THE ENTRANCE OF MAZZARINI. OR; Some MEMORIALS of the STATE of FRANCE, BETWEEN the death of the Cardinal of RICHELIEU AND the beginning of the late REGENCY.  
Collected and digested ●ut of foreign Writers. By an indifferent hand.  
OXFORD, Printed by H. H. Printer to the University, for Thom. Robinson, 1657.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE PHILIP Viscount LISLE &c. One of the Lords of the COUNCIL.  
My LORD,  
IF the subject which I have chosen, were habited in such apparel, as belongs to it; the world that knows so well your Lordship's accomplishments, would less blame me of presumption in demanding your eye and countenance. But I know not what inclination to your person, having been the more elevated by some particular favour, makes me promise to myself I know not what acceptation above merit: a thing wherein I should as much flatter myself from the glorious name of Sir PHILIP SIDNEY, were he now living to be my Patron. But you, my LORD, or no other, being heir of his perfections, as you are of a higher QUALITY to adorn them, I humbly present this simple dress of truth and reality (so far as I could attain to it) to be credited by your lordship's name, which is a great authority to any intelligence of this nature (especially FRANCE within the sphere) and cloaked with your lordship's favour, which however bounteous makes no largesse unadvisedly, that so it may not fail to be recommended to such spirits, as are more curious, in a mode of readier entertainment. Wherein you shall oblige infinitely,  
My LORD, Your LORDSHIP'S most humble and most affectionate humble Servant THO: TANNER.   

TO THE INGENUOUS READER.  
IT needs not to usher in ashort story with a long preface: yet I count it a part of civility, that I am bound to observe, since I bring a small present to the public to say somewhat in delivering of it, about myself and my intention; which happily may serve for a just apology to the undertaking of one, that yet hath scarce seen the world beyond five lustres. I have had the happiness to pass some time at my own pleasure in acquanting myself with the principal parts of EUROPE: and having had no greater satisfaction in any other either exercise, or diversion, then to gain a true intelligence of the present age, wherein I live, to be compared with what I hear and read, I have added some study to my observation, that so descending a little lower, I might the better know the Causes, and Connexion of things that are now upon the stage. And when I had well furnished myself with those perquisites, that belonged to this end, I found my notes growing too tedious to be almost ready for the fire. Only first I desired to draw out some of the choicer remarks, and then leave the rest to the sentence. But setting myself to this business I knew not how to form any one design; till at last, finding my references to this subject, that I now exhibit to the common light, more exquisite than the rest, as touching a critical part of History, and more difficult to be collected then such as run in the ordinary periods of King's lives, I took up my books again, being now moved with an emulation of deserving, if I might possibly, the public thanks. Wherein if I find not myself disappointed, there may be a second part added to complete this argument, by pursuing it to the end of the first years REGENCY, which might suffice, with the benefit of some memoirs lately published in our own language, to extend a clear Horizon of intelligence to the present time and place of prospect.   

The ENTRANCE of MAZZARINI.  
IT may be thought admirable ●o such, as being foreigners to the French; have not been somewhat curious to knit their ends of intelligence, how the present high engine of that Monarchy, being himself a foreigner, and borne a subject of their Grand enemy, the King of Spain, should arrive at that place, where he now governs: especially considering that these two emulous Nations, howsoever continually intrigued to outbid one another for the amity of their neighbours, are yet alike propellers of them from their political interest. They both court equally every Italian (and he again is as great a courtier of them both) but it is to get the rule over them, and not to be ruled by them, wherein they reciprocally understand one another, and vie it out in policy; so that all parties serving their own turn keeps the balance even. The Italians upon occasion lend their interest; the opposite parties lend their strength which is the cause why the first can never want at their pleasure to have honourable commands in either armies: but for intrinsecating in their civil government (if I may so speak) this Mazzarini is the first example; and that also at such a time and state of affairs, which happened by dissension of the Princes, when there was no other to advise with him or command his actions, besides the daughter of SPAIN, and sister of the present PHILIP, with whom the war was commenced. I shall therefore take some pleasure to go a little forth with my Reader to meet this Cardinal, and so follow him with his train from his first scene of Italy to his second of France, where we intend to consider him in his first act of fortune: for he has been as great a subject of strange concurrences of events in his own person, as any other. Nor is it any disparagement to his personal sufficiency, since whom it pleaseth God to advance above others, he commonly endoweth more.  
The Card. Mazzarini was a soldier, a courtier, put into the prelacy, and made a Nuntio by one and twenty, and in these severally knew his game so well, that it might be soon seen he was not to throw for small matters. Savoy was the tennis-court, which first admired his dexterity, where he saved Casale, and therein the whole French interest (at that time) towards Lombardy, before his play, being very serious, was discovered; and then hitting also Pignerol into their hazard, by his incomparable address in treating that Duke, he went off with the great regret of the Spaniards, and applause of his Frenchmen. The former in recompense of his services, sought to ruin his interests at Rome, as a traitor to both the Pope and the Catholic King. And it seemed the Pope had been much injured in his quality of Umpire, by the partiality of his Nuncio, who therefore found it most convenient to accept of the Savoyards' courtesy for a time, till his interests might be adjusted. But the Card. of RICHELIEU had a greater passion to receive and remerce him at the Court of France, where he so entertained him, that he made his pretensions good to the hat (the usual reward of those nuntioes, that return with a re benè gestâ) by the continual applications of the French Ministers at Rome; but would never let him go thither to receive it. And now being qualified with the title of Cardinal, he procures the King to nominate him as his pleny-potentiary for the general peace, which was no less than to entrust him with the interests of the crown and of its confederates: and accordingly Richelieu now treats with him, disjoining every spring, and parcelling every implement of his breast to discover to him; and the quality of this employment might allow time for it, for it was not presently to be entered on. In the interim, this new creature to commend his Services the more dearly to the crown, undertakes two famous treaties to reduce the Princes of Savoy from the interests of Spain to the contrary of France: The first was concluded and signed; but the sudden breaking out of the Counts of Soissons and Bovillon hindered the effect, and gave the Cardinal leisure (as some would have it) being now nigh upon the place, to gain also the Prince of Monaco, whose accession afterwards was accounted of great consequence. The second treaty brought the first to an issue, reuniting those Princes at the same time to the side of France, and to the head of their house, the than Infant-Duke of Savoy: an union whereunto the most part of the places conquered in Piedmont and Montferrat is ascribed. After his return from these affairs, he accompanies the Cardinal of Richelieu in that voyage; which brought Cincmars (the grand Escuyer, and his competitor in the King's favour) his designs to the light, and his head to the block: but while the Cardinal Duke is urging still his jealousies to greater envy in this business, this other Cardinal finds himself a better work to persuade the Duke of Bovillon, one of the Complices, to deliver up his sovereignty of Sedan to the King's power, as a ransom for his treason, which accordingly he obtained, and the King seized. This was the gate by which Mazzarini entered equally into Richelieu's and the King's favour, but especially by the douceur and gentleness of his proceeding, which made the King desire his employment; being inwardly weary of Richelieu's excessive, and now more intemperate rule by reason of his malady: so that that favourite could not comply better with the King's pleasure in any other suit then this of serving himself of Mazzarini: in whose person both might find their private ends, as well as their public. The Cardinal might raise in him a Protector of his house and kindred against their most incensed emulators; and the King find a subject by whom to balance the Princes of the Blood, when he was gone; especially the Duke of Orleans, against whose sway he devised all means possible to provide.  
The Cardinal of Richelieu had took his fortune, as it were, to farm, putting his term of life into the lease, which was therefore to be circumscribed with his Master's: for had he outlived him, it is a question whether all his admirable expedients could have served to repress a harder fate, which being instigated by much envy would fain have stetched a long arm to reach him. And the sense of this, while the King's health seemed to decay faster than his own, had cast the Cardinal into many pangs of contrivances, how to make his estate good, when his plea in chief was gone. Sometimes to reconcile himself with his grand enemies, especially the Queen whom he had highly disobliged: Sometimes to get the King's children to his own power and wardship; sometimes to ruin or at least how to balance the Duke of Orleans; and sometimes to retire, for which purpose he had laid up a vast sum of ready gold at Haure de Grace, and had purchased in the King's name and licence, but with his own money, A sovereignty on the Meuse, with Chastean Reynaud, and a territory adjacent, whereby he doubted not but to render himself considerable both to France and the neighbour Princes, without any fear of his enemies. But all this was in vain, for death took him at the best time, at the bound of his glory, The news of the taking of Tortona in the state of Milan coming to Paris the same day to bring new laurels to his hearse. But when he was about to die, he may seem to have overreached his fortune, and driven her beyond her intention, in leaving her favours to his successors in a way scarce before observed: for besides his leaving a creature of his own to survive in; he bequeathed the most important charges of the kingdom under the King's good pleasure (who accordingly allowed of his disposal in all; but a few church livings, and that only to save the prerogative which the Kings of France claim in such causes) to his own kindred: which proved a great disappointment to his enemies, for they soon found that they could not pluck up his residue without the danger of the whole. Then he recommended to the King the Officers and Ministers of state as he was to leave them, particularly the Secretaries de Chauvigny and de noyer's, wherein he promised his majesty, he might continue to prosper as he had thither to. The King accepts well of his advice, resolves to use the same instruments that he had before: but never to admit the like partager in his royal authority, as the Cardinal of Richelieu had been. For the Cardinal Mazzarini he forth with makes him precedent of his council, committing the Secretaries of state to his orders, which in effect was to make him his prime Minister.  
My purpose is to digest some memorials from this period: yet I cannot leave that great subject (before mentioned) till I have brought him to his funeral. Not that I intend any long digression to bring in the Ceremonies of his interring: but only to note one or two circumstances on this occasion, which have respect to some ensuing passages. The first was the composing of an ancient difference between Cardinals and the Princes of the blood about precedency, which before was only regulated by the King's favour. Now they agree with mutual satisfaction, that in the Churches and ecclesiastical functions, the Cardinal should have priority; in other places the Princes; and in other things should treat one another with equality: Whereupon the Prince of Condè and his son the Duke of Enguien come to visit the Cardinal Mazzarini. The second is this; There was a chair covered with velvet and somewhat raised, set for the Cardinal Mazzarini in the church of Notre dame in Paris, where the obsequies were to be solemnised, which occasioned a hot dispute about the manner of being seated, betwixt the said Cardinal and the Bishops; these pretending that he should stand in the same rank with them; and among these the Archbishop of Rheims and Bishop of Beauvais were most earnest, breaking out into high words, in saying, That with other Cardinals for dignity, birth, and merit more regardable than he, there never fell the like pretention. This offence the Cardinal was fain to digest at that time, not without straining a dissimulation▪ but found opportunity afterwards to turn it on the authors, to a greater jacture of their reputation. Richelieu is now covered, the court is soon filled with such as had fled or retired: The new Ministers are as diligent to make new friends, sueing for some that were proscribed the court (among whom Monsieur de Baradas, and the Duke of St Simon who had been both favourites and afterwards disgraced, were graciously received by his Majesty) For others that were towered in the Bastille (among whom were the Mareschaux de Vitry & de Bassompierre with the Duke of Cramail, which last are set at liberty; but to retire and keep themselves confined at their own places.) The Queen herself also by the Bishop of Lisieux, sends intimation to the Duke of Beaufort, then fled into England, to avoid answering upon suspicion about the late conspiracy of the Grand Escuyer, to return into France, and with his Father the Duke of Vendosme a while after to the court; and the like to the Madam of Guise, and her sons at Florence, the occasion of whose persecutions is not here to be recounted.  

Lewis XIII.  
From the beginning of December 1642.  
The first act of state wherein the King would be seen by himself was the sending for the* Parliament to express his mind thus to them.  
I would have you verify the arrest which my Attorney general shall read to you against my brother, for that being so often relapsed into the same errors, after I have so often pardoned Him, I can no longer bear it, having reason to doubt lest He hatch some design pernicious to my state. Wherefore I am resolved to take the means from Him, and for the future to render Him unable to wrong my Queen, and Children after my death, by excluding Him for ever from the GOVERNMENT. My chancellor will declare the rest of my intentions to you.  
After which the first precedent offers some remonstrances in behalf of Monsieur, in regard of his Quality, which might well pass as a compliment, but when the matter came to be reported, notwithstanding the, great instances of Mademoiselle, it was accordingly verified shortly after. The declaration is in my judgement not only pertinent to illustrate, and be compared with other ensuing passages; but as one of the foresaid great designs of the late Minister, worthy to be at large inserted.  
LOVIS, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre; To all to whom the present letters shall come, greeting. When we consider in what manner our most dear and beloved only Brother the Duke of Orleans, hath behaved himself towards us, we cannot without wonder reflect on all the enterprises which he hath undertaken against our Service. We may say in truth that, never was any son of France charged with so great favours by the King his brother, and who hath less acknowledged them. Our love hath always been so great towards his Person, that his ingratitude hath not been able to make us change the purpose that we have had to ingratiate him; insomuch that at the same time when he has set himself against our service, we have continually sought to reduce him, not omitting any means to oblige him thereunto. But all these good offices which should have been as so many cords to bind him to us the more straightly, have not proved strong enough to hinder him from joining with our feircest enemies, and advancing their designs. The Conspiracies of Chales wrought under his name and with his consent in the year 1626. gave us the first experiment of his ill will. He incited our x the Duke of Espernon against our service to seize himself of the City and citadel of Metz, wherein we used such bounty that we were willing to forget that failing, contenting ourselves to punish only the delinquency of Chales. When we were obliged to go into Piedmont to the succour of our confederates, where the only appearing of our arms secured their peace, we were no sooner returning from this expedition, but he severed himself from us, retiring in the year 1629 without occasion to the Duke Charles of Lorraine. Although this action so extravagant in a time when all France and our allies expressed their resentments for the happy success of our journey, gave us great occasion of disgust towards him: yet covering his failings, we did not cease to make him way to return to us, changing the chastisements which he deserved into so many favours which we did him, augmenting his appanages, and giving him the government of Orleans and Amboyse: However so favourable entertainment might have obliged him to reunite inseparably to our interests; nevertheless a while after he departs from Paris, returning to Orleans, and in suit to Lorraine in the year 1631, where wounding the fundamental laws of our state he married himself against our will to the sister of Duke Charles, which marriage being accomplished he flies to Brussells in the year 1632, putting himself in the power of our enemies, who induced him to enter hostilely armed into our kingdom, to join himself in Languedoc to the forces of a faction which he had formed with the Duke of Monmorency, which faction being then dispersed and broken by our arms, we received him the third time into our grace. We thought that our aforesaid Brother, being affected with so many tokens of our good will, would at last apply himself to the resolution of holding to his duty; but we had scarce abandoned Languedoc to return to Paris, ere he went the third time out of our State, and leagued himself anew with the King of Spain taking his part against us. In which appeared his ill will by so much the greater, in that he had not sought or received our grace at Besie●es, but to be able to abuse it the more easily, by removing those obstacles, that (without this) would have been inevitable to him in the passage by him premeditated, and resolved into Flanders. This bad carriage did not hinder in the least, but that, when he withdrew himself from the ill treatment of the Spaniards, resolving to set himself at liberty by returning to our person, with intention to acknowledge his fault, we should again freely pardon him the fourth time. A little while after, having notice given us in France that his actions were not such as we might desire, and that he followed the pernicious counsels of the Duke of Puy-Laurens, we became necessitated, to prevent a greater evil, to cause the aforesaid Duke to be arrested, to oblige the more our said Brother to unite himself the more strictly with us, and to render us the honour and the service which is due to us. We did him in this respect all the good offices which he could expect from our affection, even to honour him with the command of the most flourishing and numerous army which of a long time hath been seen in our kingdom. Instead of conducting our forces so vigorously as he might have done against the armies of our enemies, which had surprised a fortress on our frontier of Picardy; the suggestion of the Count of Soissons and of the Duke of Valette had so much power over him, that they plotted together to employ them against ourselves. But being averted from that pernicious design by the notice which they had, that they could never so dispose of the soldiery, the said Count of Soissons retires to Sedan, and our foresaid brother to Blois in the year 1636, with intention to pass thence into Cuienne. We pursued him thence to Orleans, where he giving us to understand the displeasure which he had taken in agreeing to such designs, obtained from us the fifth pardon for this fault, with the same facility as the rest. In virtue of this last grace as his actions in the course of some years past had given us to believe that he would be far from lending ear any more for the future to such counsels as he had before hearkened to, we readily condescended, as we had done on divers occasions, to grant him all effects that he might possibly expect from our goodness. The opinion therefore which we had conceived of his good disposition cleared us of all doubt to have seen him in the last campaign at Roussyllon. But notwithstanding some promise given us, he prolonged the execution, under various excuses, which made us judge that he was contriving some ill design. And when we were travailing to discover it, God vouchsafed us the favour to enlighten us about the detestable conspiracy, which had formed a powerful party in our state, and established a treaty with Spain 'tis true that we remained greatly amazed that our foresaid Brother the Duke of Orleans, from whom we might have expected all manner of assistance for the sustenance of the prosperity of our arms, should attempt to uphold our enemies, and put himself in the head of their forces, to enter on our State, while we were employed in a great siege. We were then most intimately affected to see that neither the innumerable benefits, nor graces, which we had on divers occasions granted him with such bounty, nor the love of his Country, nor the glory of a crown, in the interests whereof he hath so great a part by his birth; could retain him in his duty, and that he would rather, by violating all these sacred respects, pursue an unjust passion to raise the grandeur of our enemies upon the ruins of our own. The resentment notwithstanding which we were to have of such and so many offences did nothing hinder; but (as soon as our foresaid Brother did acknowledge and confess his fault, with promise for the future to remove far from his Person all such malignant spirits, and those particularly which we nominated) we did what possibly in us lay, to draw him from the peril wherein he had precipitated himself. We contented ourselves to punish only two of the principal authors of the crime, agreeing for this time also, to reject any memory of his ill conduct.  
But as Nature hath given us these good inclinations, and made us second them with advantageous dealings; so we judge that these favours are to be regulated with the good of our crown, and the interest of our Children. These motives have persuaded us, that it was of necessary consequence to take from our foresaid Brother those means, which might for the future lead him to disturb the peace of our State, suppressing his companies of men at arms, and Light-Horses; and depriving him, at the present, of the Government of Auvergne, wherewith we had gratified him; and for the future of all sort of administration in this State, and especially in the regency, during the minority of our children, in case God should call us to himself before the years of their majority: whereunto we are moved with so much the juster reason, forasmuch as it is impossible to apprehend otherwise, than the continuing of bad intentions of a person that (in the middle of our prosperities, and in the strength of our power, in a time when all our subjects do conspire in one vote for the goodissue of our designs) hath solicited the King of Spain to furnish him with forces and moneys to make war upon us, and on condition to make no treaty with us, without remitting into our enemy's hands, all the fortresses gained from them, or acquired by Princes our confederates. And in effect, if the perilous state, whereinto a grievous infirmity hath brought us, during this campaign, hath not at all touched his Heart, as we are informed to the contrary, by the deposition of the complices of his conspiracy, that he hath assured a design to the Spaniards after our decease, besides the party which he could make in our State, that he had fortified himself with other foreign correspondences; we should be needs insensible of the good of our Realm, which is more dear to us then our life, not to fear and foresee, that if our foresaid Brother, should have one day in his hands, the power of the regency, in the weakness and minority of a young King, he might suffer himself to be drawn to raise troubles, and divisions, which might produce ruins to our State, more than the grandeurs which we have acquired by all our travels. Wherefore we make it known, that of our own motion, especial grace, full power, and royal authority, we have forgotten, remitted, and pardoned to our foresaid Brother the Duke of Orleans, the fault by him committed, in making a faction in our State, and establishing a treaty with the King of Spain, and we permit him to enjoy his pensions and appanage, wherein he may freely sojourn without transferring himself to our Court, unless he have first obtained our licenc in good & valid form: which notwithstanding we have declared, and do declare by our same power and royal authority, that we have suppressed, and do suppress his companies of men of arms, and light horses, we have deprived, and do deprive him of his government of Auvergne; and ordained, and do ordain, that he may never for the future have any government in this kingdom, nor be Regent during the minority of our Children, and thereof we have declared, and by these presents do declare him uncapable, for the considerations and reasons above specified. And so we command our beloved and faithful subjects, which hold our Court of the Parliament of Paris, and the other Courts of Parliament, that they cause these present Letters of Declaration to be read, published, and registered, when they shall be presented to them by our attorney general, notwithstanding any Letters, Edicts, Ordinances, Reglements, Arrests, or any thing else to the contrary, for so is our pleasure. In testimony whereof we have caused our seal to be put to these presents. Given at S. Germans the first of December, in the year of Grace 1642. & of our Reign the 33.  
Subscribed LOVIS. And below Par le Roy. De Lomenie.  
Read, published, and registered by express commandment of our Lord the King. Heard, and upon the instance of his attorney general, to be executed according to their forms and tenor. At Paris in the Parliament the 9 of December 1642.  
The Duke of Orleans is now overbal lanced; but we shall soon find the scale in other hands, which afford him more allowance. In the mean time, let us see another expedient, the King takes to comply with his friends, and raise his reputation of independency, which was to direct letters to his Ministers abroad giving an account of his intentions; One of which to his Ambassador at Venice was of this tenor.  
Monsieur des Hameaux,  
Since every one knows the great and signal services, which my x the Cardinal of Richelieu hath done me, and with what advantageous successes it hath pleased God to bless those counsels which He suggested to me, so no one can doubt but the loss of so faithful and good a Minister cannot but be nearly sensible to me, and so I would have all the world know how great displeasure I have conceived here by, and how dear his memory is to me, by the testimonies which I shall render on all occasions. But the knowledge that I have that the thoughts of well governing of my State, and for the good of my affairs ought to prevail above all others, doth oblige me to take care now more than ever, and to apply myself in such manner, that I may be able to maintain the great advantages hitherto obtained, till it shall please God to grant us a peace, the sole and only scope of my enterprises, and for the gaining of which I will not spare my own life. To this purpose I have taken resolution to retain the same persons in my council, which have served me during the Ministry of my x the Cardinal of Richelieu, and to take to me my x the Cardinal Mazzarini, who hath given me so great proofs of his affection and fidelity, and of his capacity in divers occasions wherein he hath been by me employed, rendering to me most considerable services, so that I can no less assure myself of him, then if he had been born my subject. My principal thought shall ever be to maintain the good union and correspondence which hath been between us and our confederates, to use the same vigour and constancy in my affairs, which I have hitherto held, as far as justice and reason may permit me, and to continue the war with the same application and the same forces that I have done since my enemies constrained me to make it, till such time as God shall touch their Hearts, that I may contribute with all my other confederates somewhat to the establishment and general peace of Christendom, but so established that nothing for the future may disturb it. You shall therefore communicate what is above expressed to the republic of Venice, to the Ministers of the Princes of Italy, which are there, and to all others that you shall think fit, that they may judge that the affairs of this Kingdom hold the same course that they have heretofore, and that nothing will be wanting to their good conduct, assuredly hoping that they shall ever continue happily. Whereupon I pray God to keep you Monsieur des Hameaux in his holy custody.  
Dated at Paris the 6 of December 1642. LOVIS. Bouthilier.  
In pursuance of these his resolutions, his Majesty forthwith issues a proclamation commanding all officers of war, of whatsoever quality, to depart from Paris by the beginning of February, and render themselves to the actual exercise of their charges, with a purpose to part himself in person in the Month of March, to begin the next campagne. But the preparations for it did not answers the King's desire through the slackness of those instruments, which being now out of fear of the late Cardinal, and finding a more remiss hand (as the more remote is wont to be) carried over them, did regulate their actions to their own commodities. So that now the two emulous Monarchies were counterpoised only by a reciprocal kind of fate, that one could get no start upon the impediments of the other. For about the same time, that the Cardinal Duke of RICHELIEU died in France, the Count-Duke of OLIVAREZ fell in Spain: and that King resolves in like manner to return his royal authority on his own person: and so for a few months kept his business in his own hands, imparting them with indifferency to his Ministers, and referring their dispatch to several Councils, where they lay a long time sleeping; and the King, having lived 22 years in repose, began now to find more unpliancy in his affairs then he expected; and thereupon to discover some change of his resolution by inclining to a new favourite, which at last riseth with great expectation in the person of D. Lewis de Haró (nephew of the Count of Castriglio the present viceroy of Naples) who beginning his course almost as soon, (and without any opposition) as his corrival inreputation, may seem to have lost nothing in the setting out.  
In the interim the arms of both nations are not idle, and the suit of those councils, which had issued from their late Dictators (subjects both of them of extraordinary finesses) though intercised from their heads; yet run out their courses: especially in the two republics of Venice and Holland, which were highly to be courted at this time. Of the first of which we have somewhat ready to insert here.  
There had happened lately in Italy a war merely Italian, neither French nor Spanish having any hand in it, nor knowing how to intermeddle in it, though they sought many ways to inultratetheir practices about the quarrel. A war it was not very violent; but full of expedients in the managing, in the treating, and in composing of it, the occasion was the seizing of the duchy of Castro (a place lying conveniently near to Rome, and bordering upon the Duke of Florence his dominions, but belonging to the Duke of Parma) by the nephews of Urban the eight, pretending to satisfy the Montists in Rome, to whom that Prince was much indebted: the republic of Venice, the Duke of Florence, and the Duke of Modena, as friends and Neighbours to the Duke of Parma, or as jealous of the ecclesiastical State since the accrueing of the new estates of Urbino and Ferrara, or as no well wishers to the Barberini, league together to aid and restore the said Duke to his sequestered duchy: the French and Spaniards hold themselves a while Spectators, as if they were to study their interests in this emergent, the Spaniards for the hate they bare the Barberini, and for the love which they secretly hugged of the Pope's trouble, could well have been contented with the war, but that they equally hated the progress of the league, their jealous Neighbours, whom they desired to over-awe, wherefore when the Pope was very Importunate by his Nuntio Panziroli at Madrid to get that King to join with the Pope, and to declare himself against the league, as also to supply him with the succours of 900 horse and 3000 foot, which the King of Spain is bound to furnish the Pope withal, when his estates are invaded, by virtue of his Fief of Naples, the Spaniard returned but formal answers, as expressing his thought to be that the restitution of Castro was but reasonable; and this no occasion for him to aid the Pope (to the prejudice of the League) considering that he was the invader, rather than invaded: for the Spaniard well knew that by declaring for one side he should but give the French occasion to take the other, and so draw the greater prejudice on his own estates, giving them the more pretensions to invade him. So that all considered, he was not unwilling to carry himself only as an arbitrator, and not permit the French to get the start of him in the management. Yet he suffers the Swissers, which the Pope had levied for the war, to pass through the State of Milan, as a counterbalance to the league, and not long after he also granted the same liberty to other forces of the Duke of Parma's, as a like counterpoise to the Papalins, which he thought might well consist with his public indifferency: for otherwise he had a secret grudging against the League; also being his neighbour Princes, and less potent that had formed an union without his knowledge, consent, or comprehension; it inwardly▪ displeasing him that the Princes of Italy should show to act independently of his Crown; a thought so much the harder to be digested in that it might be thence gathered that such resolutions were taken upon a ground of weakness and decay of his greatness, while in spite of their bad fortune the Spaniards still desired to treat and to be treated▪ as when they were at the highest ascendent of their felicity. And if now a war being broken outit should be again composed without his arbitration, as umpire of the affairs of Italy, or the French out strip him in this negotiation, he would be a great deal worse to like it. But I will not follow these comments any further.  
The French were yet more busy and more subtle to handle and wind themselves into these treaties, so that it is not so easy to penetrate their true designs, I will therefore be a little more punctual and more large on this point as a part of my set purpose, for the sake of which I have brought in any thing of the contrary to illustrate it: nor do I regard any other art or method then what directly serves the nature of of the things themselves which I am treating.  
Presently after the seizing of Castro, the marquess of Fontenay is appointed ambassador to Rome to accommodate this difference, with order to Cardinal Bichitill he should come, to apply himself earnestly in this matter to the Pope and his Nephews, which as a preparative might serve to farther negotiation. 'Twas about the beginning of November 1641 when Fontenay arrived: besides the adjusting of the business of Parma, being also encharged to endeavour the reception of the Bishop of Lamego ambassador from the new King of Portugal, Shich the Pope made many excuses to defer, as a point involved with other interests nothing perfunctory: with it highly concerned the obliging or disobliging of the two Crowns for the restitution of Castro and other goods to the Duke of Parma: the ambassador makes great instances with the Pope, alleging him to be under his majesty's protection, with many protestations that he could not abandon him: but the Pope still insisted on the obedience and humiliation of Parma to him, as his sovereign, in his own person, and not by another's interposal to capitulate with him, he being a Feudatary of the Holy See; whereupon notwithstanding the Barberini (which had hitherto greatly countergrained the Spaniards by their partiality to the French) thought it now time to manage some complyancwith them, & if need were to come over to their party: in reference whereunto they practise at the Court of Spain by their Nuntio Facchinetti a conjunction with them to oppress the Duke of Parma, as a Partisan of the French, and a complotter of designs on the state of Milan, not omitting at the same time to treat on other conditions to the same drift at the court of France, and according to the variableness of their designs with the answerableness of either party; so they carried towards the Bishop of Lamego: but the Spaniards finding (when they had once well settled themselves to hold the State of Castro, wherein they expected no such opposition as they afterwards met withal) that the former treaties soon cooled; they sought rather to secure themselves by modelling the intentions of the Duke, pressing reiterated promises from him, that he would not call the French to his succour, nor accept of their aids while the Spaniards would support him: but whatsoever point it was that failed, the best assistance which the Duke had afterwards was by the men and money that came from France. The marquess of Fontenay's reports being come to his Master's court, the King of France to second his ambassador no less than to discover whether in the Pope there were any new inclinations towards the Spaniards, dispatcheth the Sieur de Lyonne (a young gentleman of an exquisite capacity, that had also been bred up by his uncle the secretary de servient in affairs of great consequence) who coming as an intercessor might promote in person between the parties those affairs which his Resident ambassador could not otherwise treat but by Corriers and so consequently not without jealousies and delays. De Lyonne presents himself first to the Duke at Parma while he is busy in Levying of his forces and there delivers his charge to this purpose, that his Majesty of France continuing his wonted protection to the person and house of his highness, had expressly sent him to the Pope to persuade him to accord, praying his highness on his part to facilitate a business so proper for him and so desiderable to France, and so exhorted him in his King's name to render to the Pope all manner of Humiliations, which as done to a common Father, would no ways derogate from the Honour of a sovereign Prince, and that his so doing would be very acceptable to his Majesty. The Duke offers any submissions not prejudicial to his interests, or admitting of such faults as might be of ill consequence to him and his house hereafter, and with that answer, De Lyonne hasts to Rome where he presently stopped the publication of the Interdictment intended by the Barberini, by assuring them, that in such case the ecclesiasticks were resolved (Not observing the censures) to hold at their Duke's Devotion, or otherwise he to employ their revenues in his war, which would have a-amounted to a great sum (I will insist a little further here, though somewhat below the times which I intended to resume) Being afterwards brought to the feet of his holiness, & there rendered the accustomed most humble reverence, he presents to him the credential letter of the King of France written with his own hand, wherein with most affectionate and efficacious instances, he beseecheth him that qualifying those disgusts that he had conceived against the Duke of Parma, he would be graciously pleased to restore him to his former good grace; and embracing him with paternal benevolence, condescend to some agreement to their reciprocal satisfaction, which courteous expressions being answered by the Pope in words testifying a very real acceptation; Monsieur de Lyonne proceeds to a further discourse, importing that it was his Majesty's earnest desire and request to his holiness to Restore the Duke of Parma to all his goods and estates, since he had so amply satisfied his reputation in the conquest of Castro, and now to forget things past, as his Majesty himself had dealt with the Duke of Lorraine in restoring him to estate of such advantage upon his humble submission only to his Majesty's clemency. To this the Pope answered in these precise terms, Castro is already the apostolical sees. There is nothing to be said of that.  
If you will treat of Parma and Placentia [which were now pretended to be forfeited] somewhat may be done at the King's intercession. About Castro we will afterwards do justice. Monsieur de Lyonne replies, that, that was not the grace which his Majesty had employed him to seek, it being probable that the neighbour Princes would not suffer such disaster to befall the Duke of Parma, nor such an acquisition to a mightier confinant as was the State ecclesiastical; where the Pope apprehending a secret conceit shadowed that the King of France would aid the Parmesan, discovered great alteration, saying that the Duke of Parma was a rebel and excommunicated, and that whatsoever Princes should assist him were wicked and Impious, in which case he would put his trust in God assuring himself that he would not abandon him in his most righteous cause; That therefore he should not speak any more to him about Castro, as a business not practicable, but only of Parma, and Placentia: whereat de Lyonne not troubling himself replied; That if his holiness would do any grace to the King, it must be about Castro, for of the other he had no commission to treat any thing: which more inflaming the Pope's displeasure, he took his leave in time, that he might reserve his further application for another audience, which a while after he again obtaining with like success, took his course back to Parma to propound new overtures. The French having been before dealing with the Duke of Parma to draw his assistance towards Lombardy, were now willing to degage him from any embroilments on the contrary side, or otherwise to study how to serve themselves upon occasion. The Spaniards though they longed to revenge the injuries of the Barberini were fain to mortify that passion with better council, holding it no good time to break with Rome, any more then to join with Parma. The republic of Venice, The Duke of Tuscany, The Duke of Modena (being both allied in blood to Parma) are yet but making long debates about a league in his favour: Wherefore De Lyonne thinks best to propound some suspension for the present, fearing lest Parma should be overpowered, which he being a Prince of great Courage, and now if he followed not his enterprises likely to sink under great charges, which the forces that he had gathered must needs put him to in his own country, was very unwilling to harken to: so that entering with his forces into the ecclesiastical state he brought great damages & terror to Rome itself, till at last he was overperswaded to attend the issue of a treaty at Castel-Georgio, wherein the Papalins to divert the present shock consented to deposit Castro in the Duke of Modena's hands for three or four months, while affairs in difference should be treated, The Ministers of France being all this while instant with the State of Venice, first to mediate for, and then to assist the Duke of Parma, practising also at the same time with other Italian Princes on this subject, cannot avoid jealousies on all sides interchangeable. The Venetians (though moved thereunto by the French Ministers yet) are very cautious how they interpose their offices in this affair, lest they should seem to deprive that Crown of the Honour of mediation, whereupon they impart all their negotiations at Rome with exact diligence to the French ambassador, passing one concurrence and correspondence in their treaties: But for the matter of assistance, however they were inclined to the joining with their Neighbour Potentates to keep Italy still in the same balance; yet the instances of the French in this regard they accounted no way free from suspicion; now especially that the Princes of Savoy were turned to their service and away thereby opened to the heart of Lombardy: They hold the old proverb good, Have the French for thy Friend, but not for thy Neighbour. For although they had the Spaniards ambitious and troublesome Confinants, which by their moneys and intelligence had made them many chargeable and unseasonable diversions; yet the differences since a whole age had never come to a breach between them, besides that, they did not count them of so desultory an humour as other Ultramontans. On another side the Spaniards seeing the French so busy in their treaties from the one side to the other, and knowing how much they were obliged to respect them both; now they saw also the Duke of Parma proceed so prosperously in the state ecclesiastical without foot or artillery, began to confirm themselves in a former suspicion, that some mystery was under those enterprises, and that the Pope was indeed of some agreement with the Duke of Parma, the King of France and the Princes of the League, against the kingdom of Naples, whose viceroy was allied to That Duke; which apprehension might have been the more justified by an overture of Monsieur De Lyonne (if at least it did not escape the inquisitiveness of the Spaniards) made to the Duke of Parma, about the leaving of Castro to Don Tadco, and accepting of the Pope and King of France his assistance to invest him in the kingdom of Naples: To which the Duke roundly answered, Nay, but rather let them restore me my duchy, and bestow their kingdom on Don Tadco. However this conceit, especially the League being now formed, and his Neighbours in arms round about him, made the Spaniard keep him on his guard, to his great charges, and leave those forces on his frontiers of Naples which he needed elsewhere: being also (as before was intimated) not a little troubled at such a league made with his exclusion. The Pope and the Barberini are no less satisfied of the French Negotiations as too too partial to the interests of Parma, and otherwise suspected to aim only at embroiling all things. The other Princes are jealous of the Duke of Parma, lest he should be brought to cast himself only on the French assistance, and to bring a formidable guest to their doors; whereupon they are willing rather to assist him themselves, that he might enter on no course prejudicial to their common Interests: And so at last concluding and conjoining in one league, rendered no less jealousy to the French themselves than they had done to the others, lest it should tend to contravene their designs now ready against the State of Milan. But let us now return to the Court, and thence take our licence to some other Quarter.  
We left the Duke of Orleans a month since shadowed with a dismal, and thick cloud: but as mighty offices were not wanting to dispel it: particularly of the Secretary de Chauvigni, a creature of the late Cardinal, and special Confident of the present. Whereupon on the 12th of January, he arrives at Paris, and next morning presents himself to the King in his Cabinet, at St Germans, with one knee on the ground, in expression of reverence, and humiliation, protesting hereafter never to deviate from that loyalty which on so many respects he owed to his Majesty: from whom he had this answer. That it was now high time the effects should agree in perfect harmony with his words: in which case he might expect the fruits of a loving brotherhood, knowing that he could not from any other hand, then that of his royal bounty, hope for any advantage. The King had reason, considering his own health, and the high interest's of the person, not to leave him in such disgusts, as were likely to fall heavy on his Infant-successor. But Monsieur to use this grace the more nobly, disdains not a while after to visit the Duchess of Ayguillon (the niece of his great adversary of Richelieu, to whose rigidness his slips were imputed) his generosity not allowing him to imitate a vulgar spleen, which hates for malice, though the obstacle be removed, wrecking itself with emulation on all that belongs to the person or his memory.  
The arms of France by confederacy with the Swedes, and by joining the troops of the late Duke of Weimar to the forces of the Count of Guehriant were now high in Germany, they urging all their power to make the elector of Saxony, and these the elector of Bavaria desist from aiding of the Emperor, and embrace a neutrality. Wherefore Guebriant to comply with the hardy Swedes (to whom the rigour of the winter did but seem to facilitate their warfare, in plaining the passes over rivers, and giving them the nigher access to any ramparts opposite) abandons his quarters in Franconia to conduct his Army into the duchy of Wittenberg, where he harassed all the Country betwixt Hailbrun, and Ulm, that he might thereby give deeper apprehensions to the elector of Bavaria and hold his, and the imperial forces still in distraction, while general Tortenson accredited with his late victory at Leipsick, was overrunning of Moravia, and striking terror into Austria. In the mean time the Baron of Oysonville, that was left in command with the forces of Alsatia, having somewhat drained Brisach, and Rhin-feld with the other garrisons, conducts them to Uberlinghens a place situated on the lake of Constance, and without any great opposition, possesseth himself of it, to the great grief of the elector of Bavaria, because it flanked on his estates, and no less jealousy of the Swissers, because their confines were terminated here. Whereupon they take alarms, despeede soldiers to their borders, and raise new works for more security about the fort of Stein, and because the like dangers were imminent on the County of Burgundy, which on that side also distermined their country from so powerful a neighbour, they call a diet at Baden, and thence (notwithstanding the offers of the French, to give them a fair partage in that Country) they dispatched their Deputies to the Court to make their humble remonstrances for the indemnity of that province, with protestations of being bounden to defend it, as an ancient confederate of the Helvetian body, in case of invasion; which would oblige them most unwillingly to draw their swords against those, in whose cause they were ready to brandish them on another occasion: which offices had made no breach in the King's mind (being most determined to begin his next campagne, with the attaquing of Salins, that so intercepting the communication twixt Germany and Dola, the whole country might fall into his power without any further trouble) if his languishing health had not inclined him to think rather, of the mean's of the general peace, then of incurring new enemies, whereupon Neutrality was granted to that Province, paying only some contribution to the King's troops.  
The affairs of Catalonia were yet more importunate with the Court, as indeed more important; for having lost their old friend, that never failed them in their need, they began now to doubt of their wonted aids, and upon the sense of that apprehension to be handled more warily by the French, who first publishing an Edict through all the principality to declare the constant applications, and intentions of their crown to uphold the fortunes of those people to the uttermost, did afterward enjoin all those, that possessed any feif in Catalogne, to appear at a time appointed in Barcelona, to swear allegence to the King of France, in the hands of their Viceroy the marshal de la Mothe Houdan court. Which was a grievous Edict to some of the Catalans, that in their hearts did not wish ill to their old Master, and to others of them, that were loath to engage so publicly to the King of France, desiring rather, as neutral spectators, to follow the air only of that fortune which otherwise would overwhelm them: But no palliating will serve their turn, the French Ministers, and the Catalans that sided with them are resolved to know whom to trust to, and by sequestering the estates of the rest to strengthen their own, and weaken the Spanish party. Only the ecclesiastics and especially the Bishops, whose authority bears high in this country, were at closer guard to wave this stroke, pretending conscience, and necessity of a dispensation to be first obtained from their former oath, given to the Catholicko King, for which some of them encounter a speedy Chastisement. for the Bishop of Barcelona is hereupon forced to take his leave, only with fair promises, which afterwards he did not find observed, that he should enjoy the revenues of his bishopric in any place by him assigned, which rigor of proceeding against their Prelates effected no small passion in the people, as was seen a while after more evidently in expelling the Bishop of Girona, a person counted of great worthiness in his Charge; with whom when the Viceroy, and the royal Ministers could avail nothing they send the Count of Argenc'on, and Don Joseph Margarita, one of the principal in the late revolutions, to the Pope's collector general, who in his name was resident in that principality, to receive the revenues of vacant bishoprics, as is also used in all the other kingdoms of Spain, to acquaint him what matter of just suspicion they had against the Bishop, and that they came by order from the viceroy to communicate thus much to him, as an apostolical Minister: that he might advise at Rome of the merits of their procedure, the need which they had of security and the necessity, which the foresaid Bishop had brought upon himself, that so their actions might be charactered by their respect, and zeal to the Holy See. The collector answered (thanking the viceroy for this office) that he should advise his holiness punctually about it, in the mean while letting him know, that notwithstanding the necessity by them supposed, they should consider the regard and reverence due to the episcopal dignity, being subject to no other than the Pope; That therefore they should abstain from any umbrage of violence, setting before them the dreadful censures which which they might incur thereupon. The governor Margarita answered with an oath not to offend his own conscience, nor his reputation, and so with a great company takes his way to Blanes, a Sea town in the province of Gironne, where the Bishop then sojourned. At first he showed his Commissions to the Bishop with a studied discourse, bidding him departure in discreet terms, yet intimating necessity. But when the Bishop made answer smiling, and called for a Notary to make a public act of the violence done him, the governor somewhat altered, commands him to depart in rounder terms, limiting a few hours to the execution, which he stood in a balcony not far off to see effected. But the Bishop goes immediately to celebrate Mass, and after takes his leave of the people with such Eloquence, and in term's so compassionable, as drew his Auditors to flow in tears after him to the sea shore, lamenting his departure, and blaming the rigidness of the governor, which was also the longer thought on, because his brother a Dominican Friar was appointed to receive the revenues of that Church, and shortly after made Bishop of it by the King of France.  
The Catalonians in another case showed not only disgust, but suspicion: for when the French were treating with them of raising a Fortroyall on a hill, which stood too near to prejudice their city of Barcelona, persuading them to demolish their imperfect fortifications, which being built without art might serve, it may be, to offend more then to defend them, and in pursuance of these counsels brought an Engineer to design the form of it: they endeavoured not only to throw Jealousy on this action, but openly showed so resolute a repugnancy, as obliged the King's Ministers to surcease in it. And the Magistrates of Barcelona leveled the old works, leaving only an ancient tower which served for a Pharos on the seaside.  
Meanwhile the Spaniards employ such forces as they had under the banner of the marquess of Inoijosa about five thousand foot, and five hundred horse to take up their quarters within the territory of the Castle of Amposta, and that with such success, that they were like to recover all that tract lying between the Eber, and Arragon. From thence he accosteth the a place belonging to the Jurisdiction of Barcelona, but a sudden rising of the waters obligeth him to dislodge, bringing great damage upon the country, whereupon he turns his course to Mirave, and enters that town with a thousand horse and an hundred foot, planting his batteries against the Castle which he had brought almost to terms, when the marshal de la Mothe on a sudden passeth the Eber, and arrives with a strong brigade to their succour, enters the place without dispute, and finds means to cast in a recruit of eight hundred men, which not at all delaying to sally out on their assailers, while the marshal invested them on all sides there ensued an hardy conflict for about three hours, but at last the Castilians, were fain to leave the field to their enemies, with the death of some hundreds, and prize of four hundred more. But the loss of the French was so considerable, that it imbittered the victory. The marquess of Inoijosa being then at Gandesa, soliciting Cannon, and provisions (not suspecting that La Mothe could pass the river so soon, which he had left so high and impetuous between them) did not come to aid his men with the rest of his his forces. On this success the French overrun the country to Tortosa and then leaving Flix, and Miravet well provided return with the rest, and their prisoners in a way of triumph to Barcelona, where the Vic●roy was thought to use a French liberty too much in standing to view them with Donna Eusalia, a beautiful Lady, and wife of a Catalan Gentleman from a balcony in his house.  
This fate of Inoijosa was sadly resented in Spain, fearing lest the residue of their forces should scarce suffice to hinder excursions into Arragon and Valentia, so that, that King was fain to call two thousand Italians and Germans to these parts, which had been sent to the frontiers of Portugal: Nor was this piece of service, though in itself of no great consequence, any less applauded at the court of France, especially by the Secretary de noyer's to whom the marshal was allied: so that not omitting such an opportunity, he never left recommending La Mothe's services, till he got the King to grant him the investiture of the duchy of Cardona, which is one of the fairest and amplest domains in Catalogne, & had formerly been denied him, as a bounty exceeding his merits and condition, he being advanced from a mean estate, and of the house of an ordinary Gentleman. The Catalans did inwardly ramaricate this largesse to a stranger, when so many of their own Nobility were ruined by following of the party, yet accommodating themselves to the time, showed outwardly to gratulate that favour done to their Viceroy, as intended to themselves.  
The Spaniards in Flanders began now to be sensible of a critical time ascending over France, and of changes likely to be incident, whereupon they are the earlier this year in their preventions, hovering about the frontiers of Picardy, with their squadrons, to be ready either to foment, or make some Impression as occasion served. The Duke of Enguien (now Prince of Condè) had been appointed general for the French in these parts, at the issuing of the next campaign the marshal de l' hospital being declared his lieutenant-general, and the marquess of Geures, Gassion, d' Aumont, and la Ferte-seneterre his marshal's of camp, but in the mean time the Count of Guicke (now Marreschal de Grammont) is sent to wait upon their motions where we leave him at the present, and take our tour back into Italy, 
(A stage of operas where fortune's sky  
Play's over art, & nature's tapestry.  
The Scene has oft been changed; yet the state  
Holds equal through varieties of fate.  
All Italy was once in Rome; but now  
Rome in all Italy (I know not how)  
But I believe that Empire never was  
So splendid therein one prodigious mass,  
As minted now in many curious coins,  
Admired in their scale, which art conjoins.  
And 'tis another Genius doth inspire  
New Rome: but 'tis but with Promethean fire.   
The French having made themselves Masters of Tortona, employ their studies how to preserve it, and make their way to further acquists. In suit whereof they make a Donative of the Tortonese to Prince Thomas of Savoy as a principality, and he freely offers it to the Duke of Parma, as a place fit for him (bordering upon his estates) to receive the aids of France upon occasion, and shoulder out the Spaniards from re-entering, & make himself amends by some other acquisition according to the orders of his Majesty of France; for it was commonly believed that by private articles between that crown, and the house of Savoy it was agreed that the Prince Thomas should possess in sovereignty whatever he should gain in the Milanese, by the joint arms of the French and Saovoyrds; as a way not only to encourage him, but also to remove Jealousies from the Princes of Italy about the designs of that King, which how far it may be veritable, we may guess farther by the negotiations of the French Minister's at Venice, and in particular of Monsieur de Lyonne coming to give account of the breach of the treaty at Castel-Georgio, and of the little sincerity of the ecclesiastics in those proceedings: whereupon he took occasion to move them farther to unite their forces and counsels with those of France, for the total expulsion of the Spaniards from the duchy of Milan, with protestation that the most Christian Crown, to take away all jealousies from the Princes of Italy, contenting itself with the only glory, and advantage to have beaten their enemies in all places, would not appropriate to itself one foot of land: but would either invest some Italian Prince in it to their common satisfaction, or divide it among such Princes of the same province, as should partake in the travail of the enterprise. That it would be no hard matter for the powerful arms of France on the one side, and those of that republic on the other, to strike into the heart of that duchy; upon which resolution his Majesty to show his most disinteressed good will to the Italian Princes, his complices herein, would freely engage not only to take his garrison out of Casale, but also to abandon Pignerol, not retaining any thing on that side of the mountains. And that they might the better secure themselves of his majesty's royal purposes, he offered to leave the entire management and direction of this business to the republic, and that the King would concur in such manner, as best might comport with the liking of the Princes of Italy, whether by a limited number of soldiers, or by sea forces, or by powerful diversions, or by aids of money only, which agreement howsoever desirable to the King of France, if notwithstanding it should not succeed, his Majesty was most determined to make this invasion by himself (that republic only guarding its professed neutrality) and there to repay himselfd for his own travels as well as he could, not admitting afterwards of any conjunction on the same terms now proffered.  
These overtures of the King of France assailed the minds of the Senators with various agitations, They knew how much themselves and all Italy had enjoyed a calm by the indifferency of their counsels, and although the Spaniard had been somewhat a sullen Neighbour: yet they could not set themselves to expel him, without bringing a deluge of blood and confusion over Italy, since the house of Austria would hazard all to their patrimonial States, before they would permit so noble an estate to be dismembered from them: nor was it forgotten how deceitful an ambition it proved to this republic, when they joined with Lewis the 12th of France, to the extreme hazard of themselves, and of the liberty of Italy: which things might well teach them to adhere to their ancient maxim, to beware of hardy counsels, and hold themselves only to temperate resolutions: Besides that the violent and moody designs of the French proved for the most part fatal to the Italians that joined with them: whereof the republic had a fresh example of this very Kings; to second whose Impressions after he had taken the pass of Sura, and advanced to raise the siege of Casale, then distressed by the Spaniards, they had entered with an Army into the Cremonese according to agreement, and on a sudden found themselves abandoned to make their own conditions with the Spaniards, the King leaving Italy in haste to go stifle the last insurrection of the Hugnenots in Languedoc. In fine they held it for their best security that the two crowns should be aequiballanced.  
The Venetians being thus resolved give an answer most expressive of their affectionate disposition, and wellwilling towards the interests of France, of their ancient observance and devotion to that Crown, of their common ends and counsels, and of their own propension to quietness, with many other fair words, which did not exceed the general terms of obsequious complementing. Notwithstanding the republic was not free of much anxiety about their answer, knowing that great Monarchs will not be paid with empty words, and that the King being resolute to pass into Italy, they might be like to incur some hazard of his amity, if they held themselves precisely to the terms of their neutrality. But alterations being now like to happen in France, they resolved to attend the issues which longer time might produce.  
We are to leave our silken furniture here: The Trumpet and the Cannon call us to the other side of the Apennines to the tents there pitched, in spite of winter, about the avenues of Tortona.  
The Count of Sirvela, governor of Milan having much lost his reputation at the Court of Madrid by losing of Tortona, dispatches a Gentleman of quality thither to make his excuses: and then applies himself with great instances to the viceroy of Naples for recruits of men and moneys, at the same time pressing the Milanese to do their utmost efforts on such an occasion as this was, to show their Loyalty to his Majesty of Spain. Prince Thomas of Savoy, the New general of the French forces in Italy was no less sensible on the other side, of the great importance of this Place, to signalise his further services if he could but keep it till the next campaign; and therefore solicits the Court of France with equal fervency to hasten a supply to him of 3000 foot & 1000 Horse, with which he might not only hold the Town, but the Adjacent Country in subjection: but affairs there (as before was intimated) not having yet found a current channel, foreslowed those recruits so long that the Spaniards were ready before him.  
The governor of Milan provides first to block the town at large, and then draws with all his forces towards Casale (a jealous piece both to French and Savoyard) to make them hold their strength there, and not to send them to Tortona, which done, He sends a party to wast Montferrat, and all the Country that was to lie in the Frenches way, if they thought of relieving the town to be invested. Then, bringing all his Army on the 8 of February before the place, He planted his Batteries in such manner, that at 20 shots with two pieces of Cannon, and within 24 hours he opened a breach, forcing the French with the best goods in the city, to retire into the Castle and Convent of St Dominico, which they had strongly fortified; and this gave the Spaniards conveniency to form their siege, and draw their Line (though opposed by vigorous Sallies) entrenching themselves so strongly in their Works, that when they were accomplished, and afterward considered by the marshal du Plesis Praslin, and the marquess of Ville (the one chief Commander for the French, and the other for the Savoyards under the Prince's Orders) they commended them for the most secure, and admirable that ever they had seen.  
This Poyanant news being come to the Prince, speedily ramasseth his Troops, crosseth the Po, ravages the Navarresse, making show of an hardy Enterprise on some other place; but finding all passes strongly guarded, and done Vincenzo Gonzago, and the marquess of Taracena with strong parties dispatched to wait upon His motions, so that, that way would be like to bring him into great difficulties, He retired between the Gogno, and the Sesia (2 small Rivers) as a secure place, to stay for 2000 Foot that were already embarked at Oneglia to recruit Him▪ and then reattempted many ways to pursue His purpose of relieving the city: but found all the Fords, and wharves of the Rivers so strictly kept, that he was fain to beat the same way back into Montferrat; where coasting up and down, to amuse the Spaniards of his intentions, and elude their diligence; on a sudden He passes the River Tanaro without opposition, and so accosting the City of Asti by a round, and quick assault given on an imperfect Fort, situate between the town, and the River, he gained the City also, and shortly after the citadel.  
The governor of Milan was at hand (having left a body of 3000 men to prosecute the siege at Tortona) to have relieved this place: but being intercepted by the River, that he could not apply his aid so speedily as was requisite he sends the marquess of Caracena into Montferrat, to revenge himself on the Savoyards by attempting Aicqui; where the Citizens made resistance till they had secured the best of their goods in the Castle, and then compounded at 2000 Doubles for the city to save it from sacking. Mean while Prince Thomas makes a Tour, and sees himself ere long, within the sight of Tortona. The governor, as soon as he found his March recalls all his forces to the siege, some 16000 men effective, besides a Nerve of Cavalry, with which the marquess of Caracena was left to guard the Posts of the River Scrivia: Prince Thomas having seized some little hills behind the Spanish Trenches, resolves to attaque their lines: but a council of war being called (after a slight skirmish, whereby their damage sufficiently showed the difficulty of their attempt, and the impenetrableness of the Lines, together with the impossibility of staying there for want of forage) they planted a piece of Cannon, whereby (as had been done formerly at the siege of Turin) they conveyed Letters into the Castle to Monsieur de Forenville the governor, advising him, when he could no longer hold out, to capitulate, and He by the same means answering, advised them of his extremity, having now maintained himself 4 months; whereupon, the delivery of the Castle upon honourable Terms ensued shortly after; The French going out with 4 Pieces of Cannon, which they had brought in, and were convoyed by the Spaniards to the head of the Prince's Army, and treated so courteously by them in the way, that on the other side of the River Scrivia, they had provided a refreshment for them of 50 barrels of Wine, with Bread, and Cheese. The town being thus regained, both parties seemed to admit a tacit truce, and went to refresh their soldiers with better Quarters. I must also serve the occasion, and return to the spiny subject that before I was handling.  
Monsieur de Lyonne finding himself much aggrieved at the non-suiting of the treaty of Castel-Georgio, which had snapped the Line of the Duke of Parma's progress, giving respite to the ecclesiastics (though the Barberini pretending that his Arms had not rested thereupon, as was engaged, took occasion, not only to break in, but to recriminate the more exquisitely) came to Rome with high complaints to the marquess of Fontenay ambassador Lieger there, giving out, that he would treat no more in the negotiation; but notwithstanding intermits it not: Only the marquess, casting this Manleon his other disgusts, retires from Rome to Caprarola, a place not far distant belonging to the Estates of the Duke of Parma. His other pretences were the non-admission of the Bishop of Lamego, as had been promised, and the not confirming of an Election made at a Chapter general in Genova of Father Mazzarino (the Brother of the Cardinal) to be general of the Friar Dominicans; Which grounds (being judged insufficient for such a dereliction) gave jealousy at Rome of some mysterious Object in the eye of France: But when the dispatches of Fontenay came to the Court with account of his departure out of Rome and the motives of it, the King send's for the Nuntio, and with much efficacy complain's of the Pope's proceedings in the breach of the Treaty of Castel-Georgio and deluding of his Ministers there, annulling the Election of Father Mazzarino, of the partiality of Cardinal Barberino to the Spaniards, with the injuries he had done his royal person, and interposition, whereupon he counted himself engaged in his reputation to use all means to bring that treaty to effect. The Nuntio set himself to excuse the Actions of Rome, beseeching the King to suspend his judgement about the reasons of his ambassador's departure, of which he confessed that yet he had had no notice; but hoped in a short time to be acquainted of particulars; in the mean while that he could not admit of any ill judgement about his holiness's good intentions. Notwithstanding, his majesty much resented this act of his ambassador without orders; and as earnestly desired his return to the court; so it might be without blemish to his reputation. The ambassador of Venice coming not long after to an audience, and being advertised of these dissatisfactions, thought it a fit time for the credit of his State to make proffer of their offices to bring the marquess of Fontenay back with honour, which he doubted not, but his republic would endeavour by all the fair means possible. The King harkened to this overture, entreating him to write effectually to that purpose. The Nuntio being also advised hereof by the ambassador, promised to solicit at the Court of Rome, that the good offices of the commonwealth on this behalf might be accepted.  
But however, this forwardness of their ambassador, was not liked so well at Venice, till the issue itself approved it: for at this time they themselves were at no good Terms at Rome, in being a part of the league against the Barberini, though still they continued their Ministers of state there.  
The Spaniards seeing the French ambassador gone from his Residence, thought it now a time for them to interpose more vigorously to inflame these disgusts, and to form an union of the Princes of Italy to their Crown, as the only way to effect the depositing of Castro in the hands of the League, and exclude the French (which were now become jealous to them, lest they should get that depositing into their own hands) from interesting themselves any further in this Mediation, the honour whereof they desired to carry from them: to this purpose they sought how to bring themselves and the Pope within the League, so modelling the design of it, that they might get the chief arbitration both of the difference, and deposition, propounding that Castro might be put into the hands of the Duke of Savelli, the Emperor's ambassador at Rome, till the treaty might be brought to an issue: but the Pope and the leagued Princes were too sensible to be drawn by any other motives than those of their proper Interests▪ and the sudden recalling to Rome of the marquess of Fontenay by the intercessions of the offices of Venice, set on foot new practices, and put a new lustre on them, by the graciousness that ensued on a kind of reconcilement, between his holiness, and the most Christian King, which was accompanied with the satisfaction of the Father Mazzarino, in being made Master of the Sacred Palace, a thing that sweetened all embitterings; for it was thought that the cause of this Father, was the very motive (how ever palliated) that made the ambassador show so high resentment, to the end that he might thereby ingratiate the Cardinal his Brother, a matter which yet proved a scandal to the Cardinal in France, that the pretensions of his Brother should hazard the interests of the State, and the amity of the Pope, which also gave him displeasure at them both, using his utmost prudence to recompose those differences.  
Our story begins now to prey upon the last wick, the oil of the King's life is' E'en exhausted, the vanishing Flame having long wavered about the brims: But his declining makes the several Ministers gather as much authority as they could within the folds of their respective Robes, whereby they could not miss of some such Rent, as put Hortensius to a suit in Law, when they encountered one another in passages too straight for them. The Parliament is jealous of the Ministers of State, and these of the Princes of the Blood, since they saw the Queen, the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Conde close together, and likely to bear before them the entire management of affairs, which in all probability would ruin the Creatures and dependences of the late RICHELIEU, that held themselves yet at the height of their Fortune in the King's favour. And these apprehensions wrought so intemperately with the Secretary de noyer's that at last it procured his dismission: For the King, now employing his best thought's, and advise with his counsellors about the framing of His Will, and leaving a sure estate to His Infant-Heir▪ Monsieur de noyer's was in many points of a different opinion from the others, pretending to regulate too much with His conceits (whether by his proper inclination, or adhering to the maxims of the late Cardinal, whose great Confident he h●d been) especially in the great business of excluding the Duke of Orleans from the Government, and nominating the Persons of the council: This rendered his employment the less desirable to the other States-Masters, which still applied themselves to clear his majesty of prejudices conceived against the said Duke, and of the ill consequence that was likely to ensue upon any division of the royal house. Nor did it a little contribute to the laying aside of this Instrument, that he was so zealous against the Protestants, ever traversing the aids of Germany, which the Cardinal Mazzarini procured with great Ardour; as a most important interest of the Crown; discovering also the like averseness to the Huguenots, insomuch that it was reported he should one day tell the marshal de Chastillon that when he was to sign any thing in favour of his Sect, it seemed to him as if he were to gash his own hand: But above all, His importunacy with the King was the greatest maturer of his downfall, he taking upon him to use (as his Master Richelieu had done) and in case he found not that Countenance which he desired, to demand retirement; a thing which the other would do with great art, knowing the necessity which the King had of his Services: But of noyer's his ill success in this way, we may see at one instance how he came to knock off from his attendance. He had the office of Receiver general of the rate of subsistence (an Imposition laid at first, with exemption of the payers from quartering of soldiers; but since made as the other ordinary Tallies) of which he disposed at his own discretion, making no account to any other: It came to the King's ear, that this subsistence, the year before, was ill dispensed, and only to the friends, and kindred of the Foresaid noyer's: whereupon the King takes occasion to ask him on what he had expended those sums, which passed through his hands for the service of the War, and of which he used to render no account. ('tis a certain Revenge on our own ill humour to think amiss of Him, that we depend on; or entertain any Umbrage that he dislikes us, or is mistaken in our good intentions, for commonly such a passion is apt to fennow, and so to mantle in its sourness, that one cannot afterward restore it to that Object.) noyer's, who had either made, or phancied the King's Countenance to be not so good as usually towards Him, took this word for a sign of diffidence, and so answered that he had ready in his Cabinet, a Book of all expenses made by him; and than let himself lavish in expressions; that since his hard fortune did now render him suspected, after a service of so many years uninteressed, 'twere better that his Majesty would permit him to render his charge to some other, that might be more fortunate; since, neither could a Prince satisfy himself in a Servant whom he disinherited; nor such a Servant enjoy any quiet, that knew his integrity to be doubted of. ('twas thought that noyer's was the more bold in venting this Passion, presuming that his two Confidents, as he presumed, the Cardinal Mazzarini, and the Secretary dè Chauvigny would sufficiently secure Him from having this request easily granted, but) his majesty hereupon discovered such displeasure, that Monsieur de Chauvigny first withdrew him handsomely from the King's bed, and then from his Chamber, persuading him to consider, and not to precipitate with himself, but give way to his majesty's anger for the time; which some interpreted as the act of a true Friend, but others as the Ruse of a Courtier to draw him from the King, and so from all hope of accommodation: for some make a great question whether the buds of noyer's his disfavour, were not cultivated by the two other Ministers of State, Mazzarini, and Chauvigni, because they were the dependants of these two that most incensed the King against Him; and immediately after his decession his Charge was conferred by the Cardinal's instance, on Monsteur de Tellier then in Piedmont, ●as Auditor general of the Army; besides that it was many ways evident, that the Cardinal's designs did not meet in noyer's of a fit Instrument, and that he had at several times treated with the King, of such matters, as de noyer's would have possessed him with the Contrary. Which things if real (as they have a great show of truth) one would think, by de Noyers' proceedings, that his desires also were no less real than pretended to retire to his privacy: He goes to Chauvigny, desire's his opinion as his friend, whether he should demand his Licence in person of the King, or by another: who after many fair offices to persuade with him, at last advises him to serve himself of the assistance of the Cardinal, to avoid disgusting of the King any further. De noyer's meets the Cardinal in the lovure, demands this grace of him publicly, and with a kind of pomp, that the world might take notice of it, as a generous, free action of his own, and accordingly the Cardinal does the office, after some excuses, with more show than reality; at his return bringing him that dismission which he desired, and received with demonstrations of the cordiallest alacrity. This fall of noyer's was only grievous to the marshal de Mesteraye, who being much interessed in his preservation, addresseth himself a new to the Cardinal to have this business put upon the file again; whom the Cardinal answering, that he resented this act of Monsieur dè Nayens as much as any other, and had omitted no office to divert him from the course that he had taken.  
The marshal suffered himself to be so far transported with his passion, as to tell him, That he did not understand these finesses of Italy, proceeding frankly and in the French fashion: The Cardinal notwithstanding continued in his excuses, treating him with acts of more respect, so that both seemed to part with satisfaction. From hence the marshal takes his way to dè noyer's then at Pontoise, to treat with him, and finds him most determined to acquiesce, desiring the marshal to let his majesty know, that he took it for an infinite obligation that his majesty had been pleased to dispense with his retirement. Which carriage of his was accounted more to commend his courage, than his courtship, considering especially that the King's death was by all tokens near at hand, which would have broke up those clouds that then overshadowed him.  
April 17. The King's malady being intermissive had hitherto observed some uncertain periods, allowing him his lucida inter●●lla to treat and give orders about affairs▪ but now betraying worser symptoms, the physicians advise the Statesmen of their opinion, that it was to terminate ere long in death. Whereupon the Prince of Condè, and Cardinal Mazzarini consult together how to give his majesty admonition, and so present themselves to him in his chamber, telling him, that although the physicians did not despair of his majesty's recovery; yet since he found his health continually declining, and running some hazard of a sad event; that the glory of his majesty, the good of the Princes his children, and of the whole State seemed to require, that as his majesty had hitherto established his greatness, and augmented the splendour of his crown, so now he should consider of leaving his affairs in such order, that no emergent might alter them for the future. That the Spaniards had not refused a suspension of arms, before so earnestly desired by them, on any other ground, than a certain misprision which they had conceived of the troubles of France likely to ensue on the failing of his Majesty, and therefore that the true way to undeceive them was to make it evident, that whatsoever event should happen his majesty's will should stand for a sure and inviolable Law for the Government of his kingdom.  
The King accepted not only of their discourse, but affectionately thanked them, and then desired to hear the Prince's judgement about the disposal of the Government. Who thereupon took occasion to extol highly the wisdom and goodness of the Queen, and after set himself to excuse the Duke of Orleans, ascribing his escapes to the overrigid treatments of the late Cardinal, showing that these two persons as the chief of the kingdom, aught by consequence to have the principal part in so important an administration.  
The King having well learned by his own experience how subject France is to alterations in the times of Minority, was the more desirous to leave a state well settled, wherein neither the Queen nor the Duke of Orleans (whom he did not eye so well) should envelop the whole authority in their own persons, which he devised to distribute among several counsellors, and to give them the Cardinal Mazzarini for their principal, much after the manner of the Government of Sweden, with the superintendency of the grand chancellor Oxenstern: which thoughts when he had discovered to the Cardinal, he found not such approbation as he desired, but rather met with strong arguments, persuading him to observe the ancient usances of the Crown. But after all deliberations the King at last resolved to form a council, according to the tenor of a declaration which he sent forthwith to the Queen, by the hand of Monsieur dè Chauvigny▪ the prime secretary of State, that she might see it, and signify her desire about any change in it for her better satisfaction, that so being afterward approved by the Parliament, it might be to pass as a Salic Law among the people; which last words touched to the quick, though at that time the Queen dissembled them with discretion, and presently passed to the King's chamber to render thanks, and to condole with him, till both melted into tears with expressions of love and tenderness. Next morning the Cardinal Mazzarini comes to Paris to give account of the King's resolutions to the Duke of Orleans, with intimation to the Parliament, Princes, Dukes, peers, and officers of the Crown, to present themselves to his majesty at S. Germans, where a fit time being waited, till the King's malady was somewhat alleviated, they were all called into his Chamber, where the Queen and her two Sons stayed for them; and than his Majesty▪ speaking all the while uncovered, made a passionate speech unto them, accompanied with such carriages as pressed tears from the bystanders. After which the secretary de la Urilliere read the declaration of his majesty's last will, which was to this effect:  
That although it had pleased God to bestow admirable successes on him through the whole course of his reign; yet now in the middle of his prosperities, he had also put him in mind of his frailty by a languishing disease, whereof howsoever there were good hope of his recovering, notwithstanding because the judgements of men most experienced are fallible in these cases, he thought himself obliged to provide for the peace of his kingdom, when he was gone. That he judged the best way to obtain this end, and to disappoint the projects of the enemies of France, to be the uniting of all the royal family with one Spirit to maintain the present state of his Crown; which would be also a great tie to his confederates to adhere to the interesses of France, when they shall find it governed by the same maxims that had hitherto upheld its grandeur. To execute which designs he thought no course more expedient, then that which the King's his predecessors had taken on the like occasions, who judged that the regency of the kingdom, and education of the minor Kings could not be better placed, then on the persons of their Queen Mothers; and therefore that he did ordain, that in case his death should ensue before the Dauphin should enter on the fourteenth year of his age, or in case that the Dauphin should die before the Majority of his second son the Duke of Aniou, his dearest spouse and consort the Queen Mother of his foresaid children should be Regent of France, and have the education of them during their minority, together with the administration of the government of the kingdom, during his nonage that should be King, with the advice of her council in manner hereafter following. And in case the said Queen after his death, and during her Regency should be in danger of finishing her days, he ordained that she should provide with the advice of her council herein specified, for the Regency and government for the time. And to testify to his dear and beloved Brother the Duke of Orleans, that nothing hath been able to diminish the Love that he hath ever borne him, he ordained him Lieutenant general of the non-aged King, and to exercise the said charge in all the provinces in the kingdom under the authority of the Queen Regent and of the council; and this notwithstanding the declaration registered against him in the Court of Parliament: only declaring that if he in any wise shall contravene this establishment, he remain ipso facto deprived of this charge. That although from the wisdom, piety and virtue of the Queen he might well promise himself a happy government of his state▪ yet considering the weight of such a charge, and the impossibility of her taking cognisance of all affairs necessary, that he thought fit to establish a council of the Regency to assist her, by whose judgements and authority the great and weighty affairs of State should be examined and resolved by plurality of Voices: to compose which council, he thought he could not make better election for Ministers of State, then of his dear and beloved cousins, the Prince of Condè, and the Cardinal Mazzarini, of his trusty and well beloved the Lord de Seguier chancellor of France, and keeper of the seals, the Lord de Bouttiglier Surintendant of his finances, and the Lord de Chauvigni secretary of State, and of his Commandments.  
He ordained also that the Duke of Orleans, and in his absence the Prince of Condè, or Cardinal Mazzarini should be chief of the council, and if any place should become void, that the Queen should supply it by advice of the council and all other important charges of the kingdom to be so disposed by plurality of votes. Only for all ecclesiastical preferments, which belonged to his nomination, he left the providing for their supply to the Queen and the Cardinal Mazzarini, of whose worthy discharging this trust he had good reason to rest most assured by the eminent proofs which he had had of the faithfulness and great sufficiency of the person. In fine: he ordained that the Queen and the Duke of Orleans should swear in the presence of him, and of the Princes of the Blood, with the other Princes, Dukes, Peers, Mareschals of France, and Officers of the crown to keep and observe the Contents of the present declaration without any manner of Contravention. Which was accordingly subscribed and sworn at the same instant by the Queen, and Duke of Orleans, and sealed before the rest, and accordingly next day ratified in the Parliament in presence of the Duke of Orleans, the Prince of Condè and the other Princes and Officers. Given at S. Germans in the month of April. 1643. and of his reign the 33.  
Which declaration being read, the King gave free liberty to all the exiles of the Court or State, against whom no Sentence had been given, to make their return, and commanded corriers to be sent to some more remote, that they might have timely notice, and his Majesty had content before his death to receive the Duke of Vendosma, the Mareschaux de Bassompierre and d' Estree, and divers others into his grace. If a man might be politic before the proof of events, this act of State might be a subject of strange descantings: but if we can content ourselves with such conjectures as best please us, till the Regency begin to take place, we may better guess at the true interests of the parties concerned by this deed, & of the true interest of the Crown. His majesty having now freed his thoughts of this care, took pleasure to order a private ceremony in the chapel of S. Germans, appointing the baptism of the D●uphin by the name of Lovis, and the Princes of Condè with the Cardinal Mazzarini (on whom the King would confer this honour (as he himself said) to oblige him the more straightly to serve the King and the Crown) to present him to the font, that so with the powerful cords of interest he might, as much as in him lay, twist an artificial kind of nature, making him the Compater, or spiritual Father of that Prince, in the forming of whose youth he might now seem to claim a privilege with the Queen. To both which, and to all his other officers and nobles having so effectually recommended his State and childrem, what more could remain to such a Prince, but to die in the arms of that Honour that had ever lived with him, and to deserve those characters, in which a terser pen than mine has designed him? And so I leave him in the way to his funeral pomp, which a while after followed with great Solemnity.  
〈◊〉.    

Errata quod sic corr..  
Pag. 2. lin. 4. for interestly read interests. p. 12. l. 13 for Cardinal r. Cardinals. p. 17. l. ult. for conspiracies, r, conspiracy p. 35. l. 4. for return r. resume. p. 39 l. 16. for league; also r. league also; p. 41. l. 8. for Bichitill r. Bichi till. and l. 19 for shi●h r. which. and l. 22 for with r. sith. p. 43. l. 9 for they r. these (viz Barberini) p. 45. l. 4. for desiderable r. desirable. p. 66. l. 8. blot out [the] at the end of the line and put in [Felix p. 70. l. 9 for Gui●k. r. Guiche. p. 76. l. 9 for Sura r. Suza. p. 81. l. 8. for Navarrese r. Novarrese. and l. 12 for Gonzago r. Gonzaga. and l. 13. for Taracena r. Caracena▪ &c.