THE COPIES of Several LETTERS Contrary to the opinion of the present powers, Presented to the Lord Gen. Fairfax, AND LIEVT. GEN. CROMWELL.  
By Francis White, Maior of his Excellency's Regiment of Foot.  
London, Printed by T. Pain for Tho. Slater, and Stephen Bowtell. 1649.   

To the Reader.  
HAving for some years been an Actor in the Affairs of the late wars, and likewise an observer of the proceed of State, in which I have been concerned more than every private person; I have therefore, offered my Judgement, and declared my opinion in matters of highest concernment to my Lord General, and Lieut. Gen. Cromwell, and had no great desire to have published what I have written: But hearing by many of my friends, that it is generally reported by most that have heard of me, that I have now declined my principles, and am turned Cavalier. The reason of this Conception is, because I declared my Descent to the taking away the life of the King: But to manifest to the world, the truth and innocency of my heart, I have published these following Letters, to show that I was of the same Judgement formerly as I now continue, as may appear in my Letter sent to Lievt. Gen. Cromwell, almost a year ago, and what I have written to my Lord General, although contrary to the opinion of the present powers; I thought myself bound in Conscience to perform, to preserve my own inward peace. For although some men make no conscience of their Engagements, Vows, and Oaths, yet I hope, God will give me power rather to suffer death, then destroy my life. I know that my Judgement is not infallible, yet notwithstanding I must keep close to my Principles, until I am convinced of Error; I have here declared my Principles and purpose, to stand in the prosecution of the public service with faithfulness, whiles God by his grace doth enable me.  
Francis White. March the 20. 1648.   

The Copy of a Letter presented to his Excellency, the Lord Fairfax, General.  
My Lord,  
I Am a Member of your Army, and included in all actions done by the Disciplinary power, whiles I silently consent thereto, and I would never appear a Discenter to any thing that tends to public good, although never so prejudicial to my particular interest; but rather than I would submit to any thing of essential public prejudice to the people, or to destroy my inward peace, I would expose myself to a temporal destruction. For God is my witness, I do not so much fear them that can kill the body only, as I do him that is able to cast both body and soul into hell; so fare as I have been employed in the common work, I have cheerfully acted or born my public testimonies, and I hope for ever shall. My Lord, I have taken notice of many Petitions from almost all the Forces in England, and from divers people of the Countries, which supplicate for many good things, which they desire your Excellency to procure. In all which good things, I do hearty concur with their Petitions; but I have observed this as one thing generally desired, that they may have execution of Justice upon the King, and as far as I can perceive, it is generally intended by the Officers of the Army, and the Members of the present House of Commons, to take away the life of the King. But with submission to your Excellency, I desire leave to declare my descent, and upon grounds conscientious for these Reasons following.  

First, Because there are no clear grounds by any Legal Authority, to take away the life of the King.  
Secondly, It is contrary to our first Engagement, and our general Professions, Vows, and Covenants, to God and the world.  
Thirdly, I do not discern it will produce any general good to the Nation, but rather the contrary.   
Having declared my opinion, and the chief Reasons for the same, I desire your Lordship to read these following Lines, for the clearing of those Reasons, and the justifying my integrity and innocency in former actings.  
At the first taking up of Arms, I was sensible of the oppression and injustice which was exercised by the King and his Ministers upon the people; he exalting himself to act beyond all Laws, which his Predecessors and himself had bound themselves by consent to observe; He raising Arms to enforce the exercise of his power, to the maintaining an absolute tyranny over the Nation, was the chief ground of my opposing him: and I have freely acted in the affairs of War, to the subduing of his power, and the vindicating of the people's just Rights, and claim to the disposal of the Military power without his consent. In the prosecution of this service, I have been as free from seeking revenge upon the Person of the King, as to violate my own life. The chief end I seek, is the preservation of the righteous people, with the safety and well being of the whole, and if possible without taking away the life of Charles Steward, King of England.  
First I say, I do not understand how it may be done by any Legal Authority according to the Kingly Government, though it may be a just thing, yet I know not how it may justly be done. I never heard of any Throne erected in the earth, either by God or men, for the judging of a King, until the erecting of this late tribunal at Westminster. All the Judgement Seats, that are legally erected in this Nation, were made by King, Lords, and Commons; but the King ever did exempt himself from personal judgement, by virtue of the Military, Regal, and Legislative power which he retained in himself, which was gotten by the Sword of his Predecessors, and kept by Traditional dissent: although the people since the Conquest, have had the liberty of choosing Laws, so that he did not set up Laws and Judicatures legally at his will, yet there was no Law made, nor Judicatures erected, but by his will, although he agreed, the people should have the power of choosing Laws, yet he determined, that he would keep the power of confirming Laws; so that no Law was ever made without his will.  
And if it be throughly examined; we may find that the King hath no other right to the Military, Regal, and Legislative power, than the Sword did constitute and invest him with by divine permission, the people submitting thereto for fear, and to avoid greatest mischief. But now the King and his party being conquered by the Sword, I believe the Sword may justly remove the power from him, and settle it in its original fountain next under God, the people. But to judge or execute his person, I do not understand any Legal Authority in being can justly do it. I doubt not but the Sword may do it, but how righteous judgement that may be, that God and future generations will judge. It is clear that the Military power is exalted above the Regal and Legislative power, and is now come to the throne of God, and under no other Legal Judgement, until there be a Legal Authority erected, as is offered in the Agreement, to which it may submit. And seeing God hath in righteousness for the sins of the people, and their King, brought us into this unhappy condition, I therefore plead with your Excellency, to use the sword with as much tenderness as may be, to preserve the lives of men, and especially the life of the King.  
And for my second reason, Because we have made general profession of preserving his person, and whensoever any accused us of seeking the life of the King, we always denied it, until this late Remonstrance. Now Sir, it is as real a manifestation of a Christian, a honourable and noble spirit, as can be discovered to the world, to be true to what it doth profess, and to be the same in adversity, as in prosperity, and in prosperity as it was in adversity; and it is more honourable to save the life of a conquered enemy, then to destroy him: For if he hath prosecuted his designs according to his judgement and conscience, and were in the wrong way, it was because God suffered the Devil to blind his understanding, that he did not know the truth, and it is better to let him live, and learn to repent, then to make haste to send him to destruction; so that his remaining alive, be not any general prejudice, or more mischievous than his death would be, which would well be considered under the third reason.  
I do not understand any essential good can accrue to the people, by the taking away his life. For it is not so much the person that can hurt us, as the power that is made up in the Kingly office by this corrupt constitution; for if the person be taken away presently, another layeth claim to the Kingly Office, and for any thing I know, hath as much right to the Dominion as his Predicessor had, and will, questionless, have all the assistance that this person can procure, for the attaining thereof, and will be able to do more mischief, because he is at liberty, and this under your power.  
Again, This King being the King of Scotland and Ireland, according to the Laws in being, they have an interest in his person as well as England, notwithstanding he is under our power. Now if you will judge the Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland in that which concerns their interest, where you can claim no right, it is a evident wrong, and may give them just offence, and ground of quarrel against this Nation, and by this, may be of more prejudice to the whole, then can be good to the particular. I desire my Lord, that we may issue a Christian spirit, not rendering evil for evil, but rather good for evil. Although wicked men will deal wickedly with us, yet let us deal mercifully with them, and pardon and forgive, as we desire God should pardon and forgive us. In this way I do verily believe we shall be greater Conquerors than yet we have been, if we can conquer ourselves, and the affection of our enemies which this doth lead unto. My Lord, in all that I have written, I am not against the judging of the King; but I say it is by no legal Authority, but only what the Sword exalteth: although it be not an exact Marshal Court, yet it is little different, and not a Legitimate Authority to the King, yet it may as justly judge him, as ever he judged the people, and may dethrone him, and divest him of all power and authority in the English Nation. And I think it is necessary so far to proceed, and to detain him as a prisoner at war, till he may be delivered with safety to yourselves and the Nation. I desire your Excellencies favourable Construction of what I have written, and if it be not your Excellency's judgement, all that I desire for my satisfaction is; That your Excellency will appoint such a General Council as the Army in these parts shall be included by the Mayor voice thereof, if it be not concluded according to my Judgement, yet therein shall I have my desire, because I consent to be included by the Mayor part, to avoid division: If this may not be granted, then must I declare my descent, and that it is an action done by virtue of the Disciplinary power of the Army, by which I am not in this case willingly included, and so I hope I shall preserve myself in innocency and peace, and not be an instrument of the mischiefs, and evils that may be brought upon this Nation, by the taking away the blood of their King. Having taken this Freedom to write to your Excellency, I shall now take my leave, and remain.  
Your Lordship's most humble Servant, Francis White. January the 22. 1648.   

To the Right Honourable, His Excellency, the Lord Fairfax, General.  
My Lord,  
I Have for these six years been a servant to the public in the affairs of the late Warce, and for the most part under Your Excellency's conduct; and I can speak it with confidence, that no man hath been more faithful to the people, or to your Lordship, in the prosecution of their interest, than myself. If I have erred in this work, it hath been chief in too forward actings for the public good; and I would rather err in the prosecution of my principles with zeal, then in the abusing patience with sloth, wherein I am convinced of offence, from which no man is free, I shall submit; but rather than betray innocence with cowardice, I would perish. My Lord, I must needs inform you, that my principles leads me to a concurrence with those people which joined in the late Petition of the many thousands in the City of London, and parts adjacent, and must upon all lawful occasions, as I will vindicate my integrity, use means for the accomplishing of the most essential parts of that Petition; and if the prosecution of such principles be offensive to yourself, as to produce your Lordship's prejudice, for to remain under your Excellency's displeasure in my employment, as I am informed from some in near relation to your Excellency, I do; and that it hath been the reason of your Honours depriving me of a further trust, by putting another over me, to command your Excellency's Regiment, which I had sought and conducted through the greatest difficult with success, and free from imputation, or proving false to my trust in the least. If it be true that your Honour bears prejudice to me for my principles, then must I in faithfulness speak it, I would rather quit my employment, then remain under your Lordship's disaffection and jealousy in my command: my Lord, I am very sensible of my discouragement, and entreat your Excellency, to give me the manifestation of your affection, and acceptance for the future; or to let me know if it may not be, that I may remove myself from being a burden to your Honours proceed. However I shall prove myself to be,  
Your Lordship's most humble Servant, Francis White. Knausburgh, Septem: 23. 1648.   

To the Right Honourable Lieut. Gen. Cromwell.  
Honoured Sir,  
IT is not unknown to many, your great pains, and unwearied endeavours in the public employment, from the first undertaking; you have appeared constant, valiant, and successful in the greatest affairs of the late war. And having through God's blessing passed through many difficults, subduing all aduersaries that opposed our just proceed It now lieth upon you, and others of the like interest, to see the establishment of those things which we have contended for that there may be some requital for the expense of so much Treasure and Blood. It hath ever been the consideration of all wise undertakers of a war, First, to consider the right of their cause Secondly, their abilities to manage the same. And thirdly, that the benefits may countervail the ill convenience or prejudice, that may be sustained in the procuring success.  
What bondage oppression and injustice, we were made subject to, by the King and his Ministers; is not unknown to yourself: and when he could no longer keep the people in subjection, under his oppressive government, but was in danger of being cast out of his Throne he then called a Parliament, which he endeavoured to make subject to his will. For the better prosecution of his principles, but failing of his expectations in Council, he endeavoured to bring his purposes to pass, by the force of the sword, and undertook the managing a War against the Parliament, They seeing the evil he endeavoured to bring upon themselves and the Nation, took courage to appear faithful to those who had entrusted them, and called in all that had bowels of mercy and compassion to themselves or the Nation to come in to the help of a distressed State, and to maintain their just rights and freedoms.  
The Parliament did then claim, and since have claimed, a Right to determine all controversies that may arise in the Nation and that of right they might dispose of the Militia of the Kingdom as they should see cause; for in the House of Commons virtually the power of the Kingdom is for to make Laws, or repeal Laws, and to be the final judges. It is true, the King held a confirming voice, and was entrusted with the Militia and the Regal power, for the protecting and administering justice unto the people, but when the Parliament saw a danger of the Kings converting that power to their and the trusters destruction, they took upon them the disposal of the Militia, upon which the King broke with them and made a war.  
God having now given success to their cause, and invested them and their assisters with full power, it now lieth upon them, to make good all promises, if possible, the lesser giving way to the greater, and as much as in them, lieth, endeavour to prevent future disputes and quarrels, for the welfare of posterity; and to settle the government of the Nation: So that the Regal power in what form soever, may be subject to the Legislative, and likewise to untwist those lines of bondage, which will question our just proceed, there is no rational man that will imagine it unreasonable, that the Parliament should proceed to the settling the Kingdom's peace and Freedom without the King, seeing that after the conquering his Forces, and so many addresses, he will accept of nothing but what shall be agreeable to his will; the which must be a giving up the right of our cause, and advantage to the name and thing King, to recover all power in short time, and to the winding of the Nation into worse bondage and servitude then ever, to the will of the Prince, which will of necessity be our portion, if there be not a clear vindicating of the Rights and Freedom of the people, in the Legislative power; which was the main thing contended for; and it is evident, that the supreme power next under God, is inherent in the multitude, and that there is no just authority, but what is immediately derived from God himself by divine appointment, or mediately given from the people by their Representative, who of right are not subject to any particular person or persons; but may upon grounds of common safety, altar Magistrates or Government, make new Laws, or repeal old: Abolish Courts, or set up new, without the concurrence of King or Peers. However this be called new Doctrine or Levelling, it will appear that in this is laid the foundation of the Freedom of a Nation, in stating their Representative free and equal, invested with full power, the persons changeable successively, so that whatsoever Laws or Burdens the people bring upon themselves, they will be of their own choosing; whatsoever custom is held contrary herto is a fruit of conquest kept by force, and may justly be by force repelled. This is no change of principles, as is evident from the first contest. The people's safety argued the supreme Law, and the House of Commons judges of that safety and interpreters of Law and they affirming the King's oath binding him to confirm what Laws they choose, the Commons telling the Lords they should endeavour to save a people without them, if they would not concur.  
But it may be objected, that the Engagement at the first undertaking of the war, declared for King and Parliament, and that the Parliaments Declaration in the year 1646, declareth, for the maintaining of the constitution of this Kingdom, by King, Lords, and Commons, and that the Protestation and Covenant of this Kingdom and Scotland, engageth them to maintain the King's authority, and that they have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesty's just power and greatness.  
To this I answer, that men are bound by Conscience and Honour, to make good all Engagements so far as justly they may, and if men be not found constant to their principles, no man can wisely put confidence in them, nor trust them farther than necessity enforceth. It will not be amiss to look over our former Engagements, and moderately to consider what may be performed, and what not. For indeed, they are so interwoven that it will be a difficult matter to make good every particular. Therefore first consider the most general things of greatest importance, and make good them with as much provision for particulars, as general will permit. And in the first place, that Interest of the people's freedom must in justice take place: For in all Declarations, Papers, and Covenants, it hath been the chief thing pretended, and there never passed any promise of intrusting the King, but in order to the peace, freedom, and security of the Kingdom; and I believe it was expected, that when the King's powers should be subdued, he would have accepted the Parliaments conditions, which he refusing, is a just ground to alter their promises, and to proceed to the settling the Kingdom in freedom, safety, and peace, without the King: the which can never probably be done, without altering the former custom in making Law. For whatsoever is acted upon the former constitution, will run to the King for confirmation; so there will be no security, unless ye declare the Parliaments Ordinances good Laws, and so conduce one Estate, and take away the thing King, which name the ancient Romans could not endure for the space of 400. years; and it will be found no small let to the settlement of our peace. For it must be time that must produce security from him and his posterity: the Army must not be a protection for ever, neither will the people endure this Parliaments perpetuity, for the continuance of either longer than necessity enforceth, is inconsistent with the people's freedom.  
And now the Soldiery having contracted much of the business of the Kingdom upon their Shoulders, you will be put upon the exercise of reason, you have already shown your strength and valour in subduing the Forces that have opposed us; and if you can now find ways to secure yourself and our assisters, from the Authorities we have resisted, you will appear much like a complete man in Reason.  
I beseech you Sir, look back to the first Engagement of the Parliament with due consideration, and endeavour what you may, to procure the performance thereof. At the first raising an Army, The Parliament declared it to be for the defence of the Protestant Religion, the Laws of the Land, the King's person, the privilege of Parliament, the people's just Rights and freedom; these things are spacious, and were never stated and published what is meant hereby. Some understand the Protestant Religion, to be the Book of Common prayer for Worship the Episcopacy for Discipline, and the thirty nine Articles for Doctrine: But it Religion be taken in such forms, then is it in a great measure altered by the Synod, in part with the Parliaments approbation, imposing the Directory for Worship, the Presbytery for Discipline, and the Confession of Faith, which they have published, for Doctrine; and in stead of Resorming, have introduced Schism. It cannot be denied but we were very zealous for the promoting of Religion, and I hope still are; but I fear we did not rightly understand what Religion is. Certainly, Religion in the most general acceptation, is that profession of Worship, Discipline, and Doctrine which a people hold forth to the world: in the former sense it is most probable, that which we call Religion, was understood, and that which was then intended by the general party of the Nation, was a Reformation of what might appear corrupt, and to free the people from those burdens in Ceremonies imposed, which many tender Consciences could not bear. But now that which we call Religion, appears to me only a traditional formal profession, and is made use of only to gain parties and Factions, under the specious pretence of Religion, thereby to gain power to rise in Dignities, for profit and honour among men. This is the Religion of Rome as at this day, pure State policy, in which is comprehended the depth of the mystery of iniquity. Such is the Religion of the Turk, and many other Nations a mere empty form, in which nothing of the power of God is; and what is this alteration of Church Government, Worship, and Doctrine which some men so furiously pursue, but the clothing of Antichrist with a new coat, changing out of one form of the mystery of iniquity into another. But it you seriously consider, you may understand, that Religion is not a name, but a thing; not a form, but a power, not a notion, but a substance divine: Religion consisteth in faith, and works of righteousness; Religion is properly that inward power in the soul of a man, whereby be believeth, and is bound to God in righteousness and holiness; the demonstration thereof, manitest in acts of Justice and mercy, visiting the fatherless and the widow, and keeping unspotted from the world; so much of this power a man hath, so much Religion, where there is none of this power, there is no Religion; To as many as believe in Jesus Christ, to them giveth he power to become the Sons of God. Now Sir, if there be a defending of the Protestant profession, let men take it in what form they understand. I believe it will be the best and safest making good this Engagement Religion is not propagated by any humane power: the Civil Magistrate may protect Christians in religious exercises, but to compel an external Uniformity by a coersive power, seeing there is no pretended infallibility will be preposterous, and more Antichristian then is the Pope himself. Christ's Kingdom is spiritual, and propagated only by the spirit in the administration of the word, without the help of humane force. If the Civil Magistrate exercise impartial justice, and tolerate religious exercise, it will be as much as Christians will desire.  
As for the Laws of the land, which we are engaged to defend, I think there are very few understand what they are in general: we defend the laws, if we act according to the supreme ends thereof, which is to save the people, and preserve propriety, and dispense impartial Justice; and let the law have its course in Courts till there be a just alteration. But if any thing appear contrary to these ends by the judgement of the lawmakers, it can be no breach of this engagement, to alter the same.  
The third particular, was for the defence of the King's person and the voice went for the King and Parliament. But it seemed a strange partadox to many, how we should fight for the King, fight against his personal commands, accompanied with his person, the best construction I could make thereof, was the rescuing him from his evil council, that led him to the ruining himself and the Nation, and we ever made him merely passive, seduced by evil Council, but it appeareth that his Followers rather acted his council, than he theirs, but seeing he is still in safety, it can be no breach of this engagement, if his person be kept from destruction.  
The next particular is the privileges of Parliament, and it were very good the people knew what they are, unlimited privilidges may prove as destructive as unbounded prerogative; it is reason they should be cleared and declared that future Parliaments may be prescribed, likewise for their sitting and ending, that they may not wrong posterities: and when they are rightly stated according to reason, no question, but we shall make good this engagement so fare as may stand with the people's freedom.  
The fist thing, called the liberty of the subject, which is the only thing that can stand in competition, which the Prince must of necessity be secured from oppressing tyrants, which can no better ways be done then by giving all authority from their representative, to whom all aught to be accountable, they being changeable by an unalterable decree, having this once settled, we may safely involve all in this common bottom of Parliaments; unless this be procured, we have done nothing for posterity; and I dare affirm, we had better have continued under arbitrary tytrany, then have contracted this misery and oppression that the people have suffered, and still lieth upon them.  
Now Sir, that which hindereth our peace, is pride and covetousness; which are the roots of all grand evils and mischiefs, the great men contend which shall be greatest, profit and honour blind the eyes of the wise, the people are divided upon these two heads, the King, and the Covenant, to which parties are contracted, and the way to compose is not compulsion, but by conviction, it is mercy and lenity conquers more upon iugenious spirits, than austerity and force: it would not be amiss to procure what shall be done, for or with the King, for it is against the Parliaments declared principles to keep men in prison, any longer than necessity enforceth, until they may have a Judicial try all, and seeing we have been under such bondage, that the constitution hath provided no Judicature to judge the King, and indeed he is not legally subject to the penal laws. it will be most safe therefore to refer him to divine justice which will judge righteously, and to settle the government of the Kingdom for quietness sake, with as much favour to the Prince, as the public safety will permit. But as he sticketh to his former principles and parties, there can be no trusting him with power, without giving up your cause, and subjecting yourselves to the mercy of his will: he may be restored to the enjoyment of a sufficient revenue, beyond any particular person, with his wife and children to a condition of freedom, safety, and peace, the public safety being first provided for, and may be entrusted with power if afterwards invested therewith from a future representative, in whom the fountain of authority among men, justly is, and then can there be not deny all of being accountable thereto: Thus may the people be secured from tytrany.  
The Covenant which hath been insisted upon for politic ends, and still is much pressed by the Scots, I believe, may be stuck to till the promoters dissert it without any forced construction, for thein sweareing an utter extirpation of popery, prelacy, with all dependence on that hirarchy. It will necessarily follow, that all coersive power enforcing an external uniformity, must be taken away, for this is the foundation of popery, this is that spirit that sitteth in the Temple of God, showing it sell to be God, and exalting itself above all that is called God, by making laws to bind the conscience in matters of faith.  
And by the extirpation of the prelacy with all dependence on that Hierarchy, will the ordination of the Ministry received from them become null: For their dependence is on that Hierarchy from whence they had their institution, to the office of the ministry The Prelates dare not press this argument, because of giving advantage to their adversaries of Rome, from whence they had their own sending these two arguments from the best interpretation of the Covenant will easily beat them oft from that hold, we may justly defend the government of the Kirk of Scotland, against any that shall enforce any thing upon them contrary thereto, either in doctrine, discipline or worship: we may likewise endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms, to as near a conformity to the word and the example of the best Reformed Churches as is possible, still provided there be no humane force or power, exercised to this purpose, the weapons of the christian warfare are spiritual, not carnal, but mighty in operation to the destroying of spiritual wickedness in high places, to the bringing of the thoughts and imaginations of men's hearts into subjection, according to the mind and will of God. If conscientious people were but united upon this principle, it would take off all cifferences in relation to spiritual things.  
Having taken this boldness to write to you of matters of such general concernment in relation to the public. Give me leave to offer my thoughts in relation to the late transaction of affairs between the Army and the Parliament, which are but stifled for the present, and will questionless break forth to the clear justification of the Army, and those members of Parliament that came to them or otherwise make them culpable, and justify those Members that sat with Mr. Pellam. The Breach between them and us, was managed by the major part of the House, whose commands we disobeyed upon just grounds, but came not to a resistance till our way was made more clear, by that outrage in the City Tumult, which made the Speakers and our friends fly to us for secure. After which there remained near six score in and about London and Westminster, and not above seventy came to the Army: Now without question, the interest of the Houses Authority remained with those at London. For by the custom of the Kingdom, the House is included by forty men, which keep their fitting according to its precedent adjournment, and they remaining, being the highest visible authority in the Kingdom. The question will be, by what authority we marched up to London in defiance to their commands, to the repelling of those Hostile powers contracted by their Authority, and how the Army shall be justified or vindicated in such proceed.  
That which giveth me quiet and peace of Conscience, is from these considerations.  
First, That when a Company or Society of men, who are invested with power from God and nature to preserve themselves, and the Authorities over them command things unjust, which will prove their ruin if obeyed. It is clear to me, necessity hath no Law, they may appeal to Heaven and Earth to bear witness to their cause, and betake themselves to the prime Laws of nature, to preserve and defend themselves, and may suppress the Authority, if they persist in prosecution of things destructive to the Communicie. I know no other way of breaking tyrannical Usurpations.  
Now it is most clear, that the Parliament put the Army upon conditions which would have proved their ruin, if they had yielded to their will. For if they had renounced their just Petition, and swallowed that abominable Declaration, and disbanded, they had been cast upon their enemy's mercy for their Indemnity, and to have trusted those that had acted by secret Counsels with the King, for settling the Rights and Freedom of the Nation which we had contended for.  
Secondly, The consideration of the unequal Elections and Constitution of the House of Commons not representing the mayor part of the Nation, but Elections distributed according to the will of the King and his predecessors, so that those who did not consent, were only bound by a power of force, and the mayor part not consenting, are not obliged when there being come in competition.  
Thirdly, The Houses departing from their first integrity of communicating impartial Justice, & by virtue of that act of continuance during pleasure, grew into parties and Factions, and neglected to settle the government of the Kingdom, in order to the period of their sitting, but rather its probably endeavoured to be perpetual Dictator's, so as to deprive the Nation of that changeable Law making authorities which are the conservators of their Liberties, to mantain all arbitrary in themselves; this may justly be charged upon the prevalent party, that were our opposers, who secretly carried on a combination to comply with the King's interest to a more universal enslaving the people then formerly.  
Having considered all proceed of the most material concernment, it will necessarily come to this issue, that we have disobeyed, resisted, and repelled all the Authority and Government of the Kingdom, both King, Parliament, and all bounds of Law; and the authorities and government being broken, it is wholly dissolved, and involved into its original Fountain next under God the people. And the highest authority that is now visible is the force of the Sword. For there is no reasonable man, but will conclude the Parliament to be under a force, mixed of two parties, that have been in opposition, one while one party is the Parliament, another while the other, even to which the strongest power is contracted, so the stream runs, for at the time we lay at Brainford, yourself, and Son in Law Ireton affirmed in my hearing, that those which remained at Westminster with Mr. Pellam, were no Parliament, but some Gentlemen claiming a Parliamentary Authority. And in our Remonstrance from Kingston, we declared to the world they were Usurpers and Intruders, and that we would not suffer those who had voted to make a new war upon us, to sit there as ours and the Kingdoms judges; yet since they have been acknowledged to be a Parliament, and sit here in Court to this day, and for what I know, are the chief fomenters of our distractions, and the Protracters of the redresses of the common grievances of the Nation. Now Sir, so long as that Remonstrance from Kingston stands owned, I do not conceive the Army concluded under the authority of the House, but only setting the House as a screen between them and the fiery fury of the people in the midst of the common grievances and distractions, and do yield obedience to the Parliament in what they command agreeable to your own judgement. And on the other hand, the Parliament and Synod, with all the Presbyterian party, with the Scots Council, are endeavouring to get a power to bring you under the Lash, and you can look for no other, but that if they get you and the Army down, they will pay you and your accomplices for their disobedience. Therefore take care to use your reason and your power to secure yourselves, not only from the King and his Laws which he still fighteth by, but likewise from the Parliament Pellamites, and their Ordinances, which you and the Army have slighted.  
Now Sir, I profess for my own part, I am not over careful I shall only use means to the discharge of my duty according to my judgement and reason, and whether I be any thing or nothing, it matters not; yet it behoves me to take care for the security and welfare of those poor Soldiers under my command, which I have endeavoured to engage in this common cause, which I vindicate, and shall by God's assistance seal with my blood, by suffering if called thereunto. I value my reputation as a man to stand in competition with my livelihood, but I value my principles more than life natural, and before I would violate my conscience in matter of concernment upon mature consideration, I would suffer all the torment that men and Devils can invent.  
Now Sir, to secure yourself and friends, which is the chief work that lieth before you, I must needs say, I see no other way but by entering upon some way equivolent to that presented in the paper, entitled The Agreement of the people. There is a necessity of setting a period to this Parliament, and changing the currant of the Law out of the King's name, into the Commons, without which I can see no sure security, but by making up your Interest under the King, and receiving Indemnity and pardon from him: which last I do detest, and shall ever labour to prevent. If any man can hold forth any other way wherein there is a probability to obtain security, freedom, and peace, I'll acknowledge my own weakness, and give God thanks for raising up an Instrument for my conviction. I know the prosecution of the former is very dangerous and desperate, the King, Scots, and foreign States will be our Enemies, yet if you fall back you must expect ruin; and if you go forward, you can be no worse in the greatest hazards: and it is better perishing in right ways then in wrong.  
Having thus freely discovered my principles, and offered my desires to your view, I must confess my inabilities of adding to your knowledge in things of this nature, but looking upon you as a person of power and interest I thought good to discharge my mind, and to let you know, I shall not be forward to exercise force for the procuring things of this nature, but only plead at opportunities in ways of reason, and shall stand by thofe that stand for the public interest of the Nation, and shall upon a clear way and call engage my life as formerly, against such as shall endeavour to destroy honest, peaceable men, by ways of force and violence. And if you as formerly, shall still own the Jnterest of honest people, and forbear the exercise of rigour upon those that are friends to yourself, and the Common wealth, then shall I be ready to hazard my life for your preservation, when you shall be cast upon the greatest extremity in the midst of your many enemies, for you may assure yourself all storms are not over, and that late insurrection in London is but a fruit of that council which will endeavour to raise more such there & in other places, who care not if they break all reins, and make way for that abomination that maketh desolate, rather than let go their pride and ambition: you must expect the further exercise of your faith & patience in the times of trial that are coming upon this Nation. But the Lord instruct, keep and preserve you in the ways of righteousness, shall be the prayers of him who desires to serve you, while you serve the public.  
Francis White. Colebrook April the 21. 1648.  
FINIS.