TEN necessary QUERIES Touching the Personal Treaty Very useful and necessary to be considered. ALSO A Right Description of a Cavalier: WITH Some drops to quench the fiery Bull of COLCHESTER.  
BY JAMES TASWELL, a true lover of King, Parliament, Truth and Peace.  
LONDON, Printed by R. I. for A. H. 1648.   


Ten QVERIES Touching the Personal Treaty.  
PRay take into consideration whether all those specious pretences coined by the Malignant party, in order to make a peace, are not only cloaks to cover their design; and whether all tenders made by the Parliament, though only tending to peace, and the safety of the people, have not ever been slieghted, and no agreement liked, but that of their own proposing, though they never yet gave any good account for their decenting, save only because it was, and have been proposed by the Parliament; and whether they only fear the tying of their mutinous hands thereby? or what else is it that keeps them from complying and joining with the Parliament, they being all men that are sworn to do the whole Kingdom right, and which were once thought the fittest to be confided in, also they are men of their familiar acquaintance, and near to many of them in blood, and all of one and the same reformed Protestant Religion, by outward profession; nay and many of the opposers have by Covenant also promised to be the same in all circumstances? or whether do they believe the Parliament will contrary to their oath, and solemn Covenant impose, and the Synod coin a Religion false and damnable to themselves, of purpose to cross other men thereby; yet the Parliament and Synod are not so well conceited of the acuteness of their own judgements, as to think they can reform immediately and perfectly according to the word and will of God, and therefore (for which they are much to be commended) have made some provision for tender consciences. But their enemies indeed having no just cause to complain, do for want of a better accusation, charge them with robbing the subject by imposition of taxes, etc. Is this charge true, or do they occasion the Parliament to impose those taxes, to maintain a power in the Kingdom, to suppress their rebellions, and their enemies which are the Plaintiffs? do not they occasion them still to continue the same force in the field, and otherwise to preserve the peace of the Kingdom, to the expense of many hundred thousand pounds; and whereas they say the Parliament robbeth the Kingdom by taxes, it was but lately they themselves were guilty of imposing the like, and as many taxes for their uses, and had they the like power as they again earnestly strive for, whether they will not impose the like again, and the same, and more than the Parliament doth.  
Object. But they ask how the Parliament is enforced by them to continue such force in the field, they desire rather that the subject may be eased, to purchase which, is the chief cause of their stirring.  
Answ. Indeed you so pretend, to delude the people, but your actions discover the contrary, witness your often provoking the Parliament, by coming to the door of the House, threatening them that if they durst deny what they required of them, they would cudgel them into a better disposition, and not only so, but you have also offered violence to their persons, in so much that their lives have been endangered, witness the action of the City, 1647. causing the Parliament to fetch an Army for their guard, (before which time you saw the Parliaments readiness to disband, so that if they deserved blame at all, it was rather for disbanding too fast) and now again the Essex men, under pretence of a Petition, all which you have done only to pick a quarrel with the Parliament to find an occasion to raise Arms, and having no just cavil, nor fair pretence, they begin it in plain terms without either; witness the Kentish men, raising thirty or forty thousand men in Arms to present a Petition to the House, belike they intended to present it after some new and strange manner, all which men took the field, before any Petition was drawn, and therefore it was before they knew whether it would be refused or not; and when the General demanded what they intended by their so drawing together, they answered scornfully, and engage to fight with him, doubtless the General would not have stopped their proceed, had it been only to deliver a Petition, nor had they need to have fled into Colchester to have garrisoned it for their defence, had all their business been only to deliver a Petition: I might instance several insurrections in divers parts of the Kingdom, and seizing on several Garrisons, all plainly manifesteth their intentions; and whether it be the Parliament that injureth the subject by taxes, or whether it be themselves, by enforcing the Parliament to maintain an Army to enforce their obedience to the Law and government.  
But they have gotten a new pretence, saying, If we might have the King come to a personal Treaty, we would be all quiet. To which I answer.  
Query I. Whether they may not accuse themselves most justly for the non-restauration of the King ere this time? and whether if they had not busled so, and been so eager for it? whether the King had not signed the Propositions long since, and so have been in Statu quo prius?  
Query II. Whether the Parliament have not descended as low as possibly safety will permit, in composing the Propositions, and drawing them into only three, and they so easy, as tendeth only to the safety of the people, and peace of the Kingdom, neither encroaching on the King's Prerogative, nor advancing their own private ends?  
Query III. Touching the Militia: Whether it can be prejudicial to the honour of the King to assure his Subjects by all ways and means he can, that they shall live in safety? And whether in reason such assurance ought not to be given, sigh the Arms, Ammunition, Castles, Ships, etc. are bought and provided by the Subject wholly for their safety and defence.  
Query IU. Touching Church government; sigh the Parliament doth not intent to make the signing this Proposition a lasting binding, but rather apply it as a present settlement, in a case of necessity: whether the King may not notwithstanding all former pretences to the contrary, join with them without prejudice? and whether in such time, these jarring and discenting spirits might not apparently discover their errors, and become calmer and more pliable to be reduced, or else more clearly manifest the truth of their tenets, whereby a continued government might also the better be considered and agreed on, and more easily settled to, and by the consent of all parties, then at present it can be? and whether much strife and controversy might not thereby be quenched? and whether in that time his Majesty's Divines might not by conference with other, be made sensible of their failings, and so be reduced? or whether they might not (as happily they conceive) discover the errors of our Divines, or at least that all men might thereby have opportunity thereby to hear and know what each party can say in defence of their cause? and whether that might not prove the nearest way to satisfy all those which have an overweening conceit of the adverse party, and also of all descenting persons? also whether the King and Parliament might not thereby have opportunity to hear all controversies discoursed, and so might establish that which brought best evidence with it? and whether would it be requisite that such settlement or government as should at present be agreed on, should stand irrevocable, until another government should at present be agreed on by King and Parliament, so we should have a government at present, and also be in a condition to embrace another, when it should be presented by the authority aforesaid?  
Query V. Touching the Kings recalling his Votes and Declarations against the Parliament, and the disclaiming all such wherein he hath proclaimed the Parliament Rebels and Traitors.  
Whether the King ought not to vouchsafe the Parliament equal or as much favour as the Irish Rebels, in that he formerly likewise proclaimed the Irish, Rebels and Traitors, and doubtless not without just cause, and that not Rebels of the meanest sort neither, in that they made the King himself, the author of their Rebellion, by saying, they had his Broad-seale for it, which if the King to lessen their guilt should acknowledge, whether he would not then confirm these jealousies formerly taken up against himself? and whether it would have been more honourable for the King, though some way it might have been prejudicial to have joined with his Parliament here, being in part near allied to him in blood, and of one and the same Religion, or at least so pretended to be, then to join with a so much despised Nation, as the Irish against his Parliament, to whom he was so nearly engaged and conserved; but this by the by: I say again, that notwithstanding his so proclaiming them, he after owneth them again, and calleth them his good subjects? whether may not the King do the like as well by the Parliament? and whether the Parliament under the notion of Rebels and Traitors, are in a capacity to treat with the King or not? and whether the King must not of necessity repute them free subjects before s●…a Treaty; and if of necessity that must be done before the Treaty, whether the King may not, if he intent to do it at all, do it as well in the Isle of Wight, as when he cometh to London? and also why in these times of danger, the King should urge the Parliament to let him come first to treat before he sign (if he intended to be real) and so desire the Parliament to run so great a hazard and task, for a thing no more available to him, and of such dangerous consequence to them?  
Query VI. Whether if the Parliament should adventure all the blood and treasure which hath been hitherto expended, at this one cast, on the King's bare word (nay and he scarce passing that?) whether the Kingdom might not justly charge the Parliament with the breach of trust?  
Query VII. Whether the King may not at his coming to his pretended Treaty give commission, or only intimate, which would be warrant enough for some of his violent, headlong accomplices, whom we see are so inconsiderately eager to act for him, as that they would desire no better warrant then for his Majesty to hold up his finger to them? and so whether this pretended Treaty may not be made an opportunity to make a further breach with the Parliament? and whether there be not some just cause given for this doubt, by his Majesty's unwillingness to afford the Parliament any kind of security which lieth in him to withhold from them?  
Query VIII. Whether it be not to be doubted, that the King hath some unseen design against the Parliament, in that he and his accomplices endeavours to remove themselves from under the protection of the Parliament? and whether it be to stand on their own guards in this Kingdom, or to convey the person of his Majesty out of this Kingdom? whether either of these two things (one of which must be their intent) are not like to be prejudicial to the Kingdom in a very high nature? and whether this action of his Majesty be not sufficient to cause the Parliament and their adherents to doubt, whether the King hath such a desire to compose these differences by a personal Treaty, as many would make us believe he hath? and whether the coming of his Majesty into, or near the City, may not be the nearest way to finish what he desires?  
Query IX. Whether the Parliament, what dangers soever presents themselves, are not bound in conscience, by reason of the trust imposed on them by the Kingdom, as also by their Oath and solemn Covenant which they have taken, to stand with the hazard of their lives and fortunes, for the maintenance, and defence of that which appeareth unto their judgements and consciences, to be most just and safe, from which if they should be deterred by threatening dangers, and so should imbezzle the Subject's privileges, and bereave them of their right? whether it may not be a burden to their souls in the day of their accounts defore Almighty God?  
Query X. Whether if the Parliament should by unexpected violence be surprised, whilst they lie under the brand of Rebellion and Treason, and the King set up by the sword? whether I say, they and all their adherents, should not be forthwith proceeded against as Rebels and Traitors, they being already condemned by such as doubtless would as willingly proceed to execution, had they but power? and whether when the verduit was past, it were not by the approbation of those Lawyers which would be in highest seats, and courts of judicature in the Kingdom, were the King brought in as is endeavoured (I mean if any Courts at all were kept?) and then whether these men which so adjudged and condemned the Parliament, and all that did adhere to them, when they had no power over them, and when it was but disputable whom should prevail, either the King or Parliament? whether I say these men should now contradict themselves of their own accord, and confess themselves in an error for so censuring the Parliament? or whether they would when they had power so to do, be more violent than ever, and desirous to proceed to execution? and whether it may be done lawfully or not lawfully, that's all one, the King hath declared them Rebels; and what Law shall contradict that now, which could not contradict it then, when the King had not the like power which now he may have; also all that shall sit in Judicature then, shall be men of the Kings own judgement, and then which of them will say to his Majesty, this proceeding is contrary to Law, though they know it to be so, but rather urge the contrary with bitterness.  
But they will object: What need all these doubts, have not the City proffered to engage their lives and estates, to preserve the Parliament in safety during the treaty, and that in case the King and they do not accord at last, that they will deliver the person of the King into the Parliaments custody again, as now he is.  
To which I answer, That in case a private design be carried on, to take this opportunity to give the King his desired liberty, and to prevent and stop the Parliaments proceed, as have been already said, by the gathering together the many thousands in and about the City which would be ready for such a work on short warning, whither it may be then in the City's power, or at least in the power of that small party in the City which have so engaged, to make good that engagement, or whither the City may desert or wilfully fail the Parliament herein, or do just the contrary, I mean oppose the Parliament, at that time; and so the Parliament be forceably, dispersed, and made uncapable to act, and at the same time the King attain to his purpose, how shall the Parliament after all this is done, repair themselves upon the City for not making good their engagement, so that it plainly appeareth that this specious pretended Engagement of the City is of no value, nor security to be confided in at all, And now whither the Parliament will adventure these seven year's toil, with the larger happiness and welfare of themselves and posterity, and also the happiness and wellbeing of the whole Commonwealth, on the King's bare word, without any security at all, I shall leave to their judicious consideration.  
Whither now in this condition, and cause, as the case now stands with the Parliament, all good Subjects in this Kingdom are not bound in conscience to assist the Parliament to the utmost of their power, I shall leave to all the world to judge, and so shall conclude, only by putting them in mind of some few things more worth the noting, And first.  
Whither if the Parliament through want of sufficient assistance, shall be dispersed and made uncapable of acting, or defending themselves and others? Whither tyranny would not be abundantly exercised on the Members of Parliament, and on all their adherents, and indeed an inlet made, for tyranny to spread over the whole Kingdom, and the King being so brought in by the sword, whither he would rule alone? and whither he might not colourably do it, and if he should, whither those of his own party which have so much laboured to procure that liberty for him, will either for shame, or for fear to displease him, find fault therewith? and whither the other party, reputed as enemies, shall dare to find fault? And whither a few capital men of the King's party may not have content given them on their own parties for a while, thereby to have their assistance to carry on their grand Design on the whole Kingdom beside, according to the example of France, where the Subject is much enslaved, yet many of the Gentry, as free as in any commonwealth in the world, made so by the King, to engage them thereby to cleave to his assistance, to tyrannize over the commonalty, and being once so, whither it may possible ever be shaken off again?  
Further also, the King being so set up, whither the diversity of opinions amongst his party, and the strict and cruel dealing with the other party, may disquiet the Kingdom then, as much as now it is, and that for many years? and likewise whither all things the Parliament hath reform, shall not be brought back again to their former estate? & whither all Gospel's preachers, beneficed by the Parliament shall not immediately be thrust out, how able or well deserving soever they be, only because the Parliament placed them in, and those of the contrary judgement how scandalons soever shall be re-invested, in opposition to the Parliament? and whither all Ceremonies and fopperies, cast out of the Church, and whatsoever have been done by the Parliament, shall not be turned into its former condition again, nay, and those things which they shall think to be most grievous to tender consciences, pressed with much more violence then formerly. To prevent all which, let us earnestly seek unto God by earnest prayers, that he would be pleased to fend the spirit of peace and concord into the hearts of both King and Parliament, that they and us, may all resolve with one heart, to lay all particular and private interests aside, and unfeignedly seek and ensue peace, doing what we do without deceit, and for God's sake, and as it were in his presence, and that in reality, without seeking the prejudice or detriment of others, but that on all sides the glory of God, the welfare of each other, and the happiness and prosperity of the Church and Commonwealth, may be the prime things aimed at, and desired, that so we might walk comfortably together as becometh professors of the Gospel, using the world as if we used it not, also let us seek unto God for humility and charity, both which are in these times much wanting, for that we see many which by having overgood conceits of themselves, have not so good opinions as they should have of others, in a word let us wholly turn ourselves unto the Lord, and he will turn himself unto us, and who knoweth whither God may be yet merciful, and heal our land.   

A Right Description of a CAVALIER: With Some drops to quench the fiery BULL of COLCHESTER.  
GEntlemen what various stories our distractions have already produced, most men do to their sorrows know, which were first occasioned, and to this day continued by a sort of creatures like men, which have left no means unatempted to extirpate Religion, Law and Government in this Kingdom, and these are they which are commonly called Cavaliers, a fine name, and they are as fine men, and do in nature well agree with their name, for though they are not always riding, yet they seem to be very active, for they are ever kicking and spurning of the Commonwealth where they live, in so much that no Government durst show its nose for them, witness their actions ever since their first appearance in England; first they began with the Scots, endeavouring to engage that Kingdom and this Kingdom in a War; next they dispatched the Queen to France, on what employment is more safe to believe then express, and sigh all their actions tend wholly to destruction, or at least to the thraldom of the Kingdom; how can we think there was likewise any other intent in that action also, than they suggested an evil conceit into his Majesty, of his Parliament thereby to coin a distraction by his absence in the House, and how far they have prevailed thence, & what effect that hath taken, we all too well know; but when they saw they could not bring a final destruction hereby, than they go and send the Prince of Wales into France, thereby to give a further occasion and opportunity to that Kingdom to engage against us, which ere this doubtless we should have had experience of, had not their employments elsewhere prevented it; and to be sure to make us work enough, and sufficiently to manifest that their aim and desire is destruction, they sent the Duke of York into Holland to engage that Nation against us likewise, for they it seemeth careth not by whom it be, so the design be going on toward destruction and desolation.  
But that which is most worthy note, is, how they have cheated the Scotish Jockeys at last, only on pretence of a Covenant, which all their actions ever have and do manifest to be altogether against, as the Boars might well perceive by their eager fight against it, whilst they could procure any Episcopal party to stand up, and doth also very plainly appear yet, by their endeavouring to bring in the King by the sword, and so put them in a posture of government, who is a professed enemy to Presbytery and the Covenant; and the Cavaliers saith that they desire to buy the King, and as he will; how can they then conform to the Scots Covenant? doth it not then appear that the Scots do now fight against themselves, in that they join with the Cavaliers to set up the King by the sword who is clearly against their Covenant, as appeareth by his refusing to take it, and also to hear any Covenant Minister: Now how the Cavaliers can thus bring in the King to rule against the Covenant, and yet stand for the Covenant, I would have the Scots to judge, and that they endeavour to set up the King, is plain, as appeareth by their endeavour so to steal or take him away from out of the Parliaments hands, all which the wind-mil-headed Scots might see, if they would be pleased but to move their bonnets of their eyes, and also how the Cavaliers did the lost year endeavour as much as in them lay, to screw themselves into the affections of the Independent party, calling them their friend, and telling them, that the King accounted them his friends, and they be the happy men to put a period to the differences, and presently they would join with Sir Tho. Insomuch that they called him their General, and declared him to be for the King, and presumed to set forth Declarations in his name, and that point blank against the Covenanters, witness the Proclamation to remove all the Clergy placed by the Parliament in Delinquents livings, and the re-investing of thousands put out, notwithstanding all which the Independents soon discovered their lime-twigs (being indeed a little better able to discern these and such like things pertaining to the Church, than the Presbyterians are, though they exceed them in temporals) and so esteemed of them accordingly, since which time they have fully testified by their actions how real their love was toward them, witness the many hundred calumnies, scandals, and all manner of false and base reports, which the Devil can coin for them, they have ever since, and to this day do cast on the Army.  
But this I must say for the Cavaliers, they are vigilant men to pursue their designs, and neglect no opportunity wherein they might do the Devil service, witness their late Rebellion breaking out in Wales, Cornwall, the North, Kent, and divers other places of the Kingdom at one at the same time, in which, surely there was a mystery more than is yet seen, as appeareth by the distinctness and remoteness, of the insurrection, but indeed all their actions are so mystical, that no man can discern what they drive at in any of their designs, which makes me think that their grand Design is a final destruction, and that they act it so many several ways to find the nearest way for that purpose, as not caring, so they bring it to pass, which way it be done, they would engage the French, they would engage the Irish, they would engage the Hollanders, they would engage the Scot, with whom they have prevailed, they would be glad of any Nation or people that would come in to their assistance to help to destroy this poor Kingdom, just viper like, who is the greatest enemy to her own dam, with desire of drawing in so many several Nations, plainly showeth it is not Religion they contend for, or care at all of what Religion they are, also their joining with Episcopacy, and after with Independency, and now with Presbytery, doth plainly declare that they are of no government, neither do they care likewise with what government they join, and so are at present men of no Religion, and of no government, are like a Noun Adjective which cannot stand alone, and therefore are never like to make a Commonwealth of themselves, nor indeed are they fit to live in any Commonwealth amongst others: They cannot endure any thing in that form and shape which God hath put it in, witness the honour and dignity of the King, which is wholly by them diminished, also the freedom and power of Parliaments, wholly by them opposed and infringed; likewise the liberty and peace of the subject, by them altogether violated, and for the Church, which are the people of God, and his Elect and Chosen, and immediately and especially governed by him, and whom are as himself saith, as tender unto him as the apple of his eye, and yet these are most of all perplexed by them, they would if they might new mould all things, yea even the beasts of the field, not mend any thing that they least think on, but to change it into some other form than it should have, or then it hath in being, as appeareth by that late pretended Bull, which they metamorphized at Colchester, they would make all Monsters like themselves, both King, Parliament, Laws, Church, and Commonwealth.  
Now what think you of these men, surely I'll tell you what I think of them, that is, that if they had so much divinity, or the devil could teach them so much, as to know what were most displeasing to God, that would they first act in despite of the Deity.  
They had made this Bull of Colchester they say a very good emblem of the devil, by which diabolical Idolatry they manifest their love and service to be to the Devil. By the example of the Papists who draweth the Image of God in honour of him, to worship him thereby, as also most desiring to see him whom they most love & serve, or whither is it for that they are impatient of being without his visible company whiles they live here on earth, and therefore draweth his picture, and that it may be said that they are servants to whom they obey, than we may guess whom they serve, by raising a picture in honour of him, and so much delighting themselves at the sight thereof, as they did also at the sight of 400 houses which they set on fire in and near Colchester, surely they would make it but their sport to see the whole Kingdom in a flame, as they do to see it died in blood, you see what grief they express for the abundance of blood and treasure which have been expended by reason of this wicked action of theirs; and how they having drawn up their accounts, have given the country a Bull for it, the making of which have been their study, 'tis true, but the Country's cost to the value of 500000 li. The calves of which said Bull doth yield scarce pence a piece, at which rate the sum above said will be long arising, in which I have observed this, that all the calves which cometh out of Essex are Bull calves, which makes me think there will be none but Cow calves left in Essex shortly.  
But to continue this sport and pastime the Gentlemen hath fetched two or three brace of Bears, roaring meg and her Squadron from Paris Garden, or Tower-wharf, which will soon be there, to the Cavaliers neverlasting content, this business of Colchester shall be called on record, Colchester-watch, where Goring shall be recorded Host, and Capel Fidler, and Lucas Bull-keepers, and their accomplices shall no longer be called Cavaliers, but Calves-yeares or Bull-babies, so I shall leave them at present to their sport, with an intent to take view of their actions again shortly, In which time I desire they would not give me just cause to conclude they are all Rebels, bloodthirsty, professed enemies to peace, and Government of all sorts, and when they shall give me cause to think better of them, I shall communicate the same to many more, which would be glad to hear good of them.   
FINIS.