A Supplement to his Majesty's most Gracious SPEECH.  
Directed to the Honourable House of Commons, by the Commons of England.  
TO add to the Works of the greatest Men, if the Nature of the Subject permits or requires it, hath never yet been thought an immodest Undertaking, nor prejudicial to the Honour of the first Author. You are now most about the Ardua Regni, and indeed more Arduous Matters never yet came before your Honourable Body. It is not therefore to be conceived that Things of such a great and various Nature should be all summed up in a short Speech; nor is there reason to expect that the King should charge his Memory by a long recital of Particulars how important soever they may be, and necessary for your Inspection. We therefore in all humility, in the Name of all the Commons of England, make bold to lay before you such Additional Matters which seem to us to be of the greatest Weight, and absolutely require your Consideration, and your grave Wisdoms to apply some speedy and effectual Remedy, and which are either but slightly touched, or wholly pretermitted by the King.  
We confess indeed that the King has laid the Scene very large, and wide, when he reckons our Misfortunes, and the Miscarriages that have been this last year, according to this Division, Such as have been upon Land, and such as have been at Sea. This Division is comprehensive, extends to all the Calamities we groan under, and if you please to examine what hath been acted, or what hath been defective for want of acting, on these Two Elements according to the full Latitude of these Expressions, you will not fail to discharge the Trust reposed in you, and to see the Cause and Occasion of all our Miseries.  
But however the King hath been so large in the General, we conceive he is not so express in Particulars; which therefore we humbly crave leave to supply and lay before you, by a just and impartial Representation of such Instances, which nothing in the World can obscure, palliate, or excuse; And out of Deference and Reverence to his Majesty, we shall do it according to the same Division. And we shall begin with the latter.  
Such Miscarriages as have been at Sea. These have been so terrible that they make all our Hearts ache; the Merchant feels the immediate stroke, but the influence extends all over the Kingdom. The Loss of the Effects (how great and considerable soever) is the least of the Evils; The whole Trade is in danger to be lost, or mightily diminished. The industrious Merchant is exhausted, and discouraged; many have not the Ability, and many not the Will, to venture any more their Interests under that unfortunate and impolitic Conduct, they have already so often, and so dreadfully miscarried. The King calls this a Disgrace, and indeed it is so, but if that was all it was no great Matter; the Merchants we suppose could bear the Shame well enough, if they had but their Effects: And if such prodigious Losses affect only the Modesty of the Nation, we are pretty well yet; we may blush, or so, and the harm is over. If the Merchants interpret that which hath sucked out their very Heart's blood, to be only some Disgrace to them, we presume they are the modestest Men living. However, let the Disgrace be what it will, that might be repaired again, by an honourable Action; But as the case stands this is irreparable, our Honour and Interest are both sunk together. The most beneficial Trade we have is almost, if not altogether, ruined; and that apparently by ill Management. The Winds and the Storms the Merchant bears patiently, and his Losses redouble his Vigour and Industry: But when he is ruined by his Guard, when he is convoyed into Destruction, this admits of neither Remedy, nor Hope; and there is not so much as Chance or Contingency to encourage him: And every Man will conclude 'tis time to give over, and to sit still, rather than to freight his Ships for the Benefit of Enemies, and run the Risque of such desperate Adventures. The King tells you, That Trade is Essential to the Welfare of this Kingdom: Then our Welfare is lost with our Trade, as being Essential to it, and the most flourishing Kingdom in Europe is reduced to Barrenness and Penury. Our Money is gone abroad already, and if our Trade, which should supply us with more, is gone after it too, we have nothing left but to lament our Miseries, and with that stinging Aggravation, that they are irrecoverable. The Commodiousness of our Ports, the Skill of our Merchants, the Expertness of our Seamen, (all the Cost in the World) will stand us in no stead, but to make us more unhappy. All the Advantages are poisoned in the Conduct, and made the Instruments of our Misfortunes.  
But here the King tells you, That he hath Resented it extremely, and that he will take Care that those who have not done their Duty shall be Punished. It may be so; but here we crave leave to add this Supplement, That we hope this will not hinder, nor abate the Resentments, nor take off the Care, from bringing the Offenders to condign Punishment. The King's Resentments and Cares ought to be a spur to yours, and thereby by yours will do two great things at once, both imitate the King, and consult the Safety of the Nation; and in order to this, we humbly propose these following things as highly deserving your Enquiry.  
1. How it came to pass, and by whose means, that the Merchants, after so many Petitions and Addresses, were for some Months detained, and no importunity could obtain either Convoy or Leave to prosecute their Voyage. And they were reserved to that Critical Time, when the French Fleet were just ready and prepared to receive them. If the French themselves had had the Conduct of our Fleet, they could never have timed it better; they are no sooner got into the straits, but our Smirna Fleet is sent into their Mouths. Put these together, that the Merchants were ready many Months before, and all the Application they could make could never procure Liberty, but they must go then, just then, when nothing could hinder them from falling into the French hands. And we shall leave it with any considering Man, whether it be possible to believe but there was Treachery in the case, at whose door soever it will lie. And it is not for nothing, that our Fleet was scarcely out of sight, burr there was a general Report about the Town, that it was in danger to be taken by the French. Which evidently proves, that the Contrivers of their going out were privy to te Secret, and knew well enough what would become of them. To this may be added.  
2. What was the Reason, and who was in the Fault, that our Grand Fleet which set out with them, did not see them out of danger? Was the Grand Fleet designed only to Compliment Sir George Rook, and the Merchantmen, and to bring them so far on their way, and wish them a good Voyage? If this were all indeed, they did their Parts, and a Gun at parting would fully execute their Commission. But if it was to protect them from the French Fleet, what fair Reason can be given that they left them so soon, or that they left them at all, till they were sure they were clear of danger? Was it upon supposition the French Fleet was not out? This is a fine Conduct indeed, to leave matters of this Consequence to Ghesses, and Suppositions. The Merchants had stayed long enough, and there were Frigets enough and to spare, to have sent to Breast, if the matter had been doubted. And we are in a fine Condition, when matters of such importance must be managed by uncertain Conjectures; and when our prime Ministers neither have good Intelligence, nor will give such Orders, whereby they cannot fail of it. But we believe this is not the Fault; and any Rational Man, who impartially considers this Conduct, will conclude, That the Supposition was on the contrary hand, and it was so fatally managed, upon the Supposition the French were out, rather than upon Supposition that they were not.  
3. Another Miscarriage deserving your Enquiry, is, That after this woeful Loss, and the exact Knowledge of it, our Grand Fleet again set sail; Who was in the Fault that they did not directly sail to the straits, and repair our lost Honour upon our Enemies? The French Fleet was then foul with their long Voyage, some of their Ships disabled, and the Fleet certainly weakened, so as they were in no good Condition to resist the force of our Fleet, which was fresh, and so well prepared. This might have redeemed our Loss, at least have compensated it. But instead of this, we do nothing but sail some Leagues to Sea, and then return; as if the Business of our Grand Fleet was for nothing else but to make a Flourish, to ride in triumph over the Waves, but not to fight with our Enemies. And surely it is matter of Enquiry whose Fault was it that this promising Opportunity was lost? Was it for want of Orders? Or for not executing them? Or for want of necessary Stores and Provisions? Each of these are unpardonable Miscarriages, and will lie some where, and we hope your Wisdoms will search this to the bottom. For 'tis a lamentable thing, that the Treasure of the Nation must be thus lavished away; that our Navy must be rigged at incredible Expense, and all for nothing else but to furl their Sails,; if the Business of the Fleet be only Show, and not Action, we think a Pasteboard Ship at my Lord Major's Show might do as well as any in the Ports, and save the Nation a great deal of Money in their Pockets.  
4. Notwithstanding all this, and that our Fleet hath hardly been from home, the French Privateers have been more busy and bold than ever; they lie perpetually on our Coasts, take our Vessels out of our Harbours, and sometimes in the very Sight of the Fleet. And what does our Fleet signify that can secure us neither at home nor abroad? Heretofore we used to boast of our Wooden Castles, as the Strength and Defence of our Country. And the Truth is, our Ships and our Seamen are as good as ever, but if they are made unserviceable and useless by ill Conduct, 'tis all one to have no Fleet at all, as none to defend us.  
For the Close of this, the King tells you, It will deserve your Consideration whether we are not defective in the Number of our Shipping. And intimates his desires that you would supply that defect; but except you supply the defect of Conduct, you may provide as many Ships as will bridle the Ocean, and just to as much purpose as those you have already. And the Truth is, we have Ships and Men enough, but our want is more honest and able Ministers: And if we must lay out our Money to supply the Defects of the Navy, let us do it where the need lies, and purchase wise and faithful Managers. And we know no Reason why Our Money may not buy faithful Counsellors, as well as the French Money can buy treacherous. ones. In short, if you make Provisions for the Navy, we beseech you to begin at the right end, to provide us just and skilful Ministers of State: For let the Ships and Commanders be what they will, while they must act under the direction of corrupt and selfish Ministers, we can never hope to be better. This is an Error in the first Concoction, and can never be rectified; in vain therefore do you provide Ships and Supplies if you do not take care of the Helm, and see that such honest Guides are set up who will mind their Country more than themselves, and the public Interest more than their own.  
The next Branch of the Division is the Miscarriages (the King calls them the Disadvantages) at Land. And these indeed are by no means equal to, because they are sar greater than these at Sea. The Loss of Heydelberg and Reses, of Hue and Charleroy; besides the terrible Defeats in Two pitched Battles, the one in Flanders, the other in Piedmont: In all which, besides the Towns and Castles, the Artillery and Baggage, the Confederates lost very few less than Fifty thousand Men. But to come to that in which have we were more immediately concerned, and that is the Battle at Landen; of which the King tells you. That it was only occasioned by the great Number of our Enemies, which exceeded ours. Now we cannot deny the Truth of this; for it is unaccountable, that an equal or less Number of Men should storm a Camp, and make such terrible Havoc and Slaughter, and take most of the heavy Cannon and Baggage. But this notwithstanding, there are Two things to be added by way of Supplement.  
1. How it came to pass, that at that Battle, the French came to exceed ours in Number? The Confederate Army were 80000 Men, and if they had been kept in a Body, or near together, they would have equalled, if not exceeded, the French. But by a new Martial Policy, a great Detachment was sent away under the Duke of Wirtemberg, and another greater to cover Liege and Maestricht; and then, when our Army was weakened, the French sought and beat us. And what better could be expected? 'Tis in vain here to say, we did not think the French would attack us, but that they would direct their Course towards Liege or Maestricht; for that instead of mending the Matter makes it worse, and the Miscarriages greater. For 'tis inexcusable in a General to say, he did not think of his Enemies; Non licet in belio his peccare. And 'tis a greater Dishonour to a General to be surprised and taken unawares, than to be beaten: For Victory is an Act of Providence, but the other is his own Negligence, or want of Prudence. The English of this is, Luxemburg outwitted us. And we are like to have a fair Account, when our Enemies are stronger in their Heads and Arms. The King tells you, 'tis necessary to augment our Forces, and hopes you will accordingly supply him; but according to the Measures of the last Summer's Campaign, 'tis impossible to know what Numbers are necessary. For you must not only provide a sufficient Number to fight, but a sufficient Number also to be sent away. And what Number or Purse is sufficient for both these Purposes, we doubt will puzzle your Arithmetic as well as ours.  
2. The other thing we crave leave to add, is, The unaccountable Conduct of removing our Camp, in such a Juncture, from a strong and well fortified Place, to pitch it in a Plain; one would have imagined, when our Army was so much weakened, a little foresight would have taught us to keep in the strongest Hold; had we continud in our Camp at Park Abby, the French would have found it a tough piece of Work to have forced it: And Luxemburg knew it, and therefore enticed us out, and made his Advantage of it. But this is not all; We are not only contented to relinquish a Place of Strength, but we must encamp so awkardly as to place a River behind us; whereas any Man, who had the experience, but of one years' Campaign, would easily have seen the incommodiousness of such an Encampment. And that the River ought to have been before and not behind us; both to hinder the Approaches of the Enemy, and, in case of Defeat, to secure a safer Retreat; and the Event plainly proved it, to our Cost. For the Situation of our Camp gave far easier access to the French than they could have had, if they had been to approach us over a River; and upon the Victory the River served not only to bar a regular Retreat, but made even the confused Flight far more desperate. And it had these Two fatal Effects; to keep us longer under our Enemy's Swords, and to drown our Men when they fled from them. And in truth, the River destroyed far more of our Army than the French did, or could do. There is great Reason therefore that you should augment our Forces, that you may be sure to have enough to make Bridges, to secure the Retreat of the rest.  
And thus much we thought good humbly to add, with respect to the Martial Miscarriages: But there are others of a Civil Nature, and God knows these are not less Fatal to the Welfare of our Nation; it destroys us at home, as these do abroad. We need not go into Flanders for our Destruction. We have Cankers and Moths in our own Bowels, which consume us as effectually as our Enemy's Swords. There is no doubt but you will have Complaints enough from all Quarters, and the Miseries this poor Nation labours under will reach your Ears from all parts of the Land, and we hope you will relieve them. We shall therefore select a very few, out of that great Number, to represent unto you.  
And the First is, The misimployment of our Treasure: Our Money is spent contrary to the Ends for which you gave it. This is plain to a Demonstration, you gave last year Five Millions to defray the Expense of this years War; a Sum indeed sufficient, and to spare, and more than ever this Kingdom before paid in one year; and yet neither our Seamen, nor our Land Forces are paid. A Proclamation was issued on't to continue the Seamen in pay all the Winter, which is only to multiply an unnecessary Charge, and without the least Advantage; but this was only to prevent the Murmur and Complaints of the Seamen, but this will not do; for the Cries of their Families, and their own want of Bread, makes them desperate, and their Complaints fill the Ears of the Government, and of all Men besides. Their Wives and Children live upon Trust, in hopes of Repayment when the Summer's Expedition is over; but now their Creditors are weary of Trusting, and will give them no more Credit, as having no prospect when they shall be paid. And this is the state of most of our Seamen, and 'tis dismally sad that they must venture their Lives, and themselves and their Families be starved for their Pains. The Case is not one jot better with the Land Forces: They have neither pay nor subsistence Money. And to give you one Instance for all; in the Tower Hamlets some hundreds and Quartered, and they lived so long upon their Hosts that they both Grumbled, and upon the same Reason, for want of Pay, one from the Government, the other from the Soldier; insomuch that a Fortnight since, my Lord Lucas, (no doubt by superior Direction) sent the Officers of the respective Parishes to all the Public Houses, acquainting them, That if they would Trust each Soldier as far as 35. a Week, he would be responsable, and see them paid.  
This is Demonstration that our Forces are not paid; and they must either subsist upon Trust, or upon Freequarter, or Perish.  
This is not only the Case of the Soldiers, but of all other Persons concerned relative to the War. Those who have furnished Naval Stores, and Arms; the Workmen who belong to the respective Yards, etc. they are all in the same Condition; and have no hopes, but the Expectation of what you will give. And now let us ask, If any mortal Man can believe that Five Millions was not abundantly sufficient to defray the whole Expense of this year? nay, Whether the one half of it be not more than sufficient? And yet the public Debts still increase upon us, and by a strange State Paradox, the more you give, the more you owe. By this Rule, your Supplies will but set us further behind hand; for if Five Millions have run us so much in Debt, what will Ten Millions do? In short, you may give what you will, but without some effectual Care, and more than hath hitherto been taken, the Issue will be always the same; for if when you have given more than enough, the Forces, etc. are not paid, neither will they, if you give Ten times more. For when our Money is once diverted into a wrong Channel, the same Stream will carry away all we have, and with the same ease and security. This therefore is an unsufferable Grievance, in whose hands soever it lies; and is no less than robbing the Nation, and abusing your Supplies. Give us leave to speak a sad but a plain Truth; if any Pensioner Pockets up any of the Public Moneys, he does not only betray his Trust, and his Country, but he devours the Blood of the Soldiers and Seamen, and feeds upon the Spoils of the People. The Eyes of all the Nation are upon you in this particular: And if you do not make a strict and impartial Enquiry into this last years Expense, they will be tempted to think, what some do not stick to say, not only that you do not care what becomes of our Money, but that you dare not dive too deep into the Accounts, lest your own Names be found there; and you are forced to connive at other men's Guilts, lest you discover your own. We therefore earnestly pray you, for your own sakes as well as ours, that before you give any more Money you will carefully examine the Public Accounts, and see first what is become of the last. That you will diligently inspect through whose hands it passed, to whom disposed, and for what uses? And we do not doubt but you will find at the least the one half of it embezzled, or misapplied; and we hope you will not only detect and punish whom you shall find Guilty, but make them refund, and restore also, what in plain English they have stolen from the Nation.  
2. The Exportation of Corn in a time of Scarcity, or (which is all one) to make a time of Scarcity. Wheaten Bread is now in London 12 s. 8 d. a Bushel, and White Bread 18 s. and Corn all over the Kingdom bears some Proportion to this, and riseth in the Price, respectively to the different Places; and is Three times dearer than usual, especially considering the seasonable Harvest. And this is plainly the Effect of Exportation; and we have Dutch Factors all over the Nation, raising the Markets, and starving the Poor. And we cannot but take notice of a late Proclamation, both here and in Ireland, forbidding under strict Penalties to transport Corn to France; which is a pleasant Business, when 'tis already, by Act of Parliament, made Treason to correspond there. But this Proclamation has two Edges; the one was to lay the Odium of the Dearth upon we know not who, Jacobites; as if all the Corn had been by their means transported into France. And this hath been Artificially and Industrioufly spread through the Countries; but this had like to have spoiled the Project, for the Country took the Alarm, and was glad of any occasion to keep their Corn at home, and risen unanimously to defend their Corn from French Harpies. But upon second thoughts, it was judged convenient to send some Soldiers to the Ports, and other Places, to keep the People in order, and patiently to see their Corn carried away before their Eyes. From whence 'tis notorious enough, that our Corn goes to Holland, and not to France.  
And accordingly the other End of the Proclamation is plainly to encourage the Transporting it to Holland. A Prohibition to France is a tacit Direction to Holland. It had not been very plausible, nor perhaps safe, to have sent out Orders for the Transporting Corn to the Low-countrieses, but this might be done as well by a side Wind; 'tis but proclaiming that none must be sent to France, and then the Inference is obvious, there is no danger in carrying it to Holland; nay, not to leave the matter to Inference and Collection, there are positive and direct Orders, in the Ports of England and Ireland, not only to permit the Factors for Corn to Buy and Ship it, but are ordered Convoys to guard them to Holland. From whence we plainly see from what Quarter our Scarcity comes, and what great Compassion we bear to the Poor of England. Let the Dutch have but Plenty, and it is no matter if our Poor be Starved. We need say very little in this particular to awaken your Diligence in examining it; nor what great Care our Laws have taken to preserve equal the Prizes of Corn, by the Provisions they make against Restrators, Forestallers, and Monopolizers. For if you do not take some Care, and that speedily too, the Poor will carve for themselves, as they have already in some Places: Hunger breaks through Stone Walls; and if Famine comes on us, by your neglect, you must thank yourselves, if the Poor fill their Bells at your Cost, and eat up what you had provided for your own Meals.  
3. The Corrupt Administration of Justice. This is the worst Crime in a Commonwealth: A Murderer, or Thief, breaks the Laws; but a Corrupt Judge both breaks and debauches it, and poisons the Fountains of Justice. Do we not daily see the Judges acting under the Directions of the Ministers of State, as if a Judge was sworn not be guided by the Laws, but by the Secretaries. The poor and scandalous Acts of picking up, and cherishing the most profligate Villains to make Evidences of; as in the Case of Fuller, Holland, etc. The intolerable and illegal Fines; when a Man not worth a Farthing shall be Fined Two or Three hundred Pounds, contrary to the direction of Law, which always limits Fines to men's Abilities, and with a Salvo contenemento of this every Sessions gives notorious Instances; and particularly the last, when one Mr. Cook, upon the single Evidence of a Beggar, and vagabond Papist, and that Evidence not direct to the Fact neither, but only by hear-say; for she swears she saw him set a Seal, and heard Mrs. M. say, it was the Seal of my Lord N. and this is all that came up to the Indictment; and yet upon such an Evidence the Man was found Guilty, and Fined 200 l. and Mr. Recorder, by wonderul Eloquence, made him believe the Court did him a favour in not setting him in the Pillory. And is not this, think you, an admirable Course of Justice, when an Evidence by hear-say shall be sufficient to convict a Man? And if you please to consult the Records of the Sessions, you will find a great Number of such shameless Cases. Perhaps it may be said here, that the Persons convicted either were, or were suspected to be Jacobites, and so no Friends to the Government, and no matter what became of them: But we are not Pleading for the Jacobites, but for Justice; and Justice is blind, and knows no Parties. And we presume under former Governments (when these things were complained of) the respective Persons under such Sentences were not thought to be Friends to the respective Governments. If the Administration of Justice is limited to Persons and Parties, and not to Things and legal Proofs, 'tis partial, and corrupt; and we are not governed by the plain Rules of Law, but by Faction and Passion.  
But if this was the worst, and such partial distributing of Justice concerned only the Subjects Liberty and Property, it might be the better borne. But in the Case of Life it is just the same; these Men make no more to Hang a Man contrary to Law, than to Fine him. The Case of Capt. Ashton you all know, and there hath long since an Opinion been given of it in the House of Peers: But there is a fresh Instance of one Anderton, a Printer, who was Murdered by the Bench against the plain Words, and express Direction, of the Law in that very Case made and provided. The whole is very well worthy your Notice; but we shall not take up your time with mentioning the want of One, much less of Two, direct Evidences to the Fact charged upon him (which the Law expressly requires in the Case of Treason) nor the indirect means to induce the Jury to find him Guilty, by Brow beating, Threatening, and such like; which so overawed the Jury, that most of them brought in a Verdict directly contrary to their Judgements. To omit these, which deserve your Enquiry; the single Question is, Whether Printing be Treason, according to the Laws of England? He was indicted on the Statute of Treasons, 25 Ed. 3. Now 'tis as plain as the Sun that Printing could not be Treason, by the express Words of that Act; for Printing was not in use, nor known, when that Act was made: And it is to be remembered that that Act limits Treasons, and expressly declares, that there shall be no Treasons for the future but what are there expressed, but what shall be declared in Parliament. If it be said, though it be not there expressly, it is virtually, and by interpretation: But pray what kind of Treasons are those which are virtual, and interpretative Treasons? Our Laws know no Treasons by inference and consequence, but what are plain and express in the Law. But whose Interpretation is this? The Interpretation of the Judge, or of the Law? The Judge hath interpreted it so indeed, and hath hanged a Man upon it, but the Law hath interpreted it quite otherwife; and the Law is so far from interpreting Printing to be Treason, that it hath plainly declared that it is not so, and consequently not within that Act. The statute 14 Car. 2. hath made Provision for the very Case, hath taken notice of and assigned Punishments for the Printing Seditious Libels, and some of them hath left to the Discretion of the Bench; but with this negtive Clause expressly, not extending to Life. This is a plain Case, that Printing Seditious Libels is not interpreted Treason by the Law, but the contrary; and if it be not Treason by the Construction of Law, then by the same Construction it is not Treason within the Statute of Treasons. For the Fact is not express in that Statute, nor could be; the Question is only concerning the Constructon of it, and the Law hath already construed it not to be Treason, as not extending to Life. So that the Construction of Law, is in direct opposition to the Construction of Judge Treby; and he hath hanged a Man in downright contradiction to the very Words of the Law. Now 'tis to be remembered, That this is Law, of Printing, is your own; and you have made it your own Act, by reviving it; and to have your own Laws invaded openly before your Faces, is such an unparallelled Boldness, that no Words can sufficiently express; and in the Case of Life, 'tis Murder besides. We are no Patrons of Seditous Libels; Let the Printers of them be punished, but then let them be punished according to Law, and not by Arbitrary Constructions and Wrest, which will serve (if the Judge be so disposed) to hang any Man in the World: For if he construe one thing to be Treason, contrary to the express Words of Law, he may by the same Reason construe another thing to be so; and so at length our Lives and Properties shall not be judged by just Laws, but by unjust Men.  
Upon the whole; If the Current of Justice be suffered to run in the same Channel, no Man is safe, yourselves are as obnoxious as others; for when once you come to be out of Parliament, and the Sessions is over, you are equally liable to the Lash of these Men with ourselves. You may make what Laws you please, but if you do not take care that they are more honestly Exccuted, your good Laws will stand you in as little stead as they do us. The English Laws indeed are the best in the World, but if they are administered by the worst of Men, we re never the better; there is nothing more merciful and tender, in the Case of Life, than our Laws, allowing all the favourable Construction and Latitude that the Case can admit of; but if they shall be cramped and pinched by a corrupt Judge, to the destruction of a Prisoner, what good does the Equity and Favour of the Laws do him? Our Laws are so very averse to Cruelty and Blood, that they will not permit a Butcher as a Juryman to pass upon Life and Death; but what does that signify, if Butchers shall be permitted to sit upon the Bench.  
4. The Posture of Foreigners within this Kingdom. This is a matter of high Consequence and requires a strict and cautious Eye, not only of yourselves, but of every Englishman besides. Foreigners have always a separate Interest from that of the Nation; and if for Numbers, or upon any other Consideration, they become formidable, 'tis high time for the Natives to look to themselves, and to proud for their own Safety and Security. This Kingdom hath already smarted under Two fatal Instances; the one of the Saxons, the other of the Danes; who being respectively called in, upon the pretence of Assistance, so soon as opportunity was ripe, made themselves Masters of the Country, killed our Princes and Nobles, and made the rest their Slaves and Vassals. The Memory of this continues fresh among us, and is proverbially transmitted to Posterity; and so long as the Name of Lord Dane remains, will never be forgotten. And our own dear bought Experience, one would think, should teach us Wisdom in this Case, and make us beware of Foreigners, and careful how we trust them. Now we need not remind you, that a great part of the Military Force of this Kingdom is in the hands of Foreigners; most of the Commanders of the Army are Strangers to us, know not our Laws and Constitution, nor have any kindness for them, but have, must have Ends of their own divided from that of the public Welfare of the Nation, and People. Give us leave here to wonder, and let all the World wonder with us, That the Ecclesiastical Bench in the House of Lords should not only Vote for this, but make Speeches in defence of it. It was a smart Reply made by a noble Lord, That he might in a short time see Dutch Bishops in that Bench as well as Dutch Officers in the Army: That our Souls might as safely be committed to their care, as our Lives, Liberties, and Estates. And in truth if we give the Sword into their hands, which governs all things, we may soon have not only Dutch Bishops, Dutch Presbyters, and Dutch Commanders; but Dutch Lords, Dutch Commons, and Dutch every Thing; and Lord Dutch may become as formidable to us, as Lord Dane was to our Ancestors. For 'tis as clear as the Light, give them Power to defend us, and they have Power to ruin us; and those who will Fight for us only for their Interests, will Fight against us upon the same Inducement; and if they can find their Account in it, we may soon feel the effects of their Valour, in subduing us, when they are not able to master our Enemies. A fat Morsel is good prey to a Soldier of Fortune: And if he can make his Fortune at our Cost, we must own ourselves beholding to him, if he does not carve liberally for himself, though it be upon our Bones and Carcases.  
And if you please to consider the Posture of Foreigners amongst us, you will find not only that most of our Troops are composed of our old Taskmasters the Danes, and of the Dutch, and the French Refugees: But, (which extremely sharpens this Consideration) that there are also a great Party of Foreigners in the heart of the Nation, who may soon be, if they are not already, prepared to second any Attempt, if not to act in conjunction with them. This Inference is so natural, that nothing but the utmost Forgetfulness of ourselves can make us careless on that hand: But if there be violent Presumptions, nay, apparent Evidences, that some great Matter is brewing among them, 'tis no less than desperate Infatuation to lie secure and negligent under such treatning Dangers in our own Bowels. It is not unkown to you how great a Number there are of French Refugees in and about this City, who are in full Union with their Brethren in the Army; nor what Military Authority and Power the Duke of Lemster, their Countryman, hath in this Kingdom; nor can it be doubted but he hath great Authority and Influence over them, and manages them according to such Methods and Councils as may best answer the Ends which are driven at. That accordingly most of the French Refugees, who are able to bear Arms, are actually Armed and Listed under distinct Officers, and of whom the said Duke is Chief. That there have been several Sums of Money distributed to them, and some in particular by the said Duke, in all probability to supply themselves with Weapons, to use upon such Occasions as they shall be called to when Opportunity serves. That, in pursuance of this, several thousands of Arms have been made and bought up by them; and that in particular one Gunsmith in the Minories contracted with some of the French Refugees for 500 Case of Pistols, of a size shorter than Holster Pistols, and which he accordingly made, and half of the Money was paid him before hand, and the rest at the delivery of the Pistols. And that other Gunsmiths in the Minories had full Employment from the same hands, in the same Work; and 'tis said they have not bought up less than 8000 of these Cases of Pistols. It is here matter of your serious Consideration, what use these kind of Pistols are to be put to? It is certain they are not for Employment in the Field. And it is as certain they are sitted for the Work they drive at; and we shall leave it with you, whether it does not portend some sudden and secret Execution, of a barbarous Nature? That accordingly several threatening Speeches have been given out, That some Persons at a certain time should have their Throats Cut; and some of them are grown to that Confidence, as to make particular Threaten; which shows they are almost sure of their Design. A French Minister sent several Letters to a very considerable Clergyman, threatening him, That he was a dead Man; That he was to buy a Halter for himself; That there was a Gallows prepared for him, which he must first ascend and mount. Further yet, That there have been not long since 700 Tickets, of mysterious Figures and Characters, scattered about St. Ann's Parish among the Habitations of the French Refugees, and thrown into several Houses, which plainly import some secret and mysterious Design. And, to close up all, there are almost every Week great Numbers of French Refugees, and other Foreigners, brought over hither from beyond the Seas, on pretence to go and inhabit in Ireland, who notwithstanding are kept in England, and no doubt to augmet their Forces, and strengthen the Confederacy.  
And now, Gentlemen, you that are the trusties and Representatives of your Country, we entreat you impartially to reflect what these things mean? Is it not apparent that a Design is hatching, and a great Storm gathering; which, when it breaks, may overwhelm you and your Posterities, if not prevented? Is it possible for you to believe your Lives, Liberties, and Estates, safe in such Circumstances? Did ever a wise Nation suffer Foreigners to become formidable in their own Country? Look into the Records of Time, and see if there be one single Instance in the whole World, where Strangers had gained Power and Force enough, they did not make use of it to advance themselves, and ruin the Natives? Was there no visible ground of Jealousy, the very Nature of the thing would alarm your uttermost Caution: And you have besides that the Experience of all Ages, to quicken your Councils in this Case. But when Men of separate Councils, Measures, and Interests from yours, when they are armed with Power and Number too; when there is apparently a bold Design actually sormed, and run through the whole Party, in such a Case, the Danger is brought home to your own Doors; and 'tis high time to awake out of Sleep, and to apply your utmost Wisdoms to the providing a speedy and effectual Remedy.  
5. We have but one thing more to trouble you with, though it may not seem Grievous in the Nature of it, yet in the Consequence it may be a more dreadful Miscarriage than any of the rest; and if you do not Remedy this, you can Remedy none of the other; and that is, The Postponing the Redress of Grievances, to the giving Supplies. This is lodged in your own House, and you have hitherto fatally laboured under it; you yourselves know, by the Experience of your former Sessions, and all the Kingdom knows, that so soon as you have given our Money, the Court hath done with you; and our Grievances remain the same, or grow greater, and you rise re infecta; you have done the Business of the Court indeed, but not that of the Country; and so your great Trust is but half executed, and the least half too. The Question therefore here is not concerning the Nature of Things, or the Preference of one before the other, (though yet we believe the Redressing our Grievances is every way as necessary to our Welfare as, if not preferable to, the giving Supplies) but concerning the Order of Time. We pray you let that be done first, which otherwise will not be done at all. We are sure the Court will permit you to sit to give Money: And we are as sure you will not sit to Redress our Evils, if you give that first. Money will be welcome first, or last; but our Grievances must be remedied first, or never. Let your Time therefore be suited to the Occasions. First examine the State of the Nation; consider the Miscarriages at Sea, and Land; and apply effectual remedies to the respective Miseries we groan under; and then we shall more cheerfully part with our Money.  
And thus we have presumed to lay before you some part of those manifold Miscarriages our unhappy Nation hath lately felt, and still feels the smart of; and which we humbly conceive highly require your Consideration. We hope this humble Address will not be unacceptable to you: And we are sure we have herein done our duty to God, to yourselves, and to our Country. However, if our humble Supplication will not deserve the Thanks of the House, we persuade ourselves the subject Matter of it will deserve your Care; which is the utmost Aim of  
Your humble Petitioners, THE COMMONS of ENGLAND.  
FINIS.