TRUTH Seeks no CORNERS: OR, Seven CASES of Conscience Humbly presented to the Army and Parliament.  Claud. 
Nec tibi quid liceat, sed quid fecisse decebit, Occurrat.  
Have in your thought,  
Not what you may effect,  
But what you ought.  
He seldom returns in safety that fights unjustly.  Cl. 
Printed in the Year, 1659.   

Gentlemen,  
THe ensuing Cases of Conscience are intended only to set you straight, wherein you have swerved from the way of Truth and Charity; though they be not so well ordered, yet they were better meant, and the true purport of them only is, if possible, that I amongst others might cast my mite also into the Treasury, for the safety and preservation of this most glorious and most splendid Island, from slavery, bondage, war and blood.  
Gentlemen Soldiers, sometimes you know its better to make an honourable retreat, then to hazard your country, by engaging an overpowerful enemy, and many times more discretion by far: So whether it be not much more convenient for yourselves and this Nation, to retreat from this heap of confusion, disorder, and incertainties, wherein we are now plunged, to that settlement, with some amendments, wherein the generality of the Nation of late did so much rejoice.  

1 Because its the likeliest way to come to a settlement, and at unity amongst ourselves, and to have a free Parliament called and chosen, and so a conclusion put to the distractions of the Land, which are otherwise likely to continue.  
2 Because in so doing you will discharge a good conscience, you will perform your vows and covenants, oaths, protestations to God, your Country, and the Protector, which else I cannot in my poor judgement discern how you can eseape the dint and stroke of God's judgements.  
3 You will wipe off that calumny and reproach which will for ever remain upon you and your posterity, of being some of you perjured and forsworn, except Sir H. V can help you out with a distinction to salve your consciences for a while, and all of you Nallifidians, men of no Faith or truth: For my part I speak the truth and lie not, I know not which way you can escape these most notorious imputations; all that I have further to say is, that you would accept these things kindly from the hand of your faithful friend to serve you.    

Truth seeks no Corners: OR, Seven Cases of Conscience humbly presented to the Army and Parliament.  
1 Case. HOw we can in conscience so highly magnify this Convention, by the specious Epithets and titles of the Parliament of England, the Rep esentatives of the People, a Commonwealth-Government, a Free-State▪ and what not? Because;  
First, there is now remaining but abo●t 80 persons, when the complete number should be near five hundred, and yet these Gentlemen have the confidence of terming themselves the Parliament, the Representatives of the People, etc. and doubtless esteem it not an ace less than Treason for any man to deliver his opinion otherwise. Now suppose these Gentlemen should trust an Army of ten thousand men (as the people hath trusted them) to defend such a country or place; this Army, through the casualty of war, and the like, are reduced to about fifteen hundred, or two thousand at most; but so it is, having power in their hands. they will admit of no other supply, though there be the same reason, hazard and danger, as at first; would not this Parliament judge and conceive, think you, that these were dangerous persons, and ran a direct course to hazard, overturn, and ruin all: or for the East-India Company to send a 100 Factors and Agents to manage their affairs to their best advantage in the East-Indies, and that eighty or more of this hundred should miscarry by the way, do you think it either fit, or would it not be presumption for the twenty remaining, to undertake that trust, and the mannagement of that, which was both trusted, ordered, and disposed of for a hundred; or having power in their hands, they will admit of no other help or assistance from their employers, whose servants they are. Now the plain and naked case is, that if such a kind of demeanour was to be seen in, and practised by others whether it were not most abominable, tyrannical, and the greatest usurpation lightly imaginable.  
Secondly, because the people of England, yea, according to their own qualifications and rules, have entrusted other persons to sit in Parliament several times since; and if this be a rule, which doubtless it is, that the people were not made for Parliaments, but Parliaments were made and constituted for the people's good, than the people, and their sense and notion of things, aught to be preferred, accepted, and entertained before ten or twenty men's apprehensions of things, for the rest stand but for cyphers, who are only a remnant, or a broken end of a rejected and distrusted Parliament: for it is a strange Solecism in Oeconomy, or governing a man's family, or household affairs, that I shall not have liberty to alter or change my servants, though under the greatest trust, if I have opportunity put into my hand to fit myself (as I conceive) with more able, honest, and faithful persons; and having thus furnished and fitted myself, that the old servants that I rejected, finding me either from home, or otherwise dispose of myself, should thrust themselves into my employment without my consent, leave, or approbation, is certainly a temper not to be endured or tolerated amongst men.  
Thirdly, because the present power did not only allow, but approve and commend the Army's act in dissolving or incapacitating their Brethren in 1648. although they were the major or prevailing part of that Parliament; then if the Army's power and practice was good and commendable in 1648. upon the most eminent and prevailing part of a Parliament, what is it that hath made the difference, that their power and practice was not as good in 1653. upon themselves? For certainly if I allow and approve of any thing done to my brother, I cannot disallow or disapprove of the same thing done to myself: so that it plainly appears, that if the Army's authority was good which they exercised upon their brethren, their Fellow-Trustees, it must needs be good also upon themselves; and if it were neither lawful to the one, nor to the other in 1648. nor in 1653. than ought they all to return to their trust, had not the people passed their judgement, and delegated their trust to others in the mean time: so that these three things considered, the question and case of conscience is, how either they, or any man else, can lawfully give them the terms and appellations of a Parliament, the Representatives of the people, etc.  
2 Case. How then in conscience can these Gentlemen thus impose or irrogate themselves upon the people as their Parliament, when they have not their approbation or consent, let any man's conscience but speak, without quenching, smotheting, or diverting it? and will it not speak usurpation and tyranny, because the people of England have always thought meet, being assembled in Parliament, to have their full number? Now for these Gentlemen to deprive the poor people of their native right, that they can have either none, or as good as none to plead for their rights, and to keep this poor Nation in quiet.  
Whether the thirty tyrants of Athens ever exercised greater injury to the Athenians, then is now imposed and offered to this poor Land, for we are subjected to the wills of such a number, both lives and fortunes; and yet that which is worst of all, we are flapt i'th' mouth with a free Parliament, a Commonwealth-Government, a Free-State: even as David said, Their words are smother than oil, but they have war in their hearts: and as the Scripture speaks elsewhere▪ ye have a name to live, but indeed are dead. By this rule we shall shortly be brought to believe any thing, as the poor blind Papists are; if their Leaders say that flesh is fish, they will eat it, though on a Friday, which otherwise they would not. It's to be feared we shall shortly call and term all things by contrariety, light darkness, midnight noonday, for we begin fair, calling our greatest thraldoms liberty, and where we are most deprived of our rights, freedom, and run ourselves into the greatest dangers that we may do so: but these things considered, which is but a touch, God knows, of what might be said, how can these Gentlemen, nay those men of conscience (for so I believe of some of them) term themselves the Parliament, the people's trusties, and not blush, and their consciences not fly in their faces.  
3 Case. How in conscience then can these persons in power dispense with, or how dare they to presume the selling or disposing of any public Lands and Revenues, or impose any tax upon the people: (beside the inconveniency of laying taxes for if some Counties have no trusties, they are like to bear the burden of the rest) and if any persons should buy or sell with these men, whose authority is so questionable, certainly they had need have great pennyworths; but it may be if they sell any, the money may be spent in another Country; but 〈◊〉 ●ll is matter of conscience to both buyer and seller, only Cav● Emptor.  
4 Case. Is to the Army, how in conscience you should give your power to that which is not, and so enslave yourselves and the people to a mere usurpation; Is this the fruit of your valour? Is this the product of our blood and treasure? Is this the issue and end of all, to give us and ours up to ten or twelve men's humours, and none of the best neither, for the rest signify little you know? who would have said that the army should be so far given over to a mind void of judgement, to subject themselves to a shadow, and to turn so ignoble, as to wait for Commissions as for an alms at the hands of a power of their own making, and that which is worse, by this means to erect and build up that now, which hath cost so much blood to pull down, viz. usurpation over the people, and a power against their minds. It seems to many of your friends, that you are left of God, your hearts they fail you, your glory is departed, your zeal waxed cold, you are even dead while you live, and want but burying, and the solemnities of your Funeral cannot be far off, for you are already dead; when the sentence is once past, you know the party is dead in Law, though the execution be deferred. It's to be feared you indeed are Sampson-like, he thought when Delilah told him the Philistines be upon thee, he had retained his wont strength, but it was not so, judg. 16.20. Then she said, the Philistines be upon thee Samson: and he awoke out of his sleep, and said, I will now go out as at other times before, and shake myself; but he knew not that the Lord was departed from him; therefore the Philistines took him, and put out his eyes, and brought him down to Gaza, and bound him with fetters, and he did grind in the Prisonhouse.  
If you in conscience find it otherwise, that your hands do not hang down, and your hearts faint not, your love to God and goodness is as potent as ever, it would be the rejoicing of my heart; but I am in good earnest, jealous over you, I hope with a godly jealousy, and afraid.  
5 Case. Whether in conscience there be any lawful power in England at this day, but the Protector, and the Army; for if all lawful power be derived from the people, than the Pro●c●tor and Army doubtless are the Supreme Authority, until a Parliament be chosen freely by the people, whose determinations ought to stand: For first, the people's testimony, as well by Parliament, as otherwise, entitles the Protector sufficiently. The Army was raised by the power of the people lawfully assembled, before any force or interruption whatsoever, that so these two are , and have the same superscription, viz. the stamp of the people's consent and approbation, which none else can pretend unto; it's proposed to your consciences, let them be the sole judges in the Case.  
6 Whether the Army in conscience can stand still, and see the Protector himself, and all his right and interest laid waste, and trampled upon as mire in the street, and also by the carriage of theirs, render themselves unto the world most unfaithful? Do they think in conscience that all their applications to him, and all their promises, nay, their oaths also will not pursue them unto destruction? Shall not the God of all the earth do right, when you even forced him, or rather over-persuaded him to dissolve the last and most free Parliament? what promises, what vows, what engagements was then made, and before; all that I can desire is, that you were free from them, and disobliged: Are your vows, and promises, and engagements at Triploe-Heath, at St. Alban's so sacred, as to be insisted upon, even upon the hazard of all, and those since under your hands to the Protector, and other large testimonies and acknowledgements now to be of no force; certainly if those promises, addresses, besides proclamations and engagements, both public and private, be not according to the tenor of them fulfilled, and you go out of the world without some characters of divine vengeance, it's much, and will be a temptation for all men to engage, swear, vow, promise, and all that can be done by men, and not much matter whether they keep them or no, for God will not be mocked under any pretence whatsoever.  
7 Whether in conscience the most probable way to preserve the Land in peace in this Juncture of affairs, and as the face of things seem to appear, be not first to unite the Army and Protector together by some fit expedients which may readily be proposed; for we cannot but see, that before the interruption of the Protectors government, all were in peace, and the Land in great unity, a thousand-fold then since this late alteration, whether therefore there be any thing seen in it of God's displeasure, let men judge, for wars and dissensions are tokens of his anger; and peace the promise of his love, good will, and blessings.  
FINIS.