A TRUE RELATION OF THE Several Negotiations which have passed between his Majesty the King of SWEDEN, AND His Highness the Elector of BRANDENBURG. Translated out of French. LONDON, Printed in the Year 1659. A TRUE RELATION OF SUCH Passages as happened in the journey Undertaken by the Baron of SUERIN, and the Honourable Mr WEYMAN, Deputies on the behalf of the Prince Elector of Brandenburg to the King of Sweden. In the Months of May and June 1658. IT is not without a great deal of regret, that we are enforced to begin this Relation by complaints, against those who are the causes of the desolation of our beloved and dear Country: But it's the very last extremity which exacts them at our hands, and which obligeth us to make a sad reflection on the pitiful estate wherein we have seen Germany engaged, by the Forces of those, who, under the cloak of Liberty and Religion, have in such a lamentable manner extenuated that fair body, as they have left it but a bare skeleton: there is not so despicable a German, who hath but one sole drop of blood left in his veins, that cannot be sensible hereof, and who can cease from sighing, at the rehearsal of the calamities wherewithal his Country hath been afflicted. We have dearly bought our Slavery, at the expense of our Estates, our Goods, our Blood, our Honour, and our reputations; and we have forgot what we once ourselves were, to establish the Names of those, who were scarce ever heard of, less known in the Empire. Nor have they only settled the Seats of their Dominion on our Frontiers, but even our fairest and most beautiful Provinces along the Elve, the Weser, and the Oder, do groan under the intolerable captivity of their Government; Strangers do triumph over our Liberties, and they make a mockingstock of Religion, whilst under the pretence thereof, they have possessed themselves of all Pomerania, and those other great Estates and Territories which they enjoy in the rest of the Empire. It seemed that at length God would have pity on us, and that by the Peace of Munster he would in some manner disburburden us of our miseries; wherefore all men did generally return their thanks and acknowledgements to the Almighty thereon, since all men believed they might have enjoyed their own in peace, and might have reaped the fruit of their labours in quiet, under their own vines and figg-trees; and those who had overwatched and outlaboured themselves during the last commotions and disorders, hoped now to carry their hoary heads in peace to their graves. But the Swedish Seepter was no sooner departed the hands of a Woman, whenas it became a burning torch in the hands of her Successor, to kindle again the wars in Germany; the first sparkles whereof appeared in the Swedish Forces before Bremen, and the full flames not long after burst out throughout all Poland, that famous Kingdom, which so often, and so gloriously stood in stead of a bulwark and defence to all Christendom; being on all sides at once set upon by an infinite number of strangers, craved the aid and assistance of all the world; whenas, this present King of Sweden, took his time to fall upon its back, whilst it was involved in a war with all those other Barbarians; and entering it, by the way of its Protestant Provinces, did menace it with no less than a total destruction; which it escaped by a mere miracle: for as all the world must needs know, had not the Almighty put to his helping hand, we had not seen it in the condition it is in at this day. His Elector all Highness of Brandenburg, having born the greatest brunt of these disasters, foreseeing that this fire was like to consume the best part of Christendom, used his possible endeavours to stifle it in the embers; and after it had blazed forth, by his earnest and frequent beseeching the King of Sweden, to reflect on the consequences of this business, and the abominable scandal which would be given to all the world, by so unjust an Invasion, and even moved him to give ear to a reasonable and advantageous Peace: but instead of gaining upon the said King's mind, his Electoral Highness found himself necessitated to levy Forces, as well for the defence of his own Territories, which were assaulted by the Swedes, as to comply with that obligation he stood engaged in, unto the Crown of Poland. True it is, that the success was not answerable to his expectations, nor to the justice of his Forces; but an extreme necessity, and an overpowering Force, constrained his Highness to treat with the Swedes, and to agree with them in such a manner as they themselves would; and fatal misfortune of Poland, brought a general revolution on the whole Kingdom, in which it seemed, that all the several Estates and Orders thereof, generally, and unanimously conspired, to the ruin of that Crown. Now, his Electoral Highness wanting the Power of a Protector in chief, necessity did in some manner dispense with him in the duty of a vassal; so that his waring against Poland, may be in some way excused, by the enforced necessity which plunged him therein: however, both Poland and Sweden do full well know, that amidst the greatest successes of the Swedish Armies, and even during those Triumphs, in which his Electoral Highness might justly claim so great a part, he had always a heart bend to Peace, and continually embraced the Proposals thereof with joy. Insomuch that the Polonian affairs, meeting with such a change, by reason of the Denmark War, the King of Sweden was forced to quit Prussia, and in a manner, to relinquish and renounce those Treaties which he made with his Electoral Highness, whom the King himself counselled, to heed his own affairs, and to prevent those disasters which threatened the ducal Prussia, by the best means he could. And accordingly by his said Majesty's counsel, his Electoral Highness, took his resolution on the present conjuncture of affairs, and did again reconc●le himself to the Crown of Poland; with this Proviso however, That both Parties should chief mind the Peace with Sweden; and that in case either, or both were so unfortunate as not to bring their good intentions to a desired effect, as then, his Electoral Highness should remain in a full and entire liberty, to act in the Empire, in relation to his own Interest, and in conformity to the Peace of Munster. And immediately, notice was given hereof to the King of Sweden, and it was represented unto him, That by reason of the complying with the said Treaty, his Electoral Highness could not any longer give the Swedish Troops passage through his Territories; nor permit that any prohibited Merchandises should be unloaden in his Ports. And his Majesty was at the same time requested to think upon the Peace with Poland, assuring him that it might be obtained on very advantageous Terms for the Swedes: Whereupon the said King declared unto his Electoral Highness, That he was very much inclined thereunto; assured the States of Vpper-Saxony, who were assembled at Liepsig, That he would no more march through the Empire into Poland, and told monsieur de Lombres (the French Ambassador, who always most vigorously seconded the King his Master's good intentions, towards the procuring of a Peace betwixt the two Crowns) That he would not only restore Prussia, by reimbursing it in a manner for the charges of the War, but that also he would immediately nominate his Plenipotentiaires to Treat on the Peace with Poland: All which Declarations, gave great hopes for a Peace in the North. But, the King and Crown of Poland, considering that the King of Sweden would obtain a great advantage from such a meeting to the abovesaid purpose, by the jealousy which the Muscovites would harbour thereon, and by the just cause which the other Allies would have to complain of such a particular Treaty; they thought it not fitting to engage themselves in such like Negotiations, the event whereof was very uncertain, and would ruin them, in the opinion of all their Friends. And indeed, they perceived that the King of Sweden would not explain himself, as to the sum which he demanded for recompense of Prussia. And finally, That since his successes in Denmark, he required so immense a sum, as was altogether impossible for the Crown of Poland to procure, or pay. Moreover, his Electoral Highness, perceiving that the State of Affairs in Denmark, had changed all the King of Sweden's resolutions, and that he had proceeded to open threats against the said Elector; he found himself obliged, to his great grief, to prepare against his violence, whilst he used all the possible and imaginable good Offices toward the advancing and promoting of the Peace between the two Crowns: And the posture into which the said Elector hath put himself, as well by those Alliances which he hath made with his Neighbouring Princes, as by the care which he hath taken to preserve his Army, and to put his places in defence, did not at all hinder him, to apply his thoughts to devise a means to beget a Peace between Poland and Sweden; with a resolution however, That in case he met with too great difficulties therein, at least to hinder the Swedish Forces from marching through the Territories of the Empire, and getting that way into Poland, thereby to prevent the ruin of the Vpper-Saxony Cerele; and those iconveniencies which the Swedes would cause him to suffer, to the prejudice of their verbal assurances of the contrary, given at the Assembly at Leipsig, and at the Diet at Frankford, of their good and real intentions: And ilke manner, by this means, to endeavour to save and preserve all Germany from the devastations by Fire and Sword, wherewithal the King of Sweden had threatened it. Whereupon, his Electoral Highness, by his Letters of the 10th of March of this present year (annexed and marked, a Proof 1. ) requested his said Majestty to evidence his good intentions towards the Peace with Poland, and to let him see the effects of the Promise which he made unto him thereon; the said King answered him on the 10th of April next ensuing (annexed b Proof 2. ) and told him, That he had long since named his Commissioners for the said Treaty of Peace, but that the Polander witnessed so small an inclination thereunto; as that he durst not any longer promise himself any such thing. Moreover, the Earl of Slippenbach, having at the same time invited the Baron of Suerin (his Electoral Highness of brandenburgh's, chief Minister of State) to give him a meeting at Prentslou, in the Marck of Brandenburg; he there shown him a project or draft of an alliance which the King of Sweden, pretended he would make with the King of Denmark, and with some other Princes and States of Europe; and pressed him, on the behalf of the King his Master, to move his Electoral Highness to send his Ambassadors thereon, unto his Majesty, and the said Count, continuing his earnest pressing of the same, by his Letters of the first of May (annexed and marked c Proof 3. ) his said Electoral Highness, who was the rather induced to incline unto a Peace, by how much he knew that the preservation of his own Estates and Territories did partly depend thereon; gave ear unto the counsel which was given him by the public Ministers of France, & England, and also by his Neighbouring Princes; by his nearest Allies and Kindred, the Dukes of Brunswick, and Lunenburgh, and the Landtgrave of Hesse; and nominated for this Embassy, the Baron of Suerin, and the Honourable Mr. Weyman, one of his Privy Counsellors of State: which Ambassadors departed from Berlin on the 13th day of the Month of May last past, and being arrived at Kiel, they were very well received in that place, the Prince of Sulsbach, and the Earl of Slippenbach, coming thither to compliment them on the behalf of the King, treated them, end entertained them with a great deal of civility; and in that place, they heard the King was at Flensbourg: So that being arrived at Gottorp (where they had order to negotiate several things with that Duke, being a Prince of the Empire) they gave notice thereof to the King, who having sent them word by the Count Palatin of Sultsbach, That it was his desire they should come to Flensbourg. they immediately repaired thither. At their arrival, they were lodged by the King's order, and as soon as they had sent their Letters of Credence unto the Court, a Person of quality came to compliment them on the King's behalf; which good beginnings, caused as great joy in all those who desired passionately the settling of a Peace, as the Ambassadors themselves, who flattered themselves, but with over-slender hopes, which vanished in a moment after: They demanded audience, but they were put off, and delayed by several pretensions, whilst divers persons were employed to penetrate into the secret of their Instructions. And the Swedes would needs know, whether they were ordered to mention a Peace with Poland, and the restitution of Prussia; and they were given to understand, That it being unlikely his Majesty could not hear such Propositions without being displeased, might make a difficulty to give them audience, which they demanded, because it would tend only to exasperate the minds of both Parties. But that in case the said Ambassadors had the least power to treat on a particular agreement, and to renew the former Amity between his Majesty and his Electoral Highness, To renounce and forego, the alliance which he had made with Poland and the other Confederates, and to promise that his said Highness would join his Forces to the Swedes, thereby to constrain their common Enemies to make a Peace, as than his Majesty would receive the said Ambassadors, and hear them with joy. Which unaccustomed and irregular way of proceeding, did so much surprise the said Ambassadors, as that they could not choose but complain thereof; and did declare, That they could not be admitted unto audience, because it was known that they had, order to motion a Peace, as if that Sacred and Pious name of Peace, aught to have been accounted as an abomination, and ad horror; and must needs render those odious, who interposed therein. However, they professed that there should not be any thing in their Proposals which might displease the King, but that they desired to be excused, if before their being admitted to audience, they discovered not their Embassy any further: Notwithstanding, instead of advancing their audience, they soon discovered that the said Embassy was not acceptable; and that the King of Sweden, because he could not expect or hope to engage his Electoral Highness in a particular Treaty; made use of all the means he possibly could, to save himself from the reproach which might be cast upon him; That he would not give ear to the Proposals of a Peace. So likewise, they only endeavoured to prolong the business, and to elude the good intentions of his Electoral Highness, and publicly began to laugh at, and deride the said Embassy, begetting daily new difficulties, and alleging that it would be requisite to nominate Commissioners, who should enter upon a conference with his Electoral Highness Ambassadors, in the presence of the Duke of Lunenbourg and Hesses' Ambassadors, before they were admitted to an audience by the King; To propound unto them, and to know several things of them, before which, they could not enter upon any Treaty with them; which was only done a purpose, indirectly to dismiss the said Ambassadors, by so unjust a Proposal; or in case they should have been so weak as to have condescended to such a Conference, of that nature, and to have acknowledged so unlawful a power; To have obtained those advantages thereby, which they might have hoped from those Tales and Stories which they would have divulged throughout the whole world, to the prejudice of the reputation and interest of his Electoral Highness. And the Swedes did apparently the rather desire the Intervention of the Lunenbourg and Hessian Ambassadors, at this pretended conference, that they might thence gain this advantage to embroile his Electoral Highness, with those said Princes; in case their Deputies and Commissioners should not be satisfied with the said Ambassadors proceed, or that they themselves might take a pretence and occasion to break with them, in case their Testimonies should condemn the King of Sweden's Proceed. The Lords Mevius, Kley and Erenstein, who were nominated Commissioners in the behalf of the King of Sweden; for the said conference, accordingly signified the King's resolution unto the said Ambassadors, on the 22th of June. Whereunto the said Ambassadors made Answer, and alleged, That they were very much surprised at the advice they had received, not believing that in the present conjuncture of affairs; when as they might have hoped and promised themselves an audience from the King, such a Proposition could be made unto them: wherefore they desired time to resolve upon a definitive Answer thereon, and the which they would send to the Lord Mevius. But before they took their said Resolution what to answer, they visited the Lunenbourg and Hessian Ambassadors, who were as much surprised as themselves, and could not imagine nor comprehend, why the Swedes would oblige them to be present at a conference, at which they neither would nor could intervene, either as Judges, Parties, or Witnesses. Insomuch that the said Ambassadors sent back word in writing, to the Lord Mevius (marked and annexed d Proof 4. ) That their Instructions, commanding them in express terms, to address themselves unto the King of Sweden's own Person, to demand audience of him; and that the proposing of a conference before the audience, being an extraordinary and unusual a thing, they could not in any wise assent thereunto: whereon they desired him to excuse them to the King, and to obtain from his Majesty that audience which they had so often and so earnestly desired. The said Commissioners made answer to the foregoing Note, in somewhat brisk terms (annexed and marked e Proof 5. ). That his Majesty having deemed it necessary, in reference to the advice he had received of the said Electoral Highness' Engagements with his Enemies, to cause certain Propositions to be made unto them; that the Ambassadors might dispose themselves to hear them, if they pleased, as well as the other Orders which they had received from his Majesty, which they would declare in the presence of the Ambassadors of Lunenbourg and Hesse. Which said Proceeding, being quite and clean contrary to the accustomed Forms on the like Cases, constrained the Hessian Ambassadors to repair to the King, and the Lunenburgers to see the Commissioners, and of their own accords to tell them, That they could not consent to, nor approve of the same; and that they should think themselves very unfortunate, to be made use of in such a ticklish conjuncture, to engage his Electoral Highness of Brandenbourg's Ambassadors in so ill a contrived conference, and meeting. But all their Offices and the Endeavours which they used, proved useless. And the last Answer which was returned to them, specified very particularly; That it must and should be so, and that his Majesty used not these kind of Proceed without just cause. Whereupon the Ambassadors wrote unto the Count of Slippenbach (annexed and marked f Proof 6. ) and told him, That since his Majesty did continue to refuse them an audience, and that the dignity and reputation of their Master, did not permit their longer stay in a place, where they were treated with so much scorn, they desired him once more, to know of his Majesty, whether he would command them any thing back to the Prince Elector their Master, and for the last time to supplicate the King, to vouchsafe them that audience, which they had so earnestly and often entreated. The Count returned them an answer the same day at night being the 23th, and sent them word (annexed and marked g Proof 7. .) That having shown the King their Letter, his Majesty witnessed, That he made difficulty to admit them to an audience, until such time as they had power to reconcile and settle the former amity; without which he could not admit of the said Embassy, nor make a distinction between a declared Enemy, and a Prince, who was entered into a league with his Enemies. Whereupon, The Ambassadors, perceiving that there was nothing more to be expected for them, they took their leaves of the Ambassadors of the Electoral College, and of the Ambassadors of Lunenburg and Hesse; and telling them, That they should be guilty and responsible for all those things which might happen to the prejudice and dishonour of the dignity of his Electoral Highness their Master, in case they should any longer stay, waiting upon the King: they therefore departed from Flensburg on the 24th. of June, betimes in the morning; and at their departure they left a Letter with their Host (annexed and marked h Proof 8. ,) by which the Baron of Suerin, sent word to the Earl of Slippenbach, That with a great deal of reluctancy he departed from a place, where he had hoped to have met with an occasion to have laid a stable and firm foundation of an eternal Peace between the Princes of Christendom; but since he had sent him word, that his Majesty desired he should be accompanied with a more ample Instruction, and Commission, then that which he had brought along with him; he deemed it fitting to retire himself with his Colleague to Hamborow, there to expect his Electoral Highness further Orders. True it is, that one of the King's Trompeters was immediately sent after the Ambassadors, who overtook them at Rensbough, where he delivered them a Letter (annexed and marked i Proof 9 .) by which the Commissioners sent them word, That they had been the more surprised at their precipitated departure,, in as much as the Ambassabours of Lunenburg and Hesse, had the day before declared, That the Conference itself was not so much objected against, as the interv●ning of other strange Ambassadors, and that his Majesty having condescended that they should have a private meeting; they desired the Ambassadors either to return back again, or to repair to some neutral place where the Treaty might be begun. And upon the said Letter, the Ambassadors might happily have resolved to have returned to Flensbourg, had it not been accompanied by another Paper (annexed and marked k Proof 10. .) which made them see; That not only they could not expect any good from the said Conference, but that also they were looked upon as Heralds, who rather came to declare war, then like Ambassadors from a Prince, who only seemed to desire Peace. Wherefore they contented themselves to return this answer to the Letter (annexed and marked l Proof 11. .) Declaring, That they wondered, they were blamed for parting from Flensbourg, after they had made so long a stay there, and had not seen the King, and not so much as perceived any appearance to be treated, or dealt withal, according to the Dignity of their Character. And being arrived at Hamburrough, they returned a more ample answer unto the said Commissioners Letters, and also unto the Writing which was sent unto them (annexed and marked m Proof 12. .) and told them, That however they were resolved to have expected his Electoral Highness commands in that place; yet having maturely reflected on what the said Commissioners had sent them, they deemed it requisite to give his said Electoral Highness a verbal account thereof, and to receive his positive Order thereon. But at their return to, and arrival at Berlin, they found the Prince Elector so well advertised of the King of Swedens proceed, as that he would not permit his said Ministers to return towards him: but to the contrary, he caused them to send the Writing which you will find annexed at the end of this Relation (marked n Proof 13. .) unto the said Commissioners, in answer to their former exhibited Paper. And to the end that no man may have cause to doubt of the truth's afore-specified, and that all the world may be the better able to judge of his said Electoral Highness' proceed, and of his willingness and affectionate desires to the begetting of a Peace, whilst the Swedes did endeavour to engage him in a new War against his own Country; we have thought good to add hereunto those Proofs which we have before alleged; and we shall remit ourselves to the judgement of all disinteressed and unconcerned persons, Whether on the one part, there be not a great deal of reason to blame the proceed of those who make a mocking stock of God, and of the whole world, by using of his Name, to colour their violences and outrageous deal? and on the other part, there be not a necessitated constraint, to take up Arms, in, and for the defence of ones Country, the preservation of the Empire, and the maintenance of the bonour of the Germane Nation? So that the true and entire knowledge which we have of either parties intentions, hath engaged us to divulge this unto the world, and to communicate unto all men these ensuing Proofs, which have been copied out of the very orginal Letters themselves. The first Proof. His Electoral Highness of brandenburg's Letter to the King of Sweden. Most Serene and Puissant King, my most honoured Cousin, and Brother. I Had well hoped, that your Majesty having ended the Denmark War, would have caused the Treaty with Poland to have been set on foot, and that you would have authorized the same by your presence: But having heard that your Majesty was passed into Sweden, I would not omit by this occasion to give you a visit, by this Letter humbly and amicably to request you, to remember your promise, and without any further delays, to cause the Treaties of Peace with Poland to be advanced; your Majesty hath made me hope it should be effected, and have so often promised it me, as that having absolutely assured it to all the interessed parties, I hope you will disengage the promises which I have made unto them thereon: and forasmuch as my preservation and assurance doth entirely depend upon the speedy conclusion of the said Treaty, you Majesty cannot doubt but that I will contribute what lieth in me to accomplish the same; so likewise shall I always preserve a most sincere Friendship for your Majesty and the Crown of Sweden; which I also know is the intention of the King and Crown of Poland. I remain— Signed thus; Your Majesty's most humble Brother and Servant FREDERICK WILLIAM Elector. From Collen on the Spree, the 10th of March 1658. The second Proof. The King of Sweden's Answer to his Electoral Highness' Letter. Most serene Prince Elector, well-beloved Cousin and Brother: YOur Letters of the 10th of March, were safely delivered to me, and I do thereby perceive, not only the passion which you bear towards the advancement of the Peace of Poland, but that you do assure me, I shall meet with the same affection and sincerity in the King of Poland's intentions; but likewise see the pains you do promise, to take in the promoting of so godly a work, and the Amity and Friendship, which you tell me, you will constantly preserve for my Person and my Crown: wherefore I would not omit to answer the said Letter, and to tell you, as your good Friend and Cousin, That you do know I have long since nominated Commissioners to treat on the Peace of Poland; and that I have given them sufficient instructions, and full power, as well before, as since the Conclusion of the Treaty with the King of Denmark, and express Orders, incessantly to labour in the promoting of so good a work: Insomuch, that it is neither mine nor my Ministers faults (who were always ready to proceed, being sufficiently impowered) that the Peace of Poland, and of its Allies, hath not long since been concluded: But the insolent and arrogant answers which the Polanders returned to the Ambassador de Lombres, touching the said Pacification, hath given me cause to believe, That they harbour a quite contrary design, then to make a Peace. Insomuch, as that I am obliged to pity those who give credit to what the Polanders do aver thereon, whilst in their hearts they harbour no other designs, save to oppress and ruin others; and whilst their Councils only tend to the ruinating of the neighbouring Provinces. Moreover, you may rest assured, that during my absence, nothing was omitted or neglected, which might tend to the said advancement of the Peace, since my Commissioners (who were fully instructed and furnished with sufficient powers) might have done the same things, and even more than I myself could, had I been present; as it doth plainly appear, by those Declarations which I have thereon made, and which may also be easily perceived by the very nature of all the said Negotiations. Wherefore you may with more reason, make your applications to the King of Poland, and represent unto him, as you do very wisely allege it in the said Letter; How much it doth concern you, that the said Peace be forthwith concluded. Besides which, you may remain assured, That I have with so much the more joy, seen the Protestation which you do make of the continuance of your friendship towards my Person and Crown; as that lately it was reported to the contrary: And that they would needs make me believe, That you had harboured, and taken resolutions very prejudicial to the good of my Affairs. However, I always conceived, That being convinced in your conscience of the sincerity of my intentions, and that being fully persuaded of the affection which I bear towards the preservation of your Person, and of your Estates, you could not possibly be rendered capable to give ear to those things which might be told you, nor believe those things which might be averred unto you to the contrary; fare less, to change that Friendship whereof you have so often given me such great assurances: But that you would have a great deal of reason to employ all kind of means, to the end, that by Proposals of a reasonable and advantageous Peace, I may be delivered from so great a number of Enemies, as do on all sides declare themselves against me. You do know, that I have several times in writing, assured you of the constancy of my friendship; which makes me believe, that on your part, you will retain the same inclination to cultivate it, and to relinquish those things which may either alter or destroy the same: Finally, I do not doubt but that the Almighty will continue to bless my designs, will confound the counsels of my enemies, and will dispose the hearts of my neighbours to Peace, and to a reasonable agreement. It is that which I desire with all my heart; to the end that Peace being settled in our neigbourhood, my Subjects may enjoy that tranquillity, which I do endeavour to procure them. The good God preserve you many year, and grant you a perfect health and all prosperity. From Gottenburg the 10th. of April. 1658. Signed thus Your dilections, Friend, Brother, and Cousin, CHARLES GUSTAVE. POSTSCRIPT. In case you would be pleased to explain yourself a little more upon the present conjuncture of Affairs, unto my Resident in your Court, or unto any other of my Ministers in Pomerania, until such time as I shall be returned to the Army (which will be suddenly) you will extremely oblige me. The third Proof. The Lord of Slippenbach's Letter to the Baron of Suerin. My Lord the Baron, THe zeal which I do bear to the service of his Electoral Highness, and the part which I do take in his concernments, do give me the liberty to write unto him, and to beseech him, not to fail in the sending of your Excellence in good time towards his Majesty of Sweden: I have thereunto added my thoughts on the present conjuncture of affairs, although it be not necessary to send water to the Sea; I have seen, not long since, in Furmans Almnack, that the Month of May, doth promise a great deal of good luck to the read Eagle, and I am persuaded that it doth signify nought else, save the reconciliation of his Electoral Highness, and the renewing and cementing of his Friendship with the King of Sweden; after which, I doubt not but all the world will send and compliment him, on the good conduct, wherewith all he shall have provided for the preservation of his Estates: God grant this good work may be effected. I beseech your Excellency to send me word, about what time you do intent to set forwards, that so I may meet you by the way: I desire you also not to mention former Treaties, assuring you, That we shall no sooner have entered upon a Negotiation, but his Electoral Highness shall therein find his assurance and contentedness; and by what I see in the Copy of the Letter which his Majesty doth write unto his Electoral Highness, which I have just now received: I dare say, That there is not a happier Prince than his serene Highness. I remain your Excellencies most humble Servant, Signed thus; CHRISTOPHER CHARLES de SLIPPENBACH. The fourth Proof. The Elector of Brandenbourg's Ambassadors Reply to the Swedish Commissioners notification of a Conference. THe Prince Elector of Brandenbourg's Ambassadors, do kiss the hands of the Lord Precedent, of Mr. Kley, and Mr. Ehrenstein, and do make known unto them; That having reflected upon the advice which they received from them, and that having sound by their Instructions, that his Electoral Highness doth expressly ordain them to demand audience of the King of Sweden himself; and having moreover pondered, how that it is not the custom of Ambassadors, to enter into any Conferences before they have had audience; they beseech them, not only to excuse them, in that they cannot condescend thereunto, but also to make their excuses thereon to his Majesty; and to know of him, when it may please him to give them audience; since his Electoral Highness would have just occasion to be displeased with them, in case they should suffer themselves, to be deluded thus any longer. The fifth Proof. The Swedish Commissioners Answer, to the Brandenburg Ambassadors refusing a particular Conference. THe Deputies nominated by the King, do kiss the Brandenburg Ambassadors hands; and do give them notice, that his said Majesty, reflecting on his Electoral Highness, being so fare engaged with his Enemies, as that he accounts him a common Enemy▪ hath deemed it necessary to cause certain Propositions to be made unto them; which are no other save such, as (according to the custom of all Nations, aught to be made before they are admitted to the hearing; which they have desired, because that the granting of the same doth depend partly thereon, so that the said Ambassadors, may dispose themselves to hear the said Propositions, in the presence of the Ambassadors of Lunenburg and Hesse, as well as the other Orders which they have received from his Majesty, to communicate unto them. The sixth Proof. The Baron of Suerin's Letter to the Earl of Slippenbach. My Lord the Count, WE had reason to believe, that his Electoral Highness Embassy, which is an unquestionable proof of the sincerity of his intentions, and of his real inclinations to a Peace, would have been the more acceptable to the King, by reason that his Majesty being as yet at Gottenborow, had witnessed unto him, that he would be very glad thereof, and that he caused the Prince Palatine of Sultsbach, to invite us to come unto this Town: But we are much astonished to find the contrary: Nor shall we enlarge upon all the other circumstances which gives us cause to believe it; only we cannot any longer dissemble, that we are very much surprised at the difficulties which are made, in the giving of us a hearing; it is become the common discourse in all companies, and people do talk of it about the streets, in so much as this refusal to admit us to audience, being extremely prejudicial to his Electoral Highness: we are constrained to beseech your Excellence, to do us the favour, to know of his Majesty, whether he hath any thing to command us unto his Electoral Highness; forasmuch as we shall not be able to excuse our longer stay in this place to his Electoral Highness, since we see no appearance at all of effecting any thing here: We have so many reasons which debar us from entering into any conference with the King's Commissioners in the presence of the Lunenburg and Hessian Ambassadors, as that we doubt not, but they will be capable to satisfy his Majesty, and to oblige him to condescend to the audience which we have demanded: but since we are again pressed thereunto, and that in such a manner, as we can by no means condescend unto, being altogether unusual and irregular; we dare not engage ourselves in a business, which is without a precedent, unless we had his Electoral Highness' express Order for the same: Wherefore we most humbly beseech your Excellency, not to press us any farther thereunto, whereon we shall expect your speedy answer, and proffer unto you our most humble service, as being Your Excellencies most humble servants, OTTON Baron of Suerin, and D. WEYMAN. POSTSCRIPT. Since we cannot be admitted to deliver this Letter ourselves, we beseech you to put it into his Majesty's hands. The seaventh Proof. The Earl of Slippenbaches Answer to the Baron of Suerin. My Lord Baron: I Hhave shown his Majesty the Letter which your Excellency wrote vuto me, and the King told me he made a difficulty to give you audience, because you had not power to treat on the reestablishing of the Friendship, betwixt his Majesty and his Electoral Highness; without which his Majesty cannot resolve to admit of this Embassy, nor make a difference between a declared Enemy, and an Ally of his Enemies, and as the Romans say: The dignity of the Commonwealth permits not that the Ambassadors of Enemies be heard in the Senate. For in case you intent to speak of the Peace of Poland, and the other interessed Parties, you take upon yourselves the quality of Mediators; which is a thing inconsistent with that alliance, which hath been made with his Majesty's Enemies: In case you mean to propound conditions of Peace, and at the same time declare, that if we accept not of them, you will be obliged to remain united with Poland, and to put that Treaty in execution which you have made with that Crown; you must needs become Judges, or rather Heralds, by declaring war against us. Wherefore his Majesty will ot hearken to any Proposals, save such as may conduce to a particular Peace, and may advance the reestablishing of the friendship betwixt his Majesty and his Electoral Highness; because the Peace of Poland must be negotiated by Mediators, and not by such as have taken party, and declared themselves: You know how I have always assured you, That notwithstanding all what is past, his Majesty would be glad to see you, in case you came accompanied with power to cement the former Friendship, and to quit the alliance of his Enemies: But seeing in lieu of coming hither upon that account, we know, that since your departure from Berlin, the interchangeably delivery of the Treaty, made with the house of Austria hath been performed: That the Gunpowder, which his Majesty sent into Prussia, hath been stopped at the Pilliw: That a Garrison hath been put into Frawenburg; and that since all other things have been done, whereon his Majesty hath reason to be ill satisfied; he will determinately know, what he is to trust to from the Elector: Whereunto his Majesty doth add, That in case you will yet send for a Power, to confer upon a particular Treaty, he will nominate Commissioners and Deputies on his behalf, who shall meet in any neutral place, such a one as shall be agreed upon: but that otherwise he is fully resolved, not to admit you to an audience; nor to receive any thing on the behalf of a Prince who is entered into an alliance with his Enemies. I am grieved to the heart, when I do reflect upon the present conjuncture of affairs, and when I consider that labyrinth, wherein his Electoral Highness hath engaged himself, by the conference at Bromberg, and by the assembly of so many Ambassadors, as were lately at Berlin; God grant, that the issue thereof may prove a reestablishing of the Friendship with his Majesty, a renouncing of the alliance with his Enemies; without which I cannot well see how possibly his Electoral Highness can escape the dangers and disorders wherewithal he is threatened, although one moiety of the world should rise up in arms against us, but few of them should pass into Sweden with us: I beseech you but to reflect on the alliance which you have made; whether the victories it may produce, will advance the glory of God, the settling of the Protestant Religion, or the assurance of his Electoral Highness: I know that one day you will be mindful of me. I hope and wish to remain Your Excellencies most humble Servant, Signed CHRISTOPHER CHARLES SLIPPENBACH. Dated from Flensburg the 23. June 1658. The Eighth Proof. The Baron of Suerin's second Letter to the Count Slippenbach. My Lord the Count, ALthough I have occasion to be glad to take myself home-wards, after so displeasing a Voyage, since I see by your Excellencies former Letter. That his Majesty will not at all change the resolution, he hath taken, to refuse us audience: yet I am constrained to confess, that I never departed from any place, with so much regret, as I had to leave this Town; by reason that no ear would be given to the general Peace, of which I had well hoped to have here laid the first Foundations. I dare yet hope, that God, who hath the hearts of Kings in his keeping, will also move his Majesty, and dispose it, to prefer an honourable and advantageous Peace before a destructive War to all Christendom: And since your Excellency specifieth in your Letter, certain particulars upon which his Majesty desireth we may have more ample instructions, I am resolved to retire myself, with my Colleague to Hambourg, whence we shall dispatch an express to his Electoral Highness, and there expect his Orders, which we will not fail to communicate unto you. And thus taking leave of you, I remain, etc. From Flensbourg the 24 of Jun. 1658. POSTSCRIPT. THe Ambassadors of the Electoral College told us yesterday, that his Majesty was resolved to take his march through the Markequisate of Brandenbourg, I humbly beseech your Excellency to remonstrate unto his said Majesty, the disorders which will accrue thereby, and to endeavour to direct him from that resolution: For as the said March, must needs be to the prejudice of his Electoral Highness' Subjects, so he is not at all obliged to permit the same. He hath hitherto most religiously kept and observed the Peace, and is resolved so to do: But if there be a pleasure taken in the breaking of it with us, he will rely upon God and the Emperor, who will not fail him. If there remains any thing else to be made known unto us, it may be sent to us in writing to Hambourg. The ninth Proof. The King of Sweden's Commissioners Letter to the Prince Elector of Brandenbourg's Ambassadors. My Lords, WE were the more surprised at your precipitated departure, by reason it bereft us of the occasion to propose unto you, by the King's Order, those means, which without all doubt, might have prepared the way to an accommodation, and to a Peace, had they not been avoided: as soon as we understood yesterday by the Ambassadors of Lunenbourg and Hesse, That the conference itself distasted you not so much, as their intervention, his Majesty was pleased to have so much complaisance, as to consent that they should not be present: Wherefore we had resolved this morning, to have given you a visit without them: So that we cannot imagine why you should shun the said conference, when as this Objection was removed. But for as much as his Majesty doth always passionately desire to make Peace, and to give Christendom rest, we thought it our duties to fend unto you that, which we had Orders to tell you by word of mouth, and to leave it with you in writing: you will thereby see, that there hath not any thing been done, save what was very requisite, and which ought not to have been done in the like conjunctures; and you will thereby acknowledge the sincerity of our intentions: Insomuch, as that you will be obliged to avouch, that you cannot blame us, but yourselves, in case it taketh not effect; We remit ourselves to your choice; either to return, or nominate a Neutral Place, where we may begin our Negotiations; his Majesty doth sufficiently manifest by this Declaration, that he will permit the Treaty to be begun; and after you shall have shown sufficient power for the same, he will do all whatsoever can be expected from him, for the re-establishing of that friendship which his Electoral Highness hath declined and violated, by several acts of Hostility. We remain My LORDS, Your humble Servants, Signed DAVID MEVIUS, SUEDER DIDERICH KLEY, EDUARD ERNSTEIN. Dated from Elensbourg on the 24th of June, 1658. The tenth Proof. The Proposition which was sent in writing by the Swedish Commissioners after the Brandenbourg Ambassadors. IT is most assured, that the Law of Nature, and the Customs admitted by all people, do permit a Sovereign to receive and Treat Ambassadors, according to the quality and deserts of those Princes, by whom they are sent, and according to the nature of the business whereon they are to Treat; wherefore his Majesty believes, that it cannot be ill taken, if by virtue of that liberty, which is as free to him as to all other Kings, he doth constitute Commissioners, and causeth a Proposition to be made to the Brandenbourg Ambassadors: The which he deemed the more requisite to be done, by reason that the Prince their Master, hath made it appear, that he will not be his friend. For although that his serene Electoral Highness did desire and seek for the alliance with his Majesty, from the very time that deliberations were as yet but on foot in Sweden; whether or no the Polish War should be undertaken: and that his said Highness, did not only encourage his Majesty to this enterprise, but also promised by a formal Treaty, his Asistances and Forces against Poland: However, all the world doth know, That he hath renounced the said alliance with his Majesty: It was to have been perpetual, and undissolvable, but his Electoral Highness rend it asunder without any necessity, which might not, at least, have been dispeneed withal, since he might have avoided the same, by doing or by suffering that to be done, which would have been very feazible; and not at all regarding the particular favour which his Majesty did him, to offer him a neutrality upon such reasonable conditions, as would not have been prejudicial to his Majesty's affairs: And as if it were a small matter to contract to friendship with a declared enemy of his first Allies, his Electoral Highness ceased not therewith neither, but passed on further, and hath made a League, in which the King is treated, and styled, the common enemy. He promiseth his favour and assistance to the Kings declared enemies, not only in Prussia, but also in the Empire; and bespeaks his share of those Conquests which are pretended to be made in those States which his Majesty did and doth there possess, contrary to the express promise which he had made to his Majesty, to be assisting unto him in the defence thereof, with all his might, against all Parties whatsoever; which appears manifestly by the Articles of the Treaty which was Negotiated and at Velau, and finally concluded and signed at Bromberg. His Electoral Highness, after he had held private intelligence with the King of Denmark, entered upon a Negotiation with him, during the same time when as the King had declared War against him, and whilst his Armies were in those Kingdoms; he exhorted the King of Denmark, to continue the War, and to reject Peace; not contenting himself to encourage him herein, but also promising him a speedy relief, and to make a powerful diversion in those Provinces where his Majesty had his Armies: All which Treaty was carried on at Coppenhagen by the same Ambassador, who had proffered his Prince's Mediation to procure a Peace between Sweden and Denmark; although since, it was continued by another, and finally concluded at Cologne on the Spreé. But to compass this promised relief, a more powerful establishment was requisite, wherefore a Negotiation was commenced with the most serene King of Hungary for an alliance; which at first was only to have been defensive, but afterwards came to an offensive one, which was speedily concluded and completed with so much animosity, as that not only his Majesty was therein treated as the common enemy of Christendom, but also the Treaty was filled with all that possibly could be alleged against the greatest Enemies those Allies had; and it was resolved, not only to set upon those places which his Majesty had in Poland, but also to take and share amongst the said Allies, those Provinces which do belong unto him in the Empire. Nor did his Electoral Highness remain satisfied, to permit these particulars to be set down in writing, but did also pass on to commit acts of hostility, as followeth: He gave passage and Provisions to the Polanders, and suffered them to overrun, pillage, and burn Pomerania; he hindered those Leagues which his Majesty caused to be made in the Empire, although the same are permitted unto all Princes indifferently, seeing they were not burdensome to any one; and that they were only to be employed in the defence of his Territories: He commanded his Subjects to quit his Majesty's service, against the Liberties which the Laws of the Empire give them: he caused to be stopped in the Haven of Pillou, those Powders and other Munitions of War, and Provisions which the King had sent to his Places in Prussia, contrary to the Treaty of alliance, and against the Law of Nations; and he opposed himself in the Assembly of the Lower Circle of Saxony, unto that security which the Estates of that Circle were obliged to give him against the invasion of the King of Denmark; crying down his Majesty's actions, and testifying his hatred and malice, by animating and stirring up all the world against him, as against the common enemy; at such a time when as his Electoral Highness had not any occasion to complain of his said Majesty, but when the King did give him the greatest proof of his Friendship and good will. All men do know, and it is most assured, that his Electoral Highness hath promised the King of Denmark relief, that he hath solicited the conjunction of the Austrian Armies; and that to this end, the Forces of the Allies did often show themselves in Germany, when as there did not any enemy at all appear, and when as there was not any thing at all to be apprehended: That he hath desired assistance from all parts, as against a declared enemy; and that he had endeavoured to render the King's best actions odious: Insomuch, as it is void of all doubt, but that he would absolutely have declared himself, had it not been for the Justice and Prosperity of his Majesty's Armies. And although these undeniable Proofs (which have been but too much confirmed by the public report of them) did manifest his Electoral Highness ill intentions, yet his Majesty never changed his good will, which he ever bore towards one who threatened him, although he lest deserved it; having declared whilst he was yet at Gottenbourg, that in case his Electoral Highness would depute any of his Ministers towards him, accompanied with sufficient Power to cement and settle the former Friendship again, his Majesty would always be found willing to embrace the same. But his Electoral Highness was so fare from answering these Testimonies of Friendship, that, notwithstanding the foregoing Declarations; and as soon as his Ambassadors were departed Berlin, he did ratify that Treaty which was made with the most serene King of Hungary, against his Majesty, as against a common enemy; did again cause to be arrested in the Pillau, those Powders and Amunitions which were sent to the Royal Prussia, and did put a Garrison in Frawenberg, which the Austrians had abandoned, although he had no title to the same; and that according to the Treaties between the King and the Elector, and according to the Military Laws, that place ought to have remained in the King's possession: however, he refused to admit the Swedish Troops into the same, caused the Officers to be pursued, filled the Assemblies with complaints; without cause of Justice, sent to demand aid from all Parts, as against a declared enemy; and did all he could, to manifest his disaffection and ill will, and the small inclination he bore to the Peace. Insomuch, as that the King finding himself obliged to assure himself of his Electoral Highness' intentions, and to know whether he was to Treat with the Ambassadors of a Prince, in Peace, or at enmity; (since by what we have before alleged, it could not otherwise be conceived;) he thought, that by virtue of the Law of Nations, and the Customs admitted by all Kings and people, to name Commissioners, who might Penetrate into the Prince's intentions, who might know the subject of the Embassy; and who might see the Ambassador's power, before he resolved (during this uncertainty) whether he should admit them or no. True it is, that his Majesty permitted the Ambassadors to come to this Town, but not with an intent thereby to tie up his own hands, and to forego that freedom which he hath, to cause the necessary Precautions to take place. To the contrary, without their coming hither, how could we have learned of them those things which we desired to know? And we could not have told how to have regulated those things which were requisite, before we proceeded to a Negotiation; to the end, we might judge by the nature of those affairs, wherewith they were entrusted, in what manner we should Treat them: and thereon, to resolve, whether or no, in the audience which should afterwards be granted unto them, they should be considered either as Friends or Enemies: As also, to resolve, whether the Dignity of the King, and the Present state of affairs, would permit to receive them at all. And forasmuch as the Ambassadors of Brunswick, Lunenberg, and of Hesse, were come in the behalf of their Superiors, to proffer their Mediations, it was thought good to invite tdem to be present at the Conference; to the end, they might be Witnesses of the Justice, Sincerity, and Integrity, whereon we should have proceeded on his Majesty's behalf: We cannon imagine why the Electors Ambassadors would not condescend thereunto. They allege indeed, that it is a thing without a Precedent, contrary to the usual Forms and Customs, and prejudicial to the Dignity of his Electoral Highness. But as the Execution of a thing which is just and reasonable in its self, ought not to be hindered, because no example can be alleged thereof: so likewise ought it to have been considered, that in all this, there is nothing contrary, to what Princes are accustomed to do, by profferring their Mediation and good Offices unto two Parties; and that there is nothing in it, which doth repugn the equity or dignity of his Electoral Highness, since the King hath done all, what in reason could be desired of him, without the prejudicing of his Interests. But the refusal which the Ambassadors made, to enter into a Conference, in the presence of a third Party, doth render their Embassy to be suspected; and the rather, when the Ambassadors of Lunenburg having desired to be excused (because they foresaw the Ambassadors of Brandenbourg, would not give way thereunto) the King would willingly have so much compliance for both Parties, as to exempt them, that so no retardment might ensue upon the Treaty. Now the chief Point of this our Proposition, is, That his Majesty having deemed it fit, before all things, to know the intention of his serene Electorship, hath commanded us to ask you, whether his said Electoral Highness, will disengage himself from the Interests of his Majesty's Enemies, and renew the Treaties of Peace and Friendship, which seem to be changed, by those things which we have before alleged; as also: to know what power you have to proceed hereon: So soon as his Majesty shall be assured of the one, and shall know that you have sufficient power for the other, he will immediately give command for the beginning of the Treaties; and in case you have not sufficient Power, his Majesty permits you to stay in this Town, until such time as you have received them: Or otherwise, doth consent that the Treaties may be held in any other Neutral place; as at Kiel, Sleswick, or Hambourg: And as soon as his Majesty shall have notice thereof, he will nominate Commissioners, and will ordain what else shall be requisite to cause the Treaty to take effect. This is that which we have thought good to represent unto you, and also to assure you of our humble services, so fare as they shall not be repugnant to that Duty which we own unto our King. Given at Flensbourg on the 23 of June 1658. The eleventh Proof. The Ambassadors of brandenburg's Letter, in Answer to the King of sweden Commissioners. SIRS; WE received those Letters which you wrote unto us from Flensbourg, on the 24 June, and to tell you the truth, we are in a manner astonished, that you should send after us, and that we are accused to have precipitated our departure; and that likewise the fault of all that which hath happened is cast upon us: We were sent, if not at the request, yet at least not against the desire of his Majesty, by a Prince Elector of the Empire, who is his Kinsman and Neighbour: we were at our arrival received by his Majesty's Ministers, and at their request, we drew nigh, as we may say, even to the gates of his Court, and, if after our so long sojourning there, (as that we could not any longer have stayed, without our detracting from the grandeur and dignity of his Electoral Highness) we at length departed thence: You may consider if you please, that it was a mere constraint; and after those unquestionable proofs which we had received of the design there was to have treated his Electoral Highness as a declared Enemy; which was evident, not only by the general report thereof which was come to our ears, but also by the Express Letters from the Lord of Slippenbach, which you will find hereunto annexed; for which we were very sorry. And those Letters which we have written unto the said Count upon this subject, in answer unto his, do sufficiently denote the same: but by reason they were delivered late enough, and that we assuredly believe you have not seen them, we do think fitting to add thus much, That we shall always most powerfully second the great inclinations which his Electoral Highness harboureth towards a Peace, and towards an accommodation; we shall expect his Orders thereon at Hamborow; and as soon as we shall have received them, we will not fail to give you notice thereof; and shall answer unto all, what may be expected from Dated at Rensbourg on the 25. June. 1658. SIR, etc. The twelfth Proof. A second Letter from the Brandenburg Ambassadors to the Swedish Commissioners. SIRS: BEfore we left Rensbourg, we returned you an Answer to the Letter you wrote unto us from Flensbourg; but being on our jovaney, and ready to take Coach, we contented ourselves only to write the more succinctly unto you, by how much we are persuaded of the high prudence of the King your Master, and therefore do firmly believe, that he cannot desire more at our hands, since it must needs be evident, that being at so great a distance from our Court, it was not in our powers to return unto the place from whence we came, but much against our wills; and far less to engage the interest and dignity of the Prince our Master, in writing, without his Electoral Highness express order. Wherefore we were resolved without any delay, to have represented the whole unto him by our Letters; to the end that having received his commands thereon, we might the better have made answer from Hamborow, to those things which you desire to know of us. We do not deny but that the business is of so great importance, as that all things ought to have been essayed rather than to break, and by a precipitated resolution, to have frustrated the effects of our Embassy, from which all Christendom might justly expect so considerable an advantage: We still do believe the same, and therefore we shall use all possible means to justify our proceed; and to let the world see, That if the success proves not answerable to our desires, we shall at least have satisfied our consciences, by the integrity of our Councils, and the sincerity of our Intentions. But we think ourselves obliged to give you notice, That having more maturely considered on what behoved us to do; we have thought it fitting to change the resolution which we had taken, to expect his Electoral Highness command in this place, conceiving it to be more expedient that we go to Berlin with all speed; because a personal negotiation hath something more in it then can be expected to be effected by writing, and at least we shall reap this satisfaction by our voyage, that by a speedy and faithful report of all the business, we shall bring it to a resolve without any delay; we doubt not but you will be of the same mind, and that consequently you will take patience, and expect such answers as we shall return unto you, so soon as we shall be arrived at our Court. And as to what concerns the business itself, we have seen and examined the writing which you sent us, together with the Letters; and we hope you have so good an opinion of us, as to believe that we are not altogether so ignorant in the debating of affairs, nor so much void of reason, but that it would be very easy for us to make answer to the chief heads of the said Manifest; and clearly to demonstrate, That it is full of Equivocations, of words whose sense and meaning are obscure, and containeth several things which are as much dissonant unto the Piety of our Prince, as from Truth itself: whereof we are so well assured in our consciences, as that we are willing to believe, That the said Piece was not sent unto us from the King, nor were those Writings compiled out of the Registers of those Persons, who had an inspection in business; but by such as were transported by an unfortunate precipitation, or by a false and sad preoccupation, without any knowledge at, all of the foregoing passages; nor reflecting in the least upon those things which are to ensue; not being so discreet as to consider what they did, and were wilfully resolved to trouble the Peace of Christendom, by new affected quarrels, in stead of settling and reestablishing the same by new and well grounded alliances. But since the Honour of, and even his Electoral Highness' conscience, art engaged in this concerment, we shall desire you not to take it ill, that we enter no further thereon at this present, but that we leave the resentment thereof unto himself. There is but one thing which we find ourselves obliged to touch on, by the by, which is that in your writing, you say the King hath changed his resolution, and that he would have so much complaisance or indulgence (according to the Latin original word, they are your own words) for the Ambassadors of Lunenbourg and Hesse, as to dispense with them so far, as that they might not entervene at the Meeting or Conference, which he had caused to be propounded unto us: But we crave your pardon, if we aver, that you do maintain with too much assurance, a thing which is not so: For the said Ambassadors themselves, and the King's Ministers, do full well know, as you yourselves Sirs (who are Persons of Honour) can testify; that we knew nothing thereof, and that the least word thereon was not told unto us: the last Letters from the Lord of Slippenbach, and the visits which were made to the said Ambassadors, to take our leaves of them, are manifest Proofs to the contrary; and do plainly evidence, that there was no appearance at all for us, to expect an audience, in such a manner as was due unto us; nor that the King would alter the resolution, which he he had taken, to make us serve as an example unto Posterity; and to expose us unto an unavoidable affront, such a one, as was not to be repaired, instead of treating of us as Ambassadors, from a Prince Elector of the Empire. But we can with more truth allege, That we never refused to admit of the Ambassadors of Lunenbourg and Hessen; by reason that the subject our of Embassy, being just and plausible, we had no reason at all, to debar the Ministers of those Princes from the Cognisance thereof, who profess a most particular friendship to our Master; neither did we ever hinder the King's Ministers from visiting of us, nor never refused to enter into any Conference with them: But we would not, nor could not consent into a Conference, the manner, place, and time whereof was prescribed us. We believed it was not expedient, but very unseasonable, because it was to have preceded our audience; besides, we had reason to suspect the said Conference; neither would we acknowledge that superiority, whereby it was intended to have enforced us thereunto: Or rather, we would not accept of that, which the Ambassadors themselves could not approve of. For we came not thither to debate, or for to enter into a contestation with the King's Ministers, but we were there in the quality of Ambassadors, for to demand Audience of the King: We appeared there (I say) because the King had desired it, and because his Ministers had invited us thither, had received us, had entertained us, and had done us several other Civilities: After all which, not to be admitted unto audience, to have the same deferred and delayed, and finally, absolutely refused; which was never yet done by any Prince, who had once received Ambassadors into his Court, since it is to the Person of the Prince, and not to his Ministers, That Ambassadors do make their addresses. This was the thing at which we were offended, and this was the cause why, to our great grief, we departed. Nor can you allege, That we precipitated our said departure, since it could easily be imagined, that after so long a stay, we were not like to beg for an audience, which in Justice ought not to have been refused us. But all these things are so well known unto you, as that we shall not need to add any thing else hereunto; being ascertained in our Consciences, that you must needs acquiesse unto those Truths, which we have alleged. Moreover, we remain, SIRS, etc. Dated from Hamborrow on the 30 of June 1658. The thirteenth Proof. A third Letter from the Brandenburg Ambassadors, in Answer to the Proposition in writing, sent after them by the Swedish Commissioners. Sirs, NO Person whatsoever, who hath the least insight and knowledge of the state of our Affairs, can be ignorant, That the Piety, and the Interest of our Elector, doth oblige him earnestly to endeavour the general Peace; and to see it maintained, and preserved throughout all Christendom. For all men, who profess themselves to be versed in the managing of public affairs, must needs avouch; That this Prince, whose Prudence is of as large an extent, as his Provinces, by interesting himself in the establishing of the public tranquillity of the Christian world, doth at the same time, include the settling of his own private security; because his Principalities bordering on most of the Dominions of the Princes of Germany, it is impossible for him to preserve them, but by his keeping a perfect good intelligence betwixt his Neighbours. His Electoral Highness hath so well accomplished the same, as that being unreproachable upon this account, he thought himself not bound to be offended, when by our relation, he heard the ill Treatment, which we received by your King, and saw the calumnies, wherewith all he finds himself slandered, by that Paper which you sent unto us from Flensbourgh. This great Prince, is willing to forget and pass by the particular wrongs; which are done unto his Person, to bewail poor Germany, which is like to be involved in new disorders: However, he cannot choose but detest the Ingratitude of those, who cloak their pernicious designs; and the rage, by which they endeavour to continue the Wars, by such unjust pretensions. Our Prince is rendered guilty, because he hath not quite ruined himself for your King's sake; and he is threatened with a War, because he cannot any longer second an others ambition, without the exposing of his Person, and his Dominions, to a final ruin. And moreover, he is at this present, reproached with that, which the King did formerly esteem the most of all in him; when he confessed, that he should never be able, to acknowledge those, Obligations, for the which he stood engaged to his Electoral Highness: Just as if there were a great deal of advantage to be reaped, by finding out a pretence to ruin a Friend, unto whom a man is over-obliged; and a great deal of glory to be taken, in the pillaging of a Creditors House, thereby to find wherewithal to pay a Debt, which would otherwise reman unsolved. They affect to render all the Prince's actions odious, without reflecting on those things, which he hath formerly done; and instead of the dissembling, or at least, excusing those things, which might be blamed in the conduct of a Friend, so great a pleasure is taken in the crying down of the same; as it seems they are glad to have met with something, whereon they might frame a pretended quarrel against him. Neither can it be with any other design, that his Electoral Highness is accused, To have solicited the War against Poland; to have quitted the alliance, without any necessity; to have made a new one with Poland, and with the House of Austria; to have endeavoured to engage the King of Denmark in the same; to have promised relief to the one, and to have demanded it from the other; to have given passage to the enemies; to have recalled his Subjects out of the King's service; to have hindered his Leagues; to have seized the Gunpowders: and to have done several other things, without the making of any distinction, either of time of places, with as much affectation as injustice. It would be a very easy matter for us, to reply on all the Accusations, in such a manner, as thereby we might manifest the justice of our Cause, and the integrity of our Intentions; if so be our Prince, who is not capable of our unworthiness and low actions, had not rather remit himself thereon, unto your own Consciences, then to render you ashamed, by those Answers, which he would return to your reproaches. However, we cannot choose but tell you, That there is so much the less appearance of what you allege; That his Electoral Highness should have sought unto you for your alliance, to make War against Poland; as that you cannot tell why he should have done so? what advantages he could thereby reap? or what glory he should thereby acquire? War, certainly cannot be pleasing, save only unto those, who are transported, either by ambition or covetousness; or who through poverty, are constrained to live by Thefts, and Robing of other men's Estates: Unto such (I say) as take a delight amidst the public calamities, and esteem their only tortures to consist in Peace and Tranquillity; who reverence vice, and who account of Pillagings, Murders, Violations, Sacrileges, and the other inseparable disorders, which are tied to a War, as heroic Virtues, and as qualities becoming a King. But our Prince, was always incapable of such unworthy thoughts: For he sucked Piety from his Mother's Breasts, and he inherited the love of Justice, and the fear of God, from his Predecessors. We full well know, that those Wars which are not altogether necessary, prove oftentimes the most saddest unto those who wage them: Wherefore we did dissuade the Polonian War, by divers and sundry Embassies. The Town of Stetin, doth very well know, that we abhor the very thoughts of that War, and that we never had a hand therein, but when we were constrained thereunto; which you cannot likewise deny, in case you do but call to mind, how that the Polonian War was no sooner resolved on, but that at the same time, you resolved likewise to engage the Elector therein, whether he would or not: And we were so fare from pressing you to War against Poland, that Wittenberg was already entered that Kingdom, when your Ambassadors came to this Town, to seek unto us, or rather to threaten us, and constrain us, to enter into an alliance with you. We could hardly believe, that you could have the impudence, to reproach us in this wise, unless you had had assured proof thereof: Wherefore we required to know of those persons, which make up his Electoral Highness Council, whether or no their deliberations could in any wise have given cause for the said Accusation: We have run over the Drafts of all the Letters, which were thereon written, and we have perused all our Registers, to discover, whether happily your cunning, the necessity of those times, and the state of affairs as then (which were capable, to have moved the firmest constancy, and the resolutest determinations) might have extorted from us, any thing implying the same: But we can take God to witness, That we could not light upon any thing in the least, That might cause us to suspect our having failed in our fidelity to Poland, or of our amity to Sweden. For our Elector could never sufficiently move the entering on a Peace unto all your Ambassadors, nor to recommend it unto those, who sided with Sweden. True it is, that he gave ear to your Propositions; That he accepted those advantages, which you proffered him, purposely to gain him to your party; and, That he did receive your Presents: But all this he did with an upright heart, and on purpose to preserve them for the right owners, lest they might fall into the hands of strangers. The refusal which you made, to condescend to a Peace with Poland, and the War wherewithal you threatened the ducal Prussia, did constrain his Electoral Highness, to enter into a Negotiation with you; and engaged him in a Treaty, by which he always hoped he might meet with an occasion to serve you, as well as the Polanders; to preserve both the one and the other, by a good Treaty of Peace, and to give a Testimony of his constant Fidelity to Poland. For which purpose, our Ambassadors were continually with you, and never departed your Court, who incessantly pressed you to come to a Peace, and who amused you, whilst we were not as yet gotten into a posture to defend ourselves: However, we sticked not to take up Arms, to continue our Leagues, and to pass with our Army into Prussia, notwithstanding our oppositions and threaten. You may well remember, Gentlemen, what passed as then, and what the Elector did, to endeavour to beget a Peace, or to uphold the justice and equity of the Polonian Forces, by the conjunction of his own; till such time, as that he saw, he could not obtain any thing at your hands, that was just, nor overcome your obstinacy to destroy all: Wherefore he rather chose to expect the very last extremities, then to fail in that Fidelity, wherein this generous and good Prince stood engaged to the Crown of Poland. Both the Royal Prussia, and the House of Austria, and the States of the United Provinces, can witness those endeavours, which were used by his Electoral Highness, for to engage them in an alliance, which might be sufficient to oppose these Usurpations: And we hearty grieve, that the success thereof, did not answer our Expectations: However, we shall always retain this satisfaction to ourselves, That the Elector never changed his mind, and that he never failed in his duty, but by constraint; No not with Poland its self. His Elector all Highness, could have wished withal his heart, to have seen the said Kingdom in a better condition: But in regard that the King himself had deserted it; that the Senators had abandoned the management of affairs; that the Soldiers were possessed with a general cowerdize; that all Subjects were treacherous; and that even those, who were born, and paid to fight in the defence of that Commonwealth, had taken up Arms against her: He was constrained, even to give way to those great Evils, which had overwhealmed the whole State. Insomuch, that there cannot be any dsiinterressed party, but will praise the Electors prudence, who in the preserving himself, by the means of a Treaty, remained in a condition, both to preserve Poland and Sweden together. Poland itself, is discreet and rational enough, to acknowledge it, and to avouch: That all necessary means are honest and lawful; and that the Obligation of the Lord, and of the Subjects, being reciprocal. The Subject cannot be blamed for having failed, to defend the Lord, in case the Lord hath failed to protect the Subject. And wherein Poland is more equitable than you are, for being sensible of her sad enforced destiny, she bewails ours; not accusing us to have quitted her party, because she knows we were constrained thereunto; although she likewise full well knows; That in case the loss of the battle of Warsowe be not wholly due to our Army, yet at least it did not a little contribute thereunto. Wherefore, we conjure you (Gentlemen) without passion, to reflect upon the tye, which lieth upon us to endeavour the begetting and preserving a Peace between Poland and Sweden, and to maintain their power in a just equality; as also to judge how little appearance there is, that we should have obliged your King, to take up Arms against Poland: And whether it be not a very dishonest part to allege: That we endeavoured to make an alliance for a War, which of necessity, must have proved destructive to ourselves? We only desire you chief to consider, how and in what matter you can possible blame our reconciliation with Poland? And with what equity the King can condemn our proceed at Bromberg? seeing he approved of what had passed at Koningsberg. And truly, since you were not ashamed to impose a Law, and a necessity on a Prince your Friend, and to constrain him to act against the Lord of his Manor, the King ought to harbour so much generosity, as not to be displeased to see that reunited again by a secret destiny, which was disunited by your violence and force. Princes do not proceed like common people: They are not accustomed to pick groundless quarrels; nor are they transported by choler: Their Fortune is above all that. So likewise, do they not undertake any War, but with a resolution to obtain a Peace. We were constrained to side with you, and so long as the State of our affairs did permit, as to stay by you, we upheld your party with Fidelity, and never abandoned you, till you had deserted us; and had left us to the discretion of Fortune, without either hopes of a Peace, or of a Relief: Nor can you be ignorant in what a condition the King's Forces were in, when we drew off, after the Battle of Warsow; and in what a manner the Enemies recruted themselves after the said loss; which instead of quite ruining them, restored all their affairs, and put a double proportion of courage into them: We found them marching at our heels, when we thought we had laid them along; and we found them pursuing us in the rear, laying all waste, wheresoever they passed, and putting all to fire and sword; in their pursuit menacing us (even after their defeat and flying away) more like Victors, then overcome men. The Transylvanian trembled, the Muscovite threatened us, and the King of Denmark thwarted all your designs by a new War, whereby the King was obliged to abandon the whole, to march unto the relief of the Principality of Bremn. In regard whereof, we could not refuse to hearken unto the Remonstrances of our Subjects, to the Prayers of our Friends, and to the proffers of our Enemies; or rather, We were constrained to make a Peace with Poland, and to accept of those conditions which were proffered us, although they had been fare less equitable than those, which were granted us. Now this being the true state of the business, Can you with reason allege, that the Elector abandoned you? Can you with equity be displeased thereat? Are you in a capacity to threaten him? And can you hinder him to agree with the Enemy? and by a Treaty, to endeavour to preserve his Estates, the which you could not defend. An invincible necessity might have induced him, had there been one to have preferred his Interest before another's: But nature itself, even from our Childhoods, doth teach us to avoid our own ruin, by all means possible. That which necessitates, doth justify; and where necessity reigns, there is no Law▪ For in a storm, each man seeks his own preservation, though to the loss of other men's goods. We confess; that the King wished us better luck, and that he used all means possible to retain his Electoral Highness on his party; to which end, he caused several Propositions to be made: He desired that we would make use of his Council, and he made us hope, he would make Peace with Poland; and that he would return to the Army, within six week's time; which proved mere words, and nothing more was intended. But we stood in need of effectual and powerful relief against the enemy, who was already gotten into our Country, whilst the King having abandoned Prussia, and his other Allies, was departed from thence, and was ordering his Affairs in Germany. Insomuch, as that all men must needs perceive, there was no choice left to be made at that time; and that his Electoral Highness, being not able any longer to resist the strength of necessity, was constrained to bethink himself of minding his own business, and to preserve himself by means of a Treaty. Wherein we only made use of the King's Example, who was fare cunninger than we, when he abandoned his Conquests in Poland, and his Friends in Prussia, to defend his Estates in Germany; rather than other men's any where else: But however, he hath been so much the more unjust, that having failed of his word, through a less pressing necessity, he finds fault, that in an utmost extremity, we have followed his Example. You would willingly persuade us, That we might have avoided that necessity; by doing, or suffering such things to be done, as aught to have been done; and the which would have been very easy. But we attribute this to the good reality with which you are used to proceed in all your other affairs, even to the prejudice of your best Friends: Nor can we choose but admire the dexterity whereby you could penetrate so deep into our affairs, as not only to discover those secrets, which we were desirous to have kept from the knowledge of others; but also those which were unknown to ourselves: But as you have so good an opinion of your own business, take care you be not deceived in ours: For if every one ought to be believed, as to his own concernments, we must confess, that your affairs being almost in a desperate condition, because your subtlety could not overpoise those Forces, which were a falling upon you from all sides; How was it possible for us to hope to preserve ourselves? Lay aside, I beseech you, that passion which hath possessed you; let not the success of your Armies, blot out the memory of what is past; and permit us to represent unto you the evils of a War, whenas not necessary: and call to mind those straits and agonies, which caused you so often to long for an honourable Peace; and those vows which you continually made, that you would not suffer yourself to be transported by the flattering appearances of the good success of your Armies; which resolves were more than once by you taken; nay, as often as the wrath of God, or rather his goodness, endeavoured to bring you to reason, through the prosperity of the Allies Forces. And if as yet you cannot attribute any faith to our words, we beseech you only to reflect on the Condition of Prince Regotsky; consider him, and be more herein jointly with us: Remember, what this good Prince, who hath don● so much for you, is come to, and in what a manner you have relieved him; although he be happier than we, by reason that you pity him, for having lost himself for your sakes; whereas you reproach the Elector, because he would not perish with you. But not to enlarge upon these Afflictions, the remembrance whereof cannot choose but be very sensible to those who retain any sparkles of humanity and tenderness; let us set what you mean, by your endeavouring to persuade us, That we might have avoided the encountering of all these misfortunes, in case we would have done that which (according to your own advice) was necessary and easy. We ingeniously confess, that we cannot perceive your meaning; but we very well remember, to have seen you so surprised, and astonished in adversities, That you believed, you both bought, and could persuade his Electoral Highness, that there was a necessity he should join his Forces unto yours, and so to perish jointly with you. The one (indeed) was very necessary for your service alone, and the other very easy, both to yours and ours. You would have us to reject the just complaint of our good Subjects; to despise the cruel threaten of our enemies, and yet by a more than Stoical indifferency, we should have sat cross-armed, and looked upon the several devastations of our Provinces. And to the end, that there might be nothing wanting to that inviolable friendship which you retained for us, your Ambassadors ceased not mean while to represent, That the Elector would do well to yield Prussia to the King, as a Province which could not choose but be burdensome and chargeable to the Prince Elector; and that we should do well to put our Ports into his hands. Without doubt, because we should not reap the displeasure, to see them perish in our own; and that we might at least receive the satisfaction, to see them taken from the Swedes, who doubtless would be so good unto us, as to recompense us for the same, out of those Conquests they should make in Poland, and Silesia; or it may be, to induce us, to give them that in a generous way, which they had a mind one day to take away from us. They would have engaged us to have entered Silesia with our Army, and to have made up our share, by the ruin of the Empire of Germany; without their reflecting on the Obligation which the Elector oweth unto the Emperuor, and the assurances which the King himself had so often given, That he would never molest or trouble the repose thereof. They were so ill advised, as to counsel us to set upon others Estates, at such a time, when we could not hinder the Polanders from falling into our own; nor to regain the Capital City of their Kingdom, and the chief Peace of our Conquests: And all your policy consisted, only to blow into our cars, that there was a necessity to protract and delay the Treaties, to gain time, and to make us hope that the King would speedily return again into Prussia. And you so well compassed your designs thereby, as that whereas we both could have, and aught to have made use of the occasion, and have concluded our Treaty immediately, we only finished it at the end of four Months; neither did we sign the Treaty with Poland, save after we discovered that your King did but dally with us, whilst our condition grew every day worse and worse; and that the Polanders took advantages at the small appearance of relief, which we could promise ourselves from the King of Sweden: Wherein, to our think, we proceeded so warily, as you yourselves cannot condemn it. Insomuch, as though you will hardly avouch it, save in an indirect manner: However, we hope that one day you will come to yourselves again, and that you will be more rational. We full well know, that it is not your custom to harbour any complaisance for your Friends: Insomuch, as that by your boasting, to have permitted the Elector to enter into a Negotiation for a Neutrality, you confess you have done more, than you believed you were bound to do; because you do in some manner acknowledge, that amidst our humane actions, there happens some conjunctures which oblige us to give way unto necessity. But although we speak with so much advantage of you, we do not intent to lessen the glory which we account due to your King, who being desirous to give a final proof of his friendship unto his Electoral Highness, who complained that he alone was exposed to the discretion of the enemies, contrary to the Treaty between them; did not permit him (for he could not have done less to one of his Subjects) but counselled him as his Friend and Kinsman, to make a Treaty of Neutrality with Poland; we are not a little obliged to you however, for what you say thereon, since we could hardly persuade ourselves you had been capable to aver, That we did well to make a Treaty of Neutrality, whilst you reject that Treaty, by which we quit your alliance; and to acknowledge the necessity of the one, whilst you absolutely condemn the other. We beseech you (Gentlemen) to consider, that your censure is either too severe, or rather unjust: Whereas acknowledging the necessity, you refuse to admit the Laws of Tyranny; Nature itself teacheth, that in some things, you must of necessity go from one extremity to another. A man cannot stop himself, being on a Precipice; and a River that overflows, cannot be stopped by one sole ditch: The revolutions of great things, cannot be small; and those things which are well interwoven, cannot be unsowed; you must either tear them, or cut them asunder. We could not remain allied with you, and seek the Friendship of the Poles. For you yourselves (Swedish Sirs) allege, That one must be either a Friend, or declared Enemy, to a Prince who hath an Army on foot. And for all this, you would have us remain Neutral with the Poles; that is to say, you would have us become their Enemies, whilst they are Victorious; and you would have us remain your Friends in your misfortunes. As if it were as easy to us, not to bear down whatsoever we should meet withal in our fall, after you shall have engaged and forced us on the Precipice, as it hath been easy for us to hinder ourselves from falling. Undeceive therefore yourselves, and learn of us, That never a Victorious party granted a Neutrality to a declared Enemy: And that it was by a secret disposal, and decree of God, we were forced to take part with the Poles; and that otherways your pretended Neutrality could not save us. And hereon it is, that you so mainly fly out, and endeavour to cry down our proceed, with a great deal of animosity; and wherein the Polanders themselves, have been fare more reasonable than you, who had exclaimed against us, before we ever had assisted the Enemy in the least: And although it may seem, we have preferred war before Peace, yet however we not any ways alter the resolution which we have taken, incessantly to labour for accommodation; and fare from repenting ourselves of that agreement which we have made with the Polanders, we are fully persuaded, that it is the only means to preserve each other, and to beget an honourable and reasonable Peace between the two Crowns. Moreover, those Injuries and Aspersions which you cast upon us, do so much the less concern us, as by them you manifest, That you only have regard to your own Interests; and that all those, who will go about to make themselves sure of the Swedish friendship, must resolve to labour in the establishing of their Dominion, even at the expenses of their Goods and Liberties. We are ashamed to represent unto you, in a large discourse, all those things which you know we have done for you; neither are we disposed to reproach you with the proofs of the friendship and good will which our Prince hath testified unto you in such a manner, as well as those Obligations you are indebted to him for what he did at the execution of the first Treaty; you yourselves do know it full well, and your Letters which do so often promise an external acknowledgement thereon to his Electoral Highness, will always testify the same unto posterity. It sufficeth us, That the Plains of Warsawe, that all Massow, and Poland to boot, doth publish it. Nor can your warlike Exploits be mentioned, without the specifying of our shares at the same time; and that it is very well known, It was our Money, and our Forces, which supported your drooping Fortune. And which is more than all this, By un unheard of prodigality, we have set you up again, even with the peril of our life, and the forfeiture of our reputation. However, we do not deny, that we ever undertook any War, save with a resolution to let slip no occasions to make Peace, and to re-establish the public tranquillity; to which end, we often stopped your extravagancies, by propositions of an accommodation, which we did not only promote, but also urged them most pressingly, even in the midst of our Victories. For we represented unto ourselves war with all its sequel of evils; we conceived that the advantages of our Arms were to be made use of, to smother the said fire, as also to disperse the very ashes of it. And we deemed, That it was only the part of Thiefs and Murderers, 〈◊〉 wage War, for the love of Wirre itself. And that it is a sad disaster, to declare against God, and against all men, by boasting and glorying, in the sacrifysing of the life, the honour, and the souls of an infinite number of Christians, to our ambition. True it is, that your King hath often given ear to these and the like overtures, and hath ever desired the Elector to make up a Peace upon tolerable Conditions. Now, if he, who was the cause of the war, both would, and could do it; Why do you (Gentlemen) find fault that we have done it? We, who had only taken up Arms in his behalf? Why would you not have us rid ourselves of a war which we did not begin? And why will you not have us make such a Peace, which makes us hope to obtain that other which we are engaged, through our Interest to procure and establish a Peace betwixt two Kings who are our Neighbours? This very consideration, and this very necessity, constrained us to side with the Polanders, purposely to procure a Peace for you, and to restore quietness to the others. Wherhfore we beseech you to spare us, and not to abuse and slander our Prince, who is the best of your Friends. We have sided with the Polanders, that's true, but it was through constraint; nor can the Treaty which we have made, be prejudicial unto you, in case you be capable of reason; and therefore you cannot reproach us, for having Treated an alliance at Bromberg; the conditions whereof cannot displease you at all; unless that you are displeased to see thereby, that we have undertaken to re-establish Peace and quietness in our Territories. We protest before God, that we have no other intention; and we ought to believe, That an honourable Peace would not be undispleasing unto you. And this hope, was chief confirmed unto us by the French Ambassadors, who did not only assure all the world of the inclination you bore to Peace, but h● hath also declared in writing, That you were ready to restore Prussia for a sum of Money: wherein also, we proffered our assistance from the very time we were at Bromberg. For being obliged to give you notice, that we were entered upon an alliance with Poland, we could not any more give you entrance into our Ports, nor passage through our Territories; to which we were glad to add, That Poland only desired a Peace: That according to all appearance, the agreement might be made in few days; and that if it pleased the King, to make known his Intentions to the Elector, and to Intrust him with the Conditions, there should be no Treaty capable to engage him to take up Arms against him, in case the King would submit to any thing that was reason: The Count of Slippenbach, your own Ambassador, could not choose but praise his Electoral Highness good Intentions, and approved of the Treaty which was made with Poland; of which he said, His King had no great reason to complain: and himself confessed, That those things might be excepted without offence, which you could not with equity have hoped to have possessed one day. Wherhfore you are the more unjust, and not willing to remember all those passages, you change your opinion, and likewise altering your Tenants. After several sad reproaches, you have the impudence to allege, That his Electoral Highness, hath promised to secure the Polanders in the Empire. But this you shall never be able to prove; The Treaty speaks quite contrary. And had you but the least friendship for the Elector, and for the Truth itself, you will easily perceive, That the sole refusal which he made, to give passage to the Polish Troops through Pomerania into Holstein, was that which saved you. True it is, that the said Polanders made one irruption into the Swedish Pomerania: but it is also true, that this happened whilst the Elector was with his Army in Prussia; and the loss which we sustained thereby, doth sufficiently denote our innocence. Thus you see (Gentlemen) how you thrive by your Accusations; for all your following discourse, even to the end, is in the like style. ●ndeed, you talk much, of the intelligence we should have held with the King of Denmark, and what a design we had to join our Forces to War upon you: But this you must prove: You do accuse, without proofs, and do slander without fear of being punished. In the conjuncture of affairs, at the time, we were threatened, we were sought unto; designs were fomented against us, and proffers were made unto us, as unto a Prince, who had not as yet declared himself: and to my thinking, that we had the civility to hearken to those Proposals, it cannot be misinterpreted, since it is neither in our power not to hear, or not to suffer another to speak. Why would you not have it left to the Electors choice, to give ear to those Propositions which were made? to answer them? and to treat upon them since you were not prejudiced, neither his Electoral Highness engaged thereby? We cannot believe that your King intends to debar a free Prince from his liberty, especially such a one as doth not acknowledge him in the least. But because we cannot imagine, that a Prince who professeth generosity should possibly be capable to harbour such a conceit; we shall rest satisfied by urging you to prove, not, that we never began, but that we ever ended those Negotiations: not, that we have not only begun, but also that we have concluded, signed, and ratified the said Treaties; as than we shall willingly believe your allegations, although otherwise there is but little faith to be given to you. That which you allege concerning the House of Austria, is most abominably false: But patience; we can dispel these Illusions as well as the others: All men know at what a value the said House is in Germany; wherefore we shall not need to answer your allegation, which we account merely as a thing which partly is not at all, or if there be any thing of it, it is so remote from truth, as that we shall only say, Had you not threatened us, we had not needed to have troubled ourselves with alliances; and that we believe, the Elector might have made an alliance with as great a Prince of Germany, without ask you leave; unless you already persuade yourselves to be Masters of the liberties of all the Princes of the Empire. But we have just reason to complain, whenas this said alliance, having not passed the terms and limits of a just and lawful defence; you take occasion thereby to cry us down, as if we had conspired against you; because you hope to draw this advantake thence, That your Calumnies, though never so false, will always leave some impressions in men's minds, capable to make us odious: all the world knows, we always abhorred War, neither did we ever enter into any Negotiation whatsoever, no not with yourselves, but our ends were for Peace. We endeavoured to make Friends on all sides, that we might the better compass the aforesaid ends; and we confess, that we were not sorry sometimes to see the great prosperities of the victorious checked by small adversities, to render them the more capable of reason. Nor can we forbear to tell you that you are besides your wits, when you allege, That we shared the Estates and Provinces of your King, and that we have treated him as a common Enemy. You may say what you please; but you are so fare from proving of it, that to the contrary, we will give whatsoever you please, That in case you undertake nothing against your Neighbours, that your Armies enter not into the Empire, that you leave the Prince Elector and his Estates in tranquillity, we will not only never pretend any thing of Sweden, nor upon your other Estates in Germany; but that also we shall always retain that respect and consideration for the King's Person, which we own to his deserts, and to the advantage of his birth which he hath had in one of the most Illustrious Families of all Germany: wherefore we can hardly resolve to add hereunto, That this Alliance, of which you so much talk, which hath been negotiated with so much circumspection, and the conclusion whereof hath for a great while together been delayed, even by the consent of the House of Austria; purposely to debar you from all evasions of refusing the Peace, was not concluded and ratified, till such time as it was known, that you declared yourselves publicly against the Peace; and after they began openly to disclaim that security which was promised us against their threaten and violences. The same reason hinders us from answering those things which you allege, concerning succours, levies, garrisons, rendezvous of Armies, seizing of Gunpowder, etc. for we can very well justify ourselves by one word, denying what you say, That 〈◊〉 have not hindered your levies; That we demanded no succours against you; That we disturbed not your assembling of your Troops. As to the other things you reproach us with, they are such indifferent and free voluntary ones, as that we might do by them as we pleased ourselves, without the offering you any injury at all. And as concerning your Gunpowder, you may thank yourselves, we had given your King notice thereof long time before; and we had so deeply engaged ourselves to the Polanders, that we would not permit any ammunitions of war ●o pass, as that we could not break our word, unless we were minded to have exposed ourselves again to those hostilities which we chose to avoid by the said alliance which we made with them. Which being so, and that there is not any thing to be replied thereunto, it doth of necessity hence arise, That we have not committed any act of hostility against you in the Empire, and that we sided not with the Polanders save upon constraint. Insomuch as that without all doubt, in case you had been as much inclined unto Peace, as we always were, it would be an easy matter to preserve it amongst us, and that on both sides we might enjoy a profound tranquillity, and by a happy succession leave to our Posterities the Estates which the Almighty hath entrusted under our Government. The very name of War ought to be terrible; nor truly can it be pleasing, save only unto such ears as bear no respect to those things which are above them, nor fear of those which are below them. But we of all men abhor it the more, by how much we cannot endure it amongst those whose proximity of Neighbourhood or the bond of Amity, aught to contain within the straighter limits and ties of conjunction. Would to God you had harboured the same thoughts, and God grant as yet you may possess them: truly it is a part of your duty; and, if so be the charming name of Peace, if the continual prayers of the people, if the just apprehensions of ill successes of an unjust war, and if the sense of the wrath of God, which hath been so rashly provoked, are not sufficient to cause you to change your resolutions; at least you ought to ●●●sider (if possibly you can) That the hopes of an inconsiderable advantage, ought not to have so great an ascendent upon you, as merely in a frolic and in an humour, to cast a faithful Friend, into an irrecoverable enmity. You full well know, we have sworn to the Alliance which we have made with Poland: and since you enforced us thereunto, it was a part of your prudence to have endeavoured the regaining of a Friend, who had not as yet offended you; instead of declaring war against him, and reducing him to the last extremity: unless it turns more to your advantage 〈◊〉 have constrained him to declare himself against you. Now if there be any fault in this which we have done, surely you that have enforced us thereunto cannot scape innocent. The Interests of Religion, which are alleged, are very considerable; 'tis true, but the means to preserve them were propounded unto you, as well as the others; since the Polanders proffered to have a care thereof, and to remedy all those particulars which might have induced you to wage war; and all this with the more certainty as to Religion, in that the conscience and the Religion of the Elector found their security in the Sovereignty of Prussia, which the King had granted unto him. But we must likewise confess, That you did not greatly heed Religion, whether or no you judge wisely and piously, that she may be persuaded, but not commanded: that it is not warfare, but a godly life; not force or violence, but sufferings to Martyrdoms which establish it: or whether you really know, that there is no place in the world where the pretence of Religion is of less effect in martial affairs, as in Poland. For it is most true, and we know it by experience, that the war hath most of all shaken the state of our Religion; and whereas in times of peace we enjoyed an entire liberty of conscience throughout all Poland, the wars were no sooner begun there again, but in hatred unto your forces, they persecuted those who made profession of the Protestant Religion; whereas Peace would have preserved the same, and also by a Treaty you might have had great advantages granted for the furtherance of the same. But truly, this is not th● … ing which we can expect from you; for how can those be zealous as to concernments of Religion, who are manifestly unjust? by demanding and possessing of Prussia! who violate all the Laws of Friendship, to become Masters of the Baltic Sea? We have seen you stir Heaven and earth, toss all things topsiturvy, make no distinction betwixt Friends or Enemies, party or party, to compass your designs, which you have laid to join all these spacious and great Provinces to your Crown. This is an effect and mark of your Religion, but whereof till now we had not learned the rules, when you say (for you do not at all disguise it) that Kings are the Masters of all. It is a precious and pious Notion to say, That the Polanders are obliged in conscience to defend Christendom from the invasions of so many Enemies and barbarous Nations, whilst your poverty permits you to be pious, and puts you in a most blessed condition, if your ill fortune shut you up at home, where you will always reap this comfort, by the assurance you have, that you may always unpunished assault others, without your fearing of being assaulted by others in your own homes. In case your King be resolved to continue the wars, which we hardly believe, he would not be a little troubled to beget the same mind in all those of his party. It would prove a new unheard of kind of Justice, to prefer war before peace; Prussia before the interests of the whole world; and your particular Laws to the Almighty's. In regard whereof, the Prince Elector being sensibly touched with all these disorders, and seeing that the state of affairs required him to take a strong resolution either to prevent and remedy them, or to perish: he would essay whether his example might prove capable to bring you back unto reason; or at least in case our sins would not permit us to hope that, to try whether all honest men might not be persuaded, That it was not his fault the Peace was not made, and that all the North at this present doth not enjoy a profound Tranquillity. But since this hath not succeeded, by reason that your King, not being satisfied with his too unadvised rejecting our Embassy, endeavours moreover to cast a blame upon us, which he knoweth cannot be excused on his part: you will therefore not take it ill (Gentlemen) that we both remit you, and ourselves, unto the judgement of the whole world, as to what is past, that so they may immediately decide this first question, viz. Whether or no, in the present conjuncture of affairs, the Elector can be blamed, for having sent Ambassadors to the King? Whether or no his Majesty hath done well, to send us back again without hearing of us? Whether it may not be said, That the King by refusing to acknowledge us, otherways then in the quality of Ambassadors from Enemies, hath not declared War against the Electoral Highness? and whether, by refusing of the Peace, he hath not infringed the same? We are willing to remit ourselves hereon, unto your own selves (Gentlemen,) and we have so good an opinion of your prudence, and of your justice, as that we persuade ourselves, your belief is the same with ours, That the Motions which induced the Elector to depute this Embassy, are good and Religious, and that the Parties which were employed therein, did behave themselves like Persons of Honour; and therefore we conceive we ought not to insist any further thereon. For since we had no other design, save to preserve that Friendship which we had contracted with you, and to procure a just and honourable Peace between the two Crowns, to your advantage, to the content of all our Friends and Allies, and for the repose and peace of our consciences; me thinks, we might have gone directly to the King, although we had been your declared Enemies; we might have done it, I say, because you had approved of it: for I pray, what other means have you, speedily to remedy those disorders which afflict us? You are all Learned men, and you know that one Associate may act for the other; and moreover it may easily be perceived, that our Prince did send this Embassy unto you with a very good intention; not as an Enemy, but as a Friend; not with your thoughts, but with his own. Do but consider I pray, with how much moderation we have taken notice of you; that even since the peace of Denmark, and since it was known that this Embassy was resolved on, neither your King, nor his Ministers, have not in the least denied those obligations you own unto us. For you approved of all, you did not condemn that which we had done with Poland, with the House of Austria, and with Denmark, you found no fault therewith; and you continued to make us hope, that notwithstanding all that was past, we should live in a good understanding together: you sought to us for our friendship, and you publicly praised the prudence and sincerity of his Electoral Highness. The King himself, writing with his own hand to the Elector, indate the 10th of April, saith, That it concerned the Elector to make the Peace with Poland; and that therefore his Majesty could not expect from his Electoral Highness (as from a most faithful Friend) save all kind of good offices, and such advices whereof he might make use, to deliver himself from so many Enemies as had declared themselves against him. The Count of Slippenbach having desired the Conference at Prenslou, after he had produced by the King's Order, those pretended Treaties of Denmark and Austria, and after several discussings on all sides, did not only press this Embassy; but also having received those new Orders which the King had sent him from Gottemburg; he protested both by word of mouth, and by writing, that there could not be any thing done which would be more acceptable to the King. The Lord Wolsberg, your Resident in our Court, continued his Offices hereon with so much urgency, as that we shall not need to specify Mr. Tophson's and Mr. Blondel's instances which they added, on the behalf of the King of France, and of England; nor the several Embassies which the Dukes of Brunswick, Lunenburg, and the Lantsgrave of Hess, have sent unto us, as upon the same account: Insomuch as that it needs not to be wondered at, if the Elector, who of himself had a great inclination to Peace, at length did yield to the counsils of so many illustrious Personages. Having therefore left Berlin, and having reached your Garrisons, we were there very well received, particularly at Kiel; where the Prince of Sulsbach, did us more honour than we could have expected: we know not whether the King may have repent himself in having been so prodigal of his first Civilities; which however, we can scarce believe from his generosity, although we have reason to apprehend it, by that which followed after: However, we own very much to the obliging fault which that Prince may have committed, by taking the pains, to come purposely 〈◊〉 Gottorp, and divert us, during the tediousness, which 〈◊〉 … ings long absence might have caused: He not only received us with a great deal of civility, and assured us, That the King retained a particular affection for the Elector; but he also feasted us at his House, and did us the honour to visit us in our lodgings. The Count of Slippenbach, arrived likewise much about the same time, and used us with the same respects and civilities, on the behalf of the King. As soon as we heard the King was arrived in Holstein, we went speedily to Gottorp; and that we might not fail in the usual forms, and accustomed manners of proceeding, we would not advance to Flensbourg, without the Kings express assent: For the Prince of Sulsbach having advertised the King of our arrival, we had notice, that the King left us to our Liberties, either to expect him at Gottorp, or to go to him to Flensbourg, whether we went, and found a House appointed for our reception; And we were complemented in our lodgings, however with a kind of coldness, after we had communicated our Letters of Credence. After which, they began to delay and defer our audience; and finally, Seeing you could not dive into the particulars of our Commission, nor know what we had to say concerning the Peace, and touching the restitution of Prussia, and that there were no more hopes left, to make us renounce those alliances which we had made, to engage us on your side, and involve us blindly in a War, which you are resolved to continue and prosecute, to establish your Dominion: You began publicly to witness an adversion against us, to reproach us with things which were not, and to refuse us audience. And that there might be nothing wanting to the entire affront, you intended to put upon us; you would have rendered us guilty, and have caused us to appear as criminals before yourselves, and before the Ambassadors of Lunenbourg and Hesse; which was not the way to enter into a Conference, but into a Contest. You had prepared yourselves, not to have paid us with reason, but to have charged us with injuries; and instead of having disposed things towards a reconcilion you did but exasperate them, purposely to bring them to 〈◊〉 open rapture: It was not your intent to make up the breaches in the presence of those Prince's Ambassadors, which are our common Friends, but to render them irrecoverable; to embroil us with them, and thence to have obtained a plausible pretence, to have sent us away without the giving us an audience. Truly we are ashamed to recount all these particulars; you very well know, that we always protested, we were so fare from being charged with declarations of War, as that we were laden with propositions, which could not choose but be welcome. But because we have formerly enlarged upon this point in the Letter which we wrote from Hamborrow; we believe we may conclude, that his Electoral Highness intention being good, pious, and glorious; and the Embassy well ordered and consented unto; doubtless, no body will stick to avouch, That the King by his so evil entreating us, and by not regarding us as he ought to have done, hath violated the peace, and hath too rashly rejected our amity. For in case the King reflected upon the Teaty which the Elector made with Poland; why did he not regard us as Ambassadors from an Elector of the Empire? since you yourselves would be otherwise considered then Swedes, and otherwise then Princes of the Empire; and that in Sweden you would be Enemies, but in the Empire friends to the King of Poland? If he knew the Elector was his Enemy, why did he desire him to send his Ambassadors? why did he receive them? and why did he treat them civility? and if he received them, why did he refuse them audience? so wise a King as himself, ought either not to have received them, or having received them, ought not to have denied them audience, unless he will assume that authority to himself to abuse the Princes of the Empire, by rejecting and driving away the Ambassadors, however we are loath to believe so much of him. You allege it is true, that the dignity of the Commonwealth permits not an audience to be given to the Ambassadors of an Enemy in the Senate. But how can you believe that the Elector was the Enemy? since he laboured in Prussia, towards the procuring of an Agreement, even with your consents; and that he rather endeavoured Peace then War, and how can you convince him of the least hostilities in the Empire, unless you conceit you build them upon imaginary apprehensions; or upon the uncertain reports which are spread abroad, against which there are other remedies than force and violence; Time would have taught you the one, and the divine providence accompanied by an innocent precaution, would have cured you of the other. But suppose the Elector had declared himself against you that could not justify you neither; For the example of several Pagans would have taught you, that there is nothing aught to hinder the hearing of an Ambassador, no not from declared Enemies: were it but to let the world see, that you only wage War to obtain Peace. The first Christians would have made a scruple of conscience to have done otherwise; But to desire a Prince to send his Ambassadors, to make much of them, to receive them at Court, and afterwards to send them away again, refusing them audience; is a thing not only unheard of, but against all piety, against the public faith, and against the Law of Nations. We marvel that you endeavour to excuse this reproach by the Maxim, That the Law of Nations and former customs, permit the receiving of Ambassadors, according unto the dignity of the Prince which sends them; and in relation unto the nature of the business whereon they are to Treat; all which is just as much as nothing; For that is only to be understood, as to the ceremonies and exterior honours which are usually done to the persons of Ambassadors; which is not our dispute: we are agreed as to the ceremonies; insomuch as that if you would deliberate, whether you should receive the Embassy or no, whether the Elector should be considered as a declared Enemy, or as a suspected Prince, who was ready to Arm against you; that you might have done at least, if you could have conceived us to have been such, before your having approved of our Embassy, by your receiving of us. We do not deny, but that sometimes Ambassadors may be refused to be received; but to deny those Ambassador's audience, who have been received, this we deny expressly; and do judge it the more extravagant, since in things of so high an importance, Sovereigns cannot proceed with too much circumspection. We likewise say, that it is an unheard of thing, to go about to oblige an Ambassador, who hath been received, and acknowledged as such, to declare the subject of his Embassy, and his secret Instructions, before he hath spoken with the party unto whom he is sent; and likewise to endeavour to force him to undergo a kind of Interrogatory before Commissioners, this is very impertinent. All men know that the Character of an Ambassador, is most holy and inviolable between Princes and Sovereigns, and that from all ages, and amongst all people, they have been received with honour and respect, and that their persons are held in the more veneration, by reason they represent those Kings and Princes by whom they are sent. Now whether this be performed or no, by those manner of proceed which you use, we desire you yourselves (Gentleman) to judge. Truly we believe that there is not one amongst you, who would not be offended; if a friend having appointed you an hour to come and visit him, should let you stay in the Hall, and should send to know of you by a Footboy or some other of his donestick Servants, that thing which you would not disclose save unto himself; But there is great deal of difference between Princes and particular Persons: wherefore we beseech you to consider, whether the most barbarous Nations in the world would not be laughed at, should they undertake to examine those Ambassadors which are sent unto them, and require of them the subject of their Embassy; and consequently whether this kind of proceeding be not impertinent, and insusportable, especially among such as profess civility; and whether it be a thing to be endured, that the secret which an Ambassador hath express Order to communicate to none save the Prince unto whom he is sent, should be extorted from him. We should have derogated from that Character wherewithal our Prince had honoured us, had we been so ill advised, as not to have made a distinction betwixt the Prince and his Ministers: Truly Gentlemen, you shall hardly be able to persuade it us; and therefore we beseech you not to build too much upon the Maxim which you so often use, and which makes you swerve so fare from the mark, th● the dignity of the Commonwealth permits not to hear Enemy Ambassadors in the Senate. This is no general rule, nor ca● you make use of that which was heretofore said only up on the accounts of those who came as Spies (and who would be heard without having asked audience) against us; who came upon the public Faith, who were invited received, and honoured as Friends, and therefore ought not, nor could be gainsaid, nor put by, unless you did it purposely to offend us, wilfully to fail in the point of civility, and mo●● cruelly to outrage us. But we have said too much hereon, the thing being so clear and manifest; The Lacedæmonians, the Florentines, the Duk● of Nevers, and the Lord of Langey, have by their example shown us what is to be done on the like occasions; to wit, rather to withdraw then to be affronted. Wherefore we shall only add one word, that at the same time you treated 〈◊〉 so ill, your Resident who was with the Electors person a Berlin, was there lodged and defrayed, was admitted to audience as often as he pleased to demand the same, and received all the other civilities which could be conferred upon a public person. We confess we could not imagine what their design should be, by these your two different manner of actings, and we had rather remit ourselves thereon unto others, then to become too importunate, by an overcurious searching thereinto; We desire not to penetrate into your reasons, and we will leave it to the discretion and liberty of others to give your proceed the blame or praise they may deserve. But our Prince Elector, who doth nothing but what he would have all the world know; troubles himself not at all hereat; or in case he had remained there to hinder his Electoral Highness from the declaring of himself; our Prince who only aspires after Peace, desired nothing so much as that even during the midst of the Wars. We may easily believe, that you did it purposely to entertain and amuse us, till such time as the affairs of Denmark being regulated, the King might have proceeded in another manner with us. But our generous Prince vallues this not a straw, for having not at all offended the King, he needed not to apprehend any thing upon that account neither. And if it be not in regard of what is before said, at least be pleased to tell us, why did the Lord Wolfsberg continue to remain by your orders in our Court, and to be admitted to audience at all times, whilst you refused it unto us at yours? Why do you go about to make the world believe, that the Elector hath declared himself against you, by treating with Poland, since even after the said Treaty, you have had your Ministers near to the Elector, and have lived in good amity with us? Our innocence will not suffer us to suspect the faith of so great a King. But if we be not deceived in the good opinion we had harboured of him, the ill treatment which we have newly received, will not alarm his Electoral Highness, but only serve to confirm those advices, which have been given us from all sides; that it is not from this day you have a mind to quarrel us. That you have long since harboured that design which you do now disclose, and that the spoils of Denmark will help you to bring forth that which you have been a hammering and hatching ever since the beginning of the War. That all your protestations of friendship, and acknowledgements, have been but so many compliments and flatter which your refined wits and shallow brains make use of to hid their unlimited ambition by, until such time as you shall be in a capacity to manifest it, without shame or fear; as it is usual to those who seek glory otherwise then through the footsteps of virtue; to endeavour to render those guilty, whose Estates they could not possibly assail, unless they made them professed Enemies. You know how often you have spoken to us concerning Prussia, the Pillauw, and Pomerania; you know how great a trouble it was to you to disguise and cloak your insatiable covetuousness, even during our greatest friendship, as well as the troubles and cares which you have caused his Electoral Highness by your unjust and violent demands. After all which, we cannot doubt but you must judge (Gentlemen) that by your treating of us as you have done, you have not done any good either for yourselves, or for us; and that your King had done more prudently for the common good of affairs; If after his inviting of us, receiving and honouring of us as friends, he had not turned us off, as Criminals, and sent us back as Enemies. You may easily judge, in case you have the least inclination for Peace; that we ought to have been heard, although you had taken us for common declared Enemies, and that since we were not so as yet, you ought thereby to have testified, that you had some respect at least to our friendship. By giving audience to the Ambassadors of an Elector, you would have manifested that you had not any design against the Empire; and by admitting the Prince of brandenburg's Ambassadors, that you had not yet stifled the resentments of an Ally by him, that you had not renounced the duties of Neighbourhood, and that you were still mindful of what he hath done for you some years since. But since it seems it was not consistent with your pleasure; The Elector finds himself forced to say, that he is sorry to meet with so great an obstinacy, whether it proceeds from an animosity, from a neglect, or by reason of the passing prosperous successes of your forces, and the flattering (though beguiling) hopes which you have thence received. This his Electoral Highness hath commanded us to send you back, in answer to your troublesome and uncivil Letters which you wrote unto us from Flensburg; and with so much the more quietness of mind, as he hopes to be able to rectify yours; protesting, that he is so little moved at the injustice of your proceed, as that he despiseth all whatsoever you shall be able to undertake against the confidence which he reposeth in the justice of his Cause, and to the prejudice of the repose of his conscience. But to the end you may know his true intentions, he doth declare unto you; that having only taken up Arms with a regret, or against his will, and that having sided with your Party, only when your violence, and the very last necessity enforced him to join with you; His resolution is, most punctually and religiously to perform the promise he hath made to his Allies, and to employ without any reservation at all, whatsoever God hath given him, in the procuring of the preservation of the Peace of the Empire. That he wisheth you all prosperity in those things which you shall undertake with justice; insomuch, as that in case your King can resolve to come to a Peace, the Elector will labourtherein with all his might, and will even give way, that it may be compassed in a manner at his charges. But and if the King will not hearken to an accommodation, his Electoral Highness doth protest, that he will make use of all the means which God, nature, the justice of his Cause, and the bublick faith will permit him to employ, for to endeavour to withstand and repel the violence which shall be offered him. Signed thus, Gentlemen, Your humble Servants, O. Baron of Suerin, D. Weiman, Dated from Collen on the Spreè, the 14th of Aug. 1658. FINIS.