A True RELATION of the UNJUST, CRUEL and BARBAROUS PROCEED against the ENGLISH at AMBOYNA In the East-Indies, by the Netherlandish GOVERNOR & COUNCIL there. Also the Copy of a Pamphlet of the Dutch in Defence of the Action. With Remarks upon the whole matter.  Published by Authority. 
LONDON, Printed by WILL. BENTLEY, for Will. Hope, at the Anchor under S. Bartholomew Church near the Royal Exchange, Anno Domini 1651.   

 depiction of scenes of torture and execution: a half-naked man hanging stretched in an X on a door frame, his face bound, while a man on a stool pours water over his head and another man tickles him under the arm with feathers; a second half-naked man kneeling in prayer with his hands bound while another man stands behind him with a drawn sword raised to strike; a third half-naked man sitting on the ground   

To his EXCELLENCY The LORD GENERAL CROMWELL.  
My Lord,  
SEe here a piece of Babarism, which hath lain so long both as an injury, and a dishonour to our Nation brought again to light, by which, as we may compare the difference of these blessed times, from those unhappy ones when this was acted and passed by; so we must needs remember to bless God for that victorious hand of yours, which hath in so great a manner led us a good part out of the Wilderness; And therefore I thought it but a piece of public gratitude, (besides private) to throw it as your Excellency's feet; whose great soul, I presume, will rather descend to look into this business, wherein your Country is so highly concerned, that in respect abroad you have been a fiery wall about her, so at home you are become her great Intelligence, and guide those great motions of her peace and security: Which great work, as I hope God will grant you to see finished, so wish I you may live long to enjoy the fruits and comfort of it.   

AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER.  
IF we consider how loud and pressing the cry of blood is, or with what high severity God ever proceeds against it, though his wrath for some small time may seem to be asleep, we have just cause to fear, that there is a heavy account must be given by the Dutch for that execrable Tyranny of theirs executed upon the bodies of several English at Amboyna. To take away any man's life without due course of Justice, though it be with the greatest civility and easiness of death that could be, is a crime which God hath denounced murder, and will visit accordingly; but to heighten and multiply a death with all the previous Tortures that a passionate Diabolical malice can invent, cruelty inflict, or the frame of man's body undergo, is so far from being manly or Christian, that it is beyond savageness and bestiality, and approaches that accursed frame of spirit that he hath plunged himself into, who sits in the seat of darkness.  
For my part as I delight not to be curious in these speculations, which acquaint the mind with extremities and Criticisms of sin, so it is a grief that the Theory of wickedness should be so much enlarged as it would be by the treatise which thou hast in thy hands; Which, as it hath bruitishly outdone all former records and examples of cruelty, so it may unluckily possibly serve for instruction to some future inventive and poisoned spirits. And indeed as I wish the occasion of publishing of it had never been, so do I wish justice once required and had, that the remembrance of it might have been buried. But the breach being so national, and to this day unsatisfied, and the blood there spilt no doubt crying loud, it had been injustice in us to have buried it in silence, and not displayed it to the sun. For as the beginning of those Torments were from a causeless and and slight suspicion of an improbable and ineffective plot, so by that means were we forced from our possessions in those parts, and the injury became complicated, both as against justice and interest.  
True it is that the East-India Company made the most diligent addresses to King James for revenge that could be, but that blazing Star of Fortune, that was after removed by a stab, prepossessed by a great sum of money, interposed between the judgement of that King, and overruled his affection, so that he, who was naturally un-active and drowsy enough, being lulled by such a privado, fell asleep, and snorted out the rest of his idle reign in debauchery and silence. The East-India Company seeing themselves obstructed in the prosecution, thought fit to preserve the memory of such a butchery, by getting the several Tortures done at large in Oil, but the Table was scarce sooner hung up, but the Murderers began to fear it would bleed at the nose; so that Buckingham was appeased by another sacrifice, and the Picture commanded to be taken down.  
In King Charles' time the business was not stirred in, he had too great designs at home, than to preserve our Honour, or remedy our injuries abroad; but now since that yoke of Kingship is taken off our necks, me thinks we should like men, whose shackles are taken off them while they are asleep, leap up nimbly, and make use of our Liberty. It were the most irrational thing in the World to think of forgiving of them, who, though they received assistance from us in their greatest affliction and lowest misery, have refused not only to assist us now, when their case is ours, but have been more than neutral against us, jealous, it should seem, that their way of Government, which they have so grown and thriven under, should have the same effects with us. But I hope God will give us hearts to make use of the advantages in our hands, and persist in doing wonderful things for us. And as he hath brought us out of the desert in so high and fearful a manner, so no doubt if we walk answerably, we shall see his countenance shine upon us, and improve this blessed peace at home, to make good our peace abroad, and so by his good assistance enjoy such earthly blessings, as may render us safe, if not terrible to the Nations round about us.  
Grays-inn. Sept. 10. 1651.   

To the READER.  
GEntle Reader, thou mayest (perhaps) wonder why this Relation of the business of Amboyna, so many Months since taken upon the Oaths and depositions of our people that came thence, and presented to his Majesty, and the Lords of his Privy Council, cometh now at last to the Press, and was not either sooner published, or altogether suppressed. The truth is, the English East-India Company have ever been very tender of the ancient amity and good correspondence held between this Realm and the netherlands, and have been very loath, by divulging of the private injuries done them by the netherlands East-India Company, to give the least occasion of any distaste or disaffection, which might happily grow between these two Nations, for the sake, and on the behalf of the two Companies respectively. For which cause, although the wrongs and injuries, or rather contumelies done unto the English by the Dutch in the Indies, have been as intolerable as manifold; as to say nothing of those great heaps of them buried in the Amnesty of the Treaty of the year 1619. and only to point at the general heads of those committed since that Treaty, and grossly contrary to the main intent, and express words and disposition of the same: first, in the point of hostility; the invasion of the Islands of Lantore and Polaroone, then and before in the quiet possession of the English, in the name of the Crown of England; the taking of the same Islands by force; the razing and demolishing of the English Forts; the binding of the English (that had not so much as resisted them) to stakes with ropes about their necks, throttling them with the same, and flourishing their naked swords about them, as if they would presently have dispatched them; then taking them so amazed and bound, and tumbling them down the rocks; and after, carrying their crushed and bruised carcases away in irons: secondly, in the point of their usurped sovereignty; their taking upon them the Conusance of controversies between the English and the Indians, for matters passed far without the compass of the netherlands pretended jurisdiction, and executing their sentences thereupon by plain force; seizing of the English Companies goods, fining, imprisoning, stocking, yea, whipping our people at a post in the open marketplace, and after, washing them with vinegar and salt: thirdly, in point of partnership with the English, their putting great sums to the common account; which were disbursed to the private and sole behoof of the Dutch; giving great presents for the glory of the Dutch, without consent of the English, and making war for the enlargement of their own dominion, yet bringing the charge to the common account; together with infinite other the like, the particulars whereof would arise to a just and ample volume: Nevertheless, the English Company from time to time contented themselves with informing his Majesty, and his Honourable Privy Council with their grievances privately in writing, to the end, that necessary relief and reparation might be obtained, without publishing any thing to the World in print, thereby to stir up or breed ill blood between these Nations, which are otherwise tied in so many reciprocal obligations. And the same course they have hitherto holden also in this crying business of Amboyna; only offering to the Manes of their murdered Countrymen, Factors and Kinsfolks, their effectual endeavours in a dutiful course unto his Majesty for justice for their innocent blood, and reparation of the honour of the Nation herein interessed. In which their wont way they were so constant, that they could not be driven out of the same by the contrary course of some of the other party; that not glutted nor mollified with the blood of these innocents', nor with all the other sufferings of the English in the Indies, published a Pamphlet in print in the netherlands Language, not only in justification of this barbarous butchery, but withal in disgrace of the English Nation, and the Laws and justice of the same. But behold now further, the same Pamphlet, being called in by an Edict of the State's General, was yet afterwards translated and printed in English, and dispersed even in this Realm itself, to brave and disgrace us at our own doors, and in our own language. This, no English patience can bear: the blood of the innocent cries out against it: the honour of the Nation suffereth in it. Wherefore the English East-India Company is hereby enforced, contrary to their desire and custom, to have recourse also to the Press, to maintain the reputation of those their Countrymen and servants, that lost their lives unjustly; and to acquaint the World with the naked truth of this cause, hitherto masked, muffled, and obscured in a fog of factions, concealments, and crafty conveyances of the Author of this Pamphlet, and his clients, the Governor and Council (so termed) of Amboyna.  
Having thus acquainted thee, gentle Reader, with the reasons why this business was no sooner published in print, it remaineth yet further, that thou be satisfied in an objection or two more, which common reason will suggest unto thee. Without doubt, reading this discourse, and being a true Patriot of thine own Country, and a well-willer of the netherlands (as we presume and wish thee to be,) thou wilt wonder how it cometh to pass, that our Nation, which hath not been wont to receive such disgraces, should now be so weak and unprovided in the Indies, as to suffer such indignities, and to be so grossly overtopped, outraged and vilified there? as also thou wilt no less admire, that any of the Netherlands Nation, which hath received such and so many favours and supports from hence, and held so good and ancient correspondence with our Nation, should now offer and commit such odious contumelies on English men, their partners, and allies by special Treaty. Herein thou wilt soon answer thyself, if thou but consider the different end and design of the English and Dutch Companies trading in the Indies, appearing by their several course and practise respectively. The English being subjects of a peaceable Prince, that hath enough of his own, and is therewith content, without affecting of new acquests; have aimed at nothing in their East-India Trade, but a Lawful and competent gain by commerce and Traffic with the people of those parts. And although they have in some places builded Forts, and settled some strength, yet that hath not been done by force or violence, against the good will of the Magistrates or people of the Country; but with their desire, consent, and good liking, for the security only of the Trade, and upon the said Magistrate and people's voluntary yielding themselves under the obedience and Sovereignty of the Crown of England; their own ancient Laws, Customs and Privileges, nevertheless reserved. Further, the same English had undoubted confidence in the netherlands Nation there also trading, especially being lately conjoined with them in the strict alliance and social confederacy of the year 1619. and therefore attended nothing from them, but the offices of good affection and partnership. Upon these grounds, the English Company made their equipages answerable only to a course of commerce and peaceable traffic; not expecting any hostility, neither from the Indians, nor especially from the Dutch. On the other side, the Neatherlanders, from the beginning of their trade in the Indies, not contented with the ordinary course of a fair and free commerce, invaded divers Islands, took some Forts, built others, and laboured nothing more, than the conquests of Countries, and the acquiring of new dominion. By which reason, as they were accordingly provided of shipping, soldiers, and all warlike provision, as also of places of Rendezvouz upon the shore, and thereby enabled to wrong the English as well as others: so the cost and charges of their shipping, Forts, and Soldiers, employed upon these designs, risen to such an height, as was not to be maintained by the trade they had in those parts. Wherefore, for a supply, they were forced (as some of their own Countrymen and Adventurers in their Company, affirm) to fish with dry nets, that is to say, to pick quarrels with the Indians, and so to take their ships, and make prize of their goods. Which yet not answering their charge and adventure, they proceeded also to quarrel with the English, to debar them of trade to free places; and for attempting such trade, to take their ships and goods. Touching which, when a good order was set by the said treaty of the year 1619. yet they saw, they could not make their reckoning to any purpose, unless they utterly drove the English out of the trade of those parts; thereby to have the whole and sole traffic of the commodities of the Indies in these parts of Europe, in their own hands; and so to make the price at their pleasure, sufficient to maintain and promote their conquests, and withal to yield them an ample benefit of their tradeing. Which unless they can, by this and the like worrying and wearying of the English bring to pass, it is easy to be judged by those that understand any thing of the course and state of the trade of those parts, that albeit their returns hereafter should prove as great continually, as of late extraordinarily they have happened to be, yet the main stock and Estate of the Company must needs abate and decay by some hundred thousands of pounds yearly. Thus, Reader, thou seest what hath made us unprovided against such accidents, and what now enforceth the Dutch East-India Company, or their servants in the Indies, against the common Genius of their Nation, and the wont firm affection between these two Nations mutually, thus to degenerate, and break out into such strange and incredible outrages against their nearest allies and best deserving friends. Farewell.   

A TRUE RELATION Of the late Unjust Cruel, and Barbarous proceed against the English at Amboyna in the East-Indies, by the Neatherlanders there, upon a forged pretence of a conspiracy of the said English.  
AFter the fruitless issue of two several Treaties: the first Anno 1613. in London; and the other An. 1615. at the Hague in Holland, touching the differences between the English and Dutch in the East-Indies, at last by a third Treaty, Anno 1619. in London, there was a full and solemn composition made of all the said differences, and a fair order set for the future proceeding of the Supposts of both Companies in the Indies, as well in the course of their Trade and commerce, as otherwise. Amongst sundry other points, it was agreed, That in regard of the great bloodshed and cost, pretended to be bestowed by the Hollanders, in winning of the Trade of the Isles of the Molluccos, Banda, and Amboyna, from the Spaniards and Portugals, and in building of Forts for the continual securing of the same, the said Hollanders therefore should enjoy two third parts of that Trade, and the English the other third; and the charge of the Forts to be maintained by Taxes and Impositions, to be levied upon the Merchandise. Wherefore in consequence of this agreement, the English East-India Company planted certain Factories for their share of this Trade; some at the Molluccos, some at Banda, and some at Amboyna. Of the two former of these, there will be, at this present small occasion to speak further; but the last will prove the Scene of a sad Tragedy.  
This Amboyna is an Island lying near Seran, of the circuit of forty leagues, and giveth name also to some other small Islands adjacent. It beareth Cloves; for gathering and buying in whereof the English Company for their part had planted five several Factories: the head and Rendezvouz of all, at the Town of Amboyna; and therein first Master George Muschamp, and afterward Master Gabriel Towerson, their Agents with directions over the smaller Factories at Hit and Larica upon the same Island, and at Loho and Cambello, upon a point of their neighbouring Island of Seran.  
Upon these Islands of Amboyna, and the point of Seran, the Hollanders have four Forts, the chief of all is at the said Town of Amboyna, and is very strong, having four Points or Bulwarks with their Curtains, and upon each of these Points six great pieces of Ordinance mounted, most of them of brass. The one side of this Castle is washed by the Sea, and the other is divided from the land with a Ditch of four or five fathom broad, very deep, and ever filled with the Sea The garrison of this Castle consisteth of about 200 Dutch Soldiers and a Company of free Burghers. Besides these, there is always a matter of three or four hundred mardikers (for so they usually call the free Natives) in the Town, ready to serve the Castle at an hours warning. There lie also in the road (for the most part) divers good Ships of the Hollanders, as well for the guard of the place by Sea, as for the occasions of Traffic: this being the chief Rendezvouz, as well for the Island of Banda, as for the rest of Amboyna. Here the English lived; not in the Castle, but under protection thereof, in a house of their own in the Town; holding themselves safe, as well in respect of the ancient bonds of amity between both Nations, as of the strict conjunction made by the late Treaty before mentioned.  
They continued here some two years, conversing and trading together with the Hollanders, by virtue of the said Treaty. In which time there fell out sundry differences and debates between them: The English complaining that the Hollanders did not only lavish away much money in building, and unnecessary expenses, upon the Forts and otherwise, and bring large and unreasonable reckon thereof to the common account; but also did, for their part, pay the Garrisons with victuals and cloth of Coromondell, which they put off to the Soldiers at three or four times the value it cost them, yet would not allow of the English Companies part of the same charge, but only in ready money; thereby drawing from the English (which ought to pay but one third part) more than two thirds of the whole true charge. Hereupon, and upon the like occasions, grew some discontents and disputes, and the complaints were sent to Jaccatra, in the Island of Java Major, to the Council of defence of both Nations there residing: who also, not agreeing upon the points in difference, sent the same hither over into Europe, to be decided by both Companies here; or, in default of their agreement, by the King's Majesty, and the Lords the State's General, according to an Article of the Treaty of the year 1619. on this behalf. In the mean time the discontent between the English and the Dutch, about these and other differences, continued, and daily increased, until at last there was a sword found, to cut in sunder that knot at once, which the tedious disputes of Amboyna and Jaccatra could not untie. And this was used in manner as followeth.  
About the eleventh of February 1622. Stilo veteri. a Japoner Soldier of the Dutch in their Castle of Amboyna, walking in the night upon the wall, came to the Sentinel (being a Hollander,) and there, amongst other talk, asked him some questions touching the strength of the Castle, and the people that were therein. It is here to be noted, that those Japoners (of whom there is not thirty in all the Island) did, for the most part, serve the Dutch as Soldiers, yet were not of their trusty bands always lodged in the Castle, but upon occasion called out of the Town to assist in the watch. This Japoner aforesaid, was for his said conference with the Sentinel apprehended upon suspicion of Treason, and put to the Torture. Thereby (as some of the Dutch affirmed) he was brought to confess himself, and sundry others of his Countrymen there, to have contrived the taking of the Castle. Hereupon, other Japoners were examined and Tortured, as also a Portugal, the Guardian of the Slaves under the Dutch. During this examination, which continued three or four days; some of the Englishmen went to and from the Castle upon their business, saw the prisoners, heard of their tortures, & of the crime laid to their charge; But all this while suspected not, that this matter did any whit concern themselves, having never had any conversation with the Japoners, nor with the Portugal aforesaid. At the same time there was one Abel Price, 
Abel Price examined.  Chirurgeon of the English, prisoner in the Castle, for offering in his drunkenness to set a Dutch man's house on fire. This fellow the Dutch took, and shown him some of the Japoners, whom they had first most grievously tortured, and told him, they had confessed the English to have been of their confederacy for the taking of the Castle; and that if he would not confess the same, they would use him even as they had done these Japoners, and worse also. Having given him the Torture, they soon made him confess what ever they asked him. This was the sifteenth of February 1622. Stilo veteri. Forthwith, about nine of the clock the same morning, they sent for Captain Towerson, and the rest of the English that were in the Town to come to speak with the Governor in the Castle: They all went, save one that was left to keep the house. Being come to the Governor, he told Captain Towerson, that himself and others of his Nation were accused of a conspiracy to surprise the Castle, and therefore, until further Trial, were to remain prisoners. Instantly also they attached him that was left at home in the house, took the Merchandise of the English Company there into their own custody by Inventory, and seized all the Chests, Boxes, Books, Writings, and other things in the English house. Captain Towerson was committed to his Chamber with a guard of Dutch Soldiers. Emmanuel Tomson was kept prisoner in the Castle; the rest, viz John Beaumont, Edward Collins, William Webber, Ephraim Ramsey, Timothy Johnson, John Fardo, and Robert Brown were sent aboard the Hollanders Ships then riding in Harbour, some to one Ship, and some to another, and all made fast in Irons. The same day also the Governor sent to the two other Factories in the same Island, to apprehend the rest of the English there. So that Samuel Colson, John Clark, George Sharrock, that were found in the factory at Hitto, and Edward Collins, William Webber, and John Saddler at Larica, were all brought prisoners to Amboyna, the sixteenth of February. Upon which day also John Powl, John Wetheral, and Thomas Ladbrook, were apprehended at Cambello, and John Beaumont, William Grigs, and Ephraim Ramsey, at Loho, and brought in irons to Amboyna the twentieth of the same month. In the mean time the Governor and Fiscal went to work with the prisoners that were already there: And first they sent for john Beaumont, and Timothy johnson, from aboard the Unicorn; who being come into the Castle, Beaumont was left with a guard in the Hall, and johnson was taken into another room. Where, by and by, Beaumont heard him cry out very pitifully; then to be quiet for a little while, and then loud again. After taste of the torture, Abel Price the Chirurgeon, that first was examined and tortured (as is above remembered) was brought in to confront and accuse him: But johnson not yet confessing any thing, Price was quickly carried out, and Johnson brought again to the torture; where Beaumont heard him sometime cry aloud, then quiet again, then roar afresh. At last, after he had been about an hour in this second examination, he was brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet, and cruelly burnt in divers parts of his body, and so laid aside in a by-place of the Hall, with a Soldier to watch him that he should speak with no body. 
Emanuel Tomson examined.  Then was Emanuel Tomson brought to examination; not in the room where Johnson had been, but in another, something farther from the Hall. Yet Beaumont being in the Hall, heard him roar most lamentably, and many times. At last, after an hour and an half spent in torturing him, he was carried away into another room another way, so that he came not by Beaumont through the Hall. Next, was Beaumont called in, and being demanded many things, all which he denied with deep Oaths and protestations, was made fast to be Tortured, a cloth tied about his neck, and two men ready with their Jars of water to be poured on his head. But yet for this time the Governor bade lose him, he would spare him a day or two, because he was an old man. This was all Saturdays work, the fifteenth of February aforesaid.  
Upon Sunday the sixteenth of February, William Webber, Edward Collins, Ephraim Ramsey, and Robert Brown, were fetched from aboard the Rotterdam, to be examined. At the same time came Samuel Colson, William Grigs, and John Clark, George Sharrock, and john Sadler, from Hitto and Larica, and were immediately, upon their arrival, brought into the Castle Hall.  
Robert Brown Tailor was first called in; 
Robert Brown examined.  and being tormented with water, confessed all in order as the Fiscal asked him.  
Then was Edward Collins called in, 
Edward Collins examined.  and told, that those that were formerly examined, had confessed him as accessary to the plot of taking the Castle. Which, when he denied with great Oaths and execrations, they made his hands and feet fast to the Rack, bound a cloth about his throat, ready to be put to the torture of water. Thus prepared, he prayed to be respited, and he would confess all. Being let down, he again vowed and protested his innocence; yet said, that because he knew that they would by torture make him confess any thing, though never so false, they should do him a great favour, to tell him what they would have him say, and he would speak it, to avoid the torture. The Fiscal hereupon said; What, do you mock us? and bad, Up with him again; and so gave him the torment of water: which he not able long to endure, prayed to be let down again to his Confession. Then he devised a little with himself, and told them, That about two months and a half before, himself, Tomson, Johnson, Brown, and Fardo, had plotted, with the help of the Japoners, to surprise the Castle. Here he was interrupted by the Fiscal, and asked whether Captain Towerson were not of that conspiracy. He answered, No. You lie, said the Fiscal; did not he call you all to him, and tell you, that those daily abuses of the Dutch had caused him to think of a Plot, and that he wanted nothing but your consent and secrecy? Then said a Dutch Merchant, one John Joost that stood by. Did not you all swear upon a Bible to be secret to him? Collins answered with great Oaths, that he knew nothing of any such matter. Then they bade make him fast again: whereupon he then said, All was true that they had spoken. Then the Fiscal asked him, whether the English in the rest of the Factories, were not consenting to this Plot. He answered, No. The Fiscal then asked him, whether the Precedent of the English at Jaccatra, or Master Welden A gent in Banda, were not Plotters or privy to this business. Again he answered, No. Then the Fiscal asked him, by what means the japoners should have executed their purpose. Whereat, when Collins stood staggering and devising of some probable fiction, the Fiscal holp him, and said, Should not two Japoners have gone to each point of the Castle, and two to the Governors' Chamber door; and when the hurly-burly had been without, and the Governor coming to see what was the matter, the Japoners to have killed him? Here one that stood by, said to the Fiscal, Do not tell him what he should say, but let him speak of himself. Whereupon the Fiscal, without attending the answer to his former question, asked what the Japoners should have had for their reward. Collins answered, 1000 Rials apiece. Lastly, he asked him, when this plot should have been effected. Whereunto, although he answered him nothing (not knowing what to devise upon the sudden) yet he was dismissed, and very glad to come clear of the Torture, though with certain belief that he should die for this his confession.  
Next was Samuel Colson brought in, 
Samuel Colson examined.  being newly arrived from Hitto, as is before touched, and was the same day brought to the Torture, who, for fear of the pain wherewith he saw Collins come out, in such a case, that his eyes were almost blown out of his head with the Torment of water; chose rather to confess all they asked him: and so was quickly dismissed, coming out weeping, lamenting, and protesting his innocence.  
Then was John Clark, 
John Clark examined.  that came with Colson from Hitto, fetched in, and a little after was heard (by the rest that were without in the Hall) to cry out amain, They Tortured him with water and with fire, by the space of two hours. The manner of his Torture (as also of Jonson's and Tomsons) was as followeth: First they hoist him up by the hands with a cord on a large door, where they made him fast upon two staples of Iron, fixed on both sides at the top of the door posts, haling his hands one from the other as wide as they could stretch. Being thus made fast, his feet hung some two foot from the ground; which also they stretched asunder as far as they would retch, and so made them fast beneath unto the dore-trees on each side. Then they bond a cloth about his neck and face so close, that little or no water could go by. That done, they poured the water softly upon his head until the cloth was full up to the mouth and nostrils, and somewhat higher; so that he could not draw breath, but he must withal suck in the water: which being still continued to be poured in softly, forced all his inward parts, came out of his nose, ears, and eyes, and often, as it were stifling and choking him, at length took away his breath, & brought him to a swoon or fainting. Then they took him quickly down, & made him vomit up the water. Being a little recovered, they triced him up again, & poured in the water as before, eftsoons taking him down as he seemed to be stifled. In this manner they handled him three or four several times with water, till his body was swollen twice or thrice as big as before, his cheeks like great bladders, and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his forehead: yet all this he bare, without confessing any thing; insomuch as the Fiscal and tormentors reviled him, saying, that he was a Devil, and no man, or surely was a Witch, at least had some charm about him, or was enchanted, that he could bear so much. Wherefore they cut off his hair very short, as supposing he had some witchcraft hidden therein. Afterwards they hoist him up again as before, and then burned him with lighted candles in the bottom of his feet, until the fat dropped out the candles; yet then applied they fresh lights unto him. They burned him also under the elbows, and in the palms of the hands; likewise under the armpits, until his inwards might evidently be seen. At last, when they saw he could of himself make no handsome confession, than they led him along with questions of particular circumstances, by themselves framed. Being thus wearied and overcome by the torment, he answered, yea, to whatsoever they asked: whereby they drew from him a body of a confession to this effect; to wit, That Captain Towerson had upon New-year's day last before, sworn all the English at Amboyna to be secret and assistant to a plot that he had projected, with the help of the Japoners, to surprise the Castle, and to put the Governor and the rest of the Dutch to death.  
Having thus martyred this poor man, they sent him out by four Blacks: who carried him between them to a dungeon, where he lay five or six days, without any Chirurgeon to dress him, until (his flesh being putrified) great Maggots dropped and crept from him in a most loathsome and noisome manner. Thus they finished their Sabbath days work; & it growing now dark, sent the rest of the English (that came that day from Hitto, & till then attended in the Hall) first to the Smith's shop, where they were loaden with Irons, and then to the same loathsome dungeon, where Clark and the rest were, accompanied with the poor japoners, lying in the putrefaction of their tortures.  
The next morning being Monday the seventeenth of February, old stile, William Griggs and john Fardo, with certain japoners, were brought into the place of examination.  
The japoners were first cruelly tortured, 
William Griggs examined  to accuse Griggs, which at last they did: and Griggs, to avoid the like torture, confessed all that the Fiscal demanded. 
john Fardo examined.  By and by the like also was done by john Fardo, and other japoners: but Fardo himself endured the torture of water, and at last confessed whatsoever the Fiscal asked him; and so was sent back to prison.  
The same day also john Beaumont was brought the second time to the Fiscals chamber; 
john Beaumont examined.  where one Captain Newport a Dutch man's son (born in England) was used as an Interpreter. William Griggs was also brought in to accuse him; who said, that when the consultation for taking of the Castle, was held, than he (the said Beaumont) was present. Beaumont denied it with great earnestness and deep Oaths. At last being triced up, and drenched with water till his inwards were ready to crack, he answered affirmatively to all the Fiscals interrogatories: yet as soon as he was let down, he clearly demonstrated to Captain Newport, and johnson a Dutch Merchant, than also present, that these things could not be so. Nevertheless he was forced to put his hand to his confession, or else he must to the torture again, which to avoid, he subscribed; and so had a great iron bolt and two shackles riveted to his legs, and then was carried back to prison.  
After this, George Sharrock, 
George Sharrock examined  Assistant at Hitto, was called in question; who, seeing how grievously others were martyred, made his earnest prayer to God (as since upon his Oath he hath acknowledged) that he would suffer him to make some such probable lies against himself, as the Dutch might believe, and so he might escape the torment. Being brought to the Rack, the water provided, and the candles lighted, he was by the Governor and Fiscal examined, and charged with the conspiracy. He fell upon his knees, and protested his innocence. Then they commanded him to the Rack, and told him; Unless he would confess, he should be tormented with fire and water to death, and then should be drawn by the heels to the gallows, and there hanged up. He still persisting in this his innocence, the Fiscal bade him be hoist up. Then he craved respite a while, and told them, that he was at Hitto, and not in Amboyna, upon New-year's day, when the consultation was pretended; neither had been there since November before, as was well known to sundry of the Hollanders themselves that resided there also with him. Hereupon, they commanded him again to the Rack: but he, craving respite as before, now told them, that he had many times heard john Clark (who was with him at Hitto) say, That the Dutch had done them many unsufferable wrongs, and that he would be revenged of them: to which end, he had once broken with Captain Towerson of a brave Plot. At which word the Fiscal and the rest were attentive, encouraging him to proceed. So he went on, saying, that John Clark had entreated Captain Towerson, that he might go to Maccasser, there to consult and advise with the Spaniards to come with Galleys, and rob the small Factories of Amboyna and Seran, when no ships were there. Here they asked him, what Captain Towerson said to this. He answered, that Captain Towerson was very much offended with Clark for the motion; and from thenceforth could never abide him. Hereupon the Fiscal called him Rogue, and said he prated all from the matter, & should go to the torture. He craved favour again, and began another tale; to wit, that upon Twelf-day than last passed, John Clark told him at Hitto, that there was a practice to take the Castle of Amboyna; and asked him, whether he would consent thereunto. Whereupon he demanded of Clark, whether Captain Towerson knew of any such matter. Which, Clark affirming; then he (the said Sharrock) said, that he would do as the rest did. Then the Fiscal asked him, what time the consultation was held. He answered, In November last. The Fiscal said, That could not be: for, the consultation was upon New-yerrs day. The Prisoner said as before in the beginning; that he had not been in Amboyna since the first of December, till now that he was brought thither. Why then, quoth the Fiscal, have you belied yourself? whereto the Prisoner resolutely answered, that all that he had spoken touching any treason, was false and feigned, only to avoid torment. Then went the Fiscal out into another room to the Governor, and anon returned, and sent Sharrock unto the Prison again. The next day he was called again, and a writing presented him, wherein was framed a formal confession of his last conference with Clerk at Hitto, touching the plot to take the Castle of Amboyna: which being read over to him, the Fiscal asked him, whether it were true, or no. He answered, No, Why then, said the Fiscal, did you confess it? He answered, For fear of Torment. The Fiscal and the rest in a great rage told him he lied; his mouth had spoken it, and it was true, and therefore he should subscribe it. Which as soon as he had done, he fell presently into a great passion charging them bitterly to be guilty of the innocent blood of himself and the rest, which they should look to answer for at the day of Judgement: withal he grappled with the Fiscal, and would have stopped him from carrying in the confession to the Governor, with whom he also craved to speak; but was instantly laid hold on, and carried away to prison.  
William Webber, 
William Webber examined.  being next examined, was told by the Fiscal, that John Clark had confessed him to have been at Amboyna on New-year's day, and sworn to Captain Towersons plot, etc. All which he denied, alleging, he was that day at Larica: yet being brought to the torture, he then confessed, he had been at the consultation at Amboyna upon New-year's day, with all the rest of the circumstances in order as he was asked. He also further told them, he had received a letter from john Clark; after which was a Postscript, excusing his brief writing at that time, for that there was great business in hand. But one Renier a Dutch Merchant, then standing by, told the Governor, that upon New-year's day, the time of this pretended consultation, Webber and he were merry at Larica. So the Governor left him, and went out. But the Fiscal held on upon the other point, touching the Postscript of Clark's Letter, urging him to show the same. Which when he could not do, though often terrified with the torture, he gave him respite; promising to save his life, if he would produce that Letter.  
Then was Captain Towerson brought to the examination, 
Gabriel Towerson examined.  and shown what others had confessed of him. He deeply protesting his innocence, Samuel Colson was brought to confront him: who being told, that unless he would now make good his former confession against Captain Towerson, he should to the torture, coldly re-affirmed the same, and so was sent away. They also brought William Grigs & John Fardo to justify their former confessions to his face. Captain Towerson seriously charged them, that as they would answer it at the dreadful day of Judgement, they should speak nothing but the truth. Both of them instantly fell down upon their knees before him; praying him for God's sake to forgive them, & saying further openly before them all, that whatsoever they had formerly confessed, was most false, and spoken only to avoid torment. With that the Fiscal & the rest offered them again to the torture: which they would not endure, but then affirmed their former confessions to be true.  
When Colson (who had accused Captain Towerson before) was required to set his hand to his confession, he asked the Fiscal, upon whose head he thought the sin would lie; whether upon his that was constrained to confess what was false, or upon the constrainers. The Fiscal, after a little pause upon this question, went in to the Governor then in another room; but anon returning, told Colson he must subscribe it: which he did; yet withal made this protestation: Well, quoth he, you make me to accuse myself and others of that which is as false, as God is true: for, God is my witness I am as innocent as the child new born.  
Thus have they examined all that belong to the English Company in the several Factories of the Island of Amboyna.  
The one and twentieth of February, 
John Wetheral examined.  they examined John Wetheral, Factor at Cambello in the Island of Seran. He confessed, he was at Amboyna upon New-year's day: but for the consultation, whereof he was demanded, he said he knew of no other but touching certain cloth of the English Company, that lay in the Factories rotting and wormeaten, which they advised together how to put off to the best avail of their Employers. The Governor said, they questioned him not about cloth, but of treason: whereof when he had protested his innocence, he was for that time dismissed. But the next day he was sent for again, and Captain Towerson brought to confront and accuse him, having before (it seems) confessed somewhat against him. But Mr. Towerson spoke now these words only: Oh, M. Wetheral, M. Wetheral, speak the truth, and nothing but the truth, as God shall put into your heart. So Captain Towerson was put out again, and Wetheral brought to the torture of water with great threats; if water would not make him confess, fire should. He prayed them to tell him what he should say, or to write down what they would, he would subscribe it. They said, he needed no Tutor; they would make him confess of himself. But when they had triced him up four several times, and saw he knew not what to say, than they read him other men's confessions, & asked him from point to point, as they had done others: and he still answered, Yea, to all.  
Next was called in John Powl, 
John Powl examined.  Wetherals assistant at Camhello: but he, proving that he was not at Amboyna since November (save now when he was brought thither prisoner) & being spoken for by one john Joost, who had long been well acquainted with him, was dismissed without torture.  
Then was Thomas Ladhrook, 
Thomas Ladbrook examined.  servant to Wetheral & Powl at Camhello, brought to be examined: but proving that he was at Cambello at the time of the pretended consultation, and serving in such quality, as that he was never acquainted with any of the Letters from the Agent of Amboyna, he was easily and quickly dismissed.  
Ephraim Ramsey was also examined upon the whole pretended conspiracy, 
Ephraim Ramsey examined.  and particularly questioned concerning Captain Welden the English Agent in Banda, but denying all, and proving that he was not at Amboyna at New-year's tide, being also spoken for by john joost; was dismissed, after he had hanged in the Rack a good while, with irons upon his legs, and the cloth about his mouth.  
Lastly, john-sadler, 
John Sadler examined.  servant to William Grigs at Larica, was examined; and being found to have been absent from Amboyna at New-year's tide, when Grigs and others were there, was dismissed.  
Thus have we all their examinations tortures, and confessions, being the work of 8. days, from the 15. to the 23. of February. After which, was two day's respite before the sentence. John Powl, being himself acquitted as before said, went to the prison to visit John Fardo, one of those that had accused Captain Towerson. To him Fardo religiously protested his innocence; but especially his sorrow for accusing Master Towerson: for, said he, the fear of death doth nothing dismay me; for, God (I trust) will be merciful to my soul, according to the innocence of my cause. The only matter that troubleth me, is, that through fear of Torment I have accused that honest and godly man Captain Towerson, who (I think in my conscience) was so upright and honest towards all men, that he harboured no ill will to any, much less would attempt any such business as he is accused of. He further said, he would before his death receive the Sacrament, in acknowledgement that he had accused Captain Towerson falsely and wrongfully, only through fear of Torment.  
The five and twentieth of February, old stile, all the prisoners, as well the English, as the Portugal and the japoners, were brought into the great Hall of the Castle, and there were solemnly condemned, except john Powel, Ephraim Ramsey, john Sadler, and Thomas Ladbrook, formerly acquitted, as aforesaid.  
Captain Towerson having been (during all his imprisonment) kept apart from the rest, so that none of them could come to speak with him; writ much in his Chamber (as some of the Dutch report,) but all was suppressed, save only a Bill of debt, which one Th. johnson, a free Burgher got of him by favour of his keepers for acknowledgement, that the English Company owed him a certain sum of money. In the end of this Bill he writ these words: Firmed by the Firm of me Gabriel Towerson now appointed to die guiltless of any thing that can be justly laid to my charge. God forgive them their guilt; and receive me to his mercy. Amen. This Bill being brought to M. Welden the English Agent at Banda, he paid the money, and received in the acknowledgement.  
William Griggs (who had before accused Captain Towerson) writ these words following in his Table-book: We, whose names are here specified; John Beaumont, Merchant of Loho, William Griggs Merchant of Larica, Abel Price, Chirurgeon of Amboyna. Robert Brown, Tailor, which do here lie Prisoners in the Ship Rotterdam, being apprehended for conspiracy, for blowing up the Castle of Amboyna: we being judged to death this fifth of March. Anno 1622. which we through torment were constrained to speak, that which we never meant, nor once imagined; the which we take upon our deaths and salvation: they tortured us with that extreme torment of fire and water, that flesh and blood could not endure: and this we take upon our deaths, that they have put us to death guiltless of our accusation. So therefore we desire, that they that shall understand this; that our Employers may understand these wrongs, and that yourselves would have a care to look to yourselves: for their intent was to have brought you in also; they asked concerning you; which if they had tortured us, we must have confessed you also. And so farewell; written in the dark.  
This Table-book was afterwards delivered to M. Welden afore-named by one that served the Dutch  
Samuel Colson also, another that accused Captain Towerson, writ as followeth in the waste leaves of a book, wherein were bound together the Common-Prayers, the Psalms, and the Catechism.  
In one page thus;  
March 5. Stilo novo, being Sunday, aboard the Rotterdam, lyin Irons:  
UNderstand that I Samuel Colson, late Factor of Hitto, was apprehended for suspicion of conspiracy; and for any thing I know, must die for it: wherefore, having no better means to make my innocence known, have writ this in this book, hoping some good English men will see it. I do here upon my salvation, as I hope by his death and passion to have redemption for my sins, that I am clear of all such conspiracy; neither do I know any English man guilty thereof; nor other creature in the World. As this is true: God bless me.  
Sam. Colson.  
On the other side, upon the first page of the Chatechism, is thus written:  
IN another leaf you shall understand more, which I have written in this book.  
Sam. Colson.  
In the beginning of the Psalms and in the leaf so referred unto, is thus written, viz.  
THe japons were taken with some villainy, and brought to examination: being most tyrannously tortured, were asked if the English had any hand in the●●●lot. Which torture made them say, Yea. Then was Master Tomson, M. Johnson, M. Collins, John Clark brought to examination, and were burned under the arms, armpits, the hands, and sols of the feet, with another most miserable torment to drink water; some of them almost tortured to death, and were forced to confess that which they never knew, by reason of the torment which flesh and blood is not able to endure. Then were the rest of the English men called one by one (amongst which I was one) being wished to confess, or else I must go to torment; withal caused M. Johnson, who was before tormented, to witness against me, or else be should be tormented again; which rather than he would endure, he said, What they would have, be would speak. Then must I confess that I never knew, or else to go to torment; which rather than I would suffer, I did confess that, which (as I shall he saved before God Almighty) is not true, being forced for fear of torment. Then did they make us witness against Captain Towerson, and at last made Captain Towerson confess all, being for fear of most cruel torment; for which we must all die. As I mean and hope to have pardon for my sins, I know no more than the child unborn of this business. Written with my own hand the first of March, Stilo novo.  
Sam. Colson.  
Yet in another page were these words:  
I Was born in Newcastle upon Tyne, where I desire this book may come, that my friends may know of my innocence.  
Sam. Colson.  
This book he delivered to one that served the Hollanders, who sowed it up in his bed, and afterward, at his opportunity delivered it to M. Welden before named  
All these said writings are yet extant under the hands of the several parties, well known to their friends here in England.  
The six and twentieth of February, Stilo veteri, the Prisoners were all brought into the great Hall of the Castle (except Captain Towerson & Emanuel Tomson) to be prepared for death by the ministers. The japoneers now all in general, as some of them had done before in particular, cried out unto the English, saying; Oh you English men, where did we ever in our lives eat with you, talk with you, or (to our remembrance) see you? The English answered, Why then have you accused us? The poor men, perceiving they were made believe each had accused others, before they had so done indeed; shown them their tortured bodies, and said, If a stone were thus burnt, would it not change his nature? how much more we that are flesh and blood?  
Whilst they were all in the Hall, Cap. Towerson was brought up into the place of examination and two great Jars of water carried after him. What he there did or suffered was unknown to the English without: but it seemeth they made him then to underwrite his confession. After supper John Powl, Ephraim Ramsey, Th. Ladbrook, and john Sadler, who were found not guilty, as aforesaid, were taken from the rest, and put into another room. By and by also were Samuel Colson, and Edward Collins brought from the rest; into the room where Emanuel Tomson lay: The Fiscal told them, it was the Governors' mercy, to save one of them three: and it being indifferent to him, which of them were the man, it was his pleasure they should draw lots for it, which they did, and the free lot fell to Edward Collins; who then was carried away to the Chamber, where John Powl and the rest that were quit, lodged, and Samuel Colson back into the Hall. Anon also John Beaumont was brought out of the Hall into the Chamber, where John Powl, and the rest of the acquitted persons were, and was told, that he was beholding to Peter johnson the Dutch Merchant of Lobo, and to the Secretary; for they two had begged his life.  
So then there remained in the Hall ten of the English; for Captain Towerson & Emmanuel Tomson (as is said before) were kept in several rooms apart from the rest. To these that remained in the Hall, came the Dutch Ministers, who telling them how short a time they had to live, admonished and exhorted them to make their true confessions; for it was a dangerous and desperate thing, to dissemble at such a time. The English still professed their innocence, and prayed the Ministers that they might all receive the Sacraments, as a seal of the forgiveness of their sins; and withal, thereby to confirm their last profession of their innocence. But this would by no means be granted. Whereupon Samuel Colson said thus unto the Ministers; You manifest unto us the danger of dissimulation in this case. But tell us, if we suffer guiltless, being other wise also true believers in Christ Jesus, What shall be our reward? The Preacher answered, By how much the clearer you are, so much the more glorious shall be your resurrection. With that word, Colson started up, embraced the Preacher, & gave him his purse,, with such money as he had in it, saying; Domine, God bless you: tell the Governor, I freely forgive him; and I entreat you, to exhort him to repent him of his bloody tragedy, wrought upon us poor innocent souls. Here all the rest of the English signified their consent to this Speech. Then spoke John Fardo to the rest, in presence of the Ministers, as followeth: My Countrymen, and Brethren, all that are here with me condemned to die, I charge you all, as you will answer it at God's judgement seat, if any of you be guilty of this matter, whereof we are condemned, discharge your consciences, and confess the truth for satisfaction of the World. Hereupon Samuel Colson spoke with a loud voice, saying, According to my innocence in this treason, so Lord pardon all the rest of my sins: and if I be guilty thereof more or less, let me never be partaker of thy heavenly joys. At which words every one of the rest cried out, Amen for me, Amen for me, good Lord. This done, each of them knowing whom he had accused, went one to another begging forgiveness for their false accusation, being wrung from them by the pains or fear of torture. And they all freely forgave one another: for none had been so falsely accused, but he himself had accused another as falsely. In particular, George Sharrock (who survived to relate this night's passage) kneeled down to john Clark, whom he had accused of the tale at Hitto above mentioned, and craved forgiveness at his hands. Clark freely forgave him, saying; how should I look to be forgiven of God, if I should not forgive you, having myself so falsely accused Captain Towerson, and others?  
After this, they spent the rest of the doleful night in Prayer, singing of Psalms, and comforting one another; though the Dutch that guarded them, offered them wine, bidding them drink Lustick, and drive away the sorrow; according to the custom of their own Nation in the like case, but contrary to the nature of the English.  
Upon the morrow morning, being the execution day, the 27. of February, Stilo veteri, John Powl being freed (as is above recited) came into the room where the condemned persons were, and found them at Prayer. They all requested him to relate unto their friends in England, the innocence of their cause; taking it upon their deaths, that what they had confessed against themselves & others touching this crime, was all false, & forced by fear of torture.  
The same morning William Wehber was called again into the Fiscals room, and there pressed to produce the letter, which he had before confessed to have received from John Clark, in the Postscript whereof some great business was intimated. They promised him his life, if he would deliver or produce them that letter: which although he did not, nor indeed could, yet at last they pardoned him, and sent him to the rest that were saved, and Sharrock with him.  
That morning Emanuel Tomson understanding that John Beaumont was pardoned, made means to have him come and speak with him; which, with much ado, he obtained. Beaumont found him sitting in a Chamber, all alone in a most miserable fashion; the wounds of his torture bound up, but the matter & gore-bloud issuing through the Rollers. He took M. Beaumont by the hand, and prayed him, when he came into England, to do his duty to the Honourable Company, his Masters, to M. Robinson, and to his brother Billingsley, and to certify them of his innocence, which (said he) you yourself know well enough.  
All things being prepared for the execution, the condemned were brought forth of the Hall along by the Chamber where the quit and pardoned were; who stood in the door, to give and take the farewell of their Countrymen now going to execution. Staying a little for this purpose, they prayed and charged those, that were saved, to bear witness to their friends in England of their innocence, and that they died not Traitors, but so many Innocents', merely murdered by the Hollanders, whom they prayed God to forgive their bloud-thirstiness, and to have mercy upon their own souls.  
Being brought into the Yard, their sentence was there read unto them from a Gallery, and then they were thence carried unto the place of execution, together with nine Japons and a Portugal: not the ordinary and short way, but round about in a long procession, through the Town; the way guarded with five Companies of Soldiers, Dutch, and Amboyners, and thronged with the Natives of the Island, that (upon the summons given the day before by the sound of the Drum) flocked together to behold this triumph of the Dutch over the English. Samuel Colson had conceived a Prayer in writing, in the end whereof he protested his innocence: which Prayer he read to his fellows the night before, and now also at the place of execution devoutly pronounced the same; then threw away the paper, which the Governor caused to be brought to him, and kept it,  
Emanuel Tomson told the rest, he did not doubt but GOD would show some sign of their innocency; and every one of the rest took it severally upon their death, that they were utterly guiltless; and so one by one with great cheerfulness suffered the fatal stroke.  
The Portugal prayed over his Beads very devoutly, and often kissed the Cross; swearing thereupon, that he was utterly innocent of this treason: yet confessed, that God had justly brought this punishment upon him, for that having a wife in his own Country, he had, by the persuasion of the Dutch Governor, taken another in that Country, his first being yet living.  
The Japons likewise (according to their Religion) shut up their last Act with the like profession of their innocence. So there suffered ten English men, viz. Captain Gabriel Towerson the Agent of the English at Amboyna, Samuel Colson Factor at Hitto, Emanuel Tomson Assistant at Amboyna, Timothy Johnson Assistant there also, John Wetheral Factor at Cambello, John Clark Assistant at Hitto, William Griggs Factor at Larica, John Fardo Steward of the house, Ahel Price Chirurgeon, and Robert Brown Tailor.  
The Portugal also suffered with them. His name was Augustin Perez. He was born at Bengala.  
The names of the Japonese that suffered (if any be curious to know them) were as followeth: 

Hititso, all born at Firando.  
Tsiosa, all born at Firando.  
Sinsa. all born at Firando.  
Sidney Migiel, born at Nagansacque.  
Pedro Congee, born at Nagansacque.  
Thome Corea. born at Nagansacque.  
Quiandayo native of Coraets.  
Tsabinda of Tsoncketgo.  
Zanchoe of Fisien.    
Besides these, there were two other Japonese; the one named Soysimo, born at Firando; and the other Sacoube, of the same place: the former of which being tortured, confessed both to have been privy to this pretended treason, and to have offered his service unto the English to aid them in taking of the Castle: and the latter confessed to have had knowledge of the consultation of the other Japons to this purpose. But neither of them was executed, nor so much as condemned. The reason whereof was not known to the English that were saved.  
They had prepared a cloth of black Velvet, for Captain Towersons' body to fall upon; which being stained and defaced with his blood, they afterwards put to the account of the English Company.  
At the instant of the execution, there arose a great darkness, with a sudden and violent gust of wind and tempest; whereby two of the Dutch ships, riding in the harbour, were driven from their Anchors, and with great labour and defficulty saved from the Rocks. Within a few days after, one William Dunckin, who had told the Governor. That Robert Brown, the English Tailor, had a few Months before told him, he hoped, that within six Months the English should have as much to do in the Castle of Amboyna, as the Dutch: This fellow, coming upon an evening to the grave where the English were buried, being all (save Captain Towerson) in one pit, fell down upon the grave; and having lain there a while, rose up again stark mad, and so continued two or three days together, and then died. Forthwith also fell a new sickness at Amboyna, which swept away about a thousand people Dutch and Amboyners: in the space wherein, there usually died not above thirty at other seasons. These signs were by the surviving English, referred to the confident prediction of Emanuel Tomson aabove-named, and were by the Amboyners interpreted as a token of the wrath of God for this barbarous Tyranny of the Hollanders.  
The next day after the execution, being the eight and twentieth of February, Stilo veteri, was spent in Triumph for the new General of the Dutch then proclaimed, and in public rejoicing for the deliverance from this pretended treason. The day following, being the first of March, john Beaumont, George Sharrock, Edward Collins, and William Webber, were brought to the Governor; who told Webber Beaumont and Sharrock, that they were pardoned in Honour of the new General; and Collins, that he was to go to Jaccatra, there to stand to the favour of the General. So the Governor made them drink wine with him, and courteously dismissed them: willing them to go and consult with the rest that were saved, who were fit to be placed in the several Factories. Which done, and their opinions reported to the Governor, he accordingly commanded each to his place; adding, that he would thenceforth take upon him the patronage and Government of the English Companies business. To which purpose, he had within a few days passed opened a Letter that came from the English Precedent at jaccatra, directed to Captain Towerson; being (as he said) the first English Letter that ever he intercepted; further, saying, that he was glad that he sound by that Letter, that the English at jaccatra were innocent touching this business.  
The Governor and Fiscal having thus made an end at Amboyna, dispatched themselves for Banda: where they made very diligent enquiry against Captain Welden, the English Agent there; yet found no colour nor shadow of guilt to lay hold on: but at last entertained him with courteous speeches, professing to be very glad, that they found him, as well as the English at jaccatra, to be without suspicion of this Treason (as they term it.) Captain Welden, perceiving the disorder and confusion of the English Companies affairs at Amboyna, by means of this dealing of the Dutch; forthwith hired a Dutch Pinnace at Banda, and passed to Amboyna: where, instantly upon his arrival, he re-called the Companies servants, sent (as before) by the Dutch Governor to the upper-factories.  
Having enquired of them, and the rest that were left at Amboyna, of the whole proceed lately passed, he found, by the constant and agreeing relation of them all, that there was no such Treason of the English as was pretended: as also understanding what strict command the Governor had given to the surviving English, not once to talk or confer with the Country people concerning this bloody business, although the said Country people every day reproached them with treason, and a bloody intention to have massacred the Natives, and to have ripped up the bellies of women with child, and such like stuff; wherewith the Dutch have possessed the poor Vulgar, to make the English odious unto them. The said M. Welden therefore finding it to sort neither with the Honour nor profit of the English Company, his Masters, to hold any longer residence in Amboyna, he took the poor remnant of the English along with him, in the said hired Pinnace for jaccatra; whither the Governor had sent john Beaumont and Edward Collins before, as men condemned, and left to the mercy of the General.  
When this heavy news of Amboyna came to jaccatra and the English there, the Precedent forthwith sent to the General of the Dutch, to know by what Authority the Governor of Amboyna had thus proceeded against the English, and how he and the rest of the Dutch there at jaccatra, did approve these proceed. The Governor returned for answer, that, The Governor of Amboyna's Authority was derived from that of the Lords States General of the United netherlands; under whom he had lawful Jurisdiction both in Criminal and civil causes, within the destrict of Amboyna; further, that such proceeding was necessary against Traitors, such as the English executed at Amboyna, might appear to be by their own confessions: a Copy whereof he therewith sent to the English Precedent; who sent the same back to be Authentically certified, but received it not again.  
Hitherto hath been recited the bare and naked Narration of the Progress and passage of this action, as it is taken out of the Depositions of six several English Factors; whereof four were condemned, and the other two acquitted in this Process of Amboyna: all, since their return into England, examined upon their Oaths in the Admiralty Court. The particular of Captain Towersons, as also of Emanuel Tomsons examinations and answers, are not yet come to light, by reason that these two were kept apart from all the rest, and each alone by himself; nor any other of the English suffered to come to speak with them, except only that short Farewell, which john Beaumont took of Tomson the morning before the execution before mentioned. The like obscurity is yet touching the examinations and answers of divers of the rest that are executed; being, during their imprisonment, so strictly looked to, and watched by the Dutch, that they might not talk together, nor mutually relate their miseries.  
But because the Hollanders defend their own proceed by the confessions of the parties executed, acknowledging severally under their hands, that they were guilty of the pretended crime; it will not be amiss to recollect and recall unto this place, as it were unto one sum and total, certain circumstances dispersed in several parts of this Narration; whereby, as well the innocence of the English, as the unlawful proceed against them, may be manifested.  
First therefore it is to be remembered, that the Japons were apprehended, examined, and tortured three or four days, before the English were attached; and the fame as well of their apprehension, as torture, was rife and notorious in the Town of Amboyna, and the parts adjoining. Tomson, in this interim, and the very first day of the examination of the Japon, went to the Castle to ask leave of the Governor to land some Rice, and brought back the news with him to the English house of the cruel handling of these poor japons. This had been Item enough to the English, if they had been guilty, to shift for themselves: whereto also they had ready means by the Curricurries or small Boats of the Amboyners, which lie along the Strand in great number, wherewith they might easily have transported themselves to Seran, to Bottoom, or to Maccassar, out of the reach and Jurisdiction of the Dutch; but in that they fled not in this case, it is a very strong presumption, that they were as little privy to any treason of their own, as suspicious of any treachcerous tran laid for their bloods.  
In the next place let it be considered, how impossible it was for the English to achieve this pretended enterprise.  
The Castle of Amboyna is of a very great strength (as is before declared;) the Garrison therein two or three hundred men, besides as many more of their free Burghers in the Town. What their care and circumspection in all their Forts is, may appear, not only by the quick Alarm they now took at the foolish question of the poor Japon, made to the Sentinel above-recited; but also by that which a little before happened at Jaccatra, where one of their Soldiers was shot to death for sleeping in the watch.  
Durst ten English men (whereof not one a Soldier) attempt any thing upon such a strength and vigilancy? As for the assistance of the Japons, they were but ten neither, and all un-armed as well as the English: For, as at the seizure of the English house, all the provision therein found was but three swords, two Muskets, and half a pound of powder: so the Japons (except when they are in service of the Castle, and there armed by the Dutch) are allowed to have no Arms, but only a Catan, a kind of short sword: and it is forbidden to all the Dutch, upon great penalty, to sell any hand-gun, powder or bullets to the Japons or Amboyners. But let it be imagined, that these 20 persons English & Japons, were so desperate as to adventure the exploit; how should they be able to master the Dutch in the Castle, or to keep possession when they had gotten it? what second had they? There was neither Ship nor Pinnace of the English in the harbour. All the rest of the Japons in the Island, were not twenty persons, and not one English more. The nearest of the rest of the English were at Banda, forty leagues from Amboyna; and those but nine persons, all afterwards cleared by the Governor and Fiscal themselves from all suspicion of this pretended crime, as were also the rest of the English at Jaccatra.  
On the other side, besides the strength of the Castle and Town of Amboyna, the Hollanders have three other strong Castles, well furnished with Soldiers in the same Island, and at Cambello near adjoining. They had then also in the road of Amboyna eight Ships and Vessels, namely, the Rotterdam of 1200 Tun, the Unicorn of 300 Tun, the Freeman's Vessel of 100 Tun, the Calck of 60 Tun, Captain Gamals Junck of 40 Tun, the Flute of 300 Tun, the Amsterdam of 1400 Tun, and a small Pinnace of about 60 Tun; and all these well furnished with men and Ammunition. It is true, that the Stories do record sundry valiant and hardy enterprises of the English Nation, and Holland is witness of some of them, yea, hath reaped the fruit of the English resolution; yet no Story, no Legend scarcely reporteth any such hardiness, either of the English or others, That so few persons, so naked of all provisions & supplies, should undertake such an adventure upon a counter-party, so well and abundantly fitted at all points.  
But let it be further granted, that they might possibly have overcome all these difficulties; yet to what end and purpose should they put themselves into such a jeopardy? They knew well enough, that it was agreed between both companies at home, That the Forts in the Indies should remain respectively in the hands of such, as had possession of them at the date of the Treaty, Anno 1619. and that the same was ratified by the King's Majesty, and the Lords States General. They knew likewise, and all the world takes knowledge of his Majesty's Religious observation of Peace and Treaty with all his neighbours, yea, with all the world: what reward then could these English hope for, of this their Valour and danger? Certainly none other than that which is expressly provided by the Treaty itself, that is, To be punished as the disturbers of the Common Peace, and Amity of both Nations.  
But let these English men have been as foolish in this plot as the Hollanders will have them; is it also to be imagined, that they were so graceless, as when they were condemned, and seriously admonished by the Ministers to discharge their consciences, yet then to persist in their dissimulation, being otherwise of such godly behaviour, as to spend the time in Prayer singing of Psalms; and spiritual comforting one another, which the Dutch would have had them bestow in drinking to drive away their sorrow? Let Colsons question to the Minister be considered: his and the rests offer and desire to receive the Sacrament, in sign and token of their innocence; their mutual ask forgiveness for their like false accusations of one another, forced by the Torture; Tomsons last farewell to Beaumont; Colsons prayer, and his writing in his Prayer book; Fardo's farewell to Powel; also his conjuring exhortation to his fellows, to discharge their consciences, and all their answers thereunto; craving God's mercy or judgement, according to their innocence in this cause; their general and Religious profession of their innocence, to their Country men, at their last parting with them, and finally, the sealing of this profession with their last breath and blood, even in the very Article of death, and in the stroke of the Executioner. What horrible and unexampled dissimulation were this? If some one or more of them had been so fearfully desperate, yet would not there one amongst ten be found to think of the judgement to come; whereunto he was then instantly summoned without Essoin, Bail, or Mainprize? What? had they hope of reprieve and life, if they kept their countenance to the last? Yet what hope had Tomsom and the rest, when Captain Towersons head was off? Nay, what desire had Tomson and Clark to live, being so mangled and martyred by the Torture? They were executed one by one, and every one several took it upon his death, that he was guiltless.  
Now to blanche and smooth over all this rough and Barbarous proceeding; it is here given out, that the Governor and Fiscal found such evidence of the plot, and dealt so evenly in the process, that they spared not their own people; having used some of their Native Hollanders, partakers of this treason, in the same manner as they did the English. But this, as well by the Relation here truly and faithfully set down, grounded upon the sworn Testimony of six credible witnesses, as also by other sufficient reports of divers (lately come out of those parts) appeareth to be a mere tale, not once alleged by any in the Indies in many months after the execution, but only invented and dispersed here, for a Fucus and a fair colour upon the whole cause, and to make the world believe, that the ground of this Barbarous and Tyrannous proceeding was a true crime, and not the unsatiable covetousness of the Hollanders, by this cruel treachery to gain the sole trade of the Molluccos, Banda and Amboyna, which is already become the event of this bloody process.  
To add hereunto by way of aggravation, will be needless; the fact is so full of odious and barbarous inhumanity, executed by Hollanders upon the English Nation, in a place where both lived under Terms of partnership and great amity, confirmed by a most solemn Treaty.   

A TRUE DECLARATION Of the News that came out of the East-Indies, with the Pinnace called the HARE, arrived in Texel in June, 1624. CONCERNING A Conspiracy discovered in the Island of Amboyna, and the punishment following thereupon, according to the course of Justice, in March 1624. comprehended in a Letter Missive; AND SENT From a Friend in the Low-Countries, to a Friend of note in England, for information of him in the Truth of those passages.  
Printed, Anno 1651.   

Right Worshipful, and Worthy SIR,  
THe great out-cries which have been made in England, upon the last News which came out of the East-Indies, about a certain execution which was done in the Island of Amboyna, in March 1623.: because we see the great desire that your Worship hath, to keep good correspondence betwixt these two Nations, it hath caused me (beyond my own curiosity) to search, and inquire after the right and true beginnings, proceed, and issues of these affairs, upon which this execution followed. Wherein, I persuade myself, I have attained good success, by such means as I have used, and by my good acquaintance, so that (at the last) I am come to the clear light of the matter: partly by the Letters that have been sent home to the Company here, and declared to the State's General, as also by a particular examination of the process made against them in Amboyna, before their execution, and sent over hither in writing, which at this present hath caused me to write this unto your Worship, that so, the truth may be made known concerning this business in all places, where your Worthiness, and respect, can, or may bring it to pass; that so your Worship, and all true well-willers (of our Country,) may be no otherwise thought of than we deserve.   

A True Declaration of the News that came out of the East-Indies, with the Pinnace called the HARE, which arrived in Texel, in June, 1624.  
THe very causes and beginnings through which, the Governor, and Council, established in the name of the United netherlands in Amboyna, came into suspicion, that some thing was plotted against that Province; did first flow from the great licentiousness of the Tarnatanes in Moluque, and Amboyna: Who, contrary to the contract of alliance 1606. made with the High and Mighty Lords the States, attempted (without our consent and knowledge,) to make peace with the King of Tidore: as also truce with the Spaniards, (their, and our ancient adversaries) by which, the said Tarnatanes had too much cast off all respect, which they, both in regard of our confederacy, and manifold assistance did owe to this State. The Spaniard also was master enough at Sea, in the Moloque, because the English Merchants there in the East-Indies were unwilling to furnish us with Ships of War toward the common defence, as they were bound to do, according to the Treaties 1619. to the number of ten. Through which, the voyages to Mannila, coming to cease, the Enemy traded there, without any interruption, and procured power to send Galleys, Ships, and Pinnaces to the Moloque, with great succours of people, and provision; and that because, against the same (through the default of the English Merchants) there were no Ships of War kept, as there should have been.  
The Subjects of the King of Tarnata, begun to commit great insolences (otherwise than they were wont) against our Nation, having outrageously assaulted divers of us, divers ways, and also slain some, and we notwithstanding could not obtain any punishment upon them. And as one outrage (unpunished) provokes many more, through hope of the like impunity, or other considerations; so were the said Tarnatanes of Amboyna, dwelling at Loho, Cambello, and those near adjoining places proceeded further, and have armed themselves at Sea, and invaded divers Islands, and places, standing under the netherlands Governor in Amboyna, spoiling them, and killing our Subjects, and taking others, and carrying them away for Slaves. And notwithstanding the instant request of the netherlands Governor, no satisfaction, or Justice, hath followed; but the said Tarnatanes are yet gone further, and openly threatened to murder the Dutch Merchants, and to spoil and to burn the Logie, or factory, which our people have many years there enjoyed: so that our Merchants have taken out the Dutch goods, to avoid damage: And the Tarnatanes at Loho did actually set on fire, and ruined the said netherlands factory. In the Manichels' (an Island being under the Province of Amboyna) they have in like manner shortly after, burned the netherlands Logie, with the loss of all the goods therein. The netherlands Governor, that by his presence and Authority, he might cause such Rebellions to cease, and to give order for time to come, and also to seek satisfaction, and punishment upon the aforesaid insolences; went toward Loho, with a small power of Sloops, and coming thereabout, was met (otherwise than was wont) by a Navy of Sloops of the Tarnatans' of Loho, stronger than his were. These (by their conference) gave him well to know, how little reverence they gave the Dutch Governor they braved him, without hope of restitution of any thing to come; so that, (nothing done) he was fain to return to his Castle of Amboyna. By reason of these things, the said Tarnatanes became so stout and daring, that they gave out openly, that they would come, and spoil our Subjects by a general Army, with above an hundred Friggots: with these, they said they would come against Amboyna, to make a universal spoil of our people; through which, there came a great fear upon the Indians, standing under the Subjection of the High and Mighty Lords the States, as also over the Neatherlanders.  
In the Islands lying far Eastward of Banda, it was also said, and the News went currently there, That the Hollanders were sure enough quit of the Castle of Amboyna; And at that time there were divers secret correspondencies between the Indians, & others, which gave us great suspicion. By this means the netherlands Governor, and Council of Amboyna, were moved to have special regard, and look narrowly unto all things, seeing that it might be thence clearly gathered, that something might be plotted against the State in Amboyna, and that the Indians (of themselves) durst not offer to undertake any such great design, without some great help of some of Europe, either of Spaniarnds, Portugals, or some other; and also, they understood, that they of Loho, Cambello, etc. had great secret correspondence with the English Merchants. When things were in such a state in Amboyna, there came forth and was wonderfully discovered, in February 1623. a horrible conspiracy against the Castle, and Person of the Dutch Governor, and the whole state of Amboyna: and first, by the apprehension of a certain japonian (a complice of the feat) who at an unseasonable time was often seen upon the wall of the Castle, where he also over-curiously enquired of the most unskilful and filliest Soldiers, touching the setting, and change of the Watch, and what number of people might be in the Castle, and many other things. Whereupon, in the very Act, the said japonian was apprehended, and being examined of many circumstances, he confessed that the japonian Soldiers under our service, had decreed to make themselves Masters of the Castle, and that they should have set upon this by the help of the English, who had solicited them unto it; and that he, with all the other Japonians in the English house, oftentimes within three Months before-going, had conferred with the English (whom he there named, by their names) touching the manner, whereby they should bring this treachery to pass, Hereupon it came to pass, that all the Japonian Soldiers, which were in our service, were disarmed, and imprisoned, and by examination of them all, it appeared plainly, by an orderly and joint-confession, that all the said Japonians, upon the entreaty of Gabriel Towerson, and other English Merchants & Officers agreed to assist the said English, to betray the Castle, and to give it over into the English power: & that Gabriel Towerson, and Abel Price (an English Chirurgeon) and other English dealt often with them (whom he named by their names) of the way and means, how they should work it; the said Abel Price being before imprisoned, for a foul, and execrable fact, and yet remaining in durance.  
And although it appeared sufficiently to the Governor, and Council of Amboyna, out of the confession of the Japonians, what the said Gabriel Towerson with his Merchants and other Complices, had before resolved to do, and that the Council had sufficient information to imprison them all; yet the General Council would not precipitate, but commanded the said Abel Price, (who was in prison) to come before the Council, and (after the places persons, & time, nominated to him, where and when he had dealt with the Japonians, and other English, about the said treachery) it was also from him well understood, how he (in the name, and by the command of Gabriel Towerson) and another Japonian, (who was then also in prison) had persuaded all the japonians, to consent to this villainy, and that consequently the said Towerson, as the first Author, and all the other English Merchants, (being in the Foreign Cantore of the Province of Amboyna) had also knowledge of the said treachery.  
Upon this full and unifom examination, and confession of 12 persons, as well of the 11 Japonians, as one English, is the said Gabriel Towerson called to the Council, and there appearing, the said Towerson called together all his people unto the Castle, upon the request of the General Council, who were there taken, & imprisoned, except the said Gabriel Towerson himself, to whom (upon his request) and in regard of his quality, being chief Merchant in Amboyna, in the name of the English Company; his own house was allotted him for his safe keeping, and forthcoming, And the said Prisoners were all lawfully and orderly examined, and it appeared by them jointly, according to their own confession (every one having under-written it with his own hand) as followeth:  
Gabriel Towerson, about New-year's day 1623. having with him almost all the English Merchants of the foreign Cantore in Amboyna, he assembled them in his Chamber, and propounded to them, that he had something of great moment to impart unto them, (which he alone could not effect) under the fidelity of an Oath to be taken before, for the keeping secret thereof, and being trusty therein; saying, It is necessary so to be: for if the thing should come abroad, which I shall make known unto you, it will cost all our lives. Whereupon the holy Gospel was produced, upon which, every one, who was present did swear secrecy & fidelity, as was required. Then Towerson (after a Preface) opened to the conspirators, how he had a way and means to make himself Master of the Castle of Amboyna. And whereas some present made it difficult to do, being too weak for it: the said Towerson answered, That he had already won to his purpose the japonian Soldiers who were in the Castle, and that they should execute his purpose when the Dutch, who were in the Castle, were in their greatest weakness: and worst provided, or (unawares) when the Governor should be absent, about some exploit; and that they should wait till some English Ships, or Ship, were in Amboyna, whose People he might employ in this attempt; as also, when as all other the English Merchants, and slaves of the Foreign Cantore in Amboyna, should be sent for to the Castle. And said further, That he knew how to get men enough, & they should leave this to his care, and themselves to their best; and that they of Lobo should also come to help him with certain Corrercorens, etc. Upon which inducements, all that were present swore to assist Towerson herein. And concerning the manner of Execution, the said Towerson had prescribed to the Japonians, which were in the Castle, that they should send to every point of the Bulwarks two men, and the rest, in the Court attend the Governor, and to murder him, & that at the sign which should be given to the English, they should make themselves Masters of every point of the bulwark, and kill all who should resist, and imprison the rest; and further should take, and divide between themselves, and the Japonians, the goods of the Dutch East Indian Company, except a thousand Royals of eights; which every Japonian should have before, and that they should kill the Citizens, who would not consent with them, and do them all the mischief they could. And touching the time, he had not yet certainly set it, but that there should suddenly be another assembly of the conspirators, when Gabriel Towerson would give order for all things, and give a sign to the Japonians, whereupon, when they shown it, they should begin the work within.  
The said Gabriel Towerson being asked in particular; what moved him to such a wicked fact; he answered, the desire of Honour and profit. Being further demanded, who should enjoy that Honour and Profit, and for whom he would have taken the Castle: he answered, That if he did obtain his desire, he should presently have advertised those of his Nation being in Batavia, and called for their help, who if they had sent him secure, he would have kept the Castle for his own Company, viz. (for the English East-Indian Company) and if not, he would have held it for himself, and have endeavoured a peace with the Indians, that so by the one means or the other, he might attain his purpose. After the examination of Towerson was ended, the Dutch Governor in Amboyna upbraided Towerson of his cruel intent, and asked, if this should have been the recompense of the manifold honours, and kindnesses he had done unto him. Whereto Towerson answered with a deep sigh, Oh, if it were to be begun, it should not be done. This voluntary confession, and penitent acknowledgement, with much sorrow, was made the 9 of March, being the day when the execution should have been done; but the examination of Towerson was ended the 18. of February, so many days before. This is the substance of the confessions of 10 Japonians, of 14 English, and of a Neatherlandish Merinho, or Captain of the Slaves; who all confirmed these their confessions with their own hands.  
What crime this intended prodition was, is hence very manifest, and undoubted: what punishment is due to treachery, according to the Law and Customs of all Nations, is also well known: no true Christian man will patronage any such horrible attempt, but will adjudge it worthy of death, as it was determined upon the complices of this conspiracy, according to order of Justice, as there in Amboyna it is exercised (according to desert) by the Governor and Council, in the name of the High and Mighty Lords, the States.  
Here you have (Sir) the very substance of the Truth, both of the Fact and punishment; other than which, many things are spread abroad in England, but upon what pretence, or intendment, I know not; let the matter itself speak for itself.  
The first point, Object. 1 which is objected against this Justice done in Amboyna, is concerning the proceed; which are said to be holden without formality, and with extremity, against these conspirators: Your Worship (and each reasonable man) knoweth, that every land hath their Laws and Ordinances, and their particular manner of proceed, as well in Civil as in Criminal causes. England hath hers, France, Spain, Dutchland, Neatherland, and all other Kingdoms and Governments have also theirs, which are just and lawful to every one in their Dominion; so that, when any man will judge of the equity or injustice of a proceeding used in any Land, he must examine the same according to the Laws & customs of that Kingdom or Dominion, where the Justice & Proceed were holden. These Proceed were holden by the Neatherlandish Governor, in the name of the Illustrious Lords, the States, having supreme Power, many years since in the Isles of Amboyna, which were conquered (in the name of the said Lords, the States) from the Spaniards, or Portugals, who held that Castle in the name of the King of Spain, our hereditary enemy; therefore they are now possessed in the name of the Lords, the States, and are under their Dominion, by a just and Lawful Title of War, according to the Law of Nations. There (among other things) Justice is administered according to the Law of the netherlands, in that manner as was used in the proceed against these conspirators. I know that the Laws of England are divers from ours in Criminal cases, yea, and from all the Nations in Europe: howbeit therefore, no man hath any ground of reason to say, that the proceed of the English judges (holden in England) against Delinquents, are not legitimate, though the said English proceed do  in the manner from the proceed of France, Spain, etc. where other customs are: for that is lawful, which agreeth with the Laws of that Land where the fact is committed. Now than the Japonian Souldidiers, being in the service of the netherlands Company in Amboyna, are discovered to have conspired against the Castle, and the Governor there, under whose Oath and pay they were; they were apprehended, and examined, and convicted of the said conspiracy. This proceeding is Lawful, and toucheth no man, because the said Japonians knew no other Master than the Neatherlanders, under whose Oath, service, and pay they stand. All these Japonian conspirators with the said Merincho, a Captain of the netherlands Slaves, confessed with one mouth, that they were moved and induced to this conspiracy, by the English Merchants resident in Amboyna, whose names they named. Now, not only the right of Neatherland, but of England, and of the whole World requireth, that the Authors, abettors and complices of Murder and Treason, should be punished with death; whereto, according to the common Laws, as also the particular Laws of every Kingdom or Dominion, the suspected persons first, and before all, should be imprisoned, not only for preventing the effect of their evil purpose, but that they might also receive their deserved punishment: which apprehensions, could not (in that place) be done by any other man, than by the command of the netherlands Governor, to whom it belongeth to take care, to see every act concerning Supreme power to be there observed; and especially (all other reasons ceasing) the highest English Officers there, could not apprehend these English Conspirators, because all the chief of the English Merchants in Amboyna were themselves of the conspiracy, and complices of the fact, upon which the apprehension was made. Therefore the apprehension of the English complices must be done by the Dutch Governor, who therefore hath therein proceeded according to the custom of all Nations of the world. And that these apprehensions may be holden more Lawful; it appeareth out of the written process, that the said English complices were not imprisoned upon the first suspicions & gross evidences, which were had against them, but then at last, when all the Japonian Soldiers were taken, examined, and convicted, and had discovered by the uniform confession of all the eleven, the names and surnames of such English as had persuaded and hired them to this fact; of which English, viz. (one Abel Price, Barber) was before apprehended (as an Incendiary) for burning and violence done upon other houses, who also was first examined & first confessed (as the other 11 Japonians) that he (by name, Gabriel Towerson) & other English Merchants, whom he named by their names, had suborned the said Japonian Soldiers, and that all the English Merchants in the Foreign Cantores in Amboyna, had knowledge of this conspiracy, etc. So that it may be seen, out of that which went before, that the Dutch Governor dealt no otherwise in the apprehension, and examination of the English, than according to his place, and power, and that with great discretion, according to the Laws of these United Provinces.  
The second point which is abusively dispersed in England, Oubject 2 against this execution, is, that it is said, that it did not appertain to the Neatherlanders in Amboyna to imprison the said English, and to proceed against them, or to punish them; but that it did belong to the Council of Defence resident at Jaccatra, consisting half of English, and half of Neatherlanders, according to the Treaty of the year 1619. made between his Majesty and the Lords the States, between the two East-India Companies. That I might the better inform myself thereof, I took in hand, and perused the general Treaty of 1619. with the explication following thereupon; but I profess, that (as I think) every understanding man, (not loving discord) must confess, that neither in the said Treaty, nor in the enlargement, any one Article or word could be perceived, whereby (according to that which is untruly said in England) either this, or any such thing is ordained, or decided, by the said Treaty, as it ought to have clearly been in so great and important a point, as this part of Jurisdiction is. I appeal to all wise men, who I desire may judge of this, whether this speech of some in England (to wit, that the said Council of defence should (alone) have judged these conspirators) be agreeable to the said Treaty, or contrary to the same. I find many Arguments for my Negative opinions, to wit, that before the Treaty of 1619. the Duchess in Amboyna administered Jurisdiction, and Judicature, upon all and every one who dwelled in or under the Jurisdiction of the Castle, as well inhabitants as strangers, without difference; and that in this said Treaty, the Dutch, with the English Merchants, made only a league in the matter of commerce and Negotiation of Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves; and Pepper, in some quarters, without having any further Treaty, or communication in the land; so that without the bounds of this common Negotiation, every one remained free, and unhindered in the land by the right and possession which either Company enjoyed, and exercised severally, according as the same appeareth out of the 23 Article of the Treaty: where it is expressly said, That castles and Furts shall remain in their hands who at present do possess them: And out of the 13.14.15. Articles of the Treaty, all may see, that this common Council of Defence hath no more power, save only over the fellowship of the Treaty, that is, over the Navy of defence in the Sea, to the defence of the common Merchandise, and liberty of commerce; and lastly, to tax the charges for the provision of ammunition in the Forts: neither can any other thing be sincerely collected out of the said Treaty, so far as I can conceive. Therefore this second point is found to be untrue and abusive, being not founded upon the said Treaty, which Treaty (not withstanding) ought to be the only rule, both of the one and the other Company.  
Finally, it is given out in England, that in the examination of the Conspirators there was excess in the netherlands Judges, in the point of Torture: I acknowledge, that no argument or pretext against the Justice of this execution, hath more moved me in the beginning, than this pretence of excess aforesaid, because this stirreth Christian compassion; although I also judge, that wise men will not suffer themselves to be too much transported thereby, before the true reasons do fully appear, which should move us thereunto. For, I well remember yet, that in the time of former mistake in the Indies many things were pretended on both parts, upon which, there were great outcries one either side, which yet, by due examination, were found to be (though fair, yet) false pretexts of some ill-willers, and men desirous to wrangle: which pretences being throughly sifted by the High and much admired wisdom of his Majesty, & the Lords, the States, were well discovered to be no such matters as they were made: as it is also undoubtedly to be believed, that his Majesty, and the States, will yet further do in this affair: and so the cause of the Dutch Company may be (in the carriage hereof) rightly justified. Of which I understand that the Lords the States have special regard, and that they have been throughly informed, what is the very truth of the things there past, and of the Execution in Amboyna upon the English conspirators. Unto which end the Lords the States resolved to see and peruse all the Papers and Letters, touching the said proceed: And now thereupon men speak far otherwise than heretofore; for pretences, and cavils (being once detected) cannot stand with truth. And it doth plainly appear, that there is little truth in the matter of Torture, reported to be most cruelly inflicted upon these English conspirators, as in England it is said. And I have ever suspected this for a slander: for I know the Dutch Nation doth naturally abhor this kind of cruelty, and are as much moved to commiseration, as any other people. But whether these evil minded men, who have scattered this great slander in England, and have so foully defaced a just cause, have done it by occasion of our use of Tortures in these Lands, in some weighty causes, according to the custom of the most Dominions of Europe; I cannot Judge. But is that to be censured & Judged to be unjust of the whole world, which is repugnant to the Laws of England, (or any one Nation) where Torture is rarely used? Nothing so; but the Justice or injustice of a cause must be (as aforesaid) determined, according to the Laws where it is done, and not of other Lands. If this were not so, why then should not the whole World much more Judge that as a hard, & a thing unheard (and therefore condemnable) which in some causes is used in England, according to the Laws there, when they proceed against some guilty persons; who being once & again asked of the Judge, and utterly refusing to be legally tried, is adjudged as dumb, that is, by contumacy; whose condemnation then accordingly followeth, that he is laid upon a table, or plank, and another plank upon him, and so much weight of stone or lead laid upon him, that his body is miserably bruised, and so pressed violently to death. The which, according to the confession of all Nations, (especially, because this kind of justice is not used in other Lands) and by the English writers, is judged to be one of the most sharp and severe kinds of death, that can be invented; yet cannot such an execution be called cruel and unlawful, when it is done in England, because it is done according to the Laws of that Land, though strangers shall judge otherwise of it. And in like manner the English Nation cannot complain of the Torture which evil-willers say, was used upon these English Conspirators in Amboyna, because it is done according to the Laws of this Government, and is not unusual in cases of Treason, neither withus, nor (almost) any Nation in Europe. And for England itself, it is well known (and his most excellent Majesty doth acknowledge by his own Princely pen) that the Rack, and the Manacles, are the only Tortures, that are exercised upon Traitors, to force them to confess, (without concealment) what they know to be dangerous to the State.  
And to say the Truth, without taking parts, the English Conspirators being affronted with the uniform & written confessions of the 11 Japonians (their complices) which could convince them sufficiently according to the laws, & find them guilty of the same conspiracy, & consequently of death: if now, not withstanding this they had persisted in the stout denial of the fact, were not this, (to (speak according to the manner in England) enough to judge them dumb by contumacy, and so to esteem them worthy of this sore punishment of Pressing to death, as is aforesaid? but this torture of ours (if any in Amboyna were so tortured) is to be judged far less, than that pressing, where the Malefactor doth suffer such extreme misery, as cannot be imagined, and which is not to be lenified or eased at all, but ended by death. But to the sufficient fatisfaction of myself, and your Worship, and all men, and not to speak according to the sentence, and conscience of others; I have used all diligence to get into my hands the written Process, concerning the Conspirators in Amboyna, which I obtained authentically, and read carefully, and I find, that all, that is by me abovesaid, is confirmed, to wit, That the Japonian Complices were examined, and made their confessions as aforesaid, for three days, viz. the 23, 24, 25. of February, 1623. and that all this being done, and consummated before, then at last, is Gabriel Towerson, first with the rest of the English Complices imprisoned, the said 25. of February, when their examination and confession began, & continued divers days, without over-hasting till the third of March. And the said examinations and confessions being so finished, the netherlands Governor and Council, deliberated whether the punishment might be deferred to any long time, or referred to any other place; but it was so concluded by joint consent of all, that the said punishment (there deserved) must be executed in the same place for example, and that it could not (in any wise) be delayed without extreme danger, for reasons there related; and among others ', because the Tarnatanes, and Indians about Amboyna, had otherwise than they were wont, rebelled; neither could it be fully known, what great confederacy these Conspirators had made with them, and others. And touching any extraordinary, and cruel Torture, I have accuratly over-looked every ones confession, but I find not one word in any one, which maketh any mention of such Torture, as is unjustly spoken of in England; nay, scarce find any mention of that ordinary Torture, which is in use, save only these words, in one act of the 25 February 1623. viz. The Council being gathered together, have thought meet, that all the English should be presently examined one after another (as accordingly it was instantly done) and some of them, before any torture, others, after a little (or rather a touch) of it, confessed as followeth. Unto which, followeth presently, the particular confession of each one, subscribed with his own hand, as aforesaid. So that hence it is manifest, that no extraordinary Torture was used, in such manner as is given out there, by those that wish us evil; nay, that those few that felt any, were only touched (not punished) with ordinary Torture.  
And thus your Worship hath the upright, and impartial truth of this business, touching the whole passage as it proceeded, and the punishment as it was inflicted; from which, some English were exempted by favour, that the English goods should not be lost, cording as order hath been given to that end: And I find that the sentence was given the ninth of March 1623. by a competent assembly of 14 Judges; who, (as it appeareth in the sentence) in the doing thereof did (before) earnestly call upon the Name of the Lord, that he would please to be Precedent and Predominant in every one of their hearts in this their sorrowful assembly; and that he would inspire them only with that which might be judged to be expedient and just, etc. So that out of all that is above said, nothing else can appear, but that this business was managed lawfully, and orderly, by men of honesty and conscience, against such as had undertaken against the State, against the wealth and advantage of this East-India Company, the lives of their Officers there placed, against the estate and welfare of many, who had little deserved, and as little expected such wickedness from their friendly confederates in the same society of Merchants, there resident with them.  
And now (considering the premises) I hope it shall be far from every Christian in any wise to protect or excuse this wicked Fact, but rather to mourn and grieve (as we do) for this conspiracy, and for the evil, the Conspirators have so deservedly drawn upon their own heads; and to honour them, who in Justice have punished villainy, according to the due merit thereof; for we all know, that without JUSTICE, without reward of that which is Good, and punishment of that which is Evil, no society of mankind can consist.  
And of this information, (which I send in love, and honour to your Worship, as unto a lover of Truth, and a hater of Treachery) you may make such use, as to you shall seem good, in any place where you come, both for refutation of any thing already reported contrary thereunto, and for prevention of any further false rumours, or clamours; and finally, for propagation of that undoubted truth, which here (to my best) I have endeavoured to discover. And if you shall meet with any thing of worth; which can be truly avowed, to be contradictory unto any thing I have written, I desire to understand it from you, and you to suspend your wise and impartial judgement, till I have cleared it unto you. TRUTH remaineth ever the same. So I commend you to the God of Truth, desiring him to give us minds, Not to judge according to outward appearance, but to judge with a righteous judgement.  
From my Lodging, July 23. 1624.   

AN ANSWER To the Dutch Relation, touching the Pretended Conspiracy of the English at AMBOYNA in the Indies.  
THe Compiler of this Relation, perceiving that he had an hard task to make it probable, that eighteen Englishmen Merchants and their servants, all un-armed, should, with the help and assistance of ten Japons, likewise un-armed, undertake the surprise of a Castle, so provided every way, as that of Amboyna, is before in the Relation of the English truly described to be: as also the same Author, well weighing, that albeit all that he was to write of this pretended Conspiracy, should be taken for true, yet the fact would seem very poor to bear so rigorous a punishment in persons of that quality, and of that Relation to those that inflicted it; provides more skilfully than fairly, for both these points in the preamble of this Relation: To this end, he rakes and heaps together all the jealousies and dangers that the Dutch had in the Indies: yea, and more than they truly had, at or about the time of the pretended conspiracy, and applies them all to the suspicion of this business: as if all their enemies were likely to conspire with the English; and therefore the fact, under colour whereof they were condemned and executed, were possible and probable; and as if the state of the time had been then so dangerous, that every shadow of conspiracy was to be tightly enquired of, & the least offence to be severely punished. Wherefore although this be no direct charge of the English, but used by the Author to supply the want of probabilities in the process itself, it will not be amiss to examine the several circumstances, and how far they may yield any suspicion against the said English.  
Now this Author taketh the main grounds of this suspicion of some great plot against the Province of Amboyna, from the unwonted boldness and insolences of the Ternatans'; first in the Molluccos, and then in Amboyna. For those in the Molluccos, he saith, they had lately before the pretended conspiracy of the English, gone about, contrary to the Treaty, Anno 1606. between them and the Dutch, to make peace with the King of Tedore, and truce with the Spaniard, without the consent or knowledge of them, the Dutch: which how honestly and conscionably it is alleged to this purpose, may appear by the Journals of those parts, which evidently show, that this Treaty between those of Ternata and Tedore, was in November 1621. that is to say, fifteen Months before this forged conspiragie; and that with the knowledge of Houtman, the Governor of the Dutch, who, upon the 19 of November the year aforesaid, acquainted M. Nichols, the Agent of the English in those parts, with the preparations of this Treaty, which was actually holden at Ternata the 24 of the same month. But the matter was so well handled by the Dutch, to keep those neighbour Islands in perpetual War, that the Treaty was dissolved re infecta: And the seventh of December following, an Edict was published by the King of Ternata, commanding all the Tedorians forth with to departed the Island of Ternata, upon pain to be made Slaves. After this, the correspondence between the Dutch and Ternatans' in the Molluccoes, returned into as firm state as ever; the Ternatans' performing daily exploits against the Spaniards, and communicating the Triumph with the Dutch: As the seventeenth of February 1622. being a full year before the seined Treason of the English, the King of Ternata, with twenty Curricurries, took a Spanish Galley, slew forty in fight, and took 150 Prisoners, whom they sold to the Dutch for Cloth and Rice: and coming by the Hollanders Castle of Maalaio, the eighteenth of the same Month, with the heads of divers Spaniards at his Stern, the Dutch saluted him from their said Castle with nine shot of great Ordnance. The 25 of April following, the Admiral of the King of Ternata took a Prow of the Spaniards, slew some, and sold the rest to the Dutch. The 28 of the same Month, both Dutch and English were feasted by the King of Ternata. The 22 of May next ensuing, the King of Ternata went forth to Machian with six Curricurries, and at his departure was honoured with thirty shot of great Ordinance from the Dutch Castle. The 15 of June the Admiral of the King of Ternata made a Voyage towards Mindanow, carrying divers of the Dutch with him to assist him. The third of July the Ternatanes took other Prisoners, and sold them to the Dutch. The 24 of August the King of Ternata made one Vogler a Dutch Merchant his Treasurer; at whose instalment in his new Office, the Dutch gave seven great shot from the Castle. And this good correspondence, between the Ternatans' and the Dutch in the Molluccos, continued even until, and after the execution of the English at Amboyna: which was (as hath been showed) in February, 1623. New stile. Upon the 14 of which Month, the Dutch gave the King of Ternata, and other Blacks, two hundred Bails of Japan Rice, with other presents: at the delivery whereof, there were shot off from the Castle seven pieces of Ordnance, and three Volleys of small shot. By all which may appear, how fmceerly this Author applieth the diffidence between the Dutch and the King of Ternata, which was now none at all, to this business of Amboyna.  
The next point is, that the Ternatans' in the Molluccos went about also to make truce with the Spaniards, without consent or knowledge of the Dutch; wherein this dealing of the Author is worse than the former. For this Treaty of truce appeareth by the Journals, to have been holden the 19 of July 1623. which was five months after the execution of the English at Amboyna, and so came too late to move suspicion against them.  
And yet this pretended fear and jealousy of the Molluccos is further amplified by the strength of the Spaniard, being then (as this Author affirmeth) Master of the Sea there, and that by default of the English; who, contrary to the Treaty of the year 1619, had deserted the defence, and sent no more ships, neither to the Molluccos, nor to the Manilliaes': whence now the Spaniards had means to send Ships, Galleys, and Pinnaces, to the Molluccos. What the strength of the Spaniard in the Molluccos (by Sea) was, at the time of this pretended fear, may appear by the exploits before mentioned, done upon them by the Curricurries of the Ternatans', without help of the Hollanders. But for the default of the English, which is here odiously alleged, it will be requisite to set down the true causes, wherefore the English relinquished the action of defence, as well at the Manilliaes', as elsewhere; being a matter much aggravated upon all occasions by the Hollanders, albeit themselves have given the cause thereof. Wherefore shortly, the true motives of the English, their desisting from the action of defence, were as followeth. The English had by agreement of the Council of defence, two years together maintained a Fleet of five tall & warlike ships, to join with the like strength of the Hollanders, for the action of the Manilliaes', and the profit of the Voyage (as the charge) to be common to both Companies. The Dutch prepared another Fleet of seven ships, all of their own, for Macao, bordering upon China, near the Manilliaes', without giving knowledge thereof to the English at Jaccatra, until their Fleet was ready to departed thence; well knowing, that upon such warning it would be impossible for the English to prepare a like force to join with them. To those they appointed also eight Pinnaces that were then abroad, to join; and afterwards sent another Ship with provisions unto them. This Fleet passing by two of the English Ships, which were appointed for that quarter of the Manilliaes'; the English welcomed them, and offered to join with them in their exploit: which the Dutch refused, saying, That this being an exploit of their own, the English should neither participate of the fact, nor of the benefit that might arise thereby. Likewise, by agreement of the Council of defence of both Nations, there was another Fleet of ten Ships set forth at the equal charge of the English and Dutch, for the coast of Mallabar, to secure the Trade in that part. Of the Dutch Ships (about a month after they set sail) two were found to be so weak and leak, that they were fain to return to Jaccatra. The rest being come to their quarter, two of the best of the Dutch Ships were sent away by the Dutch Admiral, for the Red-sea, contrary to their instructions and Commission at Jaccatra from the Council of defence, and notwithstanding the protestations, obtestations and exclamations of the English against this prevarication. So that four Caracks of the Portugals coming that way, the rest of the Fleet of the English and Dutch being thus weakened by the default of the four Dutch ships aforesaid; the fairest opportunity that ever happened either before or since the joining of the English and Dutch Companies, or is ever likely to offer itself in the future, was lost and utterly defeated. By this it appeareth, what cause the Dutch have to complain of the English for deserting the action of defence, and what reason and encouragement the English have to continue the joint action and charge with those that use so little sincerity, ever contriving the common actions and charge to their private advantage; that when the joint forces are employed to give the enemy work in one part, they (the Hollanders) might with ease oppress them in another, and appropriate the whole benefit to themselves.  
The next suspicion that this author gathereth, is from the insolences of the Ternatans' of Amboyna, dwelling at Lobo and Cambello, & thereabouts; who (as this Author saith) presumed now beyond former example, to outrage the Subjects of the Dutch, slaying them, & carrying them away for slaves, yea, burning two of their houses, one at Lobo, and another at Manichels': for which, when the Governor went out with a Fleet to crave justice and reparation, he was braved by the Ternatans' with a stronger Fleet than his own; yea, they threatened to come with an hundred Curricurries against Amboyna.  
This dealing of the Author is like the former about the Treaty of peace with the Tedorians, and truce with the Spaniards. For when the Governor of Amboyna set forth the last Fleet of Curricurries before the apprehension of the English, he stood in good terms with the Ternatans' at Lobos neither of the Factories here mentioned, being then burnt or injured. The Governor then went only, according to his yearly custom, to visit the skirts and outparts of Amboyna, and had no affront offered him. After that, upon occasion of a Slave of the English that ran away, and being afterwards laid hold on, was rescued by a reputed holy man of or near that part; the English craved assistance of the Dutch Governor, who did his best, but was therein abused by those of Lobo; and not only some of his men outraged, but the English Factor M. Beaumont (to whom this Slave belonged) was waylaid by the people of the said holy man: and in stead of him, one of the servants of the Dutch was slain between Cambello and Lobo. The next day also, was Beaumont himself assailed, and shot in the hand by the same holy man's people, who also a little before did their best to kill William Grigs, another of the English Factours, that finding the said Slave at Lobo, laid hold on him there. Upon this occasion, both the English and Dutch left their factory at Lobo, which was shortly after burnt by those Ternatans'. That other, touching the burning of the factory at Manichels', is more grossly applied than the former; for that factory was burnt after the English were apprehended: besides that, this Author dissembleth that there was a vehement and common suspicion at Amboyna, that this Factory at Manichels' was burnt, not by the Ternatans', but by the Dutch Factor himself, who, being there alone, was said to have first conveyed away the goods of the Dutch and the English there for his own use, and then to have burnt the factory; laying the fact upon the Ternatans'.  
After this ended, the Governor of Amboyna made out a Fleet of Curricurries, to procure reparation of those excesses; and therein not going so strong as he might, was braved by those Ternatanes of Amboyna. But this was after the apprehension and execution of the English; and so is as honestly applied to move suspicion in this place, as the joint quarrel of the English and Dutch with those of Lobo, beginning upon occasion of the English, and as the burning of the factory at Manichels', done after the English were apprehended and imprisoned. As for the threats of the Ternatans' here mentioned, that they would come with 100 Curricurries against Amboyna, it is (for aught any of the English ever heard) a mere fiction; at most, it was a vain brag, and such as could not affright the Governor, that knoweth well that the Ternatans' have no gunpowder, nor other provisions for such an exploit; and yet are far behind the Governor of Amboyna for number of Curricurries, besides the Dutch ships and Caffles.  
The next cause of suspicion, this Author makes to be an idle report in the East parts beyond Banda (uncertain which, or by whom) that the Hollanders were already quit of their Castle at Amboyna. A poor pretence, & not worthy to be answered; yet still further discovering what penury of good matter this author had, that he was fain to borrow such crazy stuff.  
But the last, and that which alone is expressly applied to the English, is, That about this time the Dutch understood, that those of Lobo and Cambello held great and secret correspondence with the English. How did the Dutch understand this? or why doth not this Author express the particular proof, in a matter so pertinent? It is true, the English had their Factories at Lobo and Cambello; but in the same houses with the Dutch; and for their joint account, and had Traffic with the Countrypeople, as the Dutch had, but what secret correspondence is this? or what danger to the Dutch? Was the burning of the Factories, which belonged to the English as well as to the Dutch, a note of good intelligence between the English and the Imcendiaries? What was that for correspondency with those of Lobo, when at one time they waylaied M. Beaumont to kill him, and at another time shot him in the hand with an Arrow, offered to kill William's Grigs, and from time to time abused and outraged our People, equally with, and as the Dutch? further, our People as well as the Dutch, had now dissolved their factory at Lobo, and were come all thence. What Letters or Messages did they ever send thither afterwards? or how, and by what means maintained they this correspondence? Yet this was understood, saith this Relation. How understood? Perhaps by the Governors' dreams: for that (as he afterwards told Mr. Welden, Hill, and Cartwright, that came thither from Banda) was a motive to him to examine the first Japon, which was the beginning of the whole process.  
The Author having thus quit himself in this preface, proceedeth to the matter itself, first setting down the occasion and manner of the discovery of this pretended plot, and then the confessions of the Japons and of the English: but he maketh no mention of any torture used upon the Japons that first confessed, nor of any other indicium or presumption to torture or examine that Japon; but only his curious questioning, touching the setting and changing of the Watch, and of the number of the Soldiers in the Castle: which, what sufficient indicium and cause it was to torture a Soldier of their own, that serving them, had reason to desire to understand the course of their Watches, and the strength of the aid he might expect, if any sudden attempt should happen in his quarter; is easily to be judged. And how this poor man, and the rest of his Countrymen were tortured, appeareth in the English relation. Here also is concealed, by what manner and kind of questions, this and the other Japons were led along in their confessions, to make up the plot just as the Dutch had devised it: as also, what other answers they made, before they were thus directed. That they, and the English both, confessed what the Dutch would have them, is no doubt nor wonder, being so tormented and feared with torture; etiam innocentes cogit mentiri dolour, But what likelihood or possibility there is of the truth of their confessions (if yet they confessed, as is here related) may appear by that which hath been already discoursed in this point, towards the end of the English Relation, which for brevity's sake is here forborn to be repeated: yet some circumstances, which the Dutch Relation hath more than the English, deserve here to be examined. And first, that of Abel Price the English Barber, who is made the messenger and negotiator of this practice with the Japons. It is true, that he (and he alone of all the English) had some kind of conversation with some of the Japons, that is, he would dice and drink with them, as he likewise did with other Blacks, and with the Dutch also. But is it credible, that Mr. Towerson would commit any thing of moment, nay, so dangerous a matter as this to a drunken debauched sot, who also (as the English, that were there, constantly report) threatened to cut his, the said Towersons throat, for that he had punished him for his misdemeanours? Further, this Relation maketh this Abel Price confess, that all the English Merchants in the out-Factories, were privy and accessary to this pretended treason: Yet the Governor and Fiscal in in their own process found John Powel, Ephraim Ramsey, and two other, guiltless.  
After Price his confession, he sets down the general substance of all the confessions in one body; where first having assigned M. Towerson a preface to the rest, to induce them to the exploit, he tells us; that they made doubt of the point of possibility, (as well they might) knowing the weakness of their own part & impregnable strength of the Dutch, in comparison of theirs: for satisfaction of which their doubt, he saith, M. Towerson told him that he had already won the Japons within the Castle to his purpose, and that he would attempt this matter; not when the Dutch were at their full strength, and the English at the weakest, but would expect till the Governor should be somewhere abroad upon some exploit, and some English Ships, or Ship at least, at Amboyna; the people whereof he would use in the enterprise: Likewise he would send for the Factors and slaves of the other Factories, and should have a supply from the Ternatans' of Lobo, of certain Curricurries, etc.  
Here he hath enrolled a goodly army for this action; but let us see the manner how they should have executed their exploit: and first for the Japons in the Castle, we must believe, if this Author or his voucher say true, that Master Towerson had acquainted those, and won them to his plot, before he had imparted it to his own Countrymen the English. And yet in the acts of the process, Emanuel Tomson is recorded to have confessed, that 8. days after the consultation, Master Towerson told him, that he had then sent out Johnson and Price to treat with the Japons, and win their consent to this enterprise. But what should these (being all but ten) have done? Marry (saith the relation by and by) Mr. Towerson had ordained, that eight of them should have been bestowed, by two in a company, upon the four points of the Castle, to kill all those that would resist them, and to take the rest Prisoners. It must be (therefore) here imagined, that the Dutch and their Mardikers in their Castle, being three or four hundred, would scorn to take the advantage of sending forty or fifty; much more of an entire company to any point of the Castle, but would combat with the Japons at even hand by two at a time, and so give the Japons leave and respite to kill or take them by two and by two. A sweet conceit, and such a service as perhaps hath been sometimes represented upon a stage, but never acted in surprise of a Castle in good earnest.  
Thus we see how eight of the Japons were to be employed; what should the other two have done? forsooth they should have waited in the great chamber to murder the Governor. Yea, but this relation told us yer while, that this plot should have been executed when the Governor was abroad upon some action. How then should these two Japons have killed him in the Castle, at the same time? But we see how all the Japons (that is) all the pretended party of the English within the Castle, should have been occupied. Who should have opened the gates to the English, and their other aids? who should have killed the Court of guard at the Gate? These parts were left for them that were without; therefore let us take a review of them, what they were. The Relation mustereth them to be fourteen English, whereof eleven were Merchants; one Steward of the house, one Tailor, and one Barber, to dress the wounded, besides God knows how many English shippers, Slaves, and Ternatans': First, for the English Merchants, of what dexterity they are to take Forts, is easily judged; and in all the English house, when it was seized by the Dutch, upon this pretended Treason, the whole Provision was but three Swords, two Hand-guns, and about half a pound of Powder. Yea, but the English ship or ships would have brought both fit men and better provision. But how knew Master Towerson that those of the English ships, when they came, would join with him in this work, being so contrary to the Treaty, and itself so dangerous? or why did he not stay the opening of the Plot till this ship or ships were come, that he might swear the shippers also, or at least the chief Officers amongst them, and take their advice? Is it possible that Master Towerson was so slight, as to open his plot to all the English at Amboyna, yea, to the Tailor and Barber, so long before it was to be put in execution, and before he knew the minds of his chiefest assistants, of whose arrival he was so uncertain? Yea, but he was sure of the Slaves of the English, and of the Ternatans' of Lobo, with their Curricurries in quemlibet eventum. This indeed is the remainder of the Army; let us view them. The Slaves were, in all the English Factories, just six in number, and all boys: The Ternatans' were Enemies as well to the English as to the Dutch, as is before showed in answer to the Preface. When were they reconciled? how cometh it, that in all the examinations of the English, this point was not sifted, and somewhat confessed of it amidst so many Tortures? There is no confession thereof in all the examinations; and Mr. Towerson in his expressly denied it, and was pressed no further. The truth is, the Governor and Fiscal of Amboyna knew, that what ever had been confessed in this point, would not have been believed by their own People there; who knew well enough, that the first beginning of this breach between the Dutch and Ternatans' of Lobo, was about the Slave of the English: and the outrages thereupon following, were done upon the English, as well as upon the Dutch. Yet this Author seems to hope that that may be believed here in Europe, which had no colour at Amboyna.  
Concerning the time of executing this plot, it was not (as the Relation saith) yet prefixed, but left to the next meeting of the Conspirators, which should be shortly holden, when Gabriel Towerson had prepared all things, etc. Here was certainly a hot practice of Treason, and worthy to be termed by this Author, An horrible conspiracy. They met together on New years day, and plotted as is before related: and now it was the five, and twentieth of February, and not only nothing done all this Interim, but not so much as a new consultation. But this (forsooth) is the body and substance of the unanimous confession of all the English, by themselves severally subscribed. In the next place the Author relateth somewhat singular in M. Towersons confession; as that he said, he was moved to this fact by hope and desire of honour and profit: and being demanded from whom he attended this honour, and for whom he meant to hold the Castle, his answer was, That if he could have compassed his project, he would forthwith have given advertisement thereof to the rest of his Nation at Jaccatra (which now they have christened Batavia,) and have craved their aid: which if they had yielded to him, than he would have held the Castle for the English Company; and if not, than he would have kept it for himself, and have used means to have agreed with the Indians; and so, by one means or other, would have compassed the enterprise.  
Here first is to be observed, that he would not (as this Author makes him speak) have sent for aid to Jaccatra, until he were first Master of the Castle; and yet in the general confession before, it is said, he would attend the coming of some English ships or ship, before he would adventure upon the Castle. Next, let the ambiguous and alternative resolution, here said to be confessed by Master Towerson, be considered in both the parts thereof, and it will appear, that no man in his wits would have any such conceit as is here pretended. What hope could Master Towerson have, that the Precedent and English Council at Jaccatra, living under command of the Dutch Fort there, and altogether Subject to the Hollanders, durst join in any such action, thereby to give occasion to the Hollanders to arrest, torture and condemn them of Treason? Master Towerson knew well enough, that about six Months before, the General of the Dutch at Jaccatra, had caught at a very slight occasion to entrap the English Precedent there: who having sent out two of his people in the night to the English Cowhouse, to see what watch the Blacks in their service kept over their ; the said two English were apprehended by the Dutch Soldiers, kept in prison seven days, and charged, that they had said, that they went the Round: and one of them, being last examined, was told by the Balieu (the Officer of the Dutch in Criminal causes) that his fellow had confessed, that they had said they went the Round, and that by the English Precedents Commission; and if he would not confess the same, he should be tortured: but the fellow, being constant in the truth, came off at last without torture, yet this was Item enough to the English Precedent and Council, how the intent of the Dutch was to entrap them upon the least occasion: and this, and other daily captious deal of the Dutch at Jaccatra, which were too long here to recite, were all advertised from time to time to M. Towerson, who therefore was sure he could expect no assistance from them, that were themselves in in such a predicament. The other part of Mr Towersons resolution is said to have been, To keep the Castle for himself, and to agree with the Indians, in default of help from the English. This is yet more improbable than the former. Were the Portugals and Indians not able to keep out the Dutch from Amboyna, when they had no footing there; and shall Captain Towerson, with twenty or thirty English and Japons, without ship or Pinnace, be able, with the help only of the poor naked Indians, to drive them out, having already three Castles in the Islands of Amboyna, and at Cambello hard by, all well furnished with men and provision, besides their power of shipping, which makes them style themselves Lords of the Sea? And yet how could Master Towerson hope to win the Amboynezes (the Hollanders sworn Subjects) to his side? He might rather assure himself, that after he had mastered the Hollanders (if yet that must be believed to be possible) the Amboynezes would have surprised him, and cast him out (being so weakly provided to stand of himself,) that so they might utterly free themselves from their servitude. Here also must be remembered, that this Authori himself in his preamble saith, that the Indians themselves durst not undertake any such great design (as he there feigneth) against the State of Amboyna, without some great aid of some Nation of Europe, either of Spaniards, Portugals, or some other. Whereby is not only confessed, how weak the Indians of themselves are; but withal it followeth, how small hope Mr. Towerson might have, being deserted of his own Nation (as here the case is put,) to hold the Castle for himself by the help of those Indians, if yet he could once have won it. In a word; they that know the power of the Hollanders in Amboyna and thereabouts, and the weakenss of the poor Indians there, will judge this conceit of Master Towersons (to keep the Castle for himself) to be a mad plot; and for which, Master Towerson should rather have been sent to Bedlam, or the Dullen Kissed (as the Dutch call it,) than to the Gallows.  
But this Author hath one voluntary confession, upon which he taketh special hold; to wit, that Master Towerson, after his examination was finished, being expostulated withal by the Dutch Governor, and demanded whether this should have been the recompense of his (the Governors) manifold courtesies towards him; answered with a deep sigh, Oh! were this matter now to do, it should never be done. This voluntary confession and penitent acknowledgement, saith this Author, was made the ninth of March, being the day when the execution was to be done: but the examination of Towerson was ended the eight and twentieth of February, so many days before. But how shall we believe this? Forsooth, he hath it out of the Acts of the Process of Amboyna. Yea, but in these Acts are omitted many material passages of these examinations, as is already showed: why may they not then be guilty of addition, as well as of such mutilation and omission? But let us peruse the words of the Act itself, which are these:  
WE whose names are hereunto subscribed, to declare upon our troth, in stead of an oath, that Gabriel Towerson, after that he had been already examined touching his said offence, and that the Worshipful Governor Van Speult had expostulated with him thereupon, ask him whether this should have been the recompense of his courtesies from time to time shown unto him, the said Towerson: thereupon he, the said Towerson, with a deep sigh answered him, and said, Oh! if this were to be begun again, it should never be done. Actum this ninth of March, in the Castle of Amboyna, and subsigned.  

Harman van Speult.  
Haurence de Maerschalck.  
Clement Kersse boom.  
Harman Cray-vanger.  
Peter van Zanten.  
Leonart Clock.   
Thus we see the Act itself, and this pretended voluntary confession of Mr. Towerson; which is not delivered upon the credit of the Court or Council at Amboyna (and yet how small that is, is before shown) but upon the Attestation or Affidavit of the Governor and five others, the principal actors in this bloody Tragedy: And this not upon their Oath, but upon their troth, or honest word (forsooth) in stead of an Oath. The time when these words were uttered by Mr. Towerson, is not described by the day when he spoke them, but only by the precedent Act of his examination. And yet the circumstance of time is not only an usual and customrie solemnity, and requisite in all such Attestations; but also in a business of this nature altogether necessary: as likewise in this case, that of the place was. For if these words were spoken in the place of Torture, or incontinently after the examination ended, they are by their own Law, esteemed no more voluntary, than the confession upon the Rack itself. Neither yet doth this Attestation affirm, that this confession was voluntary. But this Author, unconscionably reporting the date of the Attestation, for the time of the confession, collects it to be voluntary, because (as he saith) it was made the ninth of March, being so many days after his examination, which was taken the 28. of February. Can a man attest nothing but what was done upon the very day when he maketh Affidavit? The Attestation saith, that these words were spoken by M. Towerson, after he had been already examined. Why may not that have been rather upon the very day of his examination, than upon the day when this Act was entered; if yet he ever spoke any such words, or meant them, as he is here interpreted? the contrary whereof is the more probable by all the circumstances of this business, truly set down in the Relation of the English.  
But in that this Author makes so much of this poor circumstance, of M. Towersons profession of sorrow for what was done, naming it a voluntary confession; it is plain how destitute he was of voluntary confessions, and of all true and concluding circumstances. What? was there not a Letter or other Paper, to be found in all the Chests and Boxes of the English, so suddenly seized at Amboyna, Larica, Hitto, and Cambello, to discover this treason? nor amongst so many complices of divers Nations, a false brother to betray the rest, and to accuse them voluntarily; but the process must begin with the Torture, and the Heathens confession upon Torture, be sufficient to bring Christians to Torture, the debauched and notoriously infamous persons (such as Prive was) to draw torture upon the sober, orderly, and unstained? And yet this Relation itself confesseth, that Price's confession was drawn from him by the Examiner's specifying of place, person and time unto him. Certainly one of their own Nation had reason to advice, that more Advocates might be sent over to the Indies, 
Demonstration to the Lords States, touching the government of the Majores.  to aid the accused, to make a legal answer: For, saith he, they go to work there so villainously and murtherously, that the blood of the poor people crieth to heaven for vengeance.  
But why have we no particular of any man's confession, but this of Price, and Mr. Towerson, and all the rest blended together in one body? Did none of all the rest go farther than his fellows, or confess more than they? Where is Sharrocks confession, that he was at Amboyna upon New-year's day, when ten or twelve of the  themselves witnessed he was at Hitto? Where is his confession of Clarks plot to go to Maccassar, to deal with the Spaniards there, to come and rob the samll Factories? Where is Collins confession of another plot, about two Months and a half before his examination, undertaken by Tomson, Johnson, Price, Brown, Fardo, and himself? Where be the leading Interrogatories, that directed them to the accusation framed by the Dutch, lest otherwise there had been as many several Treasons confessed, as persons examined? Not a word of all this, nor of a great deal more of this kind, which is here in England proved by the oath of six credible persons, to have pased in the examinations. Whereby appeareth, how faithfully the Dutch at Amboyna have entered the Acts of this process. Well, at last he concludes the Narration of the confessions, with the summing up of the number and Nations of the parties, that had thus confessed; which, he saith, were ten Japons fourteen English, and the Neatherlandish Marnicho, or Captain of the Slaves By which last words, he would give the Reader occasion to think, that the fact was so clear, and their own proceeding so even and just, that they had executed one of their own Neatherlanders for it. Which how true it is, is already declared in the conclusion of the English Relation. The truth is, this Captain of the Slaves was of the Portugal race, and born in Bengala. His very name, Augustin Perez, showeth, he was no Neatherlander.  
Having thus finished this Relation, this Author proceedeth to a disputation: and taking notice of some aspersions in England cast upon these proceed at Amboyna, he divideth them into two heads; the one, that the process was without its due formality; the other, that there was excess and extremity used against the Conspirators. For the point of formality, he first taketh great pains to prove, that the formalities of process in Amboyna, are not therefore unlawful, because they agree not with our form in England. Which labour he might have spared: for no wise man will deny him this point. And such as shall be so ignorant as to blame the Dutch for varying from us herein, were not worthy the answering. Herewithal also he deduceth the Title of the Lords States General to the Sovereignty of Amboyna; and so the Governor of Amboyna'es' Jurisdiction, in causes as well Criminal as Civil, to be rightly grounded. Thence he concludes, that the Japons being sworn servants to the Dutch, and in their pay, were Subject to the Jurisdiction of the Dutch Governor. Then he telleth us, that the Author, and complices of murder and treason, are by the Laws of all Nations to be punished with death; all which points may be granted him without any prejudice to the cause of the English in this question.  
At last he comes in particular to their case, and affirms, that the chief of the English there might not apprehend the English complices of this conspiracy, because themselves were complices of the fact. All which also may be granted in this point of apprehension, and safe custody: but how it may proceed also in the point of cognisance, shall be anon in due place examined.  
In the mean time, this Author, to make the point of apprehension clear beyond exception, saith, that the English were not apprehended upon the first suspicion, when yet there was evidence, and indicia sufficient to it; but after the examination of all the Japons and their joint confession, that the English, whom they specified by name and surname, had moved and hired them to this treason: yea, not until Abel Price had also confessed as much, and that all the English in the out-Factories were privy thereunto. For answer hereof, that must be repeated which hath been upon other occasions before alleged; that the first beginning of the process, was by the Torture, there being no sufficient evidence or indicium to Torture the Japon, that only sought to inform himself of the course of the Watch, and of the strength of the Castle, wherein himself was a Soldier: and so the whole Series of the examination proceeding from the confession of one Tortured person, to apprehend and Torture another, without other evidence; though it brought forth more confessions, and those with name and surname, and other circumstances, according as the Interrogatories (or rather directories) of the Governor and Fiscal led the prisoners, was wholly against the form and rule of all Laws of Tortures.  
Scilicet in fabrica si pravae est regula prima,  
Caetera mendose fieri, atque obstipa necesse est.  
But here must be answered an objection that may be made against this, from another part of this relation, that is, that some of the English confessed without or before Torture; yea, this Price here mentioned, was either not Tortured at all, or very lightly. Yea, but he was showed the Tortured bodies of the poor Japons, martyred with fire and water, and told, that unless he would confess that, which they told him they had first confessed, he should be Tortured as ill, or worse than they. This fear of Torture is by their own Law, equalled to the Torture itself, and consequently, the confession thereupon made no better indicium or evidence to bring another man to the Torture, than the confession made upon the Rack itself. Again, it must be here remembered, that the very matter of Price his confession here mentioned, to wit, that all the English Merchants of the out-Factories, were privy to the pretended treason; was resuted by the process of the  themselves, that found Powel, Ramsey, and two others of those Factories guiltless.  
Next, this Author taketh notice of an objection made in England against the Jurisdiction of the Dutch Governor, and his Council at Amboyna, over the English there; because this power is, by the Treaty of the year 1619. disposed of, and agreed to consist in the Council of defence of both Nations at Jaccatra. For information in which point this Author saith, he hath perused over all the several Articles of the said Treaty, and findeth in the 23. Article, that the Fortresses were to remain in the hands of them that then possessed them; and in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth, that the Council of defence hath no other power, but only over the Fleet of defence, over the commerce, and finally, to tax the charges of maintenance of the Forts: But he could not see the thirtieth Article; which orders, that all disputes that cannot be decided by the Council of defence, should be remitted into Europe; first, to the two companies there, and in default of their agreement, to the King and States. Why then was not this dispute so proceeded in? There is nothing in the former Articles, to limit the Council of defence; and this general Article appeareth to be added by way of ampliation, to provide for that which was not particularly and expressly cared for in the former. Which is most plain by the words of the explanation upon this thirtieth Article, agreed upon at the first, and subscribed by the Commissioners on both sides, Anno 1619. where this course of proceeding is expressly directed, not only in disputes about the meaning of the Articles, but also about any other matter happening in their common abode. Since which also the King's Majesty hath, upon a smaller occasion, than the life of his Subjects, clearly declared himself in the point of Sovereignrie; That both Nations in the Indies should wholly lay aside all pretence thereof. Which Declaration was sent to the Lords States General, and by them accepted before this bloody butchery was executed. But if it were granted, that the Hollanders are absolute Lords of their partners, the English, in those parts, without respect to the Treaty, yet at least the Hollanders in Amboyna are bound to observe the Laws of the united Provinces; for so saith this Author himself. Do these allow to begin the process at the torture, and to bring persons of honest fame to the rack, upon others confession made in the torture? Do their Laws allow of the leading interrogatories above mentioned to direct the prisoner what to say, to avoid the torture? Where, in the United Provinces, is that drowning with water in use? or the torture with fire, used to Johnson, Tompsan, and Clark? or especially the splitting of their toes, and lancing of the breast, and putting in Gunpowder, and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left entire, neither for innocence, nor execution? Clark and Tomson were both fain to be carried to their execution, though they were tortured many days before.  
Lastly, their confessions were contradictory, apparently false. and of things impossible to be done, much less practised before by the said parties; and therefore ought not by their law to have been believed, nor the prisoners to have been condemned thereupon, without other sufficient indicia or evidence besides.  
In the last place, this Author handleth the excess of torture whereof (he taketh notice) there is much complaint in England; and saith, That the Lords States General take great care to inform themselves of all the passages of this business, and to that end have desired to see all the Letters, Pieces, and Papers that concern this process: by which it appeareth not, that there was any cruel torture used. But suppose the Acts make no mention of them; is it any marvel that the Authors of this murderous and tyrannous process, being themselves the persons that also form the Acts, would omit those things that made against them? It is to be presumed also, that the Acts kept by their people at Poloway in Banda, have omitted many things of their process, against the poor Polaroons, whom in August 1622, being about 6 months before this execution of the English, their Governor there used in like sort, as the Governor of Amboyna did the English, and gave him a Model and precedent of this process; which it will not be amiss to relate briefly, because this Author, in the next place allegeth the merciful disposition of the Netherlands Nation in general; to infer thence, that it is therefore unlikely, that their Governor at Amboyna was so cruel as is reported in England.  
Polaroon, one of the Islands of Banda, was in possession of the English at the time of the Treaty, Anno 1619, and by the agreement was to remain theirs. After the Treaty came to the Indies, the Hollanders forbore the publishing thereof in the Islands of Banda; until they had taken Polaroon. But, knowing that it must be restored again, according to the Treaty, they first take all courses to make the Island little or nothing worth: they demolish and deface the Building, transplant the Nutmeg-trees plucking them up by the roots, and carrying them into their own Islands of Nera and of Poloway, there to be planted for themselves; and at last find a means to dispeople the Island, and to leave it so, as the English might make no use of it, worth their charge of keeping; and that upon this occasion: There was a young man, the son of an Orankey, or a Gentleman in Polaroon, that had committed Felony; for which by the Laws of his Country, he was to die. This fellow, to save his life, fled to another Island of Banda, called Rofinging, and there turned Christian: but quickly understanding, that that would not make him safe from punishment, he went back secretly to his own country of Polaroon; and, having lurked there a few days, took his passage for Nera, another Island, where the Dutch have a Fort; and told the Dutch Governor, that the Orankeys of Polaroon had conspired to Massacre the Dutch, as well at Polaroon, as at Poloway, with help of the people of Seran, that should send over thirty Curricurries for that purpose. Immediately upon this indicium of this Malefactor, certain Prows, or Fisher-boats of the Polaroons, that were fishing at Poloway, were seized, and the people made prisoners. Command was sent by the Dutch Governor to Polaroon; that the Orankeys should come over to him, that there might be further inquisition made of this matter. The Priest of the Polaroons and seventy Orankes instantly took a Prow or small vessel of their own, and embarked themselves for Poloway. As they were at sea, and yet out of the sight of the Dutch Castle, they were met by a Fisherboat of Bandanezes, and told, how all the rest were apprehended; and that, if they went to Poloway, they were all but dead men. Nevertheless, the Priest and the rest, although they had space and means to have escaped to Seran and other places safe enough from the Hollanders, yet were so confident of their innocence, that they would needs to Poloway to purge themselves. Where, as soon as they were arrived, they were instantly carried prisoners to the Castle: and withal the Governor, with a force of two hundred men, went presently for Polaroon; whence he fetched all the rest of the Orankeys, and brought them prisoners to the same Castle. As soon as they were come, they were presently brought to the torture of water and fire, even in the same sort as our people were afterwards at Amboyna; only herein differing, that of those at Poloway, two were so tortured, that they died in their Tortures, the rest, being one hundred and sixty two persons, were all, upon their own forced confessions, condemned and executed. The Priest, when he came to the place of execution, spoke these words in the Maliaian tongue: All ye, great and small, rich and poor, black and white, look to it: we have committed no fault. And when he would have spoken more, he was taken by the hands and feet, laid along, and cut in two by the middle with a sword. Forthwith, the Governor caused the Wives, Children, and Slaves of those of Polaroon, to be all carried out of the Island, and distributed in other Islands subject to the Dutch; and so have made a clear Country for the English, where they may both plant and gather themselves, destitute of the help of any of the Country people; without whom, neither the English nor Hollanders can maintain their Trade in the Indies. And yet this is not here recited, to the end thereby to charge the netherlands Nation with those cruel proceed, but the persons themselves that have committed those Barbarous Tyrannies: Who, 
Nootwendich discourse, printed An. 1622. under the name of Ymant van Waer mond.  if we shall believe an Author of their own, are not of the best of that Nation. For the Majors (as this Author says) use the Indies as a Tucht-house or Bridewell, to manage their unruly and unthrifty children and kindred; whom, when they cannot rule and order at home, they send to the Indies, where they are preferred to Offices and places of Government. Yea, saith he, they prefer such to be Fiscals there, as never saw Study nor Law. So that it is no marvel, that such persons proceed not with that justice and moderation as is used generally in the Low-Countries, by the choice of the Nation there. And this agreeth well with the report of our Merchants of credit, that came lately from Amboyna; who aver, that, excepting the Governor himself, who is well stepped in years, of the rest of the Council there, as well the Fiscal as others, there was scarce any that had hair on their faces, yea, that most of them are lewd drunken debauched persons; and yet must be Judges as well of our English, as the poor Indians there.  
Now to return to this Authors proofs, that there was no excess used in the proceed; at the last he taketh one Argument by way of comparison, from the Law of England, to press men to death: which he saith, hath much more cruelty than their course of Torture, used by the Dutch in Amboyna, and is holden, as well by some Authors of our own Nation as others, for damnable. How pertinently is this matter of pressing alleged, for justifying of their Tortures, since no man in England is pressed for not confessing, which is the cause of Torture in Dutchland? But the cause why any is pressed, is, for that he obstinately refuseth the Trial of his Country, and challengeth the Judges as incompetent, which the Law appointeth him: which he doth (for the most part) to save his goods, which, but by that ordinary course of Trial, cannot be confiscate. What is this to the point of confession, for refusal whereof, the Dutch use the Torture? And yet no man blameth them for proceeding according to the Law of their Country herein; nor yet in their execution, when they break the legs, arms and thighs of the Malefactors, and then fet them upon a wheel on the end of a great pole, there to languish to death: an execution far more direful than the English pressing, which is so suddenly done, and so seldom used. But why doth he not name the Author of our own or foreign writers, which condemn this kind of execution? Let him do it yet, and he shall have more Authors of his own Country that condemn their course of Tortures: and yet the English complain not of the course in general, but of the unlawful use of it; contrary to the rules of the Laws even of the United Provinces. Lastly, in this point the Author pretendeth, that little or no Torture was used in this process. What the Torture was, and in what degree, appears in the English Relation: but he can find little or none mentioned in the Acts. What if he will not find it? or what if their Officers of Amboyna have concealed it? shall we not believe those that suffered it themselves? shall we not believe those, that being themselves acquitted, yet heard the cries, and saw the bodies of Johnson, Clark, and Tomson, and have confirmed their Relation by their corporal Oaths? As for the Act of the five and twentieth of February, which this Author hath here transcribed; it cannot be a true Act: for therein it is said, that that day all the English were examined one by one, and some before Torture, and some after confessed the Fact. Whereas it appeareth not only by the English Relation, but by this very Author in the precedent page, that they were not all examined the same five and twentieth day of February; but that the examination continued six days together, even to the third of March inclusive. How then could the Act of the five and twentieth of February have all their confessions? By this may appear, what credit may be given to these Acts, or else to this Author. Here also by the way he tells us of the deliberation of their Council; whether the punishment of the Fact might be respited, or the cause removed: wherein it was resolved, that execution must needs be done in the place of the delict, for example sake; and might not be respited, for fear lest the Conspirators (as he terms them) might have more Dependences than yet were known; and in particular, the Ternatans' and other Indians about Amboyna. A poor pretext: as if, having all the English in Irons aboard their several ships, they should need to fear their joining with the Ternatans'. But it may be, they feared some English ships also to come thither: for so they had made their own people believe. And therefore, two ships being descried at Sea, the Dutch and their free Burghers cried out, That there were the English that should have helped to take the Castle: but when they arrived, they proved to be two ships of the Hollanders come from Jaccatra; wherein was a Letter from the Precedent of the English there, to call away Captain Towerson and all the English from Amboyna to Jaccatra. Which Letter was opened and read by the Dutch Governor, while our people were yet in prison, and not executed; and might well have secured him, that there was no further danger to be feared of the English aids of shipping,  the English prisoners had through Torture confessed.  
At last the Author comes to the sentence itself, transcribing out of the Acts of the ninth of March, That the College of Judges being then competent, and calling upon the name of the Lord to assist them in this mournful assembly, to preside in their hearts, and inspire them with equity and Justice; proceeded to sentence, etc. Who knoweth not, but the Act may be thus form, and yet no prayer at all made? or if there were any such prayer, yet the proceed well weighed, will show it to be but like Jezabels Fast, the preparative to the false judgement against Naboth. Neither will the wise and indifferent Judges of this whole matter, conceive the better of the cause, for the Hypocritical formalities therein observed.  
Last of all, he concludes his treatise with a justification, yea, an Elegy and commendation of the whole proceed of the Dutch at Amboyna against the English; not finding the least to be blamed to the Dutch, but aggravating the crime of the English very ridiculously, because (forsooth) that this plot amongst other things, was against the great means of the netherlands East-India Company: as if a conspiracy to rob them, (if any such had been) must needs be Treason, or as if the intent only in any Crime but treason, were Capital.  
Thus have we examined this strained justification of that most Barbarous and execrable process of Amboyna; consisting of a preamble, full of false and forged suspicions; a Narration of the Fact, fraught with ridiculous absurdities, contrarieties, and impossibilities, and of a dispute of impertinences, with concealment of the main grounds of the English griefs. All which verifieth that of Papinian. That Parricides are more easily committed than defended.  
FINIS.   

REMARKS upon the foregoing HISTORY.  
TO husband the Remainder of these Sheets the best that I can, to avoid impertinence, which is certainly the speaking of few things in many words (though grave men use it) and withal to clear up, or to say better, exaggerate one of the most criminal Stories that ever was, I presume to affix what considerations of mine I can set down; not out of any enmity to the Nation, nor to rip up old soars, nor in order to provoke a National jealousy, but upon a clear Intention, to let this Nation see, that as by God's immediate hand, they are rescued out of the bondage of a Monarchy, so in requital of that mercy, they ought to look to be thankful for it. And as he hath provided for them beyond means and hopes, so they ought not to be wanting in any thing that may make appear their detestation of those offences that are in his eyes of anger, but seek by all their power and might, to acquit themselves.  
For the nature of the plot; you have seen what it is, a design of a few Japonnesses to surprise a Castle, whereas in itself, both as they stood unfurnished with arms, and unseconded with ships, while their enemy was strongly Garrifoned, little better than a simple impossibility, besides that, there wanted an end to encourage and recompense such an attempt; and it is withal to be supposed, that the English, in a matter of that importance and danger, would have chosen other Confidents than a number of Japonesses, a people that any reasonable man might from their barbarity suspect; and we are to note, that in the examination of the first Japonness, (which was the beginning of the whole process, there were no legal indicia found from him, the behaviour that he used, being no other than what may be used by any Soldier in the place where he serveth, other indicia there were none in the least, neither of provisions of the English for such an attempt, nor of correspondencies to that purpose, nor any other agreeing with the rules and examples given by the law or its expounders. Besides, it is not enough for to take a confession upon the Rack, God having not sent all men courage of bodies to endure high tortures (as 
* Collins, Beaumont, Sherrock  some in this tragedy, wearied with suffering, bade them propose what they would have them confess) but it is by Law required, that they should be iterated and confirmed some days after, when the pain of the party is over, and no further torment offered unto him. Now in this case, there is never a confession entered in the Acts of the Council of Amboyna, but it is forced from the parties themselves by unsupportable tortures, not one witness being either examined or deposed. Withal, if there had been as much guilt among the English as is suspected, why did none of them attempt, either to transport themselves in the Curricurries, and other vessels, that then departed as freely from Amboyna as at other times, as it was no hard matter, or seek to hid themselves? a guilty conscience being the insecurest thing in the world, and the Japonnesses being at that time at the torture.  
Thus much for the probability of this dangerous machination; now for the legallitie of the proceeding of the Dutch thereupon, we will sit down and consider. The English that were tortured, were subject to an absolute Prince, independent of the Hollander, but in league with them: so they were friends and companions to the Hollanders, and not subjects, and were to be governed by their own Laws, or in case an offence given to the Dutch, by a joint Company of both Nations. But the Governor of Amboyna, took jurisdiction over them, and therefore the whole proceeding had been illegal, had it been as gentle as it was cruel. Nor is it enough to say, that the subjects of another Country, offending against a Foreign jurisdiction (under which they are at present) ought to be punished by those Laws, for the English had an interest and share in the place, and there were, as I said before, as socii, not as subditi: not to say that there was no offence at all, so that the ground of the Objection is taken away. Nay, suppose that we had been under their jurisdiction, yet were the proceed absolutely illegal: For they should have been agreeable to the custom of the Low-countrieses, which those were not, and therefore it was an offence in the Governor, and a high one against the laws of his own Country. For all penal Laws, strictly circumstantiate, as well for executing just rigour, as for preventing of cruelty; and every Minister of Justice that transgresseth herein, as if he behead a man that is adjudged to be hanged, he renders himself little better than in the same capacity. Yet notwithstanding, there was no just indicium for the torturing of the first Japan, nor any proofs against the English, but forced confessions of those tortured wretches, which for the most part were directed by the Dutch, in his verbis: which ground of Torture is prohibited by their own Law.  
For matter of Torture, if you have had the heart to survey it, I suppose you will think it needs neither heightening, nor shadowing, it is so foul of itself. For my part all the debauched cruelties of the first Roman Emperor's, when the invention of a good exquisite Torment was a good way for advancement, though savage devices inflicted upon the Martyrs, when the continuance of persecution hardened and instructed cruelty; all those sanguinary Barbarisms of the most uncivilised Nations have not appeared to me so foul and exquisite as this single process; and that by a people in league with us, of opinion with us in Religion, and obliged to us in effect for their being, purchased by us with the loss of so many brave lives, and the profusion of so much treasure, even in our own most dangerous times, when they were like to be swallowed up by a ravenous invader, and stood deserted by all their other neighbours; yet these men for the engrossing of that Trade, wherein they have been unhappily fortunate, could cancel all these obligations, and break the Laws of nature, nations, and hospitality to bring it about.  
And truly me thinks upon this occasion, I cannot but look back on the felicity of those times, the excellency of the Government, and the Honour of that Prince that could sleep so sound, when such cries were so loud in his ears. This it is to be under the Government of one, who notwithstanding is governed by a Pimp or a Parasite, who though he have such a sacred trust as the safety and the righting of the people, yet to please his Catemit, e and the better to sacrifice to his lust and luxury, would be blind to such a violation of his own Honour, and the safety of his people, while the blood cries in vain behind the Altar, and so becomes entailed on his own head, and for aught we know, may still lie upon ours. But the Dutch knew well enough what an easy and secure Prince they had to deal with, and therefore like crafty Foxes adventured to play tricks with the old drowsy Lion; they knew well enough that the exorbitancies, prodigalities, and ill provisions of that Court would ever keep it beggarly and needy, and that there wanted not instruments in it that Gold would work upon: and therefore they had old Jammy fast enough besieged (though he were a place easy enough to take in of himself) so that this business was hushed up in silence for a little money, and the cautionary Towns were sold for nine pence, which had cost us a Noble, they themselves laughing at the credulity of that stupid Prince, that would give up so considerable places (which held them in awe, and preserved us ever a good means to right ourselves) and thinking so great a masterpiece, that their engine, the then Secretary, had a present of no less than 30. or 40000. l. for that one service. But the best of it is, the enchantment is now broke up, and we begin to rouse ourselves again, and with the blessing of God upon our Liberty, may arrive at a higher pitch of glory and happiness than any of our Ancestors? if they, that have overcome, sheathe their swords (as God be thanked they do) and they that are overcome lay aside their hates, as I wish they may. For so we shall grow up to be one body, and shall be formidable to all round about us, and be able rather to right our distressed Neighbours, than be in a capacity to receive injuries of the least, much less of the most horrid nature.  
FINIS.