no further extensive, than it hath subordination from, and reference to the divine prescripts, duo Contradictoria non possunt simul esse vera, contrary powers cannot be at once effectual, and I am confident this subject would not be insisted upon, but that Casus plerumque ridiculus multos elevavit, a ridiculous matter will blow up some disputations.  
For the fourth question, 
4. Answ.  it is as undeniable as any of the former; for if it be examined whence this high strain of resistance is derived, it is answered from Majesty, and there it is patronised, and though I approve not what Keckerm. citys in his question) qualiter iudicandum est de resistentiâ Principis (posse principem eodem ordine & jure Regno dejici quo admissus est sieas leges & pacta violet sub quibus admissus est: yet I say with Augustine, Regna sine justitia, magna potius l. trocinia sunt, quam imperia, A government without justice, is rather a robbery then a Royal authority. When the Apostle saith, Submit to every Ordinance of man, for the Lords sake; it must be intended they are such Ordinances which the Lord will favour, and these words (for the Lord's sake) are a limit, and not a motive to obedince. And for the words of submission to the higher powers, 
Rom. 13.1.  it is denied that they refer to the King's personal command: His Majesty in His own Declaration acknowledgeth His government to be a mixed monarchy, and that mixture presupposeth some what (at least) of an equal power to majesty, Obj. and what can that be, but the laws Divine and Humane?  
But say some, of all difficulties, none equalizeth this, that profound judgements, proficients in Law and policy, act this Tragedy on either part, and who shall presume to be a moderator? humane reason steps back divine precepts seem ambiguous, and who shall further explain?  
Ans. It is a maxim in experiment, that an united strength, is most prevalent; in nature all things move towards their first element, singularity is an enemy to good, for that the entity of good is mutual, and diffuseth itself into reciprocals. All the senses of man may have their deceptions (though not all at once) and as the object of fight is better discerned, one eye being shut, when they are both open, because that sense is more contracted to the object; so when a whole Kingdom acts by its representative, there is the most clear conveyance of discerning. Then hence will arise this proposition, That they that best know the Kingdom's danger, can best provide for its safety; but the Parliament do best know the Kingdom's danger, ergo, etc. And here comes in the quaere, Q. The danger being thus known, may they be by power impugned? Reason rules us to decline things destructive, and prevention is the best of policies. Seneca saith, Faoilius est pernitiosa resistere quam regere, & non admittere quam adnissa moderari, It is more easy to resist than rule; and not to admit, then being admitted to moderate a mischief; where the supreme privileges (political or divine) are in hazard, the greatest aid may be made use of for their preservation; and If the King dony to secure his people by His power, they may secure themselves by their own; For as fare as public are preferable before private advantages, so fare an Ordinance in Parliament before the mere personal command of a Prince. A King is as a private person, if not considered in the execution of his Kingly Office, and in that Office he hath His limits. It is a paradon to reason, that the will of one should subvert the being of a Nation; For posterity may have cause to curse such an Introduction to slavery; obedience is no further lawful, than it hath a mutual reflection of good; and is so much the more an justifiable, by how much the more the public detriment may be occasioned therefrom. If she subject Jewels (the Laws) may be defended, they may in such manner be defended as they are opposed it was an excellent saying spoken by a mild King (as Kecker. in his curs. philosophici disput. 35. citys it) He gladio pro meutitor si recte imperâro, sin rempublieam laesero contrame utitor, Use this Sword for me if I rule rightly, but if I wrong the Commonwealth use it against me. The ease might be concluded with Doctor Ferne, if the King did solely deviate, the best way were to withhold from him what he willeth wherewith to accomplish his unjust ends, and so the flame might be extinguished by withdrawing the fuel; but this case is of a different complexion, His Majesty's actions have an influence upon many, or rather, theirs upon him; and for former want of Parliament, there is such a swarm of evil doers in the Land, that they stand in need of a protection; and because they cannot safeguard themselves, they will have assistants of equal guilt, and for that a resistance (so pernitions) cannot be supported without some power that may strike terror in the people, they have got the King to own them, and that no sooner attained, but (by some supper usual prevalency, which we have cause to fear Heavens have permitted for our scourge) have seduced our Sovereign to leave His Parliament, (a feral blow, and the seed of our sufferings,) and now they can beast of their cause, their Captaie, and their quarrel; and woe unto us, in that our Kings personal and political powers are intercombatants. It is not unknown how their Army consists of many who would not stay to bear the meaning of justice; that pretend to fight for, what apparently they fly from, who fame truth, and therefore fear the touchstone; some there may be (whose worth the weal, public hath never heard of) and for aught that can be judged of them are mere indifference for Law, and Laodiceans for religion, and of such I conclude that those troubles might sooner be determined, were they as good as they are great. Those who are related to His Majesty, as Servants, Officers, Favourites, (or that expect any such interests in reversion, or otherwise) are many, and we wonder not if they are borne away in the stream of their expectations: What Bishops do proceed (undoubtedly) form a spirit of revenge (which is ever acted with envy) and ceaseth not till the object of its malice be made the subject of their chastisement: we expect not reasons from ignorants, nor why indigents thrust themselves upon such a service; it is more than sufficient, that defect of wit and wealth are their prime inducements. Papists (whose Religion tolerates them to be cruel) begin to make us sensible of a papal enemy; they acknowledge Protestancy, and their usurped Catholisme, to be direct contraries, and yet they are undertakers for defence of the Protestant religion, (a mystery to reason, and a perilous insinuation) indeed they are (ad har as aptiores quam ad are as) fitter to be marked for mortal enemies, then competent assisitants, and beyond contradiction they will make use of their power to root out their opposers; of all which persons take a survey, and you will find the remainder of their strength very inconsiderable; so that the instruments the matter, and manner of their first disseverance from us, and association amongst themselves and the ends they apparently propound may so stigrnatize their petences that none who prize their own or posterities good can forbear to endeavour their suppression. To what distresses we are now subjected, a tender heart cannot conceive, without great reluctancy; and we are the more unhappy in this, that we begin to be weary, of defending our lives, liberties, and religion; great Forces are raised, a great work is on foot, the hearts of people are enlarged, and why should their hands be straitened? There is a public Felicity, which claims the Public Faith, Justice is the efficient cause of Law, execution the life of power; the protection of offenders justifies the offence, and to dispense with punishment is an implicito encouragement: to intrust the Kingdom in unsafe hands is to provide for its ruin; and should the Nation perish, the Parliament sitting, what blemish would accrue to such future assemblies? many are acquainted with their disease and remedy, and slighting both, blame the Physicians; what monsters are they to nature, what mockers of God, whiles they thus persist? many never appeared, and some appearing have disanimated multitudes by their apostasies, so sweet is the name of propriety, and the Mammon of this world, that they dote upon the increase of wealth, whiles a loss of the total should more affect them; they are so far from believing, that it is requisite to hazard all for the preservation of all, that they will not hazard part for the securing of the rest; they imagine not how individual and dependant all interests be, nor how they are bound by the Laws of God, nature, and Nation to sacrifice themselves, much more their estates, for the general good (wherein they have a particular share.) There is a strange misprision of the word Public, when it is taken for the essential independency of the Kingdom; for it doth, or aught to receive influence from every member, and so by participation they are both completed. Those that fall bacl from their good beginnings check their own judgements, and discover their diffidence; in the one, they become objects of seorne to the world; in the other, they provoke the Almighty to punish them with what they fear. The vulgar presuppose some invisible power in a Kingdom to preserve itself, and 'ttwere more to arable if it were in them an act of faith; but being otherwise, how do they injure themselves, the weal public, and succeeding ages, by their shuffelings; (and it were well if the practice of greater persons did not favour of these or more ridiculous teners.) The work is framed, the instruments appointed, and the wheel of reformation is now rolling about, and will you deny Oil to refresh the decayed sinews thereof? And although it be the opinion of every Christian, (quod non pecuniam sed militum ducumque virtutem belli & imperii nervum esse) that it is not money, but the good cause and virtuous Captains, that are the chief causes of victory, yet in concurrent and second causes we may urge the saying of Demosthenes, Opus sunt opes & sine iis nihil fiet quod opus, There is need of riches, and without them nought can be done that is needful. Thucyd. saith, Bellum non est in armis, sed in expensis & sumptibus per quos efficacia arma & utilia siunt, war consists more in expense than Arms. And as the Oracle said to the father of Alexander, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hastis pugna argentatis atque omnia vinces, Fight with gilded Spears, and be confident of the conquest. Much use may be made of such moral sentences. God's usual way of working is by means, and where such a way is offered it is a great sin in man to neglect it; a supernatural potency is not limited to natural, but natural to it; we tempt our maker, in losing our opportunities; in all contrivances there are the principles and instrumentals & it is a gross omission not to improve things for their proper ends, Evangeum non tollit politias & sides non destruit naturam, The Godspell takes not a way policy, nor doth faith destroy nature; spiritual things do not exclude temporal, but regulate them; Our trust in our divine Captain forbids not the use of helps, but beclares them subordinate. Oh let not the practice of men publish them guilty of such unreasonable opinions; nor let them conceal themselves, lest judgement find them out; he that gives the Talon will demand an account; and shall thy brethren perish whiles thou hast means to prevent it? It is an unnatural and ingrateful part to accompany designers to a hazard, and there to leave them; to assist the initiation of a good work, and to relinquish the same unfinished, manifests an ill qualified mind; (for such variation is inconsistent with the life of a Christian.) Do you dispute the security of moneys lent out? you may rather doubt of the safety of that you retain; what greater engagement can be expected, (or being expected, can be given) then the body representative of a Kingdom? they are entrusted in the whole, and shall they be disinherited in regard of part? can any knowing man conjecture, that they have not consciences, interests, and expectations equal to any other? shall your election give them (and your diffidence divest them of) your considences? they are agitating your affairs, & will you not allow their disbutsements. For your satisfaction, they have exceeded the precedents foe any their predecessors, and are become your particular accountants, and do we still repine? we never read of any denials of supply (when demanded by former Parliaments, but how the people have unboweld themselves in such a case is obvious, to every Historian;) will you be the first that ever diserted (take heed you bewail not being destitute of) such a Council? Is it probable they will dilacerate the authority of future Parliaments, as not to disengage themselves? Not to give credence to a private friend, is inhumanity; not to a Parliament is moral infidelity. When that serene day shall appear wherein these troubles shall admit of a tranquillity, you may be confident to receive your own with advantage, in the interim they are sharers with you in your sufferings. He that gives to the poor, lends to the Lord; necessity denominates poverty, and what so great as that which is publiqued? if times thus continue, the rich will be made a prey, and will rejoice to preserve any part of their estates; To be involved in a condition equal to the most miserable, is a thing we fear not, but are like to taste of. When His Majesty's forces were at Branford, many of the malignants sent necessaries to the Army against him, what they did (against their seeming selves) because of fear, shall not we do much more for conscience sake? so stupid are the hearts of men, that no arguments have any enforcement, unless tipped with extant danger, and those only imminent (to what ever object they relate) leave a sleight impression, but I pray such may escape a too late repentance. What I here importune refers only to those who see a necessity of reformation, and who either have not afforded some supplies, or if they have, intent no addition; Alas, our miseries grow, the enemy's forces are like Caterpillars in the Land; we have Moses prayer, but want Aaron; rod; nature calls upon you, to be tender of thousands who carry their lives in their hands for your sake; religion dictates this way, to prevent the powers of the prelate & e. who have long trrannized over the truth; your own safety may inform you what sadness will seize upon you when you must survive your liberties The Question is not whether religion or no religion, laws or no laws, but whether both in their purity and vigour shall take place? As for those who delight in these distractions; who gain by the people's groan, or who are such persons formerly intimated, or their adherents, I invoke the omnipotent for their conviction, and that in the mean time their hands may not bring to pass their own erterprises. And here sorrow supersedes expressions, Labeo. omnis morbus est habitus contra naturam, (every disease being a habit against nature;) the disease and cure of this Region do much deject me, war is the physic, and must we not expect a doubtful combat betwixt the spirits and the humours The animadversion of His Majesty's past, and presens' condition, doth disslve my thoughts into tears, even in this that the Defender of the Faith should (peraccidens aut aliter) become an offence to the faithful. But we hope the principles of Law and Religion have still residence in His Royal breast. & will appear, when the obstructions occasioned by evil Coursellors shall be made perspicuous, and that close of differences the hearts of the people shall have cause to make inward acclamations for their Sovereign's safety, their Parliaments fidelity their own liberty, their religions settlement, and posterities approaching happinesses; which sweet saeson heavens hasten t this Kingdom's cornfort.   
FINIS.