THE TRUE WAY To Render IRELAND Happy and Secure, OR, A DISCOURSE;  
Wherein 'tis shown, that 'tis the Interest both of England and Ireland, to Encourage Foreign Protestants to Plant in Ireland.  
IN A LETTER To the Right Honourable Robert Molesworth, One of His Majesty's Honourable Privy Council in Ireland, and one of the Members of the Honourable House of Commons, both in England and Ireland.  
DUBLIN: Printed by and for Andrew Crook, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, on Cork-Hill, near Copper-Alley, and for Eliphal Dobson, at the Stationer's Arms in Castle-Street, 1697.   

SIR,  
WHEN Parliaments Assemble to Treat of the Grand Affairs of the Nation, 'tis usual for men Without doors, to put into their Hands such Schemes, and Projects, as they think may be Serviceable to the Public. Nor is this Intermeddling of private men reckoned Bold and Impertinent; but those Great and Wise Heads vouchsafe to receive the Proposals of men, sometimes of little Figure, as readily as they do the Petitions of Injured persons: They think 'tis reasonable that they, who are Chosen to Enact Laws for the good of the Commonwealth, should have a due regard, to what any Member of the Community proposes for the common good. Besides, they wisely consider, that men of ordinary capacities, may sometimes hit upon lucky Thoughts, which they by close Application of their minds to them, may afterwards improve to the advantage of the Public. When such regard is shown by Legislators, to the Sentiments of Private men, an honest man cannot well forbear Offering that to their Consideration, which he believes will be a means of settleing the Peace and Prosperity of his Count●●.  
What I here propose, Sir, is what I think may have that good Effect: If the Wisdom of the Nation Judge otherwise, I shall sit down contented with the pleasure of being mistaken in my Zeal to serve my Country.  
The Reasons which induced me to recommend this little Pamphlet to you, are more than one, you and your Ingenious and Worthy Friend Mr. St St —y were privy first to the Writing of it; you have Interest both in England and Ireland, as well as parts, to compass what it designs: The Method which it proposes to promote the good of the Public, is, in the main, agreeable to your Sentiments; and you want neither Courage nor Resolution to contend warmly for that, which you ●●e persuaded, is for the good of your Country. What Entertainment it may meet with, I am not able to conjecture; your Name in the Front will give it some Reputation, and dispose a great many to cast an Eye upon it. To give it a little more Credit; I can say, that a Person of Place and Quality, related to you, and Dr. Wm. More— x to whose Judgement I have a very great regard; have viewed it, and passed their Censure upon it.  
The design of it is to show, what you are throughly convinced of, that 'tis our great Interest to Encourage Foreign Protestants to live among us● This is a ready way to make our Country Flourish; and the most effectual course that we have now left, in my opinion, to secure us a lasting Peace, and prevent such Rebellions, as for above Five Hundred years together ' since the Conquest of Ireland by King Henry the Second, have perpetually disturbed this Kingdom; made it a Dear and Troublesome purchase to England; and an uncomfortable Habitation to the English who have been Seated here.  
I know Sir, that our people (who are as apt to forget a Danger, as they are Bold to Encounter it, when it lies in their way) do generally reckon that the Irish are so broken by the last Rebellion, that it will not be in their Power again to Disturb the Peace of the English here, or to put England to any further Charge to Subdue them. I shall show you, that the English have reckoned too much after this rate formerly: and it may happen that these too Sanguine hopes may prove very deceitful, and be Fatal to them hereafter. I do not think that the Irish are yet so subdued, but that, if things run on in the old course, they may in process of time meet with circumstances that may favour other Rebellions. The Happiness or Misery of this Island, for the time to come, to me seems to depend on the prudent or ill management of the present. We have now an opportunity in our hands, such as never yet offered since Stronghow's Adventurers first brought their Arms into this Country, of laying the Foundation of a lasting Peace. I need not tell you, Sir, who are conversant in Histories, and know the Changes and Revolutions of the World that the Flourishing Estate of some Countries, has been occasioned by the Ruin of their Neighbours, and the intolerable uneasinesses, that have forced them from their Habitations: the present Desolation of France, and the usage with Protestants meet with there, may be a means of raising the Power a●●●●alth of those Neighbouring Protestant Countries which have Wisdom and Goodness enough to take hold of the opportunity. The United Provinces, who know that they own their greatness to the Troubles of Germany, and the concourse of people from thence, who were Persecuted for Religion; make the best hand they can of their Calamities. They Entertain the Persecuted Hagonots with the greatest Humanity, and are very liberal in their Charity to them. They know what the Reward of Charity is, and they know of what value people are to their State, they cannot Engross all the Wrack of the French Church: the Providence of God seems to Design a part for Ireland, and the Security of 〈◊〉 Protestant Religion here: and 'tis sure if this Deodate be improved as it ought, that Religion, and English Property may by this means be throughly secured, and our Country rendered very flourishing. The Ground of this hope arises from His Majesty's inclination to that People, and that Noble Person to whom he has given a share in the Government. The King has always expressed a Christian concern for them, and he has as often recommended their Condition to the Charitable consideration of His Parliament, as he has desired necessary Supplies, for carrying on the War. 'Tis not then to be doubted but that His Majesty will Give them Encouragement to Settle, and Plant in Ireland, when he is persuaded, that by their means he may do more to Secure the Protestant Interest of this Kingdom, which he preserved with the hazard of His Life, than has been ever done heretofore. Those who have a Love for England and the Protestant Interest in Ireland, pure and free from all Mean, and Self ends, do hope that the King had such a Design when he thought of making the Earl of galway one of the Triumvirate. It happens indeed very Providentially that he's a Person for his Courage, Knowledge, Temper, and Integrity, great in the esteem of the English as well as his own Countrymen. 'Tis to be hoped then that the great Opinion the French have of him, may incline multitudes of them to come into Ireland; and that by means of his Credit with the English Methods may be contrived for their Settlement here. If any thing of this kind be done there will be many evil men of differing persuasions, biased by their Private Interests, who will raise loud Clamours and Objections, and make it their Business to Obstruct such a Work. The design that I had in commiting my rude Thoughts to Writing, was to set people on thinking of what may be for the Public Interest of this Kingdom, and to anticipate all Objections which may be made against Foreigners being Planted here. A short Undertaking of this kind, may have an use in it, which every one does not think of. When a Colony of men are Invited, or Received into a Country, 'tis for the Interest of the Public, that, as soon as may be, they grow one both in their Interest and affections with the people, with whom they are Incorporated. This depends very much upon the Inclinations which men have towards them in the beginning; for if at their first coming in, the Inhabitants are Prejudiced against them, from hence Animosities will Naturally arise, and such ill Blood may by degrees be bred in them, as may create perpetual Feuds, opposite to the Interest of the State. 'Tis convenient therefore that they make their entrance with the good Will and Approbation of the People of the Land. This little Discourse may be in some sort useful to that end. In it I will show that 'tis the Interest both of Ireland and England to encourage Foreign Protestants to settle here: and then I will propose some Encouragement to be given them.  
That 'tis the Interest of Ireland to Encourage Foreign Protestants to Live and Settle here, 
'Tis the Interest of Ireland to Encourage Foreign Protestants.  the Parliament of this Kingdom thought, when in the Year 1692. in my Lord Rumney's time, they made the Act for Naturalisation. They knew very well, that without many People, a Country can be neither Rich nor Secure; and that by making their Land a Place of Refuge and Sanctuary for Strangers, they took the most effectul course to increase their Strength and add to their Prospority It happens sometimes, that Laws which the Wisdom of a Nation sees are for the good of the Commonwealth; and are Enacted after the most mature deliberation, yet are too freely Censured, when they thwart the imaginary Interest of Private men. This may very well be supposed to be the Fate of a Law which Enfranchises Strangers. If a Tradesman, who is one of the first Rate Orators among the men of his Tribe, fancies that his Condition is rendered worse than 'twas before, and thereupon Damn Forrigeners; and those who made Laws to bring them in; others will be ready to follow the Cry, without examining whether there was Reason for it or no that a Naturealization in Ireland, and the Encouraging such Protestants as the French are particulary (for our greatest hopes are from them) cannot come under this censure I shall Endeavour to show. Every one who knows the Condition of Ireland at this time, and has viewed the Scenes of its former Troubles, must own that that will be of the greatest advantage to it.  
Which will better the present Condition of the Country; and which will Settle and Secure it from such troubles, and Rebellons as it has formerly been perpetually harassed with, these will be the effects of Encouraging Protestants to Settle here.  
This will make the Condition of the Country better than ' 'tis. The way of the World is when they compare Countries one with another, to take their Estimate from their Wealth, and Improvements of all sorts; and to set the greatest value on those which are Naturally the best, and have the most Artificial Wealth and Furniture in them: Otherwise we must say, that all Countries are alike, and that Holland, which makes so great a Figure in Europe, is not to be valued above New Holland in Asia, which is Described to be one of the most miserable places in the World. We may thus compare a Country with itself, and viewing it in differing periods of time, reckon it in a better, or worse Condition, according as we see it Flourish or Decay in its Improvements or Wealth.  
I've seen in Sir George Carew's Manuscripts, in the Archbishop of Canterbury's Library at Lambeth, 
(a) Ms. marked M. page 49. Ex Arch. Cast. Dub.  An Extract out of the Archives of the Castle of Dublin, which says, That formerly, for 250 Years together, the Customs of the Realm of Ireland, did never exceed in any One Year above the Sum of 1000 l. And I find by another Manuscript 
(b) Lib. XX. p. 62, 63.  in the same Library, That in the Year 1611, in the Reign of King James the First, Miles Cogan who took a Survey of the Kingdom, Reported, that the whole Exportation and Importation of the Country amounted only to 211000 l. No one, I suppose, will say, that the Kingdom was then in as good a condition as it is at this time, when the Customs are about 130000 l. And he that considers how many fair Ports do now lie idle, how thin of Inhabitants and Un-improved the Land is in most places? will hardly say, that Ireland cannot be rendered more Flourishing than ' 'tis. It is sure it may, but this must be by a greater multitude of People. Where there is so much Ground, and so few Inhabitants, it cannot be imagined that the People are able, by their utmost Labour and Industry, to raise all the rich Commodities and Fruits which 'tis naturally apt to produce; much less can we imagine, how the Country should be Beautified and Enriched with Improvements: How the Foundations of new Towns or Cities should be laid: or any considerable Additions made to the Old ones: How the Ports should be made use of; or Ships sent to Sea, when the Commodities of the Country lie in the Bowels of the Earth for want of Hands to force them out: Or how men should trouble themselves to go to Sea, and endanger their Lives in Fishing for Food there, when the Earth supplies them with plenty of Provisions, and they may live secure in idleness, and almost in the forgetfulness of Labour on the dry Land. These are the Practices, this the Condition of more Populous Countries: Where there are abundance of People, the Country, tho' the Barrenness of the Soil should give the greatest opposition, must necessarily become Wealthy. Crowds of People, upon the Breach of the Roman Empire, Raised the great City of Venice on those little Rocks and scraps of Islands, which yielded before but an uncomfortable habitation to poor Fishermen.  
The United Provinces, which are now one of the great Bulwarks of the Protestant Religion, and the Liberties of Europe; were formerly, we know, of no great Consideration, till great shoals of people flocked in thither; and were forced in their own Defence, to take a great deal of pains, both in Labouring the Ground, and in Handicraft Occupations, to get a Livelihood. The straits they were put to, made them Ingenious in their Inventions; and when they found they were pinched both in the narrowness, and produce of their Earth, they were forced to look for room, and provisions in the Sea. By this means they fell into Navigation and Traffic; grew vastly Rich; Built great Cities; and became the Envy of some of their Neighbours, and the Admiration of Europe. These are the Natural and Necessary Effects of much people: Countries must be Improved, and Enriched by them; and those sooner than others, which have the richest Soil, and are most favoured by the Sea. England is as great an instance of this, as any other Country, for that great Wealth which it has acquired by the Improvement of the Woollen Manufacture (which is an unknown Treasure) is owing to the Walloons, to whom Queen Elizabeth gave the greatest Encouragement to come for shelter into England, from the Fury of the Duke of Alva's Pesecution. But I shall make this plainer to the People of Ireland, by giving them a short view of somethings here in our own Country. There is in the North of Ireland, an Estate which was the Lord Conway's, which the Lord Marquis of Normanby the other day enjoyed in Right of his Lady, but now belongs to Mr. Popham Seym●r: This Estate was formerly purchased by Sir Foulk Conway, Uncle to the late Lord, for about Five hundred pounds. The Rent-role of this Estate is now about Five thousand pound per Annum: Tho' there are many great, and profitable Leases in it, some worth about Four hundred pounds per Annum clear. The Land does not lie upon the Sea; the Ground but very indifferent; 'twas altogether a Wood, as the name Kilulta (the Wood of Ulster) denotes, and yet in the Memory of men now living, has been thus improved by a Colony of Yorkshire people, and orhers brought over, and Settled here by the Lord Conway, and managed by Sir George Rawdon. The same Remark may be made on the Neighbouring Country of Clan Hugh Boy, or O Neal's Country about Belfast and Carrickfergus, the former of which Towns is the third in Ireland for Number of People, and Trade; and yet grew up to what it is from nothing, in the Memory of People who lived but t'other day since Sir Arthur Chichester got that Estate. But why should I mention particular Improvements? We know that till about the same time, the profits of Ireland in General, were very inconsiderable: The Rent which the Landlords received, was no more than what he and his Followers eat in their Coshers: and the Public Revenue was not equal to the Charge of the State, till of late years. All the Advances which the Country made towards a better Fortune, were in proportion to the number of People who came over into this Island. In Queen Elizabeth's time after the Rebellions of Munster were quelled, some English came over, an● Settled in the Plantations there. And after that, towards the latter en● of Her Reign, that Province was rendered more Secure, by the Defeat o● the Spanish Forces; others came over in King James his Reign. These by the Management of the Government, and the Care of the Precedents o● Munster, put the Country into a little better Condition than 'twas in before. The same Effect, about the same time, had the Plantations in the County of Wicklow, and part of W●xford (where the English had a very ancient Settlement) after that the Tools, Birns, and Cavenash's had been rooted out: And in the King's and Queen's County, after the quieting of the Insurrections of the O Connor's, and the O More's's. Ulster, which before could only afford ordinary Food to the Kerns of the Country, and some Military men, from the latter end of Queen Elizabeth, and the Reign of King James the First began to thrive, and alter its Condition for the better. This was occasioned by the Care which was then taken, in Planting the Escheated Countries with new Protestant Inhabitants, the Londoners Building Derry, and Colrane, and sending people to Inhabit them; English Colonies Improving the Lands of Chichester and Conway, and the Neighbouring places; and the concourse of the Scotch out of Scotland. These were only the first dawnings of Happiness. After the War which began with the Rebellion in Forty One was ended, and the Kingdom was settled in Peace; it began to Flourish indeed, and Improved every day. Then Houses were Built; Manufactures set up; Lands Improved; and as they now yielded a considerable Rent to the Landlord, so were they reckoned able to pay a Quit Rend to the King. This was the Condition of Ireland in the Reign of King Charles the Second, it grew every day in Prosperity: And the cause of this is very Obvious; the number of the British here, was grown greater than ever before  
The Army with which Cromwell Subdued the Irish was considerable: after the War was over, these continued in the Land; the Soldiers most of them, set down upon their Debentures; a great many Adventurers came over, brought English with them, and Planted the Estates which were given them for the Money they laid out to carry on the War. These were men of another Spirit generally, and more opposite to the Irish, and their Barbarous Customs, than the English who came over before: which must be imputed to the great aversion and prejudice, which the Bloody Massacre in Forty One had Created in them. This new Colony put the English who came over before (who according to the old Custom, were Degenerating and growing Irish) in mind of their Origin; and helped to keep them tight to the English Interest, and Protestant Religion. By their means, Trade, Manufactures, and the Rents of Lands Increased daily; and the State of the Kingdom was so Improved, that in the latter end of King Charles the Second Reign, Ireland, which before used to put England to a considerable charge, raised a Revenue of about 330000 l. per Annum.  
Since the late Troubles, the condition of the Country is much worse; (and 'twill be in a worse condition than 'tis now) many fair Houses, and some Towns were Bu●●ed; and great Numbers of the People Destroyed, so that of course Manufactures must be Impaired, and Lands Untenanted. But people would soon recover it, and m●ke its condition better than ever it was: all Foreigners are valuable, but some more than others. The Du●ch are worth the B●●bing, it they could be drawn in that way. When we consider how little Land is to be Purchased in Holland; what horrible Devastations have been in the 〈◊〉; and the continual danger of the Protestants upon the Rhin●, and elsewhere; we may reckon that abundance of those people would willingly upon any Encouragement, flock hither. But the French Protestants are the people that we have the greatest expectation from at present; and to me they seem to be such as this Country should desire upon every account; and I think, if we considered our true Interest, we should make it our Business to give them all Encouraging Invitations to come in, and Treat them with the greatest Kindness and Civility when they are here. It must be owned, that, very often, men who remove from one Land to another, are persons, who, by reason either of their Imprudence, or Extravagance, or Injustice, or Laziness, made their Lives uneasy at home, and therefore were necessitated to change their Soil. No Country can be great Gainers by such men as these. This is not the Case of the French Protestants: The Reason which made them quit their Country, is a very powerful one to Recommend them to the people of Ireland. They quitted their Country upon the account of Religion: This should be a Motive to make us Value, and Entertain them. I do not here speak of that Charity, and Compassion, which their Sufferings justly Challenge from all, who pretend a Zeal for the Reformed Religion; (tho' upon that Account, it may be the Interest, as well as the Duty of People, to Treat them Hospitably; because they may Entertain Angels unawares, and bring a Blessing upon the Land.) My Reason is an Argument to worldly Men, and is strong in the plain point of Secular Prudence, and Interest, Abstracted from all Religious Considerations. Men who forsake their Country upon the Account of Religion, are men of Principles and Conscience: The very same Principle therefore, or Temper of Mind, which makes them scrupulous in the Case of Religion, we may rationally conceive, will incline them to be Sober, and Just, and Industrious in the works of their Calling. Such men as these are likely to make a Nation happy.  
The French Protestants have many men of Letters among them, and they are generally remarkable for their good Breeding and Civility: 'Tis not to be doubted then, but that they Living in Towns, and Villages, among the ruder Irish, will in time help greatly to improve them, both in Manners and Religion; Teach them a more Human way of Living; and thus drive them from that Native Barbarity, which has been a great Cause of their former Rebellions. The English have done much this way, but more had been done before now, had it been their good Fortune formerly, to have more people of good Manners, and Civility to assist them. 'Twas the Misfortune of the English, that they were but few in number in respect of the Irish: they came into the Land by single Families, or but few at a time; therefore, instead of Reforming them, they fell into the Manners, and Religion of the people of the Land; and after a while, did not fall short of their new Countrymen, even in their Hatred of the English. A better Harvest may be expected when many Families come into a Land together: Therefore the pleasure that good men ought to take, in having the poor Irish, as well as the Soil, Cultivated, should make them Contribute all their Assistance, as well as their good Wishes, to bring in a People who may help to Civilize such parts of the Country, as the English, for want of sufficient numbers, have not yet been able to do.  
The French are excellent Handicraftment in all Trades; such men are extremely wanted in Ireland, and will Contribute to the Enriching, as well as Strengthening of this Kingdom. I know the Opinion of the Multitude is otherwise: The coming in of Outlandish Trades men is reckoned a Grievance; and the Outcry against you is, that you bring in Foreigners to take the Bread out of English men's Mouths. Ill natured Beasts will sometimes fall upon Creatures of their own kind, if they eat near them, tho' there be much more Food than they can devour. I'm sorry that Man, who is called a Sociable Creature, should be troubled with a Temper which is so Destructive of Society: Do Foreigners eat the Bread out of their Mouths, when they have more Bread, than they have Mouths to devour it? But whom do these people call Foreigners? He is not to be reckoned a Foreigner to day, who yesterday came into our Country upon Invitation; took Oaths required by our Laws; and made himself such a Denizon, as will strengthen our State, and Contribute to the lasting Peace of our Kingdom. If particular Persons did Suffer by the coming in of Strangers, yet the great Good which the Commonwealth Reaps by it ought to Silence their Complaints. But let us see whether these men's Complaints are just or no. An Act for Naturalisation Encourages Foreigners to come in: I suppose then that Fifty Families take Shipping at Rochel in France, Land in Waterford, and Settle there: if the men of those Families are of differing Callings, then possibly they may not hurt any one Artisan of that ancient City; because they will consume the Labour of one another's hands. For Example; Suppose one or two be Shoemakers, and the rest wear as many Shoes as they can make; then 'tis plain, that the Shoemakers there are not Injured, and so it may be shown in other particular Callings. The coming in of many people of differing Callings, and fixing in your Towns, will Improve those Callings by the Addition of new, and perhaps some better Trades men: But that they cannot be supposed to prejudice the old Tradesmen, I think is plain from this Consideration, that if those Foreigners should keep themselves entire in a Body, and Seat themselves where there were not any other Tradesmen before, no one will deny that these are able to live one upon another. Would not the Case then be the same, if they fell into Towns before Inhabited, and furnished with Tradesmen? They must allow it, otherwise they must say, that the many Trade's men of greater Cities, do not subsist one by another, as well as those of smaller Hamlets.  
The men of the several Callings in Dublin, I suppose, Live at least as well by their Callings, as they did 50 Years ago, tho' the City was not above half as big as 'tis now,; and yet this Enlargement of the City was made by the Addition of more people of those Callings. But suppose (as it may by chance happen) that more men of one Calling should come into a City, or Town, than are sufficient to Supply that City with the Labour of their Craft; is not this an Inconvenience and Prejudice to that City? No sure: 'tis no Predjudice to the City of Waterford in General, for Example, to have more Haberdashers of Hats, or Hatters, as we call them here, fall in there, than are Necessary to Supply the Town, for if by that means better Hats are made, and they be sold cheaper, then 'tis plain that the rest of the Town are Gainers by it. But you'll say, what if this should happen to be the Case of all the other Callings? This cannot be because that when the men of all Callings do Increase, they Live one upon another, just as they did before, when they were fewer in number. But let us see what Inconveniencies will follow from Waterford's being clogged with too many Men of the Haters Trade, as some phrase it; in such a Case, either some of those superfluous Tradesmen will inquire what other places of the Kingdom want men of their Calling, and they will go and live there, which is a great Advantage to that place: or if they continue in Waterford they will send their Ware to other Markets of the Kingdom, as the Northern people do their Linen Cloth to Dublin, and other Places; the Shoemakes of Bandon do their Shoes to Co●k; and those of Athlone do their Hats to Dublin. This way of Trading must be Advantageous to Waterford, for either they must bring home Money for their Hats, or some other Goods which that City stands in need of. And if by the casual falling in of Tradesmen, or other Accidents or Conveniencies, it should happen that many Towns of the Kingdom should run into one sort of Trade, (as Rippon into the Trade, of Spurs, Bermingham and Sheffield of Iron Ware) This would be a mighty Advantage to the Kingdom, and the men of that Craft in those places, for by this means, our Country would almost every where be Improved, our Roads frequented and rendered secure from Robberies and there would be a vast Commerce in the Kingdom. I would ask those people, who are against the coming in of Foreign Tradesmen, one Question; whether it be not better that Foreign Tradesmen should be Encouraged to live among us, than that we should be at the Charge of bringing their Goods out of France? this was our Case before the War, and will be again when we have a free Trade thither. Our people should consider that our Trades are not in the highest perfection in Ireland, but that people furnish themselves with the portable work of almost all Callings from other places. The French are Famous for their great Skill in Manufactures. England must own that they have profited mightily by them since this War began, or rather I would say since the Edict of Nantz was destroyed, by the Improvement of the Silk Manufacture. The Linen Manufacture is that which we may Improve: in this we shall not Rival England, for they give up this Improvement to us, without grudging, and reckon it to be the more peculiar Talon of Ireland. This is a Manufacture in which the French do excel; and therefore Ireland may very reasonably promise themselves great Advantages, by t●e coming in of the French, and their Improveing of it.  
The French are Remarkable for their Skill in Gardening and managing of Trees of all sorts: 'tis not to be doubted then but if considerable numbers of them come into this Land, they will render it both Beautiful and profitable by Improvements of that kind.  
Ireland wants Skilful and Industrious Husbandmen as much as any place. In the condition 'tis now you can't expect to see men Industrious. The Irish are reckoned a lazy people; but this I done't attribute to the natural temper of the Men, and the abundance of Phlegm in their Bodies as is generally supposed, but rather to the want of Employment, and Encouragement to work. Sir William Petty computes that the work of one man in a Potato Garden will feed Forty people; and the Milk of one Cow will afford Meat and Drink enough in the Summer time for three men. Besides there is abundance of Food round the Seashores which is procured with little or no pains. The Addition of people must Increase their Industry in Labouring the Ground. The French are allowed to understand Husbandry, as well as any people, next the Flemings; and this enhances their value in Ireland above any thing else. 'Tis true indeed very many of that way of life are not yet come over, Husbandmen are the last that quit a Country, by reason of the difficulty of disposing of their Leases, and removing their Stock: But there is no doubt but very many of them will dispose of their Effects in France, and seek a Retreat for their Religion in Ireland, when they hear that they have some Encouragement to do it, and that their Brethren are Settled and well Entertained here.  
But I have heard some people say, that the French are very poor, and what Advantage, say they, is it to have such come into a Land? 'Tis the Observation of a very Wise and Curious Observer, that they who grow Richest in a Country are they who come in poor: how can they arrive to this Wealth, but by great Industry and Improveing the Country? but those men are mistaken, the French, even who are in England, yet unsettled, and are disposed to come into Ireland when Encouragement is given them, are not all poor: they have a great deal of Money among them, and will, if they come over, make a considerable Addition to the current Coin of Ireland. But if they had no Money they would be nevertheless People: People are Wealth, and they have rates set upon them; The value of people in England, one with another, some have computed to be Seven pounds a Head: In Ireland I account the value of such Protestant People as the French are (for I do make a Difference) to be much greater; because in Ireland you are not only to value them as people who Improve the Country, but as Soldiers likewise who are to secure you and your Interest. You may therefore (and 'twill be but an ordinary Civility so to do) set as great a rate on them, as we usually do on Slaves and Negroes viz. 15 l. one with another: Men being sold for 25 l and Children at 5 l. each the mean rate is 15 l. I should be very sorry to meet with Protestants, who would not allow this Computation in Ireland, where the Country wants good Inhabitants to Improve it, and Men to plant Civility and Religion. Allowing this Computation then, or allowing any thing, you see that a considerable number of Foreigners, if they should come bare into your Country, bring considerable Wealth with them; Wealth which I think can never be sufficiently Prized when you consider that they will not only make the Condition of this present Age better, but likewise be a Defence and Security to us for the future  
If this be true, 
Encourageing Forreign Protestants will secure us for the future.  I'm sure it ought to be a great Motive to the people of Ireland to give their helping Hand to Contribute to it. I will not except the poor Irish themselves, for you do them as much kindness in putting it out of their Power to Rebel, as you would do Frantic people in tying their Hands, when you are persuaded they'll cut their own Throats They in their Insurrections have shed a world of English Blood, and all the good they have done themselves by it, is that they lost their own Blood and Estates: every Rebellion making their Conditions, as well as the Country, worse than they were before. But 'tis generally thought now, that the Irish are so subdued that there is no danger of their disturbing us for the time to come. By such a forward reckoning as this, have the English continually been deceived, and very fatally Imposed on themselves ever since the first Conquest of Ireland. I think it, Sir, not inconvenient to instance some Cases very briefly.  
Henry the Second, the First Conqueror after he came into Ireland contented himself with the Oaths and Submissions of the Irish; he thought they were sufficient; and did not trouble himself with Building of Garrisons, or Leaving an Army here: those who came after him saw that they have but a very bad Interest, who rely upon Irish Submissions. I find in Sir George Carew's Manuscripts in the Archbishop of Canterbury's Manuscript Library at Lambeth 
(a) Lib. M. pag. 38.  that Richard the Second in the Ninth year of his Reign made Robert de Vere, Duke of Ireland, Lord Lieutenant here, gave him 1500 men super conquestum illius & terrae perdues annos, they were positive then that those men would serve to Conquer Ireland fully in Two years: but they were out in their Reckoning; for in the same Book, 
(b) ib. pag. 39  I find (which is related likewise by our Historians) that King Richard the Second, in the year 1394, which was but Nine years after, came over himself in Person, with an Army of 30000 Archers, and 4000 men of Arms. This was a pretty sort of Army for a King to bring into a Country, which his Lieutenant had so lately engaged to Conquer in Two years with less than the 20th. part of the men, But notwithstanding this Army and the general Submissions of the Irish to him, he came over again to head another Army within Five years. I find by the Instructions which Queen Eliz. gave that Great and Worthy Person, Sir Henry Sidney in the year 1575., when he came over Lord Deputy, which are in the Manuscript Library at Lambeth 
(a) Lib. H. fol. 326.  that he had Engaged to Her that he would defray all Her Charge here for 20000 l. Per Annum, besides the Revenue of the Kingdom, which was then little or nothing. This was more than King Edward the Third, gave Sir William Windsor, who Covenanted with the King by Indenture to defray all the Charge for 11213 l. 06●. 08 d. Per Annum: 
(b) Lib. M. fol. 44.  and yet if he had lived till the latter end of the Queen's Reign, and made his Bargain good, he had saved Her a Considerable Treasure. Four years after. Anno 1579, we find among the same Manuscripts 
(c) Lib. L. fol. 265.  that, an Opinion touching the Government of Ireland proposes with 2000 Soldiers well placed to keep the whole Country in Subjection. How these Projectors were mistaken a little time discovered; for Mr. Spencer in his Eudoxus & Irenaeus Complains of the vast deal of Money, which the Queen had spent in a little time: and Camden 
(a) Camd append. to Eliz.  tells us that O Neal's War which the Queen ended, cost England 1198717 l. Mr. Spencer, who was Offended at the Oversight of others, is sure he has a contrivance which will put an end to all these Troubles. he's then for having all put to their helping Hands and Heart's; and doing all at once. If 10000 Foot and 1000 Horse be sent into Ireland, he says that in a year and a half's time they'll do the work effectually; and Settle the Perpetual Peace of the Kingdom 
(b) Spencer pag. 233.  when the Ingenious Mr Edm. Spencer formed this Scheme Sir William Russ●● (who was Sworn August 11th 1594.) was Lord Deputy: within Four or Five years after his Writing it, he saw that he mistook as well as others had done; for in the Instructions Queen Elizabeth gave Robert Earl of Ess●x (which is in one of the above named Manuscripts. 
(c) Lib. C.C. fol. 169. 170.  in the year 1599 on the 25th. of March when he was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, we find She allows him 16000 Foot and 1000. Horse to finish the War betime, and Order him to receive the Capital Tray●or O Neal to no Conditions but bare Submissions  
This Army, by the Rule of proportion ought to have done hat in somewhat more than a year, which Mr. Spencer's was to do in a year and half; and yet we find in another Book among Sir George Carew's Manuscripts in Lambeth Library, that above Three years afterwards in April 1602, the List of the Army was 1350 Horse and 16000 Foot, and in September following the List was 1425 Horse and ●6250 Foot. 
(a) Manucripts in Pag. 14.  Any man will at first sight perceive why I am thus particular in mentioning these things, 'tis to show how the English have been mistaken in their Reckoning, that this may make them cautious at the present. The Troubles which followed afterwards are a plainer Demonstration of their Error. Notwithstanding the Subjection which the Army of Queen Elizabeth brought the Irish to; and the trouble which King James Her Successor had, and the Care he took by making New Plantations, and Raising strong Fortresses, to secure the Peace of this Kingdom; yet in 1641 a Rebellion began with a most Bloody Massacre, and a War ensued, which put England to much more Charge than they were at since the Conquest. After this War the English reckoned themselves in Possession of a Peace, which could never again be Disturbed. And in the year 1672, we find that one of the greatest Heads in Europe 
(a) Sir William Petty Polit. Anatom. of Ireland.  positively Asserted, that it could not be in the power of the Irish to disturb the British of this Kingdom again. Had he Printed his Book at that time, I should almost have suspected that he wrote it to please the Government, that Protestants here might Entertain no Suspicion of the great Favour, which by Proclamation was shown the Irish Papists the Year following 'Tis plain from what followed afterwards, that he was mistaken as others were before him: We, to our Sorrow, are Witnesses, that they grew to that head, as to put England to the Charge of sending over such an Army, as never was seen in this Island before; and did themselves the Honour of looking the Most Warlike Prince, and, after him, the greatest General in Europe in the Face.  
I know people will say, that this happened by the King's Indulgence to them; and that 'twas impossible they should give England that trouble, if the Sword had not been put into their Hands I think 'twas possible that they might have had a better opportunity than that: For suppose that before King James came to the Crown, a Civil War had broken out in England, which had employed the whole Strength of the Kingdom; if the French King in such a Case had Landed a considerable Army in Ireland, and the Irish had Universally joined with him; would not they have put the English harder to it? This might have been, for we know a very good Author who tells us, that the French King had it in his Thoughts, to Land an Army in Ireland: And that he made the Peace of Nimiguen more readily upon that very Account. What Accidents may happen, after this Genera●ion is passed away, God only knows: This I know, that I can think of things that may possibly happen, which may give the Irish an opportunity, at least with Foreign Assistance (which they will always Industriously solicit) of troubling us again  
Wise and Good people, who have a concern for their Posterity, would provide against all Accidents: and whatsoever their present condition be, would not reckon themselves Secure, when the Irish are three to one: especially when they consider, that as the English Power grew greater in Ireland, the Efforts of the Irish in their Insurrections, were always more considerable, and dangerous to the English. There is a good Reason for it, such as every body has not thought of, but is very material, and worthy our Consideration; that is this, That the Irish have Increased in Power and Number, by means of the English, and will do so far the time to come. When Henry the Second Invaded the Kingdom, the Computation was, that there were then but 300000 Souls in Ireland. 'Tis ve●y probable, that, if they had been left to themselves, and their old Custom of Cutting Throats, and Murdering one another, their number would not have been much greater at this day. All the English who came in since that time (except those of latter years) have been getting Children for them, and Increasing their st●ck; so great a part have they had in making them numerous as they are, that it could be shown, that above half the Names of Ireland, which are now of the Language, Customs, Religion, and Interest of the Irish, were old English, who came over to subdue them. Such are all the old names of the pale: Such are in the County of Waterford, the Powers, Welches, Pendergrasses, sherlock's, Geraldines, nugent's, Condons', brown's, Dobbins, Heys: Such in the County of Cork, besides some of these, are the Barrys, Roches, Coureyes, M●agh., Fitz-Edmonds, Charon's, Whites, russel's, etc. And thus I could run through all the other Counties in Ireland, were it not tedious. Many old English names there are, which have been changed into the mere Irish Mac's and O's. The Mac Quilins in the County of Autrim, who, in the Reign of King James the first, were destroyed by the Mac Donnels, were anciently Welshmen, and the name was William●. The O relies in the County of Cavan, some say, were Ridley's: The Mac Swine in Ulster, were formerly Vero's: And the Mac Mahons, Fitz U●sula's. In Conaught, Mac Morrice was formerly Pendergrass: Mac Avile, Stanton: Mac Jordan. D'Exter: Mac Quistolo, Nangle: Mac Phadin, Mac Pieke, Mac Tomin, all Barrets: O Doud, Dowdal: Mac Delphin, Dolphin: Mac Granel, Nangle: Mao Thomas, Joys: Mac Orish, B●imingham: O Naughton, Snow: Mac Kogh, Gough: Mac Nemara, Mor●imer: Mac William, Eughter, Mac Phillippine, Burghs: And a vast number of other Names which I could reckon. There is in one of the Manuscripts at Lam●e●h 
(a) Lib. CC. Fol. 57, 58.  a Letter which Sir Henry Sidney wrote to the Lords of the Council in England, the 27th. of April, 1576. Wherein he tells them, that when he was in Conaught, there came to him Mac Phaton, Mac ●●ylye, Mac Jordan, Mac Gostelo, and Mac Maurice, and brought him Matters of Record and Credit, to show that they had been not only English (which every one, says he, Confesses) but also Lords and Barons in Parliament: and that they had then Lands sufficient for Barons, if they might wield their own quietly: That they were so Barbarous, that they had not three Hacney's between them, to carry them and their Train home. These, and some other old English Gentlemen, he says, came and Lamented their Devastation: and with one consent cried for Justice, and English Government, in so miserable, and yet magnanimous a manner, as it would make any English heart to feel Compassion with them. This short Account gives a good Idea of all those old English, who lived among the Irish. They did not (as 'tis said Messala Corvinus, a Learned man, did in a fit of Sickness) forget their Names: but they put them off, together with their Language, and former manner of Living. So Universal was this Degeneracy, that even the old English of the pale, tho' by reason of the nearness of the State, they retained more of Civility, yet became Irish in their Affection, and Interest: And in the late War 'tis certain, that, as they were the greatest men both in the Army, and the management of the State, so were they as forward and deep, as any of the old Irish, in the Design that was formed to shake of the English Yoke.  
And when I speak of the late War, I cannot but observe that Sir Valentine Brown, who lost his Estate for being Engaged with the Irish, in this War, against the Interest of England; Descended from that Sir Valentine Brown, who in a Discourse about Peopleing Munster (to be seen in one of the Manuscripts at Lambeth 
(b) Lib. L. Fol. 4●.  in the year 1584. when Sir John Perrot was Lord Deputy, Proposed to Queen Elizabeth, that the Geraldins, and the Principals of the Free holder's should be Prosecuted by War, to the utter Extirpation of them and theirs.  
We cannot so much wonder at this, when we consider, how many there are of the Children of Oliver's Soldiers in this Kingdom, who cannot speak one word of English. And, which is stranger, the same may be said of some of the Children of King William's Soldiers, who came but t'other day into the Country. This misfortune is oweing to the Marrying Irish women, for want of English, who came not over in so great numbers as were requisite. 'Tis sure, that no Englishman in Ireland knows what his Children may be, as things are now: They cannot well live in the Country, without growing Irish; for none take such care as Sir Jerom Alexander did, who left his Estate to his Daughter, provided she Married no Irishman, or any Related to that Interest.  
Since things are thus, the Irish, unless a great deal of care be taken, will out number us in a greater proportion than now they do: They are not Employed in our Wars, as the British are; they Mary much younger than the British do; and get a great many Children before they Mary; and are not as severely punished for it as they might be. And besides, as I said, the Children of the English by Conversing in the Country with them, learn their Language; admire their Customs; Marry with them very frequently; and of course Embrace their Religion. What then can better secure us, and our Posterity, than to Encourage great numbers of Foreign Protestants, who will Contribute to Reform the Manners and Religion of the Irish, and thus do God and the Country the greatest Service, to come over, and take up their Habitations among us.  
I know 'twill be Objected by some, that the Remedy may be as bad as the Disease: that we cannot be secure, that the French will not help to Enslave us to a Foreign Nation. The Wise Heads of the Nation, sufficiently considered this danger before they made the Act for Naturalisation. The only Danger that is, or can be feared, is from the French King. 'Tis often said, that the French Protestants are proud of their Monarch's greatness, and seem to be pleased with his Success. I should not at all wonder, if something of this were true: 'Tis natural for men who are forced from their Country, and endure hardships in a strange Land, to desire to be thought considerable; and they may think, that it may give them some Reputation and Credit among strangers, when they see and consider, that they forsook a Prince, whose Power is great, and his Arms sometimes Crowned with Success. I have heard it said, that when we Burned the French Ships at Le Hodge, etc. The Irish Army, who were joined with the French there rejoiced at it: And 'tis very well known, that many of those English Gentlemen, who followed King James and his Fortune through France, into this Kingdom (whom we knew to be Bitter and Inviterate in their Expressions against their Native Country) because they came in Competition with the Irish for their Places and Preferments, were Represented by them to be persons so partially addicted to the people of England, that they could not well be trusted. But let us see what Danger may be feared from the French King.  
I will suppose great numbers of French Protestants planted in Ireland; and I will suppose that the French King Lands a Body of men here. If he desires his old Subjects (whom he has used so barbarously) should repair to his Standard, and assist him in his Enterprise, he must put out a Declaration, wherein he must vow, much oftener than he did about the Edict of Nantz, (or else he will do no good) that tho' he was not so kind, to them, who helped him to the Throne, as he might have been; tho' he had broken that Edict which he confirmed by many Vows and Proclamations; tho' in that Edict, whereby, in the year 1685, he rescinded the Edict of Nantz, he Declared to the World, that 'twas his Resolution, from the very beginning of his Reign, to destroy the Religion of Protestants, whom he always reckoned to be people fit to be treated with all manner of Injuries, and not capable of Leagues, and acts of kindness; and that all the Edicts he hitherto Published in their Favour, and all the Honours he Conferred upon them, were only to gull, and delude them; tho' he had Dragooned them too severely; tho' he had forced them to the Galleys; and deprived too many of their Lives; yet now he promises and vows, more Solemnly than ever, that he will let them enjoy their Religion without Disturbance. Who can imagine that a people, who were so Inhumanly treated, after that their Religion is again Established; after that they are freed from severe Exactions; and have tasted, and known the pleasure of a mild and gentle Government; and have been very kindly Entertained in a strange Land; will prove false to their Benefactors, and their own Interest: and run headlong into Popery and Slavery again? I'm sure there must be at least as much reason for trusting them to live in Ireland now, as there was for useing their assistance against Monsieur St. Ruth at the Battle of Aghrim; and none, I think, will deny that they behaved themselves very well there, as they have done in Piedmont, and Flanders.  
Others will Object that it may be of ill consequence to Encourage French Protestant's to Settle here, because their Discipline, and way of Worship differ from that of our Established Church. 'Tis a great misfortune: that scarce any thing can be proposed for the Public good, which crafty men cannot Defeat, by Representing it Dangerous, or Inconvenient to one party or other.  
There is nothing that I desire more, than to see the day, when the Distinction of Parties, so opposite to the Public Good and Safety, shall be clearly, or in a great measure, taken away. Our most considering men, who are Zealous for our Ecclesiastical constitution, and careful enough to Discountenance any thing that may possibly occasion Troubles in the Nation, know that there is no place for this Objection. They may, and do observe, that of all Foreign Protestants, none more readily Consorm to the Discipline of the Church of England, than the French do; that many of the Famous Writers of that Church have, in their Writings in France, Expressed their Approbation of an Episcopali Government; that they have a Legal Established Church here; and that their Wise and Leading men, are inclined by their Judgement, as well as Interest, with the other Immunities of the Country, to embrace the public Religion of it. I think indeed no Argument can be brought strong enough to prove that 'tis not ●he Interest of Ireland to have French Protestant's Planted here nor is this ●ess the Interest of England, than 'tis of Ireland.  
I cannot call any thing the Interest of Ireland, 
'Tis the Interest of England to Encourage Foreign Protestants in Ireland.  which ●ndangers the Safety or plainly Prejudices the General good of England. I hope all the English of this Kingdom are of the same Temper, I'm sure they ●ught to be. Natural Affection should remind us of ●ur Origin, and Gratitude of the Obligations which ●e owe to England for the vast Revenue they have spent from time to time 〈◊〉 Quelling the Insurrections of our insolent Enemies. I must indeed Con●ess that I never could understand the Reason of some men's Assertions, or ●●e force of their Reasoning, who maintain that 'tis the Interest of England 〈◊〉 keep Ireland low. That in an Age more Remarkable for refined Policy, ●an Virtue, some should (as they have done) wish it drowned in the ●ottom of the Sea, to me does not seem strange; there is a Plain and Obvious ●eason for it, and that is, because it has put England to a vast Charge. This ●on a due Examination will prove to be a Reason why England should lend 〈◊〉 helping hand to Settle it upon a better Foundation. Those good men ●d true Lovers of their Country find, they can't drown it with their Wishes, ●r can they make such Engines to over-whelm it, as Archimedes Invented to 〈◊〉 raise up the Roman Ships in the Harbour of Syracuse; who by turning ●em upside down threw the men into the Sea. Whilst this Island 〈◊〉 above Water it will have People. Great Nations have had their ●e upon it. In the time of the Romans, we are told that one of the ravest men of that Commonwealth reckoned it, upon the Account 〈◊〉 its Harbours and Soil, convenient for those to possess who aimed at ●e Dominion of the World. Spain when it had Ambition, and Power to apport it, made a Attack upon Ireland as a step to the Universal Mon●chy. and since that Ambition, together with the Balance of Power, have ●len to France, that King has cast a greedy Eye upon this Island. There●e it must be the great concern of England to Secure it. Sir Humphrey ●lbert in the year 1572, in a Discourse concerning ●●land (to be found in one of the Manuscripts at Lam●h 
(a) Lib. L. fol. 239, 240.  said 'twas the Interest of England to take more ●●re than they did of the Settlement of the English here, and ●ir being put in a thriveing way and made able to defend themselves, for that to ●gland it must be either a necessary Friend or hurtful Enemy. That if it should ●ne into the hands of the Spaniards, or French, England would be surrounded ●●th dangerous Enemies.  
The Danger england has been in, and the Money they have Expended on is Island in this last age; should methinks, without running up into the story, of more Ancient Times, convince them of the Reason they have to ●●ke care of the Settlement of this Kingdom. The War, that began with the massacre in 1641, besides all the Blood that was spilt, cost England more ●an double the Money that all Ireland is worth; if you'll allow the Com●tation of some men. That the late Troubles of this Kingdom, and the Pow●he Irish grew to, considering the State of Affairs abroad, brought England into some danger, all thinking men, I believe will allow: This they must own, that, if the Treasure which was spent in Ireland, and the Armies which were employed here, had been sent into Flanders, France had been humbled long ago, and we had been in possession of an Honourable Peace. When this is considered, it must be allowed me, that if in former times Methods could have been contrived to secure Ireland from these Troubles, tho' it were by suffering it to grow Rich, it had been the undoubted Interest of England to do it. From hence I would infer, that 'tis the Interest of England at this present time, to do all that lies in its Power, to prevent such Chargeable, Bloody, and Dangerous Rebellions for the time to come. There is no way of doing it effectually but by Incourageing people to come and Plant here, People who will help to bring the Natives into Order, and keep them in Subjection. Thomas Howard Earl of Surry Eldest Son of Thomas Duke of Norfolk, who was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the year 1520, in a Letter to Henry the Eighth to be seen in one of the Manuscripts at Lambeth 
(a) Lib. H. fol. 339, 340.  tells him that unless his Grace send Inhabitants of his own natural Subjects to Inhabit such Countries as should be won, all his charges would be but wastefully spent, for if the Irishrie, says he, Inhabit, they will undoubtedly return to their old ill rooted Customs, when they have opportunity, as they have ever yet done. This Noble Lord in this Letter shows the King the absolute necessity there was for his sending over Inhabitants of his own Subjects to Plant in this Country. On which Saying we may make two Remarks, which I think will be very useful.  
First, we see what a mighty Advantage it is to England that People come fairly in their way, of whom, by giving them some Encouragement, they may as well serve themselves here, and keep their own people at home. It was then proposed that the King would Encourage Spaniards, Flemings, Almains, and others to come over; but from this the Earl dissuaded the King left they should happen to fall into the Obedience of the Prince of their Native Country. This was a just caution at that time when the Power of Spain was so great, and all were of one Religion: it does not hold in the case of the French, who are of the same Religion with us, and differ from the Religion of their King and Country.  
Secondly, we see what the Great and Wise men reckoned the Interest of England, that 'twas to subdue Ireland throughly, and put it into such a condition that it should not give any Disturbance to England, or the English Colony here. They were not afraid of Depopulating England, or of wanting men to send to raise Smoke in America. No, Ireland was their great concern: They willingly sent their People hither, and were very careful to make Ordinances, and Laws to keep them here. Hence it was that (as we find in a Manuscript at Lambeth, 
(a) Lib. G. fol. 13.  in the 49th. year of Edward the Third there was a Decree of Council, that those who had Lands given them in Ireland should abide there in Auxilium Salvationis terrae nostrae Hiberniae, to help to preserve our Land of Ireland. And in the Reign of Richard the Second his Successor (as we find by another of those Manuscripts, 
(a) Lib. M. fol. 35. ano Ric. 2d. Rol par. Jur. Lond.  a Statute was made against Absentces, commanding all such as had Lands in Ireland to reside there upon pain of forfeiting two third parts of the profits thereof.  
And in the Reign of Henry the Eighth this Law was made fuller, and extended to all their Lands. By this Act the Earl of Shrewsbury the Duke of Norfolk, the Lord Berkley and others forfeited their Estates here; and the former, (the Ancestor of that Great and Worthy Person the present Duke of Shrewsbury) lost that which is now the whole Country of Longford, and almost all the Lands of the Counties of Westmeath and Wexford. 
(a) vid. Lib. G. fol. 69. in Manuscript. Lambethian.  These Laws, I'm told, are still in Force, and some have thought that if they had been duly executed, the Irish would not have been able to grow to that Head in Ireland which they lately did. Whether this Conjecture be right or no I cannot tell: this I may say without offence, that the great Adventurers and Estated Men's living in England was always reckoned in former times one of the great Causes why Ireland was not brought into Subjection, I could wish that those who have great Estates here would take this into their Consideration now. I find that among the other Instructions which the Earl of Essex Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the year 1573 gave Edward Waterhouse to communicate to the Queen, this (which we find in one of Sir George Carew's Manuscripts, 
(b) Lib. L L. fol. 8.  was one, that he should inform her, that one great reason of the Armies being diminished in the North, and that the Country was in the hands of the Rebels, was the Adventurers retireing themselves to England.  
The reason why I mention these things, is to show, that in former times England did not regard any Advantage of its own which might interfere with the security of this Kingdom: how plain would this be, if I should give an account of the Ancient Immunities granted by our Kings to the Corporations here, and show on t'other side how the Trade now is Prohibited and fettered by English Statutes. This our Friends in England say, is Policy; and 'tis a maxim among them, that 'tis their Interest to keep Ireland low. If by their Interest they mean the Interest of some private men, who have Ends of their own to serve distinct from the Public Good; and if by Ireland they mean the Popish Irish Interest of Ireland, than I allow that what they say may be true. I think 'tis the undoubted Interest of the King and Kingdom of England, that those who are of the Protestant Religion, and English Interest in Ireland be very numerous, and that under them this Kingdom Flourish and grow Rich. The King will allow, and so must every one that 'tis His Interest to have His Power and Strength increased by the increase of Loyal Subjects: and his Revenue made greater by the growth of their Wealth. And when the thing is duly considered it must be allowed that 'tis no less the Interest of the Kingdom of England then of the King. What can be more convenient for England than to have a Kingdom so near it, which will be able to raise and maintain a considerable Body of Protestant Soldiers whenever there is occasion? In the time of Edward the First we find it recorded that three several Armies were raised of the King's Subjects in Ireland, and Transported one into Scotland; another into Wales; and the third into Gascoign. Edward the Third Employed an Irish Army under the Command of the Earl of Kildare and Faleo de 〈◊〉 F●●yn at the Siege of Calais. And Henry the Fifth called over the Prior of Kilm●inam with 15●0 Irish to the Siege of 〈◊〉. If it had been the good Fortune of Ireland in former times to be put unto such a Condition, by Protestant Plantations, that it had been able to maintain an Army this War in Handers, it had thereby lessened the Change of English which I believe all the People of England will allow had been for their Interest.  
But let us examine a little more nicely, whether or no it be more the Interest of England to keep I●eland low, than to have it to grow Rich and Flourish, by the increase of Protestant People, and growth of Trade. I do believe that every wise and and considering English man will allow me, that scarce any one thing can happen, without the Coasts of England, that would be more fatal to it, than that Ireland should come into the hands of the greatest Power in Europe. The Inconveniences that would happen upon it, I need not mention. Let us see then whether of the two will be likelier to prevent this, to keep things in the State they are, that is to say, to suffer the Irish Papists (who are at least Three times as Numerous as we are, and are, to a man, in the Interest of the French King) to exceed us so much in number; or to promote our growing more Considerable than we are, by the Addition of Protestant People, and the increase of Wealth. The greater we are in Riches, and People, the abler we shall be, not only to Defeat any Rebellions at home, or Descents from abroad, which may be ultimately levelled against England; but also to lend a Considerable Assistanance to our Mother-Country in any necessary War she's Engaged in I think 'tis the Opinion of every English man, that 'tis the undoubted Interest of England to keep Possession of Ireland: If so, than I would fain see some Reason given why 'tis not the Interest of the People of England to render Ireland secure, and make it Wealthy as well as England. To say that Ireland is a Conquered Country is no Reason: for wise Nations when they Conquer Countries with a Design to keep them, do propose to themselves to add to the Grandeur, Strength, and Wealth of their own Country by it: but how is this to be done, but by Improveing their Conquest, and by Immunities, and Encouragements rendering them as like their own as they can? and I think it may seem a little strange that a Nation famed for wisdom and Equity as the English are, should not after above 520 years' possession, in a Country so conveniently Situated, so good, so improveable as Ireland is, order things so, as that, the very name of Conquered, (which has a very mischievous Idea joined to it) and all manner of Jealousies being taken away, both Islands might be rendered one in all their Interests. If they were made one Kingdom (which I wish that this Reign, and our present great Ministers of State in England may have the Glory of accomplishing.) I believe England would then reckon it their Interest to help to make this Country as Considerable and Strong as they could by promoting the increase of our Wealth, and the growth of Protestant People; and they would no more grumble at our Prosperity, than the North of England does at the happiness of the South. If such a Country as Ireland is, well peopled and Wealthy, were joined to England just as Wales is, I would ask whether England would not be put into a better condition than before. The Hollanders, who take a great deal of pains to gain ground from the Sea, will allow it: and he that denies it, must be forced to own, that England is not the better for the Addition of Wales; and that 'twould be no worse, if Wales, and many of its own Shires were lopped off from it. But 'twill be said, that Ireland is not contiguous, and joined to England as I suppose: Tho' it be not, it may be made one Kingdom with it, and then 'twould be much the better for being divided from it by the Sea as it is: For now the two Islands have more good Ports between them, than they would have if they joined together; the Wealth and Naval force of England would be greater, by means of the Shipping that must be employed between the two Countries. And 'tis sure that we can't easily imagine, how great the Power and Wealth of England would be, as the Kingdoms are now placed, if they were made one Kingdom; if England would take off the Shackles of Ireland, make us a Free people, and we gave Foreign Protestants Encouragement to live here. I'm sure, if Ireland had been in such a condition long ago, England would have some Millions of Money, and a vast Treasure of Men which it now wants. But some do imagine that Ireland cannot grow in Wealth but by Impoverishing England, or hindering the growth of its Wealth. They may as well say that they cannot have a considerable Addition to their Protestant people without making England weaker. The Increase of Wealth in Ireland, must Increase that of England; for whatsoever Fountain our Wealth here springs from, what ever Conduits it runs through, it in the end empties itself in England. Ireland may be rendered very Wealthy by a Trade which will not in the least interfere with that of England. Ireland is by a great many reckoned equal to most Countries in the World, for the production of Flax and Hemp; the Natives of the Country seem to be naturally inclined to this Manufacture. 'Tis plain by the Act of Parliament made not long since in England, to take off all Duties and Impositions on the Product of Flax and Hemp from Ireland, that England is well inclined to humour the genius of Ireland. When we consider what a hand Holland, France, and the Northern Crowns, have made of this Manufacture, we may well allow that Ireland, which has naturally greater advantages to improve it, may be greatly enriched by it. If we did but furnish England with that Linen which they have from our neighbouring Countries, this would raise us a vast Treasure, but I can't see what prejudice it would do England. It seems to me to be at least as much their Interest to lay out their money with us, who shall employ it in their defence, and are their selves, as with them who will make it an Instrument of their ruin. 'Tis the Computation of a very great man, that the people of England spend 5 l. a year in Linen one with another; this Computation I suppose is much too large, if the 30th. part of this were laid out in Ireland, 'twould be three times as much as the current cash of this Kingdom has ever yet been. It cannot easily be conceived how much 'tis England's Interest to have this Manufacture improved to the height. 'Tis probable that this will be the effect of Encourageing Foreign Protestants to flock hither; this may draw in not only the French, but many others likewise.  
Since 'tis so much our Interest to have Foreign protestants settle here, 
How Foreigners may be encouraged  it concerns us to consider how we may encourage them to come in.  
The Parliament which was held in my Lord Rumney's Government, in the year 1692, made an Act which Naturalised all Foreign Protestants; but that was to be in Force only for Seven years. Since that Law will be out of Date within two years, I think, Sir, 'twill become the Wisdom of the Nation, to make a new Act which shall be in force Twenty years after the expiration of the old one; and 'twill be for the Public good, I think, that by this Law, Foreigners be not only Naturalised, but made Free of our Corporations likewise: This will be for the advantage of the Commonwealth, and will not injure particular Trades men, as men upon first sight are apt to imagine.  
To vouchsafe Strangers the Freedom of your Country, is the first Encouragement, the first Act of Kindness and Hospitality that you can show them: But this, in good truth, is no more than to give Rich men leave to bring in their Wealth, and the Poor leave to beg in your Country. I could wish that all whom it concerns, would seriously consider, whether it be not worth the while to lay another bait to draw them in? Whether, that after you have considered the real value of People, you will not reckon it money well laid out, if you should raise a fund not exceeding— to be given to poor Protestants, who bring in their Families to settle here? I would have this money distributed among the poor French especially, because they have been great Sufferers on the account of Religion. The greatest Encouragement should be for men of Callings; and those should have most, who have Wives and most Children. This cannot be called a Burden to the Nation, because 'twill be spent in the Kingdom, and will increase its Wealth for the time to come. This will not draw in the poor alone, but the Rich likewise, for they will be fond of living among a people who make such Provision for their poor.  
And because I have shown that 'tis the Interest of England to Encourage Foreign Protestants to settle here, 'tis to be hoped that, if it can be done, some measures will be thought of, to prevail upon the King and People of England, to raise some Fund there, to help poor Foreigners to come over hither.  
When this is done, I think, Sir, that our great Council would do that which would make their Memory dear to postority, if they would Address the Government, and pray that they would signify to His Majesty, that 'tis the request of His great Council here, that, for promoting the Prosperity, and Securing the Peace of this Nation for the time to come, he would in the Grants he makes of Forfeited Lands take some care to have Protestants planted in them. If in every Estate Granted by the King, the person to whom the Grant is made, were obliged to plant a considerable number of Protestants in proportion to the Land which is given him: and if they were obliged to set out a good part of those Estates to Protestant Tenants in Leases for Lives, at a small Rent first, and to be raised afterwards, this, I think, would have a very good Effect, and would go a great way towards making the Country Rich and Secure.  
There is another thing which I could wish the Wisdom of our Nation would seriously consider, Whether it would not be very much for the Interest of Ireland, that the King would grant at least a part of the Forfeited Lands not yet disposed of, to Foreign Protestants; particularly (and that for very good reasons) to the French?  
I believe when they consider the thing impartially, they will own it. I find that in the year 1583, Queen Elizabeth in the Instructions which She gave Sir John Perrot sent Lord Deputy into Ireland, when She talks of Disposing of Forfeited Lands here, tells him that She's for giving no more to one than he's able to furnish people for. 
(a) Manuscript. Lambeth. L. C. pag. 35.  If the King gives Grants to English Gentlemen of England or Ireland (without this care taken) they must take up with the Irish Tenants that are upon the Land, and things must run on in their old course: If they furnish people out of England, this will unpeople England, and impoverish it, which 'tis our Interest to have full of People and Wealth, that we may live the more secure under its protection. The great Body of the French Protestants are at this day in a very uneasy and unsettled condition, and no one knows how many of them would make this Country a place of Retreat from their severe Persecutions, if they heard that the King of Great Britain had granted them Lands to settle upon. And when I speak this, I cannot but take notice that I think it a great happiness, that the Forfeitures not yet disposed of are in Conaught: If great numbers of the French were planted there, that Country which is thinest of Protestants, would be rendered as Secure as any part of the Kingdom.  
Before the Reign of King James the first, till the Escheated Counties were planted with Protestant Inhabitants, and the Londoners Built Derry and Colrane, the North of Ireland gave the greatest disturbance to the English: Since those Plantations have been made there, it has been the securest retreat from the Insurrections of the Irish. If a considerable Colony of Protestants were planted in Conaught, 'twould be impossible for the Irish to disturb the peace of the English in this Country for the time to come. I have heard a Person of Quality, who is your Relation, speak of a projest which I think would, if it were put in Execution, render that part of the Country secure. If the King, after that he has obliged those whom their Merits Recommend to His Favour, would be pleased to Grant Lands in this Province to the French, and would take care to appoint Commissioners to see it planted by them, and English mixed together, He would take an effectual course to Secure and Enrich this Kingdom, which he retrieved from Misery and Slavery, by the hazard of His Life. When the Parliament considers this, they perhaps may think it proper to pray the Government, that they would Represent this to the King besides these public Grants and Emulaments, 'tis to be hoped that the Protestant Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom, will (when they consider the great want and value of good people in this Country) give private Encouragements to Foreign Protestants to come into the Kingdom, and settle upon their Estates. In Order to Promote this, I could wish that in the Act of Naturalisation it were Enacted, that at the Public charge, four Folio Manuscripts well Bound were purchased; the First of these called the Book of Linster, to be placed in Dublin; the Second called the Book of Mu●ster, to be placed in Cork; the Third called the Book of Conaught, to be placed in galway; the Fourth called the Book of Ulster (which need not be large, because Foreigners will have little or no Encouragement in this Province which is indifferent full of People already) to be placed at Belfast, or some other place; those Books I would have put into the hands of the Town Clarks of the respective places, or such other Persons as shall be thought fit. In these Books I would have the Nobility and Gentry of the Respective Provinces enter the Encouragements they will give to Foreign Protestants to Settle in their Estate, viz. How many Tenements they will set out, with what Lands Annexed to them; whether the Lease shall be for Lives, or a considerable term of years; (and I could wish that they would consider that the true way to make Ireland Flourish, is to let Leases for Lives as in England, and to Encourage Tillage) how long they shall be Rend free; and what the Rent shall be after such time; what Bonâ side, the Land is worth an Acre as the Land thereabouts is now Set? How many Tenements they have particularly for Linen Weavers; for this will be a good way to Encourage the Linen Manufacture; and if the Parliament would in all, or (for a Specimen) in some Counties, where the Linen Manufacture is most Improved, order large Bleaching Yards to be made in such places of those Counties, or the Neighbouring County as— Justices of the Peace of the County with the Advice of— Persons whose employment it has been to make Linen; these Bleaching Yards to be put into the hands of the best Tradesmen to be procured at home or a broad, and they to Whiten Cloth at a rate set by the Parliament; this I conceive might go a great way in Improveing our Linen Manufacture. What Encouragement is thus given I would have entered in the Reigistry by the Gentlemans own hand; or if he send his Encouragement in a Letter to the Register, I would have two Witnesses hands to the Letter, and it should be kept on Record. The Reason is because I would have whatever Encouragement is thus given as Binding in Law as if it were a Deed, and the poor Forrigner who accepts the Proposal should have Liberty to sue in Formâ Pauperis, and all the King's Council should be obliged to see him righted, as if it were the Kings Suit. Such provisions and security, as this from the Public Faith will Encourage Foreigners to venture into the Kingdom. When such public Registries are Settled, Foreigners will have their Agent in the Kingdom to take an Account of the Encouragement that is given and if the Nobillty and Gentry would be generous in their Proposals, and would regard rather the good of their posterity, and the Security, and Flourishing Estate of the Kingdom for the time to come, than their own present gain, no one can tell what a multitude of useful people they may bring into the Kingdom by this means. That these Encouragements maybe made as public as may be, I would have Transcripts of the Encouragements entered in the Book of Conaught sent Monthly to the Register of Cork and Dublin, and those entered in Cork, Conaught and Ulster sent likewise to Dublin. And that Foreigners may have the more Encouragement to Settle here, I would have them exempted, at least for Seven years, from the Offices of Churchwardens, Constables, Jurors, and from public Taxes; besides what Goods they bring in at their first coming should be Duty Free, but then they must give Security to pay for them, if they don't settle in the Kingdom.  
I am persuaded, Sir, that these Proposals on the first Reflection, will seem very Wild and Extravagant: and 'twill be thought ill Husbandry thus to Bribe, and hire men to do themselves a kindness. Before men censure too rashly, I desire they would consider the great, (I had almost said the unknown) value of people; and the ill Report that frequent Rebellions have brought upon the Country, which is a Lion in the way, that frightens Foreigners from coming hither. What is thus given can do us no harm, for the Money will in effect, be raised only to Improve the Kingdom, and that Land which is given to draw Foreigners in to Plant and Improve it, will not, I'm sure, be carried out of the Country.  
Some may very justly ask why I doubt propose that English people rather be thus Encouraged to come and settle here, so I would (for they are the people that would be useful to us) if I were not very sure, that this would be taken ill in England. I'm for gaining as many useful Foreigners as possible and if we could draw in great numbers of the French Protestants, this would be an Act of great Charity to them, a great blow to the French King, and the greatest kindness that we can do ourselves.  
FINIS.