A LETTER OF UNITY Tending, generally to a Peace, especially to that between 

Presbyterian  
Independent   Opinion.  
Written July 12. 1648  
LONDON, Printed Anno. Dom. 1648.   

SJR,  
I Received your Letter, welcome to me, though empty of any news, which in that you Father on the turbulence of these times, give me leave, Sir to tell you it is your fault in part, that the times prove so, when as it is within the power of your known wisdom and abilities to have provided against the happening of, or to compose the troublesomeness of these times now they are befallen us. A single person, amongst may more, can act but his part of work, but a man of eminency and worth can exced his fellow workmen in the doing it. As it is the ablest task of an honest and wise Citizen, to keep the City at Unity within itself, so it is of each Member in a body politic to preserve that Body unanimous and entire. The unhappy contest between Ye in your House, befalling ye upon your victory, have again divided it into Presbyterian, Jndependent, two mature and as yet unsettled Tenants. And it is much, that two opinions, betwixt which there is no material difference, should cause a difference, yea such an one, as if pursued, must prove destructive to yourselves and friends. To prove that they are not materially differing, is no hard task, the Persons partaking with, and maintaining them may differ, each party striving to lead up and multiply their parties following them. To show that there is no considerable difference between the two Tenants. Or that they are both uncertain, unsettled yet, you may please to observe the sound, yet reserved, judgement of them both: First, The Presbyterian and the Covenanters maintaining that Government, no man will think, that their Covenant doth so presently oblige, as that the Presbyterian Government should immediately and forthwith commence or begin assoon as the Covenant is taken, but it is to be presumed, then, when the War is ended, when a firm and well-grounded Peace is settled: All Government whatsoever is incompatible with a Civil War, which destroys and confounds all Laws and Orders: So the Independent. who contends for Liberty, etc. is not, or may not be for aught We know, simply and always against all Government, peradventure only for a time, until he fees a quiet and more calm time, wherein the Presbyterian, or any other wholesome, or good form of Government may be without interruption and firmly settled. Then his opinion so strictly for▪ Jndependency may alter, when oppurtunity shall serve, without impeachment to his judgement, or inconstancy in his opinion. Neither is Jndependency an abdication always of all Government, nor positively, any sect at all: it may seem rather a privation of all Sects in Government, and how long? until a composure & setlement of these present differences for a peace is not settled as yet rather instead of it, an eminent & dreadful face of a New War, this present Discord ocasioning the same. The privative particle [in] in the word itself [Jndependant] implies as much as that he holds off, and declines all bonds of Government, but no man knows, how long: His managing his intended course in the maintaining this his Tenent, may resemble a Traveller's purpose bound for his journey to a Country a fare off, who deeming the next way, to his journey's end to be unsafe and dangerous, goes therefore out of the next way, stays sometimes by the way, goes sometimes bacl, always yet providing and casting with himself what may make for, what against his rest and quiet, when he comes to his journeys end, which, notwithstanding these hesitances, he intends, and hath it always in his eye, as surely, as if he had hastened thereunto: So it may far with the Jndependent for aught can be discerned to the contrary. He may aim at this or that particular form of Government to be hereafter settled; and in this his contending for Liberty, may desire peradventure to shake of this present Yoke of Government for a time, which hard and heavily preesseth him, thinking that without shaking off such a yoke there can be no firm or settled Government at all. Not that he doth totally, or finally decline or detest all Government, either the Presbyterian, or any other form, but that he expects a more free and fit season, for establishing that which he intends, and aims at, namely upon the establishment of a firm and lasting peace:  
For there is not, therefore a certain or settled Peace, because (there are no visible Forces appearing on the one side, or because the King doth in his passionate, and mournful words, (expressed of late in several his Declarations) tell the People, How he longs for peace, lamenting the want of it, how sensible he is of, how desirous to shun the effusion of more blood; Neither is the Army therefore to be disbanded upon this Name or desire of Peace: the war may break out again especially when as the conquering party, the Parliament whose Army it is, and by whole aid they have gained the power, is so much inveighed against, opposed, and by calumniating tongues, traduced for the abusing their power to oppression, injustice, and unnecessary protracting this War, Neither can the Parliament as yet, act in their full strength to the settlement of Peace, They have enough to do to maintain their own Power against a restless Enemy, who seeks all opportunities of advantages of prevailing against them, So that, howbeit the end of each of their desires (the King's the Parliament's) may be Peace, the ways of attaining it, are differing, and so repugnant each to other, as we cannot term this present cessation from a War, a safe or lasting peace.  
On the other side, the Presbyterian for his Covenant sake drives at a particular form of Government, subject yet to interpretation and dispute (to 
* See the Articles in the Covenant for the Presbyter Government.  be regulated according to God's Word to the best reformed Churches or the like) wherefore it cannot have any positive or firm settlement in men's consciences, until more precisely defined what it is, and to be regulated by the like power, which did institute it. Now that these two Opinions no more differing or crossing within themselves then a rasa tabula doth differ from the Character, which may now be printed in that Table, and anon blotted out again, should break out into virulency and opposition each against other, artificially and handsomely hatched by a third and malignant party who have been convicted, and censured for their malignancy and thereby by a Peace hath seemed to be well nigh settled, that that Party should, by your Division, now prevail and become Judges of ye, and of your Friends, the executioners of their own fierce malice; what a misery and confusion must befall us all, after an expecting our security through your accord, and hoping through your sobriety, and temper (next unto God's blessing) to have enjoyed an uninterrupted Peace? Not that the success and victory obtained by your friends assistance should inflame ye into discord about terms merely notional, at least not universally received and approved, because controverted as yet, and strongly 
* By the University of Oxford at a Convocation held there june 1. 1647.  objected against by Others of a contrary Diet to both the Presbyterian and Jndependent, Terms also scarce understood, not heard of by the most part of the People; who rather than they will undergo the charge and hardship of a continued or second War, about opinions unknown, about Words unheard of, except in the worst sense of Factious, Schismatical, rending from the ancient and received form of Government, will choose rather to submit to the mercy of a former or latter Enemy, and to be enslaved by enduring an Iron yoke, then to be consumed by a lasting War.  
If concerning these new, unheard of Tenants (which may be good and profitabl● when retained, yet disturbing by reason of their Novity) Ye shall embroile yourselves, your Parliament and Army in a second War, haying so victoriously sped by your mutual assisting one another in the first, and consequently lose what ye have gained, ye cannot but foresee the event. The Quarrel seems to be tripartite, between the Presbyterian, Jndependent, and the King's party: you will not find it so, but two Parties to join against a third, although being fienely carried, it may otherwise outwardly appear. And those two, which in their Bodies are most contiguous each to other, will sooner unite in their accord to the subduing of the third, then having gained the power by degrees extirpate the other also, and set up what they please themselves. So, having prevailed through your dividings will by the hard chance of your example, better manage their Victory to keep it, than Ye did, when Ye prevailed, which We, the standers by, are most sensible of, who shall be scorned and trampled on in your sufferings occasioned by your contention. The division was at first betwixt the King's Party, and the Parliament, how occasioned, how prosecuted, most men know, together what hath been the progress, what the success. To breviate it in one word, (setting aside all emergent and collateral Dispute and Debates, all Changes, Chances and Innovations, which have fallen out since the beginning of this War, and are no proper effects thereof) The King having suffered much wrong to be done by his subordinate Ministers of Justice, to his Freeborn Subjects (which was not for 1.2. or 3. years only done but for many, and until a Parliament was called) and not power in being to emulate and match the Kings, save the Court of Parliament of Lord and Commons assembled for vindicating such wrongs, as, for redress of greivances in the Commonwealth, 
* See the Statute 36. Edw. 3. cap. 10.  the proper end of instituting and ordaining a Parl. at the first. Those Ministers of Justice were rescued by Arms and a strong hand from the hand of Justice. To which by the way, the King's friends recriminatorily, Object. That the Parliament hath done the like, and that therefore each Power (the Kings and the Parliaments) are guilty of injustice of Oppression etc. So the Parliament is engaged in a War, as ye are now enforced to secure and maintain themselves, their friends, succeeding Parliaments, and the Laws the Sinews of all peace, and in that they have as yet prevailed, wrestling with many difficulties and finding yet reluctancy, much repining and envy at their proceed, they imprison, impose an fine their Adversaries, yea they lay Contributions and heavy Taxes on their Friends, amongst other the Subjects of this Kingdom, until their intended work for a safe and lasting Peace be finished, Nevertheless it is not to be thought that they offer this, simpliciter per se, and with a purpose to continue in so doing, but per accidens, being thereunto necessitated, for the maintenance of their power, for defence of themselves and their Adherents. Hence was die first occasion, the issue of these six year's War, and will be the fuel of a New fire, kindling through your discords, If not timely prevented. If the Parliament upon their Victory, shall subdivide again, rending into new Opinions, and they so earnestly maintained by each others Partisans, as that betwixt the K. & the Parl. it cannot be, but that the more weak and vanquished Party of those two (the Presbyterian and Independent) would rather adhere and apply themselves to their first Adversary, to join with him for their assistance then to be overcome by their last in this new subdivision. If you please to forecast what may probably be the Event, how nearly ye are linked in a mutual botherhood with another Nation, what hath been the end of your mutual League, the preservation and maintenance of the Peace of both Kingdoms, consequently of the third. For this rent rests not with us alone 〈◊〉 of English Nation, it concerns our united Friends, who have had an hand in settling the Presbyterian Government, not that they contend happily to have it immediately to begin before the War is ended, and in a rigid unalterable way to inure, or to endure for ever. Another Parliament may alter and abrogate it, as this Parliament hath, the Episcopal, their Articles, Manifestoes, and Declarations do evidence no such conceit of power or primacy over us, or our Parliaments, as to make any Government of their devising perpetual amongst us, no more than any of our devising, perpetual as unto them (We are governed by distinct and different Laws from them, Neither is the Union betwixt Us and Them, any thing the less, because of our several Forms of Government in Church and Commonwealth) but during the time of these combustions, and They in part foreseeing the eminency of our troubles, to join with, and assist us in the removing of them: Now to forsake Them, or the Leagve entered into by Us and Them [one Article where▪ of is the maintenance of the Presbyterian or such a like form of Government, yet with an express limitation, how: with a  sense, when, where to bid battle, both to them, and to your solemn Vow. Unless ye shall be evinced by sufficient Arguments to the contrary; as where strength of Reason, inevitable necessity, your endeavours for the maintenance of a firm and well-grounded Peace still encountered by a Malignant and adverse Party, who can yet insinuate [their desire of, and affections unto such a Peace) to be the cause of your deserting it, For such respects and interests may in any impartial and unbiased Judgement, dispense with and make void your tie, or Covenant, subject unto greater and more obliging Interests, even in the covenanters' eye, unless they be seasoned with much prejudice.  
Withal consider, Sir the prowess, valour and success of your Army, the faithfulness of your General, how victoriously he hath sped in his designs and enterprises of reducing the strong holds and fortresses held in opposition unto ye, consider withal his Arms strength and power, in case they become your Enemies, who have hitherto been your friends, And to have it quarrel with ye, or ye with it, and the City of London the place of your security, the Arsenal and Bulwark of your safety, well rampired with the prayers, affections, and and hearty supplications unto Almighty God, of the ablest Citizens for your prosperity, but now divided in itself, as We your friends, ignorant how to demean ourselves, when we see how many of your adherents wavering now, and not fully or constantly resolved to continue partakers with ye, standing neutral ready rather upon your dissentings to betake themselves to the party adverse to yours, finding in them consent and unity where we see also what a confusion must attend the progress of a new War, the dangers, jealousies, and uncertainties which most men will apprehend, or must be Subject to, what a Revolution there will be of all things into a new distraction, for howbeit the War seem near ended betwixt the King's Party and the Parliament's, that being censured and punished for their delinquency in case they should prevail, which cannot be without your Dividing (for all the consultation, privy and close Actings and contriving are about, and how to help the King to his former power, that thence his party may recover their strength again] with what revenge they shall execute their malice on your friends, under the Notion and Censure of being Rebels, and having gained the power, make good, the Censure by the Sword.  
In the doubtful event of the Victory (as which side shall prevail, which shall be overcome) your Valiant Cheiftain shallbe, or ye will suspect him so, Courted by that Power which he hath vanquished to be overcome himself, and what the event? He which with five other more Lords and Gentlemen adherents to the Parliament hath been by a clancular and privy Oath taken at Oxford [about four years since] by the King's Party abiding, and repairing thither, sworn in the fwearers Conscience to be a Traitor, Now the same Party do Court and smile on him, whither to own him as their friend, or to use him as an instrument of their hopes, assuring and setting before him his Majesty's grace and pardon for what is past, And leaving it to the doutbfulnesse of that Question, Wither it may be better for him to persist in his Active and Constant way for procuring this Kingdom's Peace, so to run the hazard of being yet overcome, before he hath completed it, or to stand to his Majesty's pardon, in case he shall revolt and assist the King, The Resolution of which Question depends upon the various acceptions of his Judges in case of his being overcome, for whatsoever the King's temporary and personal mercy may be in granting pardon to your General, the Parties who have already adjudged him a Traitor, can by a stronger influence on the King's affections take off the not working of such pardon from any blemish to be cast upon his Majesty with that politic and applauded principle, Amo proditionem, odi proditorem. Neither is a Pardon in these hazardous and uncertain times so sure and full a reprieve or safeguard to a man, as his own Innocency is. A pardon is subject to reservations in the pardoner, to disputes, as whither the Pardon be lightly pursued & duly pleaded It hath in it many perquisites and circumstances to make it complete, not to be hereafter questioned; the Law hath many wrest and niceties in it, especially in the practice and manner of pardoning, to render the true sense, intricate, wherefore no certainty or lasting confidence in a Pardon had, And if your General hath out of an honest, noble, and clear integrity, God and his own Conscience bearing him witness, and no man suspects the contrary, taken up Arms to serve his Country, for the maintenance of their Just Liberties, a sacred Text hath pointed out the way which he is to take, by the comparison it makes between an humane and Almighty Power, it is better to trust in God, who can defend Him in his innocency, then to put any confidence in Princes, who can pardon Crimes. These things need not to be set down before your view. Ye are circumspect and wise to foresee & avoid your dangers if the earnest thirst after making good your new opinions, misled ye not into a continued discord. Lastly, compare the power of your General and his Army ready now to invade the City, with the condition of your friend in it divided now within itself, and having of strangers many Incendiaries and close Pioners in it to undermine your strength, divers of the Citizens along time your enemies, especially those of the more lose and meaner sort, thirsting for, and ready to be in a combustion to prey on the wealthier (your Friends) It is yet I verily presume within the power of your wisdoms (God seconding your just endeavours) to dispel these eminent clouds by complying with the Army, by reconciling those two, between whom there seems to be, but is no real difference, unless the strong malice, and exquisite subtlety of a third make it so, or the pride of heart between the rigid Presbyterian, and strict Jndependent, both violent and headstrong in their ways. The Author of Peace, and Giver of Grace to the Humble, direct and prosper Ye in Your ways to both, So prayeth.  
For Sir I. S. Knight, one of the Members of the House of Commons.  
Your very affectionate and humble Servant. S W.  
FINIS