Historical Reflections ON THE BISHOP OF ROME: CHIEF DISCOVERING Those Events of Humane Affairs which most advanced THE PAPAL USURPATION.  
By JOHN WAGSTAFF, M. A. O. C.  
OXFORD, Printed by Hen: Hall, for Ric. Davis; and are to be Sold by S. Thompson at the Bishop's Head in Saint Paul's Churchyard, 1660.   

The PREFACE.  
THese Reflections having lain by me, long enough to cool the heat of my invention; upon a late review of them; I was emboldened to this Publication. And here I dare promise the Reader, that he shall not meet with Crambe bis cocta, or a mere garbling of other men's labours. For amongst all the various Tracts written against the Pope, there never came any into my hands of the same kind. Now if the novelty hereof shall invite any one to a perusal, perhaps he will not altogether repent his pains; especially if he intent for Historical Knowledge. In regard that this Treatise, may serve as a Praemonstratour or Pointer out, of the most remarkable revolutions in Ecclesiastic affairs, and the most notable junctures of time.  
The thing which I chief aim at in the ensuing discourse is, to make it appear; That the Hierarchical Policy of the Roman Church, was not extant in the Learned times, when the old Roman Empire flourished: But was contrived in the days of ignorance, between the Bishops of Rome, and the Leaders or Princes of the Barbarians. Nor would the truth of this assertion be in the least manner doubted; were we not almost benighted with dark ignorance, in reference to preceding ages. For as on the one hand; an infinite number of Books, have been partly abolished, partly counterfeited, and Partly adulterated or corrupted: So on the other hand; Those Books which remain entire, are for the most part written, either by unskilful or partial pens. However from the very present records, an unpraejudic●d man though of ordinary parts may gather; That the modern Policy which fashions a great part of the world, as well in Church as State did take its beginning, since the inundations of the Northern People.  
July the 20. 1660.   

POSTCRIPT.  
I have not quoted any Authors, for these Passages which are reflected on, in the following Treatise. When I read the Historians, whence the foundation of my discourse is gathered, it was not in my thoughts to make use of them this way. Afterwards reflecting on the series of affairs in Christendom, and framing several meditations thereupon: Though I very well remembered the Historians; yet I had forgot the names of many Historians whence I gathered it. Nevertheless I can assure the Reader, that I have hardly mentioned any Historical passage, which is not very obvious, in one of these three Authors, Blondus, Baronius, and Platina.   


CHAP. I. That the Roman Bishops had no supremacy over the Primitive Christians.  
I Have often delighted to trace out in my mind, the footsteps of the papal usurpations. And perhaps it will please the Reader, to give him in one view, the several steps or degrees, by which the Roman Bishop risen unto such a height; as to trample upon the necks, not only of his fellow Bishops, but also of Kings and Emperors themselves. For that the Pope did not from the beginning enjoy, his present great and Lordly power, but arrived unto it by several gradations, in a long process of time; none but those who are either wholly ignorant of History, or else swayed with invincible prejudice can offer to deny. It being manifest on all hands, that in the Primitive times, the Roman Bishops were not taken notice of, as superiors to all others; much less as sole Vicars under Christ, and infallible dictatours of Divine truth. Indeed you may meet in the ancient Authors, with commendations given unto the faith, professed by the Bishops of Rome. Which is no wonder to him that considers, how pious at first they were in their lives, how glorious in their deaths, bearing witness to the Truth under Persecution. Besides, when the whole Christian world was under one Empire, and Rome the Metropolis or Imperial City; It was but rational, that the new and rising sect of the Christians, should bestow the notablest men of their party in that place. Hence it came to pass, that the Father's dwelling in the Provinces, when they contested with Heretics, did often commend the Roman Faith: as it were upbraiding their Antagonists, with a departure from those, who resided in the Metropolis of the Empire, where usually Learning and Religion do most flourish.  
And to speak the truth; That advantage which the Roman Bishops had, by dwelling in the Imperial City, was the chief temptation, at first inducing them to affect a supremacy. For that the dignity and grandeur of a City, or place of residence, was wont to put spirits into the Bishops residing therein, Rome is not the only example. So did Alexandria puff up her Bishops. So did Jerusalem Hers. So especially did Constantinople, make John the Constantinopolitan swell with ambition and pride, affecting the title of Ecumenical Bishop. Nay, which you'll more wonder at, even so did Ravenna, when proud with Exarches, animate her Bishop also, in contending with the Roman for superiority. Which contention went so far, that the Church of Ravenna by reason of her separation from Rome, was commonly called Allocephalis. Now by how much the renowned and ancient Rome, was more venerable in the eyes of men, than other Cities; by so much had the Roman Bishops a fairer opportunity than others, to put themselves forward, and usurp an unlawful power. Nor needed they to be minded of this advantage: such of them as were of haughty spirits, beginning betimes to make use of it; amongst whom I may justly reckon Leo surnamed the Great. For he and several others did take all occasions to send pragmatical letters, up and down the world about every important business, which happened in Christendom.  
Nevertheless let no one be afraid of the Roman Bishops, and be ready to ascribe unto them an universal Diocese, when he finds them frequently sending stately letters, to the Bishops throughout the Christian world. Many of those letters recorded in the book, entitled Epistolae decretales summorum Pontificum are false and counterfeit; many adulterated or corrupted; and many if true, are so haughtily written, as to argue the Authors pride, but not his power. For in the pimitive times, the Christian Bishops did generally (and not only the Roman) writ often to their fellow Bishops, in whatsoever place they resided. And this they did whether they had any power one over the other or no, merely from a Principle of love or Christian charity. Which familiar epistolary intercourse with one another, was in those days laudable, and almost necessary: In regard the whole Christian world was at that time under one Empire. Consequently they were obliged, to exhort and admonish one another, upon a twofold respect. Partly grounded on that interest, which members of the same Commonwealth, especially those of the same rank have with one another: And partly grounded on that spiritual communion, which ought to be between believers, especially those of the same calling.  
But alas, had the world been persuaded in the primitive times, that the letters of the Roman Bishop were not only charitative advisoes; but dictatorian mandates necessary to be obeyed: As proceeding forsooth from one, whom Christ had appointed head of his Church, and an oracle whence nothing but veritable answers should be heard. I say, had such a persuasion possessed the minds of men; They would have made it the common subject of their praises and thanksgiving. Without question many panegyrical orations, and many homilies would have been made, upon no other theme or text, than the praises of the Roman See, and thanks unto God, for bestowing on the Christians, a visible unerring decider of controversy. Whereas on the contrary, if we peruse the ancient Writers, we shall plainly perceive; how little the noise was, which the Roman Bishops did make in their days: So little that I much wonder they were no more talked of, considering (as I said before) their residence in the Metropolis 〈…〉, and their virtues eminent in the first Bishops 〈…〉 not the Fathers been very malignant in this case, (if the papal pretences were true) not to leave it set down expressly in any of their writings, That Christ made Peter the head of his Church, and gave unto him an infallible spirit: As also that Peter being Bishop of Rome, The following Bishops in that City succeeded, him not only in his Bishopric; but likewise in his great privileges of headship and infallibility. Moreover, did not the Father's trouble themselves to no purpose in toiling to make laborious confutations of heretics, if they might have had present recourse to a visible unerring authority, in decision of controversies. So that suppose the Heretics had refused to submit unto this authority; The main work should have been not to confute their opinions, but to convince them of the duty of their obedience to the supreme judge.  
For my own part I verily believe, that if the Bishops of Rome had been acknowledged in the primitive times, to be what he pretends to in these days; The eyes of all nations would have been upon, that see; to revere it, to honour it, to bow down before it in the submission of their understandings. Nay further, I am really persuaded; Had Christ intended such a supreme power in his Church: Seeing it doth so highly import the Church's welfare to be generally known; We should have had it set down in Scripture, with as express terms, as we find Justification by faith, or the resurrection of the dead. But now on the contrary, what is there left by 〈…〉 Penmen, which may be said to patronise, the 〈…〉 and infallibility of Peter, and the Roman Bishops● Asdruball for Peter; how easy were it for me, to evacuate those trivial arguments, which are drawn from Scripture concerning him? which I forbear to do, because it is not my intent, to insist upon Logical arguments either pro or con; but only to reflect on Historical passages.  
Wherefore I cannot choose but take notice, that when Peter came to Antioch; he walked not according to the truth; but was guilty of a great scandal, and thereupon withstood to the face by Paul. Who makes it his business in the two first Chapters to the Galatians, to prove himself equal with the rest of the Apostles. Nay when Peter (to speak according to their own phrase) was in Cathedra; in the midst of a Council of Apostles, and other brethren: The definitive sentence to which all did assent, proceeded from the mouth of James.  
As for the Roman Bishop, you must not look to have any hint of him in Scripture. Peter never being taken notice of, under such a capacity: Nay, Paul in those several Epistles, which he wrote either to or from Rome, doth not so much as mention Peter. Which is somewhat strange, if Peter did dwell in that City. For Paul is solicitous, in mentioning several others fare less considerable; whom he doth either salute, or send salutations from to others. But what if it should be granted that Peter was at Rome? I am confident it would trouble the whole Papacy, to prove that ever he was Bishop of that City. Paul it's certain was there, and those who contend that Peter was too, do generally hold, they were both martyred at the same time, the one by the Sword, the other by the Cross. Why then was Peter Bishop, and not Paul? I'm sure the Scripture saith, that Paul was entrusted with the Gospel of the Uncircumcision, as Peter with that of the Circumcision: Nay James, and Peter, and John, did solemnly give the right hands of fellowship, unto Barnabas and Paul; That they should go to the Gentiles, and themselves unto those of the Circumcision.   

CHAP. II. How or by what causes the Pope was advanced to a supremacy in the Church.  
BUt I shall not trouble myself any longer, to make it appear; that neither Peter, nor the primitive Bishops of Rome, had that power, which the later Bishops pretend to derive from them: There being few in our Nation, that will gainsay the truth of what I have said. Wherefore having already made, such brief remarks, as plainly evince the Pope to be an usurper: I am now come to what I did chiefly intent, namely to lay down the several steps or degrees, by which he was advanced in his usurpations. This I shall do by reflecting on the events of humane affairs, and giving an account in order, of the several causes; which did cooperate towards the bringing of the intolerable Roman yoke, on the necks of our Forefathers.  
The first Cause therefore was, The removing of the Empertal seat by Constantine. For though a good while after him, there were Western as well as Eastern Emperors. yet after the 〈◊〉 on Italy, by the Heruls first, and then the Goths; The Imperial Majesty did entirely reside at Constantinople. Now this City by Constantine's means, was grown so magnificent and august, that it was dearer to the Emperors, than Rome in self. Insomuch that when Bellisarius and Narses, had recovered Italy from the Goths; The Emperors never affected, to go and reside at old Rome, by which means the Bishop thereof, gained the more elbow room to play REX.  
Secondly, The residing of the Italian exarches at Ravenna. Justine the second was Author of the Exarchy; to which kind of government the Italian writers impute, most of the calamities afterwards befalling Italy. But indeed it was the occasion of an other guise calamity, than they were ware of. For now neither the Emperor himself, nor so much as his Exarch resided at Rome: only a petty companion, who was sent by the Exarches to praeside over the City; and was called Duke, in the same manner as the governor of Narni, Spoleto, and other towns of Italy. Hence it came to pass, that the splendour of Imperial Majesty being far removed, from the eyes of the Roman people: Their Bishops shone so much the brighter, and gained a proportionable increase of veneration.  
Thirdly; The coming of the Lombard's into Italy; who intending the final conquest of that Country for themselves; made it their business to destroy the power of the Emperor, whom they found Lord thereof. Wherefore as soon as the Emperor began to chastise, the Insolency of any Roman Bishop, (who now by reason of the aforementioned causes began to play tricks) The Lombard was at hand to help him. Again on the otherside, when the Lombard out of a desire to. win Rome itself, fell foul with its Bishop; The Emperor for fear of losing his dominion, was feign to help him, whom before he did endeavour to punish Mark how capriciously things in those days stood, and how exceeding well they suited with the Roman Bishop Whensoever he had to do with the Lombard, he was sure of the Emperors help; And when he contended with his Master, the Barbarian presently took his part. Thus did he rivet himself into his Authority, between the Emperor and the Lombard; till at last by the help of the French, He brought them both below himself, as to any Italian Dominion.  
Fourthly; The reputation of Gregory, the first Roman Bishop of that name, who was sir named the Great. This man lived in the hottest season of the Barbarian violence, when the Empire of the Romans and their learning failed. In such an age as that was; he being endowed with great natural parts, and well accomplished with acquired perfections, did easily overtop his contemporaries. Before he was Bishop; By his retiring for devotion's sake to the private life of a Monk; By his zealous turning his own house at Rome into a Monastery; In general, by his outward austerity and sanctity of life, he so gained upon the Roman people; that they would not part with him, when he proffered to go into Britain, for to convert the Saxons. And when he was sent to Constantinople upon public employment, he quickly obtained the Emperor's favour. Afterwards when he was chosen Bishop; By his zeal in continuing to write volume upon volume concerning the Christian Doctrine; As also in destroying the Heathen Authors, and those goodly buildings at Rome, which he feared might tempt the admiring beholders to hanker after the ancient Roman glory; By his new modelling the Christian worship, adding many inventions of his own, to make it more splendid and pompous in vulgar eyes; By his converting the English Saxons; By these and many other ways he grew renowned in the world, and filled Christendom with his name. Nor did his glory expire with his life; About an hundred years after this Gregory, our Bede in the West, and Monk Damascene in the East, were passionate in their respects for him, and highly magnified him in their writings. Nay generally the Monks for a long time, did so reverence his memory that he seemed to eclipse the primitive Fathers. Now this great esteem and high valuation which the world had of Gregory the first, did redound upon the Roman See, and proved notably advantageous for his successors. But nothing more strengthened their hands, than his converting our English Nation. No people in the world for a long time after were more prodigal of their blood, more enpensive of their estates, in behalf of the Roman Bishops, than our English: No people more earnest in their devotion to Rome. This can be attributed to nothing else, but their conversion by Gregory, and to that impression which his memory had left in the minds of their Ancestors, and was handed along from father to son. Nay what say ye, if at this very day; the Gregorian praises be fresh amongst our English Papists, who also have a tender regard for the memory of their Convertor Austin, and love the very Benedictines for his sake?  
Fifthly; The prodigious growth of the Saracenical Empire, founded by Mahomet in the time of Heracltus. The Saracens cut out so much work, for the Grecian Emperor in his Eastern provinces that he was forced to neglect, and at last give over his interest in the West. Now this may be observed all along in History; that the weakening of the Emperors, was the strengthening of the Popes.  
Sixthly; The general deluge of Barbarians, overwhelming the Romans in the West, much about the same time that the Saracens did in the East. Pannonia, Italy, Spain, France, Britain, were all overrun not many years after one another. These Barbarians coming from Climates, frozen with ignorance as well as cold, did both give and receive, a Conquest. As they Conquered the Romans, by their Sword: So they were reciprocally foiled by the Roman Learning and Religion. Now the Bishop of Rome, was the grand instrument of their conversion. For in those times of general desolation, he best held his own; and was most eminent in the eyes of the Barbarians, by reason of his residence in that Renowned City; concerning which, before their passage over the Rhine and the Danow, they had heard their Fathers speak of old. How feasable then was it, for him to foist what he pleased into the belief of those men, who newly came from worshipping such kind of Gods, as Egypt was wont to adore? Alas those silly souls, taken up with amazement at a discovery of the true God, had neither leisure nor ability to attend, the observing of those obtruded fopperies, which they did imbibe together with the principles of their Religion: Wherefore if he that first told them, of an omnipotent eternal God, whose seat was in the highest Heavens; and of a Crucified Saviour, did at the same time tell them of a St Peter and his Successor; 'tis no wonder that they believed one, as well as the other. If Valens the Emperor be an Arrian, than all those whom he converts will be Arrians too. For it is well known; that the Visigoths flying from before the approaching Hun, when they had obtained their request from Valens, for a quiet Habitation in Thrace, did not only receive from him the Doctrine of Christ, but that of Arrius also: Insomuch that they and their posterity for a long time after, did stoutly maintain Arrianism. So great a prevalency hath that Doctrine, which is first seated in the spirits of men. Here I shall crave leave of the reader, to make a small digression concerning Baronius, with a promise to trouble him so no more. Baronius in his annals will needs have it, contrary to several Historians; that these Goths were converted to Christianity, long before the time of Valens. His reason is, because in the time of Constantine, they had a Bishop named Theophilus, present at the Nicene Council. But I suppose nothing can be lawfully concluded thence, excepting this; that some few of them were Christians in the days of Constantine: For my part, that the body of their nation was converted, before their entrance into Thrace, by the permission of Valens, I see no reason to believe.  
Seventhly; The Collusion between Zacharias the third, and Pippin Major domo to the King of France, Pipin made use of Zacharias' authority, towards the decision of that ridiculous question; which was so solemnly sent to Rome. Namely; Whether he that had the name and title of a King only, being given to idleness: or he that was active and exercised the office and power of a King, deserved to wear the regal diadem? Which in plain terms was this; Whether Chilperick King of France, descended from the ancient race of Kings, having out of respect to his own ease, entrusted the management of affairs with his servant Pipin; might not be turned out of that throne, which his ancestors had so long enjoyed, by his own servant, whom he had unadvisedly raised, to a Capacity of doing it if he would? The good Pope was not ashamed of this senseless question, nor needed he to be instructed, how profitable it was to judge for the strongest: At length it came to this, that King Chilperick's head was shaved, and his man Pipin's wore the Crown. Now Pipin having made use of pontificial authority to cheat the poor Francs of their King, and to invade the temporal Sovereignty, did out of gratitude recompense the Pope, with a spiritual jurisdiction over the Gallicane Church. Nay further, when Desiderius the Lombard infested Gregory the third, Pippin out of a tender regard to that See, which had been so friendly towards him; not only by his aid delivered the Pope, from fear of being besieged in Rome, but gave him as the Italian writers say, the Exarchate with several other territories.  
Eighthly, The Conquering arms of Charlemaign son to King Pipin; who having the same reasons that his Father had, to indulge the pontificial See, confirmed whatsoever his Father Pipin had granted to the Pope. Yet to make him the more sure, Leo the third with the people of Rome, elected him Roman Emperor. Hence it came to pass, that as far as the Conquests made by Charlemaigne did reach; So fare also did Papal authority extend: No otherwise than the Mahometan doctrine, did enlarge its bounds, by the victorious arms of Ottoman.  
Thus have we proceeded, to the Pope's Ecclesiastic supremacy, through eight several causes. Of which the six former, may be accounted the more remote or procatarctique; The two latter being those, which put together, do integrate the principal efficient and adequate cause. For although the six procatarctiques, did very much embroile the Church affairs, and laid them in a tendency to Papal encroachments: yet it is evident that the universal power, which the Pope acquired over the Western Churches, owed its very rise and being, to the notorious juggling between the Roman Bishops, and the usurpers of the French Merovingean Crown. Well therefore may the Kings of France, be styled the eldest sons of the Papal Church: Nay rather let them be styled fathers thereof. There being no appearance in History, of a general submission unto the pontificial See; until the days of the traitor Pipin, and the Emperor his Son. But than you may perceive, as it were a bargain stroke of mutual assistance, between the pontificial and the French tyrants. The pontificial assistance, is made use of by Pippin, for the deposing his master, and invading the French Crown: By Charles his Son, for the obtaining of the Western Empire. They on the other side, in lieu of their secular Kingdoms, settle upon the Pope's an Ecclesiastic Sovereignty. Nor are they content to gratify them only so, but they must needs be giving them a very fair temporal demeans. The taste of which did so please their palates, that they have been ever since hankering, to be Lords paramount over all the world, in Civil as well as Ecclesiastical affairs. Wherefore it behoves me next to set down, the remaining causes of the Papal encroachment; Whereby the Bishop of Rome was encouraged, to usurp unto himself the rights of the Magistrate.   

CHAP. III. How or by what Causes the Pope was not only confirmed in his Ecclesiastical usurpation, but was also encouraged to invade the rights of the Magistrate.  
HEre I shall in the first place premise, that the causes mentioned in the foregoing Chapter, did not only advance the Pope's Ecclesiastic Tyranny; but also had an influence upon the making of way, for his temporal usurpation. Had he not first come to that height in the Church, he could never have dreamt of a superintendency over the state. Likewise the causes which now follow, are to be allowed an influence upon the Pope's domination spiritual, by way of confirming him in his unjust acquests Although I confess they do more nearly concern his invading the rights of the Magistrate, in regard that we have already brought him unto the highest pinnacle in the Church.  
Ninthly; The donation which Pipin made, and his son Charles confirmed unto the Pope; whereby he was possessed of a very large territory: yet not as Lord in chief thereof, but rather as a dependant on the Empire, as appears by several actions of Charlemaigne, and his Sons after him; which sufficiently evince, that they kept the Sovereignty of those places still unto themselves; however this proved such a bait of temptation, to the Pope, that he hath ever since had an unbridled lust, after the kingdoms of this world, and the glory thereof: insomuch, that he who pretends to be the Universal Vicar of Christ, and Deputy to Him in His Kingdom, seems unto me a pretty riddle. Our Saviour doth absolutely Declare, that His Kingdom is not of this world: But I pray to what world doth that belong, which is full of armed Soldiers, walled Cities, fortified Havens, strong Galleys, great Guns, abundance of Ammunition and Treasures.  
Tenthly; The general decay of Learning, after the days of Charlemaign: Whence it came to pass, that the East and the West, were not more alienated one from the other, by the distinction of different Empires, than they were, by the want of mutual correspondence in learned intercourses. Nay it was the policy of the Popes, by affronts done to the Emperors, and several other ways, to augment the strangeness between the Greeks and the Latins. That so the Barbarians being brought up in a prejudice, against the Grecians; might neglect their language, and consequently be overcast with such a night of ignorance, that they should not be able to see the injustice of the Papal proceed. And truly to the loss of the Greek tongue, may justly be imputed the loss of all purity in the Latin; and consequently of History, Geography, skill in Antiquity, and whatsoever savoured of polite learning. Thus the whole Western Empire were quite deprived of the benefit they might have received, by informing their judgements in Religion, with the goodly books that were written in Greek: Nay they did not so much as knowingly converse, with the Latin Fathers: So that it was almost impossible for them, to be acquainted with the infant purity of the Christian religion, which they had taken upon trust from the Roman Bishop. Whereas if they had but well studied, the writings of those men, whose Fathers were converted together with, nay some before the Bishop of Rome; it would have been manifest, that he was no such man amongst the first Christians, as he pretended himself to be amongst them: As also how notoriously for the advancing of his own power, he had imposed upon the credulous ignorance of their Heathen souls. Now that this tenth reason of the Papal encroachment, is not a bare notion, or a thing merely bred in my own private conceptions, any one will confess; who doth but consider, how really it is exemplified in the series of humane transactions. As long as this fog of ignorance, did darken men's understandings; neither the preaching, nor the martyrdom of thousands of people, could much prevail to the shaking off the Roman yoke. But the case was quite altered, when at the taking of Constantinople, the Grecian scholars were forced to sly for refuge among the Western Christians; they every where teaching their own tongue; the reviving of that noble language, did bring along with it, the restoration of all Learning. So that now what neither Wicklef, nor Hus, nor Hierome of Prague, nor the Waldenses and Albigenses could effect, that Luther and Calvin have wonderfully performed, to the Conversion of whole Nations. As soon as the restoration of learning had enlightened the world, men were of their own accord disposed to follow any: who by breaking the ice as it were, should lead the way to their spiritual freedom.  
Eleventhly, The fatal discord between the grand children of Charles the Great; who as soon as their Father Lewis the Godly was dead, fell together by the cares about the Empire. At last they came to this composition, that Lewis should be King of Germany, and so much of France, as lieth betwixt the  and the Rhine. Charles should be King of the rest of France, except the Province of Narbone: which together with Italy, and the title of Emperor fell to Lotharius; who indeed ought to have been Emperor of the whole, as being the eldest, and chosen by their Father in his life time, to be his Colleague in the Empire: Thus was the Empire of Charlemaign cantonized by his Nephews, and at last brought to a contemptible state, for want of establishing a firm succession in the Eldest. Hence it came to pass, that the Huns, the Saracens, and the Lombard Dukes, did miserably afflict the Empire, finding no united strength to oppose them. Moreover France fell quite off from the Empire, being Governed by its own Kings. Nay when Otho the great, had settled the confusions brought upon Italy, by Berengarius Guido and Lambert. Yet still did the old danger hang over the Empire, for want of a firm Succession: For as soon as he and his Son Otho the second were dead; There grew that quarrel between some of the Romans and the Germans, about election of a new Empirour, which made way for the Pope to order all things, according to his own advantage, as appears by the twelfth cause that next follows.  
Twelfthly, The formal making of the Empire elective, by the constitution of Otho the third, and Gregory the fifth; whereby the Romans were excluded from the choosing of their own Emperor; It being wholly conferred on the German Princes. Otho and Gregory were induced to make this alteration, by some affronts which they had received from the Roman people. For Otho after the death of his Father, had like to have miss of the Imperial Crown. The party of one Crescentius a powerful Roman, publicly giving out, that it was high time for the Italians, to choose themselves an Emperor, and to bring the seat of the Empire into Italy again. However Otho at last carried it, and Crescentius with his party did submit. But when Otho had made, his own Countryman and kinsman Bruno Pope, by the name of Gregory the fifth, the Romans broke out into greater discontents than formerly, so that the new made Pope is feign to fly for't. In his absence the people of Rome make Crescentius their Consul, and he makes John Bishop of Placenti a Pope. Well, the Emperor Otho marches into Italy, takes the Castle of St Angelo in which Crescentius had fortified himself, and puts him to an ignominous death. And having cruelly tortured John of Placentia, he resettles his Cousin Pope Gregory. Hereupon he and his Cousin having been equally vexed by the Roman people, did take a sharp revenge, in transferring from them, upon their own nation, the power of choosing the Emperor. Otho had no children to care for, and so was the more desirous to have the Empire settled in an Elective way; after such a manner as he thought was advantageous to the Germans. The cunning Pope, did not only gratify his Countrymen, the Germans; and revenge himself upon his enemies the Italians; but also abundantly provide for the emolument of his successors. It being provided in this constitution, that he who was Elected by the Germane Princes, should be called Caesar or King of the Romans; but not Emperor or Augustus, till he was crowned and consecrated by the Bishop of Rome. Thus was the unreasonabl'st thing in the world committed; that a Bishop should take from a People, over whom he had but the spiritual charge, their temporal birthright of Electing their own Prince, and convey much of it into his own hands. But when was this done? Even in that barbarous age, which was wrapped up in the very midnight of ignorance; which brought not forth, so much as one Ecclesiastic writer either good or bad. And therefore is noted for a miserable age, by Bellarmine himself in the Column of his Chronology over against those times, which Column is entitled Varia.  
Thirteenthly, The unhappy juncture of a silly, rash, inconsiderate Emperor; And a cunning, subtle, audacious Pope, at the very same time. I mean Henry the fourth, and Pope Hildebrand alias Gregory the seventh. Henry led a most dissolute, extravagant life, in making traffic with the Germane Bishops selling their preferments for money. Besides he went about to enslave the Saxons, a considerable body of his subjects; by building Castles in their Country to keep them in awe, whilst they were trampled upon by his licentious creatures. This made the Saxons, take arms in defence of their own liberty, and at first they forced him to a composition: But afterwards he gathering a great army together, quite routed the Saxons, and within a while got their chief Princes into his power, having first passed his word for their security by the mouths of his Ambassadors. Now such was the baseness of his nature, that having once got them into his power, he broke his word and promise with them all, excepting Otho Duke of Bavaria, to the great regret of the Germane Princes. Things stood in this posture, when Hildebrand or Gregory the seventh took occasion to fish in troubled waters. For the Pope observing, that the Germans were generally discontented, with the perfidious cruelty of their Emperor, judged it the most opportune season, to trample upon Imperial Majesty. Wherefore he summons Henry to appear at Rome, and give in his answers to those accusations, that were brought against him for selling the Episcopal preferments. Henry, instead of appearing, convenes a Council at Worms. Where it is decreed, that the Pope shall be degraded from his pontificial dignity, because he came to it by sinister and unlawful means. Hildebrand hearing this, excommunicates the chief of the Council, and not only them, but the Emperor too; interdicting him from Government, and disengaging (forsooth) his Subjects from their oath of obedience. Now one would have thought, that the world should have whooted at the arrogance of this proud Priest, and have taken him down from that domineering throne; whence he had taken the boldness to act such a part of Lordly pride. But alas the Germans were so far from checking the Papal insolence, as that they were glad of an occasion to oppose the Emperor, for the relieving their own grievances. Wherefore they combined together, and raised such a formidable strength, that the Emperor was forced unto base submissions to the Pope. And though at last Henry did so bestir himself, that he deposed this pragmatical Gregory the seventh. Yet was not that revenge, no nor the blood of a thousand Hildebrands, able to wash off that stain, which the Imperial Majesty had received. For the succeeding Popes having once had a precedent case, wherein they saw an Emperor was not only excommunicated, and interdicted from government by a Bishop of Rome, but was forced to stoop, and submit unto that interdictment, by his own subjects; They never lest afterward, to thunder out their Bulls of excommunication, against any Prince, that did but enterfere with their ambition.  
Fourteen, The selling of the Imperial right to many chief Italian Cities; such as Florence, Genoa, Lucca, Bologne and others, by the Emperor Rodolph of Hasburg. Who was of such a careless humour, as that he was wont in sport, to give the same reason for his not visiting Italy, which the Fox did for his not Visiting the Lion. To wit he could see the steps of those, that went thither; but not of those that came back again. The truth is, Rodolph's supine negligence about the Italian affairs, did so break the neck of the Imperial interest in Italy, that it could never hold up its head again to any purpose. For although the Emperor Henry the seventh, did bestir himself somewhat in the settling of Lombardy, and appointing a Sheriff to govern Milan: yet not long after, the Emperor was grown so contemptible, that Charles the fourth was crowned, by the consent of Pope Innocent the fourth, upon this condition; that he should pack immediately out of Italy. Charles obeyed his high and mighty holiness, and passing homeward through Milan; he did utterly evacuate the Imperial power in Italy, by making the shreifdome of Milan Haereditary, for which he received a good sum of money. A good sum also his Son Wenceslaus did afterwards receive, to make the Sherisdome a Dukedom. Thus the Popes saw at last, that which their hearts had so long panted after, namely the Emperors quite stripped of their dominion in Italy, and themselves free from being under the nose of them, who raised the pontificial greatness, and are by right the Lords and Masters of their Holinesses. After this the Emperors enjoyed, only an insignificant titular paramountship over Italy; whereby they did now and then for money, turn an Earldom into a Marquisate, and a Marquisate into a Dukedom.  
Fifteenthly; The growing in fashion, of a very corrupt ad adulterate kind of Learning, called School Divinity. A thing compounded of some truths some Papal inventions, and some Aristotelical shall I say, or rather Arabian Philosophy. For it is certain, that the Philosophy which then flourished, was taught and improved by such men, who understood not Aristotle. Nay which is worse, who derived their knowledge from the Arabians, that did not understand him themselves. But that which made this Philosophy the more imperfect was; The men who professed it were such as sat in their studies, abstracted from the observation and experience of things; conversing only with notions, and multiplying one notion after another, till at last they arrived, (pardon an odd phrase) to the Cobweb subtlety of a wordy nothingness. Hence it became a mere shop of controversial uncertainties, and a store-house of twofaced distinctions, which serve to countenance what side of the question you please. Since therefore this Philosophy, is of a nature so aequivocal, and juggling; no man needs to wonder, if the Schoolmen by applying it to Divinity, were able to fashion religion into what form they pleased. For although the whole Mass of their distinctions, could never by mincing the matter, turn one falschood into a truth: yet they might so far pair and slice a falsehood; as to make it show trim enough, to deceive a praepossessed understanding. I say a praepossessed understanding; Because the Pontificial Doctrine had in those days, taken possession of almost all our parts of the Christian world, and had the wealth of the nations in its own disposal: Children were brought up in that persuasion, and when they were grown men, the hopes of all their preferment lay that way. Now this is palpable enough, that when the bend of our understanding, is inclined to any party, by the strong biasses of education and interest; We straightway greedily ' embrace, all shows and appearances of reason, which seem to make for our side; and with abundance of self applause, improve a mere sneaking hint of an opinion, into a demonstrative confidence.  
Sixteenthly; The thriving of the Canon Law a sister profession with School-Divinity. These two being as it were twins borne of their Mother the Roman Church much about the same time, by the midwifery of Gratian the Monk, and Peter Lombard. As for the Canon Law, I suppose it may not unfitly be called, a mess of Divinity and Civil Law boiled together, but burned too, by reason that as we say in English, the Bishop's foot have been in it, namely the foot of the Bishop of Rome. Whosoever looks into it, he may easily perceive, how Papal politic tenants have been forsted in as laws. But if any one be loath to take the pains himself, he shall find many places to this purpose, cited for his hand, in Sleidan's third book de quatuor summis imperiis. Where that Judicious Author expresseth himself, with much indignation, against this kind of Learning. Nor was he alone moved with a prejudice against it; Many thousands besides him, having high resentments of those many ills, which spread abroad the world, by reason of the Canon law. Otherwise the Decretals would never have been branded with a proverbial ignominy, as they were in France: witness that notable tetrastique, recorded by Gregory of Tholouse, in his Commentary on the preface of the Decretals.  
Des puis que decret ha' prins ales,  
Et les Gendarmes portent males,  
Et les moines vont a cheval,  
En tout le mond n' ha que mal.  
The first and last of these verses, which only concern my purpose, may be thus Englished.  
After Decretals followed the decree,  
Since that, the world hath n'ought but knavery.  
Now if Gregory the ninth's decretals, were justly liable to such a censure, what shall we say of the sixth book put out by Boniface the Eighth, of the Clementines by Clement the fifth, and the extravagants by John the twenty second? The latter Pope still exceeding the former in arrogancy and insolence. However let the Canon Law be what it will; This is certain, it hath been one of the notablest engines in the whole world, to raise the Papal See to an adored height. For by this means the minds of many thousands, were trained up in a reverence to the Roman Bishops, who seem to emulate Imperial Majesty, by taking upon them to give laws unto the world. Now the names of Justinian and Tribonian began to dwindle, and Gregory with his Raymund grew in request, nor hath ever Aristotle, nor Galen, nor Justinian, nor the very Bible itself been more zealously smothered with commentatours, than the decretals of Gregory have been. Nay what say ye if the Canonists have been past all shame, in the heat of contending for their own faculties? Charles du Moulin, in his Treatise of the French Monarchy saith, that some of them carped at the Civil Laws as impious and of no worth. And Francis Hottoman in his Tract entitled Fulmen Brutum testifies, that they look upon the Pope as their Jupiter, giving him halves with the Emperor in the Government of the world; as appears by this verse which they commonly applied to the Pope.  Divisum imperium cum Jove Caesar habet. 
This is high language you ● say, but perhaps it may be accounted modest, if we consider how their own law teacheth them, that the Pope is above the Emperor. Wherefore no man needs to doubt, that the prevailing of such a profession in the world, hath been an incredible advantage to the Roman Bishop, as being the founder and patron thereof: For we all know, with what eagerness of spirit, the professors of any faculty, do usually contend for their patrons. Whence I may lawfully conclude, that as long as this pontificial law, shall be attended with wealthy preferments; So long the Pope will never want Janissaries, I mean Canonists; Who for the sake of their own profession, and the bread which they get by it, will always be sure, to be trusty Myrmidons in the Roman cause.  
Thus have I at last traced out the Papal encroachments, through Sixteen several causes, without mentioning others, which seem not to here so great and necessary an influence. Such as the title of Universal Bishop, given unto Boniface the third, by the Tyrant Phocas. The Holy War, trumpeted forth by Peter the Hermit, at the appointment of Urban the Second. The abrogation of the Roman Banderensian Magistracy, whereby Clement the Fifth, became absolute Master of Rome, and the like. Far less was it my intent; to take notice of Constantine's donation, and such other things; which indeed make much for the pontificial advancement if true: But their truth is questioned by all indifferent men. There being as great a certainty, that many false stories have been coined, as well as true ones suppressed by the Pope's creatures. Amongst which kind of delinquents, 'tis probable that Pandulphus, the Librarian of the Lateran Church, was not the least guilty.   

CHAP. IU. A Corollary deduced from the preceding discourse, with a Conclusion intimating how much the Pope is beholding to the want of able and Faithful Historians.  
ANd now let the Papists object if they please, that we have have forsaken the paths of our forefathers, with little regard unto ancient times, I pray; What is the Autiquity they boast of? Or what were those ancestors they upbraid us with? Can they date their Hierarchichal constitution, under one supreme head, higher than the barbarous times? And are not we, as also the Nations round about us, the offspring of Barbarians? As long as the Roman Empire stood firm, and the stock of primitive Christians did remain, there was no Pope to be heard of. Nor is it likely, that ever the progeny of those men, who were converted by the Apostles, and taught by the Fathers, would have given way to Papal Dominion, any more than the posterity of the Grecians did. But in come our ancestors, a barbarous generation, half starved with the cold of their own Climates, and resolved for a warmer habitation. In come they, and like a deluge carry all before them, implanting their selves in the room of those who were the race of first borne Christians. Which when they had done, they did with admiration here from their conquered enemies, the news of an Omnipotent God, a Crucified Saviour, a Heaven and a Hell. Now what could be expected from these ignorant Barbarians, whose former adoration was of no sublimer strain, than to worship the Image of a dead man, a piece of wood, or a rotten clout: Nay whose later discoveries, were made unto them by word of mouth, and taken upon trust; they themselves being void of all kind of Learning, whereby they might have been enabled to search the Ancient Writers? I say what could be expected from such men, but that they should be easily cozened; partly with the specious pretence, of a derived succession and supremacy from Peter, by the Roman Bishop; and partly with the collusion between the Bishops of that Imperial City, and their own commanders.  
Well then; if they be deluded must we be so to? Or rather ought we not to assert our own liberty, and shake off that pontificial yoke, under which the spirits of our forefathers did groan? The revolutions of eternal providence, have brought better times upon us their Children; than ever they enjoyed. It was much about two hundred years ago, that Mahomet the Great Turk did take Constantinople, to the utter subversion of the Grecian Empire. Whereby overcasting the Sun of Christianity with a dismal cloud in the Eastern parts, he was the accidental occasion, that it shone the more bright in the West. For the poor Greeks, being dispersed all abroad; Their Learned men, to wit Theodore Gaza, John Lascaris, Manuel Chrysaloras and others, did betake themselves to the teaching of the Greek tongue. Hereupon that treasury of all arts and sciences being so happily retrerved, the purity of Learning began to revive again: And those books which ever since the days of the Goths and Lombard's, had lain rotting in the public libraries, were every where pulled out of heaps of dust, and recovered from the moths and worms. By this means, we who are the latest nephews of our barbarous ancestors, do yet overlook them, even in reference to their own days. and plainly perceive, that they were Heathenish half-witted Christians for a long time, void of all knowledge, and receiving their instructions, from the contrived policy of corrupted men. We on the contrary enjoy the Original Scriptures, and the Learned Monuments of the primitive Christians: by which it is easy to understand; that Christianity is no Carnal profession, much less that on it is entailed the dominion of this present world. That the Bishops of Rome, as well as other Bishops their brethren, were for the first three hundred years, persecuted by Heathen Emperors; And did afterwards remain in subjection to them, when turned Christians. That it was the barbarous ignorance of our Ancestors, which gave way to the Pope's ecclesiastic supremacy, and consequently to his temporal encroachments. Wherefore we conceive it rational, to avoid the barbarism of our forefathers; and to write after the Copy of those men, who were the founders of our religion, and those who were its first and purest professors: Humbly craving leave, to be no longer fooled, by offering up the wealth of our Nation, and the sweat of our Countrymens' brows, in sacrifice to a three crowned Idol.  
And truly as often as I think, at what vast expense of treasure, our Nation formerly was, and several others to this day are, upon the account of their subjection to the Roman See: I cannot choose but admire a certain fatality of Dominion always attending that proud City founded by Romulus. In the days of her Senate, and also of her Caesars, she sat crowned Queen amongst the Cities, and empress over the Nations, from whom she received homage and tribute. When her enemies came blustering out of the north, more furiously than the winds come thence; She seemed indeed for a while, to hang down her head, to lean sadly on her elbow, and to bewail the loss of her former Majesty: That Majesty, with which she commanded the Northern people, to keep beyond the Rhine and the Danow, the Parthians not to pass over Euphrates, and the more Southern African to sculke behind the monntaine Atlas. But it was not long first, ere she threw off her mourning weeds, and clothed herself again with scarlet. For by the exaltation of her Bishop, she quickly obtained, and doth now enjoy a far larger Empire, than ever she before had, even in the most August times of her victorious Caesars. Do not the French, Germans, and Poles, offer up their tributary Devotions at her shrine? Not to mention that huge tract of ground, all along the African shore: Nor the Empire of Precious or Prestor John, or Prestegan, call him what you will. Not to mention the East Indie Islands, and the vast continent of China, into all which places the reverence of her name hath been carried; either by the Portugeses, or by the missionary Friars. Do not the Countries under the Castilian King, both in this and the new found world, alone aggrandise her modern Empire, beyond its greatness in the days of old? Let no man therefore henceforward, cast it in the Italian's teeth, as Erasmus did; that he counts all other people barbarous. 'Tis true, the Italians are the very dregs and relics, of Goths, Vandals, Huns, Heruls, Alans, Gepids, and Lombard's: yet they impute barbarism to all other Nations, as if whatsoever was Polite and Civil, lay circumscribed within the narrow bounds, of the Alps, the Tyrrhene, and the Adriatic Seas; as if nothing forsooth but barbarity was tramontane. But, would you know the reason? why? it is because they have outwitted the Nations round about them, as much as ever the old Romans did the Barbarians. And what they lost by the sword, they have with advantage regained by their wit. Which he well understood who said, Roma Caput Mundi, quicquid non possidet armis, Relligione tenet. But God be thanked, our own Nation with some others, have pretty well quitted themselves of this barbarism: And O when will the time come, that the rest also will do the like?  
When will the world rouse up herself, and be redeemed from a slavish prostration, to the shallowness of some men's notions: that great and noble souls may at length have a free intercourse, or traffic for conceptions, to improve the stock of humane knowledge? As for those men who still call upon us, to humble our understandings unto their traditions, and to deny ourselves in our own reasons: I wish they would once consider, how small the tradition concerning Apostolical times was, when Eusebius lived. He complains in the preface to his History, of the scarce knowledge which they had in his days, concerning the primitive Christian affairs. What then must we expect to have, who receive our information from Authors since him? For my part, when I reflect on the ages that are gone and passed, and the Histories that are recorded of them, I cannot choose but deplore the partiality and weakness of Ecclesiastic Historians: who, if we will not dissemble, must needs be confessed, to have given lame narrations of things, and to abound with an infinite number, of impertinent, ridiculous, incredible stories. Insomuch that I am very confident, we have a fare more genuine and sincere account of those times, when Alexander and Julius Caesar lived; than of those, when Constantine reigned and Charlemaigne. The truth is, after the barbarous inundations, Learning did so generally decay, that the Christians for a long time, either had no writers at all; or else such, as it had been as good to have none. Otherwise, why did they (out of envy or ignorance or both) bury in a profound silence, the glorious proceed, of that thrice renowned Saracenical Empire. An Empire of as wonderful a growth, and as noble actions, as ever any since the Creation: yet we might have pardoned their foul play with the Saracens, had they been free and candid, in their relation concerning the Christian affairs. Shall I tell ye? In those days, the Christian world was overspread, with an idle and ignorant generation of Monks: who lay in their cells, and coined whole legends of miraculous lies, wherewith to cheat the common people. Or else they were observing the weather, and making pretty little times, upon the several seasons and tides of the year. But had there been any amongst them, both able and willing, to leave unto posterity, a full and impartial account of affairs; the Bishops of Rome would long before this, have been shamed out of their delusory pranks. Nor should I have needed to write this treatise, concerning the Papal Usurpations.   
FINIS.   

The Method and Contents.  
The Scope and Design of this Book is to manifest the Papal Usurpation, by reflecting on Historical passages; and not by Logical Arguments drawn, either from Texts of Scripture, or Testimonies of other Authors:  
This manifestation is endeavoured two ways.  
First, By showing, that in the primitive times, the Bishop of 〈◊〉 made no noise in the world, nor was his supremacy at all d'camt of. In the First Chapter.  
Secondly, And chief, by showing: After what manner, the Pope not only arrived to a Supremacy in the Church; In the Second Chapter:  
But also confirmed himself, in His Ecclesiastical Usurpation; and further encroacht upon the Temporal Magistrate. In the Third Chapter.  
Lastly, In the fourth Chapter; A Corollary is deduced from the preceding discourse, concluding with a reason; Why the Pontificial unjust actions, have not been justly discovered.  
FINIS.