JURA MAJESTATIS, THE RIGHTS OF KINGS BOTH In CHURCH and STATE: 1. Granted by God. 2. Violated by the Rebels. 3. Vindicated by the Truth. AND, The wickednesses of the Faction of this pretended PARLIAMENT at Westminster. 1. Manifested by their Actions. 1. Perjury. 2. Rebellion. 3. Oppression. 4. Murder. 5. Robbery. 6. Sacrilege, and the like. 2. Proved by their Ordinances. 1. Against Law. 2. Against Equity. 3. Against Conscience. PUBLISHED 1. To the eternal honour of our just God. 2. The indelible shame of the wicked Rebels. And 3. To procure the happy peace of this distressed Land. Which many fear we shall never obtain; until 1. The Rebels be destroyed, or reduced to the obedience of our King. And 2. The breaches of the Church be repaired. 1. By the restauration of Gods (now much profaned) service. And 2. The reparation of the many injuries done to Christ his now dis-esteemed servants. By GRYFFITH WILLIAMS Lord Bishop of OSSORY. Impij homines, qui dum volunt esse mali, nolunt esse veritatem, qua condemnantur mali. Augustinus. Printed at Oxford, Ann. Dom. 1644. Carolus D: G: Mag: Brittaniae Fra: et Hiberniae Rex ●●r. portrait of King Charles I TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. Most gracious Sovereign, WIth no small pains (and the more for want of my books, and of any settled place, being multùm terris jactatus & alto, frighted out of mine house, and tossed betwixt two distracted Kingdoms) I have collected out of the sacred Scripture, explained by the ancient Fathers, and the best Writers of God's Church, these few Rights our of many, that God and nature, and Nations, and the Laws of this Land have fully and undeniably granted unto our Sveraigne Kings. My witness is in Heaven, that as my conscience directed me, without any squint aspect, so I have with all sincerity, and freely traced and expressed the truth, as I shall answer to the contrary at the dreadful judgement; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; therefore with all fervency I humbly supplicate the divine Majesty, still to assist Your Highness, that, as in Your lowest ebb, You have put on righteousness as a breastplate, and with an heroic resolution withstood the proudest waves of the raging Seas, and the violent attempts of so many imaginary Kings; so now, in Your acquired strength, You may still ride on with Your honour; and, for the glory of God, the preservation of Christ his Church, and the happiness of this Kingdom, not for the greatest storm that can be threatened, suffer these Rights to be snatched away, nor Your Crown to be thrown to the dust, nor the sword that God hath given You, to be wrested out of Your hand by these uncircumcised Philistines these ungracious rebels, and the vessels of God's wrath, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unless they do most speedily repent; for if the unrighteous will be unrighteous still, and our wickedness provoke God to bring our Land to desolation, Your Majesty, standing in the truth and for the right, for the honour of God and the Church of his Son, is absolved from all blame, and all the blood that shall be spilt, and the oppressions, insolences, and abominations that are perpetrated, shall be required at the hands, and revenged upon the heads of these detested rebels. You are and aught, in the truth of cases of conscience, to be informed by Your Divines; and I am confident that herein they will all subscribe, that God will undoubtedly assist You, and arise in his good time, to maintain his own cause; and by this war, that is so undutifully, so unjustly made against Your Majesty, so Giant like fought against Heaven, to overthrow the true Church, You shall be glorious like King David, that was a man of war, whose dear son raised a dangerous rebellion against him, and in whose reign so much blood was spilt; and yet, notwithstanding these distempers in his Dominion, he was a man according to Gods own heart, especially, because that from α to ω * As, in the beginning, by reducing the Ark from the Philistines, throughout the midst, by settling the service of the Tabernacle, & in the ending by his resolution to build, and leaving such a treasure for the erecting of the Temple. , the beginning of his reign, to the end of his life, his chiefest endeavour was to promote the service, and protect the servants of the Tabernacle, the Ministers of God's Church. God Almighty so continue Your Majesty, bless You and protect You in all Your ways, Your virtuous, pious Queen, and all Your royal Progeny. Which is the daily prayer of The most faithful to Your Majesty GRYFFITH OSSORY. The Contents of the several Chapters contained in this TREATISE. CHAP. I. Sheweth who are the fittest to set down the Rights which God granted unto Kings: what causeth men to rebel: the parts considerable in S. Peter's words, 1. Pet. 2.17. in fine. How Kings honoured the Clergy: the fair but most false pretences of the refractory Faction, what they chiefly aim at, and their malice to Episcopacy and Royalty. Pag. 1 CHAP. II. Shows what Kings are to be honoured: the institution of Kings to be immediately from God: the first Kings: the three chiefest rights to Kingdoms: the best of the three rights: how Kings came to be elected: and how, contrary to the opinion of Master Selden, Aristocracy and Democracie issued out of Monarchy. Pag. 12 CHAP. III. Sheweth the Monarchical Government to be the best form: the first Government that ever was: agreeable to Nature, wherein God founded it: consonant to Gods own Government: the most universally received throughout the world: the immediate and proper Ordinance of God: etc. Pag. 20 CHAP. IV. Shows what we should not do, and what we should do for the King: the Rebels transgressing in all those: how the Israelites honoured their persecuting King in Egypt: how they behaved themselves under Artaxerxes, Ahashuerus, and under all their own Kings of Israel: etc. Pag. 29 CHAP. V Sheweth how the Heathens honoured their Kings: how Christ exhibited all due honour unto Heathen and wicked Kings: how he carried himself before Pilate, and how all the good Primitive Christians behaved themselves towards their Heathen persecuting Emperors. Pag. 41 CHAP. VI Sheweth the two chiefest duties of all Christian Kings: to whom the charge and preservation of Religion is committed: three several opinions: the strange speeches of the Disciplinarians against Kings are showed, and Viretus his scandalous reasons are answered: the double service of all Christian Kings: and how the Heathen Kings and Emperors had the charge of Religion. Pag. 48 CHAP. VII. Sheweth the three things necessary for all Kings that would preserve true Religion: how the King may attain to the knowledge of things that pertain to Religion; by His Bishops and Chaplains, and the calling of Synods: etc. Pag. 62 CHAP. VIII. Sheweth it is the right of Kings to make Ecclesiastical Laws and Canons, proved by many authorities and examples: that the good Kings and Emperors made such Laws by the advice of their Bishops and Clergy, and not of their Lay Counsellors: how our late Canons came to be annulled: etc. Pag. 72 CHAP. IX. Sheweth a full answer to four special Objections that are made against the Civil jurisdictions of Ecclesiastical persons: their abilities to discharge these offices, and desire to benefit the Commonwealth: why some Counsels inhibited these offices unto Bishops: etc. Pag. 86 CHAP. X. Shows that it is the King's right to grant Dispensations for Pluralities and Nonresidency: what Dispensation is: reasons for it: to tolerate divers Sects or sorts of Religions: the four special sorts of false Professors: S. Augustine's reasons for the toleration of the Jews: toleration of Papists and of Puritans, and which of them deserve best to be tolerated among the Protestants; and how any Sect is to be tolerated. Pag. 101 CHAP. XI. Sheweth where the Protestants, Papists, and Puritans do place Sovereignty: who first taught the deposing of Kings: the Puritans tenet worse than the Jesuits: King's authority immediately from God: the twofold royalty in a King: the words of the Apostle vindicated from false glosses: etc. Pag. 116 CHAP. XII. Sheweth the assistants of Kings in their government: to whom the choice of inferior Magistrates belongeth: the power of the subordinate officers: neither Peers nor Parliament can have supremacy: the Sectaries chiefest argument out of Bracton answered: our Laws prove all Sovereignty to be in the King. Pag. 127 §. The two chiefest parts of the regal government: the four properties of a just war: and how the Parliamentary faction transgress in every property. Pag. 134 CHAP. XIII. Sheweth how the first government of Kings was arbitrary: the places of Moses, Deut. 17. and of Samuel, 1. Sam. 8. discussed: whether Ahab offended in desiring Naboths Vineyard, and wherein: why absolute power was granted unto Kings, and how the diversities of government came up. Pag. 142 §. The extent of the grants of Kings: what they may, and what they may not grant: what our Kings have not granted, in seven special prerogatives; and what they have gran●●● 〈…〉 Pag. ●47 CHAP. XIV. Sheweth the King's grants unto his people to be of three sorts. Which ought to be observed: the Act of excluding the Bishops out of Parliament discussed: the King's Oath at his Coronation: how it obligeth him: and how Statutes have been procured and repealed. Pag. 155 §. Certain quaeres discussed, but not resolved: the end for which God ordained Kings: the praise of a just rule: Kings ought to be more just than all others in three respects: and what should most especially move them to rule their people justly. Pag. 163 CHAP. XV. Sheweth the honour due to the King. 1. Fear. 2. An high esteem of our King: how highly the Heathens esteemed of their Kings: the Marriage of obedience and authority: the Rebellion of the Nobility how heinous. 3. Obedience, fourfold: divers kinds of Monarches: and how an absolute Monarch may limit himself. Pag. 169 CHAP. XVI. Sheweth the answer to some objections against the obeying of our Sovereign Magistrate: all actions of three kinds: how our consciences may be reform: of our passive obedience to the Magistrates: and of the King's concessions, how to be taken. Pag. 181 CHAP. XVII. Sheweth how tribute is due to the King: for six special reasons to be paid: the condition of a lawful tribute: that we should not be niggards to assist the King: that we should defend the King's Person: the wealth and pride of London the cause of all the miseries of this Kingdom: and how we ought to pray for our King. Pag. 190 CHAP. XVIII. The persons that ought to honour the King; and the recapitulation of 21 wickednesses of the Rebels, and the faction of the pretended Parliament. Pag. 203 CHAP. XIX. Sheweth how the Rebellious faction have transgressed all the ten Commandments of the Law, and the new Commandment of the Gospel: how they have committed the seven deadly sins; and the four crying sins; and the three most destructive sins to the soul of man: and how their Ordinances are made against all Laws, equity, and conscience. Pag. 212 CHAP. XX. Sheweth how the rebellious Faction forswore themselves: what trust is to be given to them: how we may recover our peace and prosperity: how they have unking'd the Lords Anointed: and for whom they have exchanged him: and the conclusion of the whole. Pag. 223 The Rights of Kings, both in CHURCH and STATE, And, The Wickednesses of this pretended PARLIAMENT manifested and proved. CHAP. I. Sheweth who are the fittest to set down the Rights which God granted unto Kings; what causeth men to rebel; the parts considerable in S. Peter's words, 1 Pet. 2.17. in fine. How Kings honoured the Clergy; the fair but most false pretences of the refractory Faction, what they chief aim at, and their malice to Episcopacy and Royalty. IT was not unwisely said by Ocham that great Schoolman to a great Emperor (which M. Luther said also to the Duke of Saxony) Tu protege me gladio, & ego defendam te calamo; Guliel. Ocham. Ludou. 4. do you defend me with your Sword, and I will maintain your right with my pen; for God hath committed the Sword into the hand of the King, and his hand which beareth not the Sword in vain knoweth how to use Rom. 13. v. 4. the Sword better than the Preacher, and the King may better make good his Rights by the Sword than by the pen, which having once blotted his papers with mistakes, and concessions more than due, though they should be never so small (if granted further than the truth would permit, as I fear some have done in some particulars) yet they cannot so easily be scraped away by the sharpest sword; and God ordered the divine tongue and learned Scribe to be the pens of a ready Writer, and thereby to display the duties and to justify the Rights of Kings; and if they fail in either part, the King needeth neither to perform what undue Offices they impose upon him, The Divine best to set down the Right s of k ngs. nor to let pass those just honours they omit to yield unto him; but he may justly claim his due Rights, and either retain them or regain them by his Sword, which the Scribe either wilfully omitted, or ignorantly neglected to ascribe unto him, or else maliciously endeavoured, (as the most impudent and rebellious Sectaries of our time have most virulently done) to abstract them from him. And seeing the Crown is set upon the head of every Christian King, and the Sceptre of government is put into his hand, by a threefold Law 1. Of Nature, that is common to all. 2. Of the Nation, that he ruleth over. 3. Of God, that is over all. As, Every Christian king established by a threefold Law. 1. Nature teaching every King to govern his People according to the common rules of honesty and justice. 2. The politic constitution of every several State and particular Kingdom, showing how they would have their government to be administered. Psal. 119. 3. The Law of God, which is an undefiled Law, and doth infallibly set down what duties are to be performed and what Rights are to be yielded to every King: for whatsoever things are written of the Kings of Israel and Judah in the holy Scriptures are not only written for those Kings and the government of that one Nation, To what end the stories of the kings of Israel and judah were written. Rom. 15.4. but as the Apostle saith, They are written for our learning, that all Kings and Princes might know thereby how to govern, and all Subjects might in like manner, by this impartial and most perfect rule understand how to behave themselves in all obedience and loyalty towards their Kings and governor's; for he that made man knew he had been better unmade than left without a Government; therefore as he ordained those Laws whereby we should live, and set down those truths that we should believe; The ordination of our government as beneficial as our creation. so he settled and ordained that Government whereby all men in all Nations should be guided and governed, as knowing full well that we neither would nor could do any of these things right, unless he himself did set down the same for us; therefore though the frowardness of our Nature will neither yield to live according to that Law, nor believe according to that rule, nor be governed according to that divine Ordinance, which God hath prescribed for us in his Word; yet it is most certain, that he left us not without a perfect rule and direction for each one of these, our faith, our life, and our government, without which government we could neither enjoy the benefits of our life, nor scarce reap the fruits of our faith: and because it were as good to leave us without Rules and without Laws, Unwritten things most uncertain. as to live by unwritten Laws, which in the vastness of this world would be soon altered, corrupted and obliterated; therefore God hath written down all these things in the holy Scriptures, which though they were delivered to the People of the Jews for the government both of their Church and Kingdom, yet were they left with them to be communicated for the use and benefit of all other Nations, (God being not the God of the Jews only, Rom. 3. 2●. but of the Gentiles also) because the Scripture in all moral and perpetual precepts (that are not merely judicialia Judaica, or secundae classis, which the royal government was not, because this was ordained from the beginning of the world to be observed among all Nations, and to be continued to the end of the world: nor the types and shadows that were to vanish when the true substance approached) was left as a perfect pattern and platform for all Kings and People, Pastors and Flocks, Churches and Kingdoms throughout the whole world, to be directed how to live, to govern, and to be governed thereby. Such was the love and care of God for the Government of them that love and care as little to be governed by his government. Every Government the better by how much nearer it is to the Government of the Scripture kings. And therefore the dim and dusky light of blear eyed Nature, and the dark distracted inventions of the subtlest politics must stoop and yield place in all things, wherein they swerve from that strict rule of justice and the right order of government, which is expressed necessarily to be observed in the holy Scripture, either of the King's part towards his People, or of the People's duty towards their King. And though each one of these faculties, or the understanding of each one of these three Laws requireth more than the whole man, our life being too short to make us perfect in any one; yet seeing that of all three, the Law of God is abyssus magna, like the bottomless sea, and the supreme Lady, to whom all other Laws and Sciences are but as Penelope's handmaids to attend her service; the Divine may fare better and much sooner understand what is natural right, The Divine is better able to understand Law, than the Lawyer to understand Divinity. Psal. 1.2. and what ought to be a just national Law, and thereby what is the Right of Kings, and what the duty of Subjects, than any, either Philosopher or Lawyer can find the same by any other art; especially to understand the same so fully by the Law of God, as the Divine that exerciseth himself therein day and night may do it; unless you think (as our Enthusiasts dream) that every illiterate Tradesman, or at least a Lawyers Latin (I speak of the generality, when I know many of them of much worth in all learning) may easily wade with the reading of our English Bibles into the depth of all Divinity, and that the greatest Doctor that spent all his days in studies, can hardly understand the mysteries of these Chameleon-like Laws, which may change sense, as often as the Case shall be changed, either by the subtlety of the Pleader, or the ignorance, or corruption of the Judges. But we know their deepest Laws, discreetest Statutes, and subtlest Cases cannot exceed the reach of sound reason; and therefore no Reason can be showed, but that a rational man meanly understanding Languages, may sooner understand them, and with less danger mistake them, than that Law, which (as the Psalmist saith) is exceeding broad, Psal. 119.96. and exceedeth all humane sense, and the most exquisite natural understanding, 1 Cor. 2.14. when (as the Apostle saith) The natural man receiveth not the things of the Spirit of God, for they are foolishness unto him, neither can he know them, because they ar● spiritually discerned: and being not discerned or misunderstood, they make all such mistakers liable to no small punishment, if God should be extreme to mark what is done amiss: and this not understanding of God's Law, is the error of other Laws, and the cause of much mischief; What causeth many men to rebel. The Scriptures say more for the right of kings than any book in the world. D wning in his d scorse of the Ecclesiastical State, p. 91. for if men understood the Law of God, or would believe us that do understand it, I assure myself many of the Rebels (such as rebel not out of pride, disobedience, or discontent) are so conscientious, that they would not so rebel as they do, being seduced through their ignorance, by the subtlety of the most crafty children of disobedience. And therefore letting the usual impatience of the furious firebrands of sedition, and the malicious incendiaries of Rebellion, together with those treacherous Judasses', that insensibly lurk in the King's Court, and are more dangerous both to the Church and State than those open Rebels that are in the Parliament House, to lay on me what reproach they please; as some of them being galled, and now gone, have already done, August. Ego in bonâ conscientiâ teneo, quisquis volens detrahit famae meae, nolens addit mercedi mea. I shall believe it in a good conscience, that whosoever shall wittingly detract from my repute, and unjustly load me with un●u● disgrace, shall unwillingly add to my reward; neither shall I ever think, Ambros● Plus ponderis esse in alieno convicio, quàm in testimonio meo, that there is more account to be had in the foul slander of another man's malice, than in the spotless testimony of mine own conscience: but considering (as Saint Hierome saith) that, Apud Christianos non qui patitur sed qui facit contumeliam miser est; among Christians, not he that suffereth, but he that offereth injuries and reproaches is wretched; Osor. in Epist. Regina Eliz● pag 7. though (as Osorius saith) Multa insidiae principibus à suis domesticis intenduntur, multae fraudes in aulâ Regiâ quaestus & compendii gratiâ suscipiuntur, multa, partim adulatione & perfidia, partim offensionis periculosâ formidine dissimulantur, ita ut rarò inveniantur qui Regibus liberè loqui audeant; many snares are laid for Princes by their own domestic servants many deceitful tricks and cunning plots are undertaker in the King's Court for gain and honour's sake, How kings are deluded by their own Courtiers, and the truth concealed from them. and many things partly for fear of offending, and partly through a perfidious and false flattery, are dissembled, and the truth of things is imprisoned from the sight of the King, so that he that seethe with these Courtier's eyes, and heareth with their ears, can hardly know the certain state of his own affairs, especially when these flattering Parasites shall bear so heavy a hand over the faithful servants, that few of them shall dare freely to declare the Truth; yet I am resolved to set down the plain face of Truth, The Authors resolution with God's assistance. without either flattering of my royal Master, or fear either of the Court flatterers hatred, or the Parliamentary Factions cruelty; and though my eldest Brethren, that are abler than myself, should reprove me, and say unto me as Eliab said unto David, 1 Sam. 17.28. yet I will take my staff in my hand, mine own integrity to uphold me, and my fidelity to my King and to the King of kings to protect me, and I will gather a few stones out of the Brook of living waters, out of the Book of holy Scriptures, and I hope with one of them to smite the Philistine, The Adversaries of regal right. the threeheaded Geryon, the Anabaptist, Brownist, and Puritan Rebel, in the forehead, that he shall fall to the earth, his head shall be cut off with his own sword, and the whole army of the uncircumcised Philistines, that is, all the rest of the wilfully seduced Rebels, that refuse to be un-deceived, and to accept of his Majesty's grace and pardon, shall fl●e away and be destroyed. And, The first stone that comes into my hand (which I believe will hit the Bird in the eye, and be abundantly sufficient to do the deed) is a stone taken out of the Rock, that appears highest in the Brook, that is Saint Peter, which our Saviour in the judgement of some Fathers, which I quoted in my True Church, calleth a Rock, and in the judgement of most of the Fathers, and the sober Protestants, is the Prince of Apostles: for he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Pet. 2.17. Honour the King; and this one short sentence truly understood, (though I confess many others may seem more full) is absolutely sufficient to overthrow all the Anti-royalists, and to silence all the Basileu-Mastices, all the opposers of their own Kings, throughout all the world, especially, if we consider, 1. Who saith this, S. Peter. 2. What is said, Honour the King. 3. To whom he saith this, to every Soul. First, the words are the words of Saint Peter, 1. The Author of these words: the first in order, the chiefest for authority, and the greatest for resolution of all the Apostles of Christ; 2 Pet. 1.21: and he spoke them as he was inspired by the holy Ghost; therefore we may believe them, and we should obey them, or we should fear the judgements of God; Hebr. 12: 27: for if they escaped not who refused him that spoke on earth, much more shall not we escape, if we turn away from him that speaketh from heaven. Secondly, 2. The substance of the precept. the substance of this precept containeth as many parts as there be words, 1. Who is to be honoured, the King. 2. What is that honour that is due unto him. Which two points rightly understood, and duly observed as they are enjoined, would make a peaceable Commonwealth, and a most flourishing Kingdom, without any Civil broils or intestine Rebellion, which is the greatest plague, and heaviest curse that God hath ever laid upon any Nation. Bella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos. Lucan. l. 1. I have therefore resolved (to prevent this evil, and to dissuade us from this miserable mischief) to say something of these two points, as may best heal the bleeding wounds of these unhappy and distracted times. First, It is the most Gracious promise of our good God to all them that will faithfully serve him, 1 Sam. 2.30. I will honour them that honour me: and Saint Augustine saith, that Sicut verax est in punitione malorum, ita & in retributione bonorum; as he is most certain in his threaten, for the punishment of the wicked, so he is most faithful in his promises for rewarding of the Godly; and that not only for the future, but also in these present times, 1 Tim. 4.8. because Godliness hath the promise both of the life that now is, and of that which is to come. Therefore pious Princes, How kings have honoured those that honoured God. that are God's Vicegerents here on earth, and his Deputies to discharge his promise, have accordingly honoured them, that have by their upright life and indefatigable pains honoured God in his Church, with double honour. 1. With Dignities. 1. With titular Dignities, honourable Places, and considerable eminencies in the Commonwealth, as conceiving it not unworthy, to make the greater lights of the Church to be not of least esteem in the Civil State, but judging it most convenient, that they whom God had entrusted with the souls of men should with all confidence be entrusted with their personal actions, and with the employments of the greatest trust. 2. With maintenance. 2. With competent means, in some sort answerable to support their Dignities, without which means as the Poet saith, Virtus nisi cum re vilior algâ, so honourable Titles without any subsistence is more contemptible than plain beggary; therefore out of their piety to God, and bounty to the Church, they have conferred many fair Lordships and other large endowments upon the best deserving Members of Christ's Ministers. Matth. 13.24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But as the good Husbandman had no sooner sown his pure Wheat, but immediately Inimicus homo, the evil and envious man, superseminavit zizania, sowed his poisonous Tares amongst them; so God had no sooner thus honoured his servants, but presently the Devil, which is * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2 Cor. 4.4. the god of this world, began to throw dirt in their faces, and to deprive them of both these honours: for, 1. He stirred up ignorant men, of small learning but of great spirits, of no fidelity but of much hypocrisy, that, as Pope Leo wrote unto Theodosius, Leo papa Epist. 23. Privatas causas pietatis agunt obtentu, and under a fair pretext did play the part of Aesop's Fox, who being ashamed that his tail was cut off, began to inveigh against the unseemly burdensome tails of all the other Foxes, What the factious Preachers pretended. and to persuade them to cut theirs off; that so by the common calamity he might be the better excused for his obscenity; for so they cried down all Learning as profane, they railed at the Schoolmen, they scorned the Fathers, and esteemed nothing, but that nothing which they had themselves: and although they professed to the Vulgar, that they aimed at no end but the purity of the Gospel, they desired nothing but the amendment of life and reformation of Ecclesiastical Discipline, and hated nothing but the pride and covetousness of the Bishops, and the other dignified Prelates, which stopped their mouths, and imprisoned the liberty of their conscience; yet the truth is, that because their worth was not answerable to their ambition, to enable them to climb up to some height of honour, their envy was so great, that they would feign pull down all those that had ascended and exceeded them. And therefore with open mouths that would not be silenced, they exclaimed against Episcopacy; and as the Apostle faith, spoke evil of Dignities, employing all their strength, like wicked birds, to defile their own nests, to disrobe us of all honour, and to leave us naked; yea, and as much as in them lay, What the Factious aim at. to make us odious, and to stink (as the Israelites said to Moses) in the eyes of the people. Then 2. As Plutarch tells us, Plutarch. in lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that a certain Sicilian Gnatho and Philoxenus the son of Erixis, that were slaves unto their guts, and made a god of their bellies, to cause all the other guests to loathe their meat, that they alone might devour all the dainties, did use Narium mueum in catinis ●mungere; so do these men spit all their poison against the revenues of the Bishops, and that little maintenance that is left unto the Ministers, and are as greedy to devour the same themselves as the dogs, that gape after every bit they see us put into our mouths; for, so I heard a whelp of that litter, Doctor Burges. making a bitter invective in the House of Commons against Bishops, Deans, and Chapters, and the greatness of their revenue; and concluding that all they should be degraded, their means should be sequestered, and distributed all without any diminution of what they now possessed, but with the restitution of all Impropriations unto himself, and the rest of his factious fellow Preachers; which speech, as it pleased but few in the latter clause, so no doubt it had faut●rs enough in the former part, when we see this little remnant of our forefather's bounty, this testimony of our Prince's piety, is the only mote that sticks in their eye, the undigested morsel in their stomaches, and the only ●ait that they gape after; for did our King yield this garment of Christ to be parted among their Soldiers, and this revenue of the Church to be disposed of by the Parliament, I doubt not but all quarrels about the Church would soon end, and all other strife about Religion would be soon composed. What many men would willingly undergo to procure peace. But, would this end all our civil wars, would the unbishoping of our Prelates bring rest unto our Prince, and the taking away of their estates settle the State of the Commonwealth, and bring peace and tranquillity unto this Kingdom? If so, we could be well contented for our own parts, to be sacrificed for the safety of the people; for though we dare not say with Saint Paul, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rom. 9.6. that we could wish ourselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or separated from Christ for our Countrymen; yet I can say it with a sincere heart, that I believe many of us could be well contented our fortunes should be confiscated, and our lives ended, so that could procure the peace of the Church, which is infinitely troubled, redeem His Majesty's honour, which is so deeply wounded, and preserve this our native Country from that destruction, which this unparallelled Rebellion doth so infallibly threaten, The abolishing of Episcopacy would not satisfy the Factious. but the truth is, that the abolishing of Episcopacy, root and branch, the reducing of the best to the lowest rank, and the bringing of the Clergy to the basest condition of servility, to be such as should not be worthy to eat with the dogs of their flock, as Job speaketh, will not do the deed; because, juven. Sat. 2. as the Satirist saith, nemo repentè fit turpissimus, but as virtues, so vices have their increase by use and progression, & primum quodque flagitium gradus est ad proximum, and every heinous offence is as an iron chain, to draw on another. For as Seneca saith, Seneca de Clem. lib. 1. nunquam usque adeo temperata cupiditates sunt, ut in eo quod contigit desinant, sed gradus à magnis ad majora fit, & spes improbissimas complectuntur insperata assecuti: our desires are never so fare temperated, that they end in that which is obtained, but the gaining of one thing is a step to seek another: And therefore, cùm publicum ju● omne positum fit in sacris, Plato de legibus lib. 12. as Plato saith, how can it be, that they which have profaned all sacred things, and have degraded their Ministers, should not also proceed to depose their Magistrates? if you be diffident to believe the same; let the Annals of France, Germany, England and Scotland be revised, and you shall find that Charles the fifth was then troubled with war, when the Bishops were turmoiled, and tumbled out of their Seas: & Scoti uno eodémque momento numinis & principis jugum excusserunt, nec justum magistratum agnoverunt ullum, ex quo primum tempore sacris & sacerdotibus bellum indixerunt: and the Scots at one and the selfsame moment did shake off the yoke of their obedience both unto their God, and to their King; neither did they acknowledge any for their just Magistrate after the● had once warred against Religion and religious men, which were their Priests and Bishops, saith Blacvodaeus: Blacvod. Apolog. pro regibus. pag. 13. and in France (saith he) the same men were enemies unto the King that were adversaries unto the Priests; quia politicam dominationem nunquam ferent, qui principatum ecclesia sustulerunt, nec mirum si regibus obloquantur, The haters of the Bishops ever enemies unto Kings. qui sacerdotes flamma & ferro persequuntur; because (as I have showed at large in my Grand Rebellion) they will never endure the Political Magistrate to have any rule, when they have shaken off the Ecclesiastical government; neither is it any wonder that they should flander, rage against, and reject their King, when they persecute their Bishops with fire and sword. And I think the sad aspect of this distracted Kingdom at this time, makes this point so clear, that I need not add any more proof to beget faith in any sober man; for doth not all the world see, that assoon as the seditious and traitorous faction in this unhappy Parliament, had cast most of the Bishops, How soon the Faction fell upon the King, after they had cast off their Bishops. the gravest and the greatest of all, with Joseph, into the dungeon, (a thing that no story can show the like precedent in any age) and had voted them all, contrary to all right, out of their indubitable right to sit in the House of Peers, (●n act indeed so full of incivility, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Matth. 8.34. as hath no small affinity with that of the Gergesites, who for love of their swine, drove not out, but desired Christ to departed out of their coasts:) they presently began to pluck the sword out of the King's hand, and endeavoured to make their Sovereign in many things more servile than any of his own Subjects, so that he should be gloriosissimè servilis as Saint Augustine saith, that Homer was suavissimè ●anus: and to effect this, you see how they have torn in pieces all his Rights, they have trampled his Prerogatives under foot, they have as much as they could, laid his honour in the dust; and they have with violent war and virulent malice, sought to vanquish and subdue their own most gracious Sovereign, which cannot choose but make any Christian heart to bleed, to see such unchristian and such horrid unheard of things attempted to be done by any, that would take upon him the name of a Christian. Therefore to manifest my duty to God, and my fidelity to my King, I have undertaken this hard, and to the Rebels unpleasant labour, to set down the Rights of Kings: wherein I shall not be afraid of the Rebel's power, neither would I have any man to fear them; for however, Victores victique cadunt, The Rebels for the punishment of our sins may prosper for a time, but at last they shall be most surely destroyed. Prov. 8.15. Psal. 68.30. Joshua 9.16. Psal 91.16. there may be a vicissitude of good success many times on both sides, to prolong the war for our sins, and they may prosper in some places; yet that is but nubecula quaedam, a transient cloud, or a summer storm that will soon pass away; for we may assure ourselves they shall not prevail, because God hath said it, By me Kings do reign, and He will give strength unto his King, and exalt the horn of his Anointed; He will scatter the people that delight in war, and make the hearts of the cursed Canaanites to melt, and their joints to tremble; but, He will satisfy the King with long life, and sh●w him his salvation. CHAP. II. Shows, what Kings are to be honoured; the institution of Kings to be immediately from God; the first Kings; the three chiefest rights to Kingdoms; the best of the three rights; how Kings came to be elected; and how, contrary to the opinion of Master Selden Aristocracy and Democracie issued out of Monarchy. TO proceed then, you see the person that by Saint Peter's precept is to be honoured to be the King, and what King was that? but (as you may see in the beginning of this epistle) the King of Pontus, Galatia, Cuppadocia, Asia, and Bythinia; and what manner of Kings were they, I pray you? I presume you will confess they were no Christians, but it may be as bad as Nero, who was then their Emperor, and most cruelly tyrannising over the Saints of God, gave a very bad example to all other his substitute Kings and Princes to do the like; What Kings are to be honoured. and yet these holy Christians are commanded to honour them. And therefore, 1. Heathen, Pagan, wicked and tyrannical Kings are to be truly honoured, by God's precept. 2. Religious, just, and Christian Kings are to have a double honour, because there is a double charge imposed upon them: as, 1. To execute justice and judgement among their people; The double charge of all Christian Kings. 1. To preserve peace. to preserve equity and peace, both from intestine broils and ferraig●● foes; which careful government bringeth plenty and prosperity in all external affairs unto the whole Kingdom, and this they do as Kings, which is the common duty of all the Kings of the earth. 2. To maintain true Religion, 2. To protect the Church. to promote the faith of Christ, and to be the guardians and foster-fathers' unto the Church and Churchmen, which tie their people unto God to make them spiritually and everlastingly happy; and this duty is laid upon them as they are Christian Kings: and therefore in regard of this accession of charge, they ought to have an ●●●ession of honour, more than all other Kings whatsoever. 1. Then I say, that the Heathen, Pagan, wicked and tyrannical Kings, such as were Nero, Dioclesian, and Julian, among the Christians, or Ahab and Manasses among the Jews, or Antiochus, Dionysius, and the rest of the Sicilian Tyran●● among the Gentiles, are to be honoured, served, and obeyed of all their Subjects, and that in three special respects. 1. Of their institution, 1. All Kings to be honoured in three respects. which is the immediate ordinance of God. 2. Of God's precept, which enjoineth us to honour them. 3. Of all good men's practice; whether they be 1. Jews. 2. Gentiles. 3. Christians. 1. The institution of Kings, is immediately from God. justin. lib. 1. 1. Justin tells us, that, Principio rerum gentium nationummque imperium penes reges erat, from the beginning of things; that is, the beginning of the world, the rule and government of the people of all nations was in the hands of Kings; Qu●s ad honoris fastigium non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio provehebat. Herodot. lib. 1. Clio. And Herodotus setteth down how Deioces the first King of the Medes had his beginning. And Homer also nameth the Kings that were in and before the wars of Troy. But the choice of Deioces, and some others about that time and after, Cicero in Officus. whereof Cicero speaketh, may give some colour unto our rebellious Sectaries, to make the royal Dignity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a humane ordinance; therefore I must go before Herodotus, and look further than blind Homer could see: and from the first King that ever was, I will truly lay down the first institution and succession of Kings, and how times have wrought by corruption, the alteration of their right, and diminution of their power, which both God and nature had first granted unto them. God the first King. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1 Tim. 1.17. Apoc. 19.16. And I hope no Basileu-mastix, no hater of Kings, nor opposer of the royal government can deny, but that God himself was the first King that ever the world saw, that was the King of ages before all worlds, and the King of Kings ever since there were any created Kings. The next King that I read of was Adam, whom Cedrenus styles the Catholic Monarch; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: a mighty King, of a large Territory, of great Dominion, and of unquestionable right unto his Kingdom, which was the whole world, the earth, the Seas, and all that were therein. For, the great King of all Kings said unto him, Be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the earth, Gen. 1.28. and subdue it, and have dominion over the fish of the Sea, Adam the first King of all men. and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth. Which is a very large Commission, when dominare is more than regere; and therefore his royalty is so plain, that none but wilful ignorants will deny it to be divinum institutum, a divine institution, and affirm it, as they do, to be humanum inventum, a humane ordination, when you know there were no men to choose him, and you see God himself doth appoint him: johan. Beda, de jure regum. p. 4. and after the flood the Empire of Noah was divided betwixt his 3 sons; Japhet reigned in Europe, Sem in Asia, and Cham in Africa. Yet I must confess the first Kingdom that is spoken of by that name, is the Kingdom of Nimrod, Gen. 10.9. who notwithstanding is not himself termed King, but in the Scripture phrase a mighty hunter, because he was not only a great King, but also a mighty Tyrant, or oppressor of his people in all his Kingdom; or as I rather conceive it, because he was the first usurper that encroached upon his neighbour's rights, to enlarge his own dominions: and the first King that I find by that name in the Scripture was Amraphell, King of Shinar, Gen. 14.1. with whom we find 8 other Kings named in the same chapter. But we are not to contest about words, or to strive about the wind, when the Scripture doth first give this name unto them: the plain truth is that which we are to inquire after; and so it is manifest, there were Kings ever since Adam, and so named ever since Noah's flood; for Melchizedech, which in the judgement of Master Selden, Broughton, and others, was Sem the eldest son of Noah, (though mine own mind is set down otherwise) was King of Salem; and Justin tells us, that long before Ninus, which was the son of Nimrod, there were many other Kings, as Vexores King of Egypt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euripides de Cyclops. and Tanais King of Scythia, and the like; and as reason showeth us that every one, qui regit alios rex est, so every master of a family that ruleth his own household is a petite King, as we commonly say to this very day, every man is a King in his own house; and as their families were the greater, so were they the greater Kings: so Abraham had 300 and 18 servants, Gen. 14.14. that were able men for the war in his own house: and therefore the inhabitants of the Land tell him, Princeps Dei es inter nos, thou art a Prince of God, that is, a great ruler amongst us: and yet the greatest of these rulers were rather reguli then reges, Kings of some Cities, or small Territories, and of no large dominion, Josh. 12.14. as those 31 Kings which Joshua vanquished, doth make it plain. Selden in his Titles of honour, cap. 1. But Master Selden confesseth that civil societies, beginning in particular families, the heads thereof ruled as Kings: and as the world increased, or these Kings encroached upon their neighbours, so their Kingdoms were enlarged. King's therefore they were, and they were Kings from the beginning. But how they came to be Kings, or what right they had to that regal power, from whence their authority is derived. 1. Whether God ordained it: or, 2. Themselves assumed it: or, 3. The people conferred it upon them: herein lieth all the question. The chiefest rights to Kingdoms either of three ways. To which I must briefly answer, that the right of all Kings which have any right unto their Kingdoms, is principally either 1. By birth: or, 2. By the sword: or, 3. By choice. whereof The last is and may be just and good. The second is so without question: but, The first is most just, & so best of all. For, 1. The best right, without contradiction, is by inheritance. 1. The best right, whereby the patriarchs and all the rest of the posterity of Adam enjoyed their royalty, was that which God hath appointed; that is, the right of primogeniture, whereby the elder was by the law of nature, to reign and rule over the younger; as God saith unto Cain, though he was never so wicked an hypocrite, Gen. 4.7. unto thee shall be the desire of thy brother, and thou shalt rule over him, though he was never so godly and sincere a server of God: Gen. 25.31. which made Jacob so earnestly desirous to purchase the birthright, or the right of primogeniture from his brother. And 2. The right by conquest is a just and a good right. 2. When the rightful Kings became with Nimrod to be unjust Tyrants, than God that is not tied to his Vicegerant any longer than he pleaseth, but hath right and power Paramount to translate the rule, and transfer the dominion of his people to whom he will; Psal. 89 44. So the Israelites enjoyed the kingdom of Canaan, and David the territories of them that he subdued, etc. Esdras 1.2. Esay 45.1, 2. Dan. 2. etc. 4. hath oftentimes thrown down the mighty from their seat, and given away their crowns and kingdoms unto others, that were more humble and meek, or some other way fit to effect his divine purpose, as he did the kingdom of Saul unto David, and Belshazzar's unto Cyrus; and this he doth most commonly by the power of the sword, when the Conqueror shall make his strength to become the Law of justice, and his ability to hold it, to become his right of enjoying it; for so he gave the Kingdoms of the earth to Cyrus, Alexander, Augustus, and the like Kings and Emperors, that had no ●●her right to their Dominions, but what they purchased with the edge of their swords; which notwithstanding must needs be a very good right, as the same cometh from God, which is the God of war, Psal. 144 10. and giveth the victory unto Kings; when, as the Poet saith, Victrix causa Deo placuit; and he deposeth his Vicegerents, and translateth the government of their Kingdoms, as he seethe cause, and to whom he pleaseth. 3. When either the Kings neglected their duty, 3. The right of elective kings, and how they came to be elected. and omitted the care of their People so fare, as that the People knew not that they had any Kings, or who had any right to be their Kings, or upon the incursions of invading foes, the Nations being exceedingly multiplied, and having no Prince to protect them, did change the orderly course of right, belonging unto the firstborn (which their rude and savage course of life had obliterated from their minds) unto the election and choice of whom they thought the better and the abler men to expel their enemies, and to maintain justice among themselves; so the Medes being oppressed with the insolences and rapines of enemies and the greater men, said, it cannot be that in this corruption and lewdness of manners we shall long enjoy our Country: and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let us appoint over us a King, Herodot, lib. 1. that our Land may be governed by good Laws. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and we turning ourselves to our own affairs need not be oppressed by the rage and violence of the lawless; and finding by their former experience of him, that Deioces was the justest man amongst them, they chose him for his equity to be their King; which is the first elective King that I do read of: Cicero in Offic. pag 322. and Cicero saith, Mihi quidem non apud Medos solùm, sed etiam apud majores nostros, justitiae fruenda causâ videntur olim benè morati reges constituti: even as Justin said before. And when the People do thus make choice of their King, it is most true which Roffensis and our most learned Divines do say, Roffensis de potestate Papae, fol. 283. that Licet communicatio potestatis quandoque sit per consensum hominum, potestas tamen ipsa immediatè est à Deo, cujus est potestas; though the power be sometimes conferred by the consent of men, yet it is immediately gi●en from God, Spalet. tem. 2. 529. whose power it is. Et communitas nihil sui confert regibus (saith Spalet.) nisi ad summum personam determinet; & potiùs personam applicat divina potestati, quàm divinam potestatem persona: & ita Winton. Resp. ad Matth. Tort. fol. 384. saith, Christi Domini, non Christi populi sunt. Why kings were rejected by the people. But as their justice and goodness moved the People to exalt them to this height of Dignity; so either their own tyranny, when change of place did change their manners, or their People's inconstancy, that are never long pleased with their governor's, caused them to be deposed again, and many times to be murdered by those hands that exalted them. Then the People perceiving the manifold evils that flow from the want of government, How the Aristocracy and Democracy issued out of Monarchy. do erect other governments unto themselves, and rather than they will endure the miserable effects of an Anarchy, they resign their hurtful liberty, and their total power sometimes into the hands of few of the best of the flock, which we call Aristocracy or optimacy, and sometimes into the hands of many, which we call Democracie, or a popular state. In all which elections of Magistrates, and resignations of the People's power voluntarily to the hands of their governor's, Each form of government lawful: call them what you will, Senate, Consuls, Duke, Prince or King, though I dare not any way reject any of them as a form utterly disallowed and condemned of God; yet comparing them together, I dare boldly say, the farther men go from God's first institution the more corruption we shall find in them; and therefore it must needs follow that Democracy is the next degree to Anarchy, Democracy the worst kind of Government. and Aristocracy fare worse than Monarchy; for though it may seem very unreasonable that one man should have all the power; — toto liber in orbe Solus Caesar erit— And many plausible reasons may be alleged for the rule of the Nobles, or of the People; yet the experience, Inter patres plebemqu● certamina exercere modo turbulent tribuni, medò consules praevalidi; & in urbe ac foro tentamenta civilium be●lorum, mon è plebe infima C. Marius, & nobilium sae vissimus L. Sylla victam armis libertatem in dominationem v●rterunt, Tac. l. 2. hist. p. 16. usque 28. Prov. 28.2. that the Roman state had in those miserable Civil Wars, that so frequently and so extremely afflicted them, after they had put down their Kings, (as when Caius Marius, the meanest of the Commonalty, and Lucius Sylla the cruelest of all the Nobility, destroyed their liberty, and rooted ●●t all property, by their Civil faction, and the assistance of an illegal Militia, and a multitude of unruly volunteers) and the fatal miscarriages of many businesses, and the bad successes of their Armies, when both the Consuls went forth Generals, together with the want of unity, secrecy, and expedition, (which cannot be so well preserved amongst many) do sufficiently show, how defective these Governments are, and how fare beneath the excellency of Monarchy, as it is most fully proved in the unlawfulness of Subjects taking up arms against their Sovereign; and more especially by the wisest of men that tells us plainly, that for the transgressions of a Land many are the Princes thereof, but by a man of understanding and knowledge the State thereof shall be prolonged: and in another place he crieth, Ecclesiast. 10, 16. Woe to that Land whose king is but a child, either in knowledge or in years; for that during his infancy and the want of ability, the government will be managed by many others, which can produce nothing else but woes to that Commonwealth; Aug. de l. arbi●. l. 1. c. 6. and therefore Saint Augustine saith, that if they who bear rule in Democracy do corrupt justice, a good powerful man may lawfully change that democratical government into an Aristocratical or Monarchical; but you shall never find it in any Christian Author, that any man, be he never so good, never so powerful may lawfully, upon any occasion or pretence, change the Monarchy into an Aristocracy, or Democracy; because it is lawful for us to reduce things from the worst and remotest state to the better and the nearer to the original form, but not from the better to a worse and remoter from its original institution, which is then soundest when it is nearest to its first ordination. CHAP. III. Sheweth the Monarchical Government to be the best form; the first Government that ever was; agreeable to Nature, wherein God founded it; consonant to God's own Government; the most universally received throughout the world; the immediate and proper Ordinance of God; when the other Governments began; how allowed by God; the quality of elective Kingdoms, not primarily the institution of God; and the nature of the People. The Monarchical government best. THerefore it is apparent, that of all sorts of Government the Monarchy is absolutely the best, (and of all Monarches the best right is that which is hereditary) because it is, 1. The first in Nature. 2. The prime and principal Ordinance of God. For, 1. Reason. Selden in his Titles of Honour, lib. 1. 2. Though Master Selden saith, that naturally all men in oeconomic rule, being equally free, and equally possessed of superioty in those ancient propagations of mankind, even out of Nature itself, and that inbred sociableness which every man hath, as his character of civility, a popular state first raised itself, which by its own judgement afterward was converted into a Monarchy; and in the fourth page of his Book rejecteth the opinion of great Philosophers, that affirm with Saint Austin the first of the three Governments to be a Monarchy, and affirmeth positively that the Monarchy hath its original out of a Democracy, as Aristocracy likewise had; yet I say, that this contradicteth his first Thesis, where he asserteth that the husband, father, and master of the house ruled as a King: and therefore the Monarchy must needs be before either Aristocracy or Democracy: and where civing Pausanias, that In Boceticorum initio, saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Monarchy ancienter than any other government. All Greece was anciently under Kings and no Democracies, he is driven to confess, pag. 5. that a family, being in Nature before a public Society or Commonwealth, was an exemplary Monarchy, and in that regard Monarchy is to be acknowledged ancienter than any other state; and so not only the Orthodoxal people, but the Pagans also had this notion thereof by the instinct of Nature; for the Cappadocians being vanquished by the Romans, Monarchical government most agreeable to Nature. did instantly request them to give them a King, protesting that they were not otherwise able to maintain themselves; and so most other Nations esteemed that true, which Herodian saith, that as Jupiter hath command over all the gods, so in imitation of him, it is his pleasure, that the Empire of men should be Monarchical. And indeed it is concluded by the common consent of the best Philosophers that the Laws of Nature lead us to a Monarchy, Monarchy founded in Nature. as when among all Creatures both animate and inanimate, we do always find one that hath the pre-eminence above all the rest of his kind, as among the Beasts the Lion, among Fowls the Eagle, among Grains the Wheat, among Drinks the Wine, among Spices the Balm among Metals the Gold, among the Elements the Fire, among the Planets the Sun; and all the best Divines conclude the Monarchical government to be the most lively image and representation of the divine regiment and government of God, Consonant to the Divine government. who as sole Monarch ruleth and guideth all things; and therefore we find all the Nations of greatest renown lived under the Royal Government, as the Scythians, Aethiopians, Indians, Assyrians, Medes, Egyptians, Bactrians, Armenians, Macedonians, Jews, and Romans first and last; and at this day the most famous people live under this form, as the English, French, Spaniards, Polonians, The government of the most famous Nations Monarchical. Danes, Muscovites, Tartars, Turks, Abyssines, Moors, Agiamesques, Zagathinians, Cathaians'; yea and the Savage people lately discovered in the West Indies, as being guided thereto only by the rules of Nature, do all of them in a manner live under the Government of Kings; and I believe the Apostle doth specially mean the Regal Government, — Summo dul eius unum stare loco, submissive con e discordia regnis, Statius Thebay. 1. though he speaketh plurally of powers, as understanding the same of many Kings, because he speaketh but of one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one sword, which being wrested out of the hand of the King, and put amongst many would make them all, like mad men, fall out and fight, which of them should bear it, when one Sword can never be well guided by many hands; and therefore I think it is a madness indeed for any people to be weary of that government which God first ordained, which is most agreeable unto Nature, most consonant to God's government, most acceptable to God himself, and most profitable unto men, and to affect a late new invented government full of all dangers and inconveniences. Therefore it is apparent that Monarchy is the first Ordinance of all governments; a family being nothing else but a small Kingdom, A family is a small kingdom, and a kingdom a great family. wherein the paterfamilias had Regal power, & potestatem vita & necis, even over his own children, as I have elsewhere showed in the example of Abraham, and of other Heathens, that justly executed their own sons; and a Kingdom being nothing else but a great family, where the King hath paternal power, and more than fathers now have, because of the great abuse that divers fathers committed, while they had their plenary authority: therefore it was thought fit to abridge them of that pristine power, and to place it all in the hands of the more public father. And to make this yet more plain unto the world, I would fain know of these democratical men, 1. When 2. How their Democracy and Aristocracy had their being, and came first in use. I have showed the age of Monarchy to be from Adam. — primaque ab origine mundi, Ad mea perpetuum deduxi tempora Regem. And I cannot remember that any Democracie or Aristocracy was in all the Assyrian Monarchy, When Aristocracies and Democracies began. which notwithstanding lasted above a thousand years; for the Aristocracies of Greece, alas, they are but of yesterday, of no age, long after Homer's time, which yet lived but about the time of Jephte Judge of Israel, and besides, I will not believe, — Quicquid Graecia mendax Audet in historjis— And for the Democracy of Rome, Titus Livius showeth when it was first hatched, after the expulsion of Tarqvinius Superbus; if therefore you will believe Tertullian, that Id verius quod prius, you must needs give the precedency of all governments unto Monarchy. But that which is more considerable is to understand how these birds flitted out of the nest of Monarchy? Our Saviour saith, Matth. 15. 13●. Every plant which my father planted not shall be rooted up: that he planted Monarchy, I have made it plain; but when this Vine began to grow wild, What caused the change of Monarchy. and instead of grapes to bring forth bitter clusters, that is, oppression, instead of justice; the people grew weary of God's Ordinance, and loath to be contained within the bounds of obedience, when they found strength and opportunity they withstood their lawful but degenerated Kings, and then they deposed them from their estates and deprived them of their lives; so that as the Poet saith; Juvenai satire. 10. Ad generum Cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci Descendunt reges, & sicca morte tyranni. And thinking to find a better way than that which they found so thorny, and a better government than that which formerly they found so bad, they elected those men, whom they thought would make them happy, sometimes more, The unconstancy of the people in the choice of their governor's. and sometimes fewer, as their disposition was, to be their governor's: so after the expulsion of Tarqvinius the Romans chose two Consuls, and these giving not a plenary content unto the People, they added the Tribunes to bridle the disorders of the Consuls, and when all this would not satisfy their unsatiable expectation, they must have their Decem viros, and in great dang●● their Dictator, then comes the Triumvirate, of Antony, The government never settled till it came, as all things in nature, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to Monarchy. Lepidus, and Augustus, who at last takes upon him the name of an Emperor, but the full power of a King, and governs all as the sole Monarch: thus they ran in a ma●e, and turned round like a wheel: and I should but weary my Reader to trace the Greek Histories, to set down the state of Athens, under the thirty Tyrants, or of the Lacedæmonians under those Ephoral. that bore a fair show to restrain their Kings, Lacedaemoniorumaristocratia ex duobus Regibusquinque Ephori●, octo & viginti senatoribus composita● but were indeed a scourge and plague unto the People; so that in truth, the remedy proved fare worse than the disease, excessit medicina modum, and the change of Government never brought any other good, but an exchange of miseries, the greater for the lesser, unto the People, as for that one rape of Lucrece by Tarqvinius, to undergo a thousand greater insolences under the new erected Government of the Consuls and Tribunes; and the Israelites for preventing the snatching of the flesh out of their pots, 1 Sam. 2.14.15 by the sons of Eli, and growing weary of the sons of Samuel, Chap. 8.11. to have a Saul, that shall tear their own flesh in pieces, and take their sons and their daughters for his vassals. 2. Reason that Monarchy is the best form of government. 2. As the hereditary Monarch is the first kind of Government, so it is the principal and best government; because it is the immediate Ordinance of God, that he set down for the Government of his People; for this was ordained by God himself, and so continued among his People, even in an hereditary way, unless the same God designed another person by those Prophets, that he inspired for that purpose; as it was in the case of David, Solomon, and Jehu; and it is certain, that the wisest of men cannot devise a better Form of Government than God ordained: therefore the choice of one or more, made by the People to be their King or Governor, cannot be (if not without sin) yet I am sure, without folly; but seeing, as our Saviour saith, a Sparrow cannot light upon the ground without the providence of our heavenly Father: Matth. 10: 29: so I must confess; — hac non sine numine diuûm Eveniunt— This election of Kings and change of the first Ordina●●e happened not without God's providence, either for the tyranny of the evil Kings, or the punishment of the rebellious people: and therefore as Moses for the hardness of those men's hearts that hated their wives, to prevent a greater mischief, either continual fight, or secret murdering one another, suffered them to give their wives a bill of divorcement, Deut. 24.1, (but as our Saviour saith, Non erat sic ab initio, Matth. 19.8. it was not any primary Ordinance of God, but a permissive toleration of the lesser evil; so when the People out of their froward disposition to God's first Institution of the Regal Right, and presuming to like better of their own choice do alter this hereditary Right and divine Ordinance into the election of one or more Governors, How God allowed the Aristocratical and democratical Government, and why. either annual, as among the ancient Romans, or vital, as it is in the present state of the Venetians,; God, out of his infinite lenity to our humane frailty, rather than his People should be without Government, and so many heinous sins should go unpunished doth permit, and it may be allow and approve the same, though sometimes not without great anger and indignation for our contempt and distaste of his heavenly institution; Deut. 33.5. as when the Israelites, weary of the Judges that succeeded Moses, who was a King in Jesurun, and that God raised still to rule as Kings amongst them, to make War against their enemies, and to judge them according to the Law in the time of peace, which are the two chiefest Offices of all Kings, desired to have a King, to judge them like all the Nations; 1 Sam. 8.5. not a King simply (for so they had indeed though not in name) but a King like all the Nations, that is, a King of a more absolute power than the Judges had, as Samuel showeth, and they seem contented therewith: God sent them a King in his wrath, because they had rejected him, that he should not reign over them; that is, vers. 7. they had refused to submit themselves to his Ordinance, and to obey the Kings that he appointed over them, but they must needs be their own carvers and have a King of their own election, or such a King (invested with a more absolute power) as they desired, though notwithstanding they did most hypocritically seem to desire none but whom God appointed over them; and therefore perceiving their own error, and seeing their own offence by the anger that God shown, they confessed their fault, The lamentable success of the first elective Kings. and did always thereafter accept of their Kings by succession, but only when their Prophets by the sacred Ointment had ordained another by God's special designation. But I cannot find it in all the Scripture, or in any other Writings authentical, where God appointed or commanded any People to be the choosers of their Kings, but rather to accept of him, and submit themselves to him, whom the Lord had placed over them. Rossen, de ●otest. Papae, 282. For I would very fain know, as Roffensis speaketh, An potestas Adami in filios ac nepotes, adeoque omnes ubique homines, ex consensu filiorum ac nepotum dependet, an à solo Deo ac natura profluit? And if this authority of the Father be from God without the consent of his children, then certainly the authority of Kings is both natural and divine immediately from God, and not from any consent or allowance of men; Pineda de rebas Solo. l. 2 c. 2. and Pineda saith, Nusquam invenio Regem aliquem Judaeorum populi suffragiis creatum, quin si primus ille erat, qui designaretur à Deo, vel à Propheta ex Dei jussu, vel sort, vel aliâ ratione quàm Deus indicasset. Neither do I remember any one that was chosen King by the Children of Israel, but only Abimelech the bastard son of Gedeon, and (as some say) Jeroboam that made Israel to sin; and the Scripture tells you how unjustly they entered, how wickedly they reigned, and how lamentably the first, Strange that the People should bestow the greatest favour or dignity on earth. Esay 42.8. that was without question the Creature of the People, ended both his life and his Reign; to teach us how unsuccesful it is to have other makers of Kings than he that is the King of kings, and saith, He will not give his glory unto another, nor hold them guiltless that intrude into his Throne, to bestow Sovereignty and create Kings at their pleasures, when as he professeth, it belongeth unto him, not to the People, to say, Ye are gods, and to place his own Viceroy to govern his own People. Arist p●● l. 3. And therefore though I do not wonder to find Aristotle of that opinion, reges populi suffragio constarent, that Kings should be elected by the People, and that it was the manner of the Barbarians to accept of their Kings by succession, Quales sors tulerit, The nature of the people. non virtutis opinione probatos, such as nature gave them, and not those which were approved by the People for their virtues; Blac●od. p 61. and as T. Li●. says, Aui serri● hu●liter, aut don●atur superse. because he was ignorant of the divine Oracles; yet me thinks it is very strange that men continually versed in God's Word, and knowing the nature of the People, which as one saith, Semper aeger est, semper insanus, semper furore & intemperiis agitur, and specially reading the story of times, should be transported with such dreams and fopperies, that the People should have any hand in the election of their Kings: for if you briefly run over most of the Kings of this world, you shall scarce find one of a thousand to be made by the suffrage of the people; Of all the Kings of the world, very few made by the suffrage of the People. for Nimrod got his Kingdom by his strength, Ninus enlarged the same by his sword, and left the same unto his heirs; from the Assyrians the Monarchy was translated to the Medes and Persians, and I pray you how? by the consent of the People, or by the edge of the sword? From the Persians it was transferred to Alexander, but the same way; and it continued among his successors by the same right: and Romulus, Ad sua qui domit●s deduxit flagra Quirites. did not obtain his power by the suffrage of his People; and if you look over the States of Greece, we shall find one Timondas which obtained the Sceptre of the Corinthians, and Pittacus the Government of the Mitylenians by the suffrage of the People; but for the Athenians, Lacedæmonians, Sicyoni, Thebans, Epirots, and Macedons, among whom the Regal Dignity flourished a fare longer time than the popular rule, Non optione populi sed nascendi conditione regnatum est; Idem pag. 63. their Kings reigned not by the election of the People, but by the condition of their birth: and what shall we say of the Parthians, Indians, Africans, Tartars, Arabians, Aethiopians, Numidians, Muscovites, Celtans, Spaniards, French, English, and of many other Kingdoms that were obtained, either by gift, as Abdolonimus received his Kingdom of Alexander, Juba the Kingdom of Numidia from Augustus, Quintus Curtius. and the French King got the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily; or by Will, as the Romans had the Kingdoms of Egypt, Bithini●, Pergamus, and Asia; or by Arms, as many of the foresaid Kingdoms were first gotten, and were always transmitted afterwards to posterity by the hereditary right of blood? Claud. de 4. cons Honorii. And the Poet could say, — terra dominos pelagique futuros Immenso decuit rerum de principe nasci. It behoved the Kings of the earth to be borne of Kings. Besides we must all confess, that the King is the Father of people, the Husband of the Commonwealth, and the Master of all his Subjects: Children and servants not allowed to choose what fathers and masters they please. and can you show me, that God ever appointed that the children should make choice of their fathers? then surely all would be the sons of Princes; but though father's may adopt their sons, as the King may make a Turk or any other stranger a free Denizon; yet children may not choose whom they please for their fathers, but they are bound to honour those fathers that God hath appointed, or suffered to beget them; though the same should be be never so poor, never so wicked; so the wives, though while they are free, they may have the power to refuse whom they dislike, yet they have no such prerogative to choose what husbands they please; or if they had, I am sure no woman would be less than a Lady; and the like may be said of all servants. Therefore the election of Kings by the People seems to me no prime Ordinance of God, but as our Sectaries say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A humane Ordination indeed, and the corruption of our Nature, a mere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and an imitation of what the Poet saith, Optat Ephippia bos niger, optat arare caballus. Just as if the women would feign have that Law of liberty to choose what husbands they please, and the servants to make choice of what Masters they like best; The People are in all things greedy to have their own wills. so the People, never contented with whom God sendeth, never satisfied with his Ordinance, would fain pull their necks out of God's yoke, and become their own choosers both of their Kings and of their Priests, and indeed of all things else, when as nothing doth please them but what they do, and none can content them, but whom themselves will choose; and their choice cannot long satisfy their minds, but as the Jews received Christ into Jerusalem, with the joyful acclamation of Hosanna, and yet the next day had the malicious cry of Crucifige, so the least distaste makes them greedy of a new change; such is the nature of the People. But though I said before, the election of our chief Governors may for many respects be approved of God among some States, yet I hope by this that I have set down, it is most apparent unto all men, contrary to the tenet of our anabaptistical Sectaries, that the hereditary succession of Kings to govern God's People is their indubitable right, and the immediate prime, principal Ordinance of God: therefore it concerns every man, as much as his soul is worth, to examine seriously, whether to fight against their own King be not to resist the Ordinance of God, for which God threatneth no less punishment than damnation, from which Machiavelli cannot preserve us, nor any policy of State procure a dispensation. CHAP. IU. Sheweth what we should not do, and what we should do for the King; the Rebels transgressing in all those; how the Israelites honoured their persecuting King in Egypt; how they behaved themselves under Artaxerxes, Ahashuerus, and under all their own Kings of Israel; and how our Kings are of the like institution with the Kings of Israel; proved in the chiefest respects at large; and therefore to have the like honour and obedience. 2. AS every lawful King is to be truly honoured in regard of God's Ordinance, 2. All Kings are to be honoured in respect of God's precept, considered two ways. so likewise in respect of God's precept, which commandeth us to honour the King; and this duty is so often inculcated and so fully laid upon us in the holy Scripture, that I scarce know any duty towards man so much pressed, and so plainly expressed as this is; 1. Negatively, what we should not do, 1. What we should not do. to deprive him of his Honour. 2. Affirmatively, what we should do, to manifest and magnify this Honour towards him: for, 1. Our very thoughts, words, 1. To think no ●ll of the King; Curse not the King, no not in thy thought, Eccles. 10.30. and works are imprisoned and chained up in the links of God's strictest prohibition, that they should no ways peep forth, to produce the least dishonour unto our King: for, 1. The Spirit of God by the mouth of the wisest of men, commands us to think no ill of the King, let the King be what he will, the precept is without restriction; you must think no ill, that is, you must not intent and purpose in your thoughts to do the least ill office or disparagement unto the King that ●●leth over you, be the same King virtuous or vicious, mild or cruel, good or bad: this is the sense of the Holy Ghost. For, as the child with Cham shall become accursed, if he doth but dishonour and despise his wicked father (or his father in his wickedness) whom in all duty he ought to reverence, so the Subject shall be liable to God's vengeance, if his heart shall intent the least ill to his most tyrannical King. To sa● no ●ll of th● King exod 22.28. Act. 23. ●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. The same Spirit saith, Thou shalt not revile the Gods; that is, the Judges of the Land; nor curse, that is, in Saint Paul's phrase, speak evil of the Ruler of the people: and what can be more evil, then to belly his Religion, to traduce his Government, and to make so faithful a Christian King as faithless as a Cretan, which is commonly broached by the Rebels, and preached by their seditious teachers. 3. To do no hurt to the King. ●●al. 105.15. 1 ●am. 24.4, 5. 3. The great jehovah gives this peremptory charge to all Subjects, saying, Touch not mine Anointed; which is the least indignity that may be: and therefore David's heart smote him when he did but cut off the lap of Saules garment. What then can be said for them that draw their swords, and shoot their Canons, to take away the life of Gods Anointed, which is the greatest mischief they can do? I believe no distinction can blind the judgement of Almighty God, but his revengeful hand will find them out, that so maliciously transgress his precepts, and think by their subtlety to escape his punishments. 2. What we should do to honour the King. Eccles 8 2. 1. To observe the King's commands. 2. The Scriptures do positively and plainly command us to show all honour unto our King. For, 1. Solomon saith, I counsel thee to keep the King's commandment; or, as the phrase imports, to observe the mouth of the King; that is, not only his written law, but also his verbal commands, and that in regard of the oath of God; that is, in respect of thy religion, or the solemn vow which thou madest at thine initiation and incorporation into God's Church, to obey all the precepts of God, whereof this is one, to honour and obey the King; or else that oath of allegiance and fidelity, Et si religio to ●●●litur, nullà n●be● cum coelo ratio est. Lactant, Inst. l. 3. c. 10. which thou hast sworn unto thy King in the presence and with the approbation of thy God, which certainly will plague all perjurers, and take revenge on them that take his name in vain; which is the infallible, and therefore most miserable condition of all the perjurod Rebels of this Kingdom. For if moral honesty teacheth us to keep our promises, yea, though it were to our own hindrance, then much more should Christianity teach us to observe our deliberate and solemn oaths, whose violation can bear none other fruit, than the heavy censure of God's fearful indignation. But when the prevalent faction took a solemn Oath and Protestation to defend all the Privileges of Parliament, and the Rights of the Subjects; How the prevalent Faction of the Parliament forswore themselves. and then presently forgetting their oath, and forsaking their faith, by throwing the Bishops out of the House of Peers, (which all men knew to be a singular Privilege, and the House of Lords acknowledged to be the indubitable right of the Bishops) and their doctrine being to dispense with all oaths for the furtherance of the cause, it is no wonder they falsify all oaths that they have made unto the King. 2. The people said unto Joshuah, 2. To obey the King's commandments. Josh. 1.18. Whosoever rebelleth against thy commandment, and will not hearken to the words of thy mouth in all that thou commandest, he shall be put to death: surely this was an absolute government, and though martial, yet most excellent to keep the people within the bounds of their obedience; for they knew that where rebellion is permitted, there can be no good performance of any duty; and it may be a good lesson for all the higher powers, not to be too clement, (which is the encouragement of Rebels) to most obstinate, Traitorous, and rebellious Subjects, who daring not to stir under rigid Tyrants, do kick with their heels against the most pious Princes: and therefore my soul wisheth (not out of any desire of blood, but from my love to peace) that this rule were well observed, Whosoever rebelleth against thy commandment, he shall be put to death. * Quia in talibus non chedientes mortaliter peccant, nisi foret illud quod praecipitur contra praceptum Dei, vel in salutis dispendium: Angel. summa verb. obedientia. 3. To give the King no just 〈◊〉 cause of anger. 3. The wisest of all Kings, but the King of Kings, saith, The fear of a King is as the roaring of a Lion, Prov. 2.2. who so provoketh him to anger sinneth against his own soul. And I believe that the taking up of Arms by the Subjects against their own King, that never wronged them, The Rebels have given him cause enough to be provoked. and the seeking to take away his life, and the life of his most faithful servants, is cause enough to provoke any King to anger, if he be not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, too Stoically given, to abandon all passions: and that anger should be like the roaring of a Lion to them that would pull out the Lion's eyes, and take away the Lion's life. 4. To speak reverently to the King, and of the King. Eccles. 8.4. 4. The King of Heaven saith of these earthly Kings, That where the word of a King is there is power, and who may say unto him, what dost thou? And Elihu demands, Is it fit to say to a King, thou art wicked; or to Princes, you are ungodly? Truly if Elihu were now here, he might hear many unfitter things said to our King by his own people, and which is more strange, by some Preachers; for some of them have said, but most maliciously and more falsely, that he is a Papist, he is the Traitor, unworthy to reign, unfit to live; good God do these men think God saith truth, Where the word of a King is, there is power, that is, to blast the conspiracies, and to confound the spirits of all Rebels, who shall one day find it; because the wrath of God at last will be awaked against their treachery, and to revenge their perjury by enabling the King to accomplish the same upon all that resist him, Jerem. 27.8. as he promised to do in the like case. 5. To pray for the King. Ezra 6.10. 5. The Israelites being in captivity under the King of Babylon, were commanded to pray for the life of that Heathen King, and for the life of his sons. And Saint Paul exhorteth Timothy to make supplications, 1. Tim. 2.1, 2. prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks for Kings, and for all that are in authority: and how do our men pray for our King? in many Pulpits not at all, and in some places for his overthrow, for the shortening of his life, and the finishing of his days (nullum sit in omine pondus:) and they give thanks indeed, not for his good, but for their own supposed good success against him; thus they prevaricate and pervert the words of the Apostle, to their own destruction, Psal. 109.6. when as the Prophet saith, Their prayers shall be turned into sin. 6. 6. To render all his du●s unto him. Christ commandeth us to render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, that is, (as I shall more fully show hereafter) your inward duties of honour, love, reverence, and the like; and your outward debts, toll, tribute, custom, etc. and the Rebels render none unto him, but take all from him, and return his Arms to his destruction. I might produce many other places and precepts of Holy Scripture to enforce this duty to honour the King; but what will suffice him, cui Roma parum est; if they believe not Moses, neither will they believe if one should arise from the dead; Luke 16.31. and if these things cannot move them, then certainly all the world cannot remove them from their wickedness. Yet 3. Quia exempla movent, plus quàm praecepta docent; 3. All Kings should be honoured by the example of all Nations. 1. The Israelites. 1. In Egypt. you shall find this doctrine practised by the perpetual demeanour of all Nations. For 1. If you look upon the children of Israel in the Land of Egypt, it cannot be denied but Pharaoh was a wicked King, and exercised great cruelty, and exceeding tyranny against God's people; yet Moses did not incite the Israelites to take arms against him, though they were more in number, Exod 12.37. Exod. 1.9. being six hundred thousand men, and abler for strength to make their party good than Pharaoh was, as the King himself confesseth; but they contained themselves within the bounds of their obedience, and waited God's leisure for their deliverance; because they knew their patiented suffering would more manifest their own piety, and aggravate King Pharaohs obstinacy, and especially magnify God's glory, than their undutiful rebelling could any ways illustrate the least of these. 2. David's demeanour towards Saul is most memorable; 2. Under Saul. The loyal Subjects belief, p. 55. for though (as one saith) King Saul discovered in part the described manner of such a King, as Samuel had fore-shewed; yet David and all his followers performed and observed the prescribed conditions, that are approved by God in true Subjects: never resisting, never rebelling against his King, though his King most unjustly persecuted him. Samuel also when he had pronounced saul's rejection, 1. Sam. 15. yet did he never incite the people to Rebellion, but wept and prayed for him, and discharged all other duties, which formerly he had showed to be due unto him; 3. Under Ahab. and Elias, that had as good repute with the people, and could as easily have stirred up sedition, as any of the seditious Preachers of this time; yet did he never persuade the Subjects to withstand the illegal commands of a most wicked King, 1. Reg 21.25. that as the Scripture testifieth, had sold himself to work wickedness, and became the more exceedingly sinful by the provocation of Jezabell his most wicked wife, and harlot; but he honoured his Sovereignty, and feared his Majesty; when he fled away from his cruelty. Two examples of the whole Nation under Heathen k●ngs. 1. Under Ar●●xerxes. Ezr● 1.1, etc. And because these are but particular precedents, I will name you two observable examples of the whole Nation. 1. When Cyrus made a Decree, and his Decree (according to the Laws of the Medes and Persians) should be unalterable, that the Temple of Jerusalem should be re-edified, and the adversaries of the Jews obtained a Letter from Artaxerxes to prohibit them, the people of God submitting themselves to the personal command of the King, contrary to that unalterable Law of Cyrus, pleaded neither the goodness of the work, nor the justness of the cause, but yielded to the Kings will, and ceased from their work, until they obtained a new Licence in the second year of King Darius: and if it be objected that they built the Temple in despite of those that hindered them, with their sword in one hand, and a trowel in the other: it is rightly answered, that having the Kings leave to build it, they might justly resist their enemies, that did therein, not only show their malice unto them, but also resisted the will of the King. 2. Under Ahashuerus. Hester 3.10. 2. When Ahashuerus, to satisfy the unjust desire of his proud favourite, had wickedly decreed, and most tyrannically destined all the Nation of the Jews to a sudden death; yet this dutiful people did not undutifully rebel, and plead the King was seduced by evil counsel, and misguided by proud Haman, therefore nature teaching them, vim vi pellere, to stand upon their own defence, they would not submit their necks to his unjust Decree; but, being versed in God's Laws, and unacquainted with these new devices, they return to God, and betake themselves to their prayers, Hester 8.11. until God had put it into the King's heart to grant them leave to defend themselves, and to sheathe their swords in the bowels of their adversaries; which is a most memorable example of most dutiful unresisting Subjects: an example of such piety, as would make our Land happy, if our zealous generation were but acquainted with the like Religion. But here I know what our Anabaptist, Brownist, and Puritan will say, that I build Castles in the air, The author of the Treatise of Monarchy, p. 33. and lay down my frame without foundation; because all Kings are not such as the Kings of Israel and Judah were, as the Kings that God gave unto the Jews, and prescribed special Laws, both for the Kings to govern, and the people to obey them; but all other Nations have their own different and several Laws and Constitutions, according to which Laws their Kings are tied to rule, and the Subjects bound to obey, and no otherwise. I answer, Henric. Stephan, in libello de hac re contendit in omne● respull. debere leges Hebraerum, tanquam ab ipso Deo profectas, & per consequens omnium optemas ●educi. that indeed it is granted there are several constitutions of Royalties in several Nations, and there may be Regna Laconica, conditional and provisional Kingdoms, wherein perhaps upon a real breach of some expressed conditions, some Magistrates like the Ephori, may pronounce a forfeiture, aswell in the successive as in the elective Kingdoms; because (as one saith) succession is not a new title to more right, but a legal continuance of what was first gotten: which I can no ways yield unto, if you mean it of any Sovereign King, (because the name of a King doth not always denotate the Sovereign power, as the Kings of Lacedamon though so called, yet had no regal authority; and the Dictator for the time being, and the Emperors afterwards had an absolute power, though not the name of Kings) for I say, that such a government is not properly a regal government, ordained by God, but either an Aristocratical or democratical government instituted by the people, though approved by God for the welfare of the Commonwealth; 1. Sam. 8.4.20. but as the Israelites desired a King to judge them like all the Nations, that is, such a King as Aristotle describeth, such as the Nations had, entrusted with an absolute and full regal power, as Sigonius showeth; so the Kings of the Nations, if they be not like the Spartan Kings, were and are like the Kings of Israel, both in respect of their ordination from God, by whom all Kings, as well of other Nations as of Israel, do reign, and of their full power and inviolable authority over the people; which have no more dispensation to resist their Kings, than the jews had to resist theirs; And therefore Valentinian, though an elected Emperor, yet when he was requested by his Electors to admit of an associate, answered, S●zom. h●stor. l. 6. c. 6. Niceph. hist. l. 11. c. 1. it was in your power to choose me to be an Emperor; but now, after you have chosen me, what you require is in my power, not in you; Vobis tanquam subditis competit parere, mihi verò quae facienda sunt cogitare, it becomes you to obey, as Subjects, and I am to consider what is fittest to be done. And when the wife takes an husband, there is a compact, agreement, and a solemn vow passed in the presence of God, that he shall love, cherish, and maintain her; yet if he breaks this vow, The wife may not forsake her husband, though he break h●s vow, and neglect his duty. and neglects both to love and to cherish her, she cannot renounce him, she must not forsake him, she may not follow after another; and there is a greater marriage betwixt the King and his people: therefore though as a wife they might have power to choose him, and in their choice to tie him to some conditions, yet though he breaks them, they have no more power to abdicate their King, than the wife hath to renounce her husband; nor so much, because she may complain and call her husband before a competent Judge, and produce witnesses against him; whereas there can be no judge betwixt the King and his people, but only God; and no witnesses can be found on earth; because it is against all laws, and against all reason, that they which rise against their King, should be both the witnesses against him; and the judges to condemn him: or, were it so, that all other Kings have not the like constitution which the Scripture setteth down for the Kings of Israel; yet I say that, excepting some circumstantial Ceremonies, in all real points, the Laws of our Land are (so fare as men could make them) in all things agreeable to the Scriptures in the constituting of our Kings, An Appeal to thy conscience, pag. 30. according to the livelyest pattern of the Kings of Israel; as it is well observed by the Author of the Appeal to thy conscience, in these 4 special respects. 1. In his Right to the Crown. 2. In his Power and Authority. Our kings of the like Institution to the kings of Israe●. 3. In his Charge and Duty. 4. In the rendering of his Account. For 1. As the Kings of Israel were hereditary by succession, and Respect. 1 not elective, unless there were an extraordinary and divine designation, as in David, Solomon, john: Kings of England are kings by birth. Proved. so do the Kings of England obtain their Kingdoms by birth, or hereditary succession, as it appeareth. 1. By the Oath of Allegiance, used in every Leete, that you Reason. 1 shall be true and faithful to our Sovereign Lord King Charles, and to his Heirs. 2. Because we own our legiance to the King in his natural Reason. 2 capacity, that is, as he is Charles the Son and Heir apparent of King james; Coke, l. 7. Calvin's case. when as homage cannot be done to any King in his politic capacity, the body of the King being invisible in that sense. 3. Because in that case it is expressly affirmed, that the King Reason. 3 holds the Kingdom of England by birthright, inherent by descent from the blood-royal; therefore to show how inseparable this right is from the next in blood. Hen. 4. though he was of the blood-royal, being first cousin unto the King, and had the Crown resigned unto him by Rich. 2d, Speed, l. 9 c. 16. and confirmed unto him by Act of Parliament; yet upon his deathbed, confessed he had no right thereunto, as Speed writeth. 4. Because it was determined by all the Judges, at the Arraignment Reason. 4 of Watson and Clerke, 1. jacob's. that immediately by descent his Majesty was completely and absolutely King, without the Ceremony of Coronation, which was but a royal ornament, and outward solemnisation of the descent. And it is illustrated by Hen. 6. Speed, l. 9 c. 16. that was not crowned till the ninth year of his reign; and yet divers were attainted of High Treason before that time, which could not have been done, had he not been King. And we know that upon the death of any of our Kings, The right heir to the Kingdom is King before he is crowned. his Successor i● immediately proclaimed King; to show that he hath his Kingdom by descent, and not by the people at his Coronation; whose consent is then asked, Why the people's consent is asked. not because they have any power to deny their consent, or refuse him for their King; but that the King having their assent, may with greater security and confidence rely upon their loyalty. Respect. 2 2. As the Kings of Israel had full power and authority to make war and conclude peace, to call the greatest Assemblies, as Moses, Joshua, David, jehosaphat, and the rest of the Kings did; to place and displace the greatest Officers of State; as Solomon placed Abiathar in Sadoc's room, 2. Chron 19.11 and jehosaphat appointed Amariah and Zebadiah rulers of the greatest affairs: and had all the Militia of the Kingdom in their hands; The absolute authority of the Kings of England. Coke 7. rep. fol 25. 6. P●lyd. Virgil. lib. 11. Speed. St●w, etc. so the Kings of England have the like; for, 1. He only can lawfully proclaim war, as I shown before; and he only can conclude peace. 2. There is no Assembly that can lawfully meet but by his Authority; and as the Parliament was first devised and instituted by the King, as all our Historians writ in the life of Hen. 1. so they cannot meet but by the King's Writ. 3. All Laws, Customs, and Franchises are granted and confirmed unto the people by the King. Rot. Claus. 1. R. 2. n. 44. Smith de repub. Angl. l. 2. c. 4. etc. 5. 4. All the Officers of the Realm, whether Spiritual or Temporal, are chosen and established by him; as the highest immediately by himself, and the inferior by an authority derived from him. The absurdities of them that deny the Militia to the King. 5. He hath the sole power of ordering and disposing all the Castles, Forts, and strong Holds; and all the Ports, Havens, and all other parts of the Militia of this Kingdom: or otherwise it would follow, that the King had power to proclaim war, but not to be able to maintain it; and that he is bound to defend his Subjects, but is denied the means to protect them; which is such an absurdity, as cannot be answered by all the House of Commons. 6. The Kings of Israel were unto their people their honour, their Sovereigns, their life, and the very breath of their nostrils, as themselves acknowledge; and so the Kings of England are the life, the head, and the authority of all things that be done in the Realm of England; Smith de Repub. l. 2. Cambden Britan: p. 132. supremam potestatem & merum imperium apud nos habentes, nec in Imperii clientelâ sunt, nec investituram ab alio accipientes, nec praeter Deum superiorem agnoscentes; and their Subjects are bound by oath to maintain the King's Sovereignty, in all causes, and over all persons, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil; and that not only as they are singularly considered, but over all collectively represented in the body politic; for by sundry, divers, old authentic Histories and Chronicles, it is manifestly declared and expressed, that this Realm of England is an Empire, and so hath been accepted in the world, In the Preface to a Sta●. 24. Hen. 8. c. 12. governed by one supreme Head and King, having the dignity and royal estate of the Imperial Crown of the same; unto whom a body politic, compact of all sorts and degrees of people, divided in terms and by names of spiritualty and temporalty, have been bounden and owen to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience. 3. As the duty of every one of the Kings of Israel was to be Respect. 3 Custos utriusque tabulae, to keep the Law of God, and to have a special care of his Religion; and then to do justice and judgement, according to the Law of nature, and to observe all the judicial Laws of that Kingdom; so are the Kings of England obliged to discharge the same duties. 1. To have the chiefest care to defend the faith of Christ, The duty of the Kings of England. and to preserve the honour of God's Church, as I shown before. 2. To maintain common right, according to the rules and dictates of nature. And 3. To see the particular Laws and Statutes of his own Kingdom well observed amongst his people. To all which the King is bound, not only virtute officii, in respect of his office, but also vinculo juramenti, in respect of his oath, which enjoineth him to guide his actions, not according to the desires of an unbridled will, but according to the ties of these established Laws; neither do our Divines give any further liberty to any King, but if he fails in these he doth offend in his duty. 4. As the Kings of Israel were accountable for their actions Respect. 4 unto none, but only unto God, and therefore King David after he had committed both murder and adultery, saith unto God, Psal. 51.4. Tibi soli peccavi; as if he had said, none can call me to any account for what I have done but thou alone; and we never read that either the people did call, or that the Prophets persuaded them to call any of their most idolatrous, tyrannical, or wicked Kings to any account for their idolatry, The kings of England accountable for their actions only to God. tyranny, or wickedness; even so the Kings of England are accountable to none but to God. 1. Because they have their Crown immediately from God, Reason. 1 who first gave it to the Conqueror through his sword, and since to the succeeding Kings, Smith de repub. l. 1. c. 9 by the ordinary means of hereditary succession. Reason. 2 2. Because the oath which he takes at his Coronation binds him only before God, who alone can both judge him, and punish him if he forgets it. Reason. 3 3. Because there is neither condition, promise, or limitation, either in that Oath, or in any other Covenant or compact that the King makes with the people, either at his Coronation, or at any other time, that he should be accountable, or that they should question and censure him for any thing that he should do. Reason. 4 4. Because the testimony of many famous Lawyers justify the same truth; for Bracton saith, if the King refuse to do what is just, satis erit ei ad paenam quòd Dominum expectet ultonem, the Lord will be his avenger, which will be punishment enough for him; Bracton fol 34. a. b. apud Lincol anno 1301. but of the King's grants and actions, nec privatae personae, nec justiciarii debent disputare. And Walsingham maketh mention of a Letter written from the Parliament to the Bishop of Rome, wherein they say, that certum & directum Dominium à prima institutione regni Angliae ad Regem pertinuit, the certain and direct Dominion of this Kingdom from the very first institution thereof hath belonged unto the King, who by reason of the arbitrary or free preeminence of the royal dignity and custom observed in all ages, Ex liberâ praeminentiâ. ought not to answer before any Judge, either Ecclesiastical or Secular. Ergo neither before the Pope, nor Parliament, nor Presbytery. 5. Because the constant custom and practice of this Kingdom Reason. 5 was ever such, that no Parliament at any time sought to censure their King, and either to depose him, or to punish him for any of all his actions; save only those that were called in the troublesome and irregular times of our unfortunate Princes, No legitimate and just Parliament did ever question the Kings of England for their actions. and were swayed by those that were the heads of the most powerful Faction, to conclude most horrid and unjustifiable Acts, to the very shame of their judicial authorities; as those factious Parliaments in the times of Hen. 3. King John, Rich. 2. and Hen. 4. and others, whose acts in the judgement of all good authors, are not to be drawn into examples, when as they deposed their King for those pretended faults, whereof not the worst of them but is fairly answered, and all 33 of them proved to be no way sufficient to depose him, by that excellent Civilian Heningus Arnisaeus. Heningus c. 4. p. 93. And therefore seeing the institution of our Kings is not only by God's Law, but also by our own Laws, Customs, and practice, thus agreeable to the Scripture Kings, they ought to be as sacred and as inviolable to us, as the Kings of Israel were to the Jews; and as reverently honoured and obeyed by us, as both the Apostles, Saint Peter and Saint Paul, advise us to honour and obey the King. CHAP. V Sheweth, how the Heathens honoured their Kings; how Christ exhibited all due honour unto Heathen and wicked Kings; how he carried himself before Pilate; and how all the good Primitive Christians behaved themselves towards their Heathen persecuting Emperors. 2. The Heathens. Persa quidem olim aliquid coeleste atque divinum in regilus inesse statuebant. Osor. de Instit. regis. l. 4. p. 106. 2. WE find that not only the Jews, that were the people of God, a royal Priesthood, that had the Oracles of God, and therefore no wonder that they were so conformable in their obedience to the will of God; but the Gentiles also that knew not God, knew this by the light of nature, that they were bound to yield all honour unto their Kings. For Quintus Curtius tells us, that the Persians had such a divine estimation and love unto their King, that Alexander could not persuade them either for fear or reward, to tell him where their King was gone, or to reveal any of his intentions, or to do any other thing that might any ways prejudice the life, Justin. l. 4. or the affairs of their King. And Justin tells us, that the Sicilians did bear so great a respect unto the last Will and Testament of Anaxilaus their deceased King, that they disdained not to obey a slave, whom he had appointed Regent, during the minority of his son, Herodet. l. 8. And Herodotus saith, that when Xerxes fled from Greece in a vessel that was so full of men of war, What great respect men in former times did bear unto their kings. that it was impossible for him to be saved, without casting some part of them into the Sea; he said unto them, O ye men of Persia, let some among you testify that he hath care of his King, whose safety is in your disposition; then the Nobility which accompanied him, having adored him, did cast themselves into the Sea, till the vessel was unburthened, and the King preserved. And I fear these Pagans will rise in judgement to condemn our Nobility, that seek the destruction of their King. And the Macedonians had such a reverend opinion of their King, that being foiled in war, before they returned again to the battle they fetched their cradle, wherein their young King lay, and set him in the midst of the Camp, as supposing that their former misfortune proceeded, Justin. l. 7. because they neglected to take with them the good augure of their King's presence. And Boemus Aubanus speaking of the Egyptian Kings, saith, that they have so much good will and love from all men, Aubanus de Africa. l 1. p. 39 Reges divinos, jove genitos, à Iove nutritos, Homerus & ●esi●dus appellarunt. ut non solùm sacerdotibus, sed etiam singulis Aegyptiis major regis quàm uxorum filiorúmque, aut aliorum principum salutis inesset cura; that not only the Priests, but also all the Egyptians have a greater care of the safety of their King, then of their wives or children, or any other Princes of the Land. And the same Author describing the manner how the Tartars create their King; saith, the Princes, Dukes, Barons, and all the people meet, than they place him that is to be their King on a Throne of gold, and prostrating themselves upon the ground, they cry with an unanimous and loud voice, Rogamus, volumus & praecipimus ut domineris nobis, We entreat you and beseech you to reign over us; and he answereth, if you would have this of me, it is necessary that you should be obedient to do whatsoever I shall command you; when I call you, to come; whethersoever I shall send you, to go; whomsoever I shall command you to kill, to do it immediately without fear; and to commit the whole Kingdom into my hands: then they do all answer, we are willing to do all this. And then he saith again, therefore from henceforth, oris mei sermo gladius meus erit, the word of my mouth shall be the sword of my power: then all the people do applaud him. And a little after he saith, in ejus manibus seu potestate omnia sunt, Aubanus l. 2. p. 141. all things are in his hands and power: no man dare say, this is mine, or that is his: no one man may dwell in any part of the Land, but in that which is assigned unto him by the King. Nomini licet imperatoris verba mutare, nemini latae ab illo sententiae qualicunque modo contraire; and no man dares alter the King's words, nor gainsay his sentence whatsoever it is. And we read that the Turk is as absolute in his Dominions, and as readily obeyed in his commands as the Tartar; and yet these Subjects learn this duty of honour and obedience unto their Kings only by the light of nature; and if grace and the Gospel hath made us free from this slavish subjection, should we not be thankful unto our God, and be contented with that liberty which he hath given us; but because we have so much, we will have more: * And as the Poet saith, Like Subjects armed, the more their Princes gave, They this advantage took the more to crave. Lucan. lib. 1. and seeing God hath delivered us from the rage of tyrannous Kings, we will free ourselves from all government, and disobey the commands of the most clement Princes? We may remember the fable of the Frogs, when they prayed unto Jupiter to have a King, and what was the success thereof;— omnia dat qui justa negat: and he that undutifully denyeth his due obedience, may unwillingly be forced to undue subjection; as the Israelites, not contented with just Samuel, shall be put under an unjust Saul. So God may justly deal with us for our injustice towards our King, to deny that honour unto him which God commanded to be given, and the very Heathens have not detained from their Kings. But 3. Christians. 3. Lest with Saint Paul we should be blamed (though unjustly) for bringing the uncircumcised Greeks into the Temple, for alleging the disorderly practice of blind Heathens to be a pattern for these zealous Christians; (which thing, notwithstanding our Saviour did, when he preferred Sodom and Gomorrah before Capernaum; Matth. 11.21. yea Tyrus and Sydon before Corazin and Bethsaida:) we cannot want the example of good Christians, and a multitude of most holy Martyrs, to shame the practice of these profane hypocrites. For 1. Christ h●mselfe exhibited all du● honour unto wicked Kings. 1. Christ himself, the author and the finisher of our faith, never left any plainer mark of his religion, then to propagate the fame by patience; as on the other side, there cannot be a more suspicious sign of a false religion, then to enlarge it and protect it by violence: and therefore when the Inhabitants of a certain Samaritane village refused to admit Christ and his Disciples into their Town, Luke 9.54. and so renounced him and his religion; James and John, two principal members of his Court, remembering what Elias did in the like case, 1. Reg. 18. 2. Reg. 1. asked if they should not command fire to consume them, as Elias did? that is, if they should not use their best endeavours, and be confident of God's assistance, to destroy those profane rejecters of Christ, and refusers of his religion? Our Saviour, though ever meek, yet now moved at this their unchristian thought, rebuked them with that sharpness, as he did Saint Peter, when he committed the like error, Matth. 16.23. and said, You know not what manner of spirit you are of: as if he had said, you understand not the difference betwixt the profession of Elias, and my religion; for he was such a zealot, that jure zelotarum, and the extraordinary instinct of God's Spirit that was in him, might at that time (when the Jews were governed by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Josephus saith, and God presiding as it were their King amongst them, and interposing rules by his Oracles, and other particular directions, that should oblige and warrant them, as well as their standing Law) do this or the like act, though not authorized by any ordinary Law; and those actions thus performed, are as just and as legal as any other that proceed legally from the authority of the supreme Magistrate; but that dispensation of the Prophets is now ended, and the profession of my Disciples must be fare otherwise; for I do not authorise my servants to pretend to the spirit of Elias, or to do as Phineas and others, extraordinary men among the Jews, have done, but they must learn of me to be meek and lowly in heart, Matth. 11.29. and rather to suffer wrong of others, then to offer the least injury unto their meanest neighbour, much less to resist their supreme Magistrate. And when Christ was apprehended, How Christ carried himself before Pilate and the High-Priests. not by any legal power of the supreme Magistrate, but by the rude servants of the High Priests; and Saint Peter, as zealous for his Master as our Zealots are for their Religion, drew his sword and smote off Malchus eat, a most justifiable and commendable act, a man would think, to defend Christ, and in him all Christianity; our Saviour bids him put up his sword, and he adds a reason most considerable to all Christians; for all they that take the sword shall perish by the sword: that is, all they that without lawful authority take the sword, to defend me and my religion with the sword, they deserve to suffer by the sword; and it is very well observed by the Author, Pag. 6. of resisting the lawful Magistrate upon colour of religion, that the two parallel places quoted in the margin of our Bibles, are very pertinent to this purpose; for that Law concerning the effusion of blood, Gen. 9.6. being not any prohibition to the legal cutting off of Malefactors, is notwithstanding urged against S. Peter, to show that his shedding of blood in defence of religion was altogether illegal, and prohibited by that Law: and the other place (where immediately after these words, Revel. 13.10. He that killeth with the sword must be killed with the sword; the Holy Ghost adjoineth, here is the patience and the faith of the Saints:) doth most clearly show, that all forcible resistance is inconsistent with the religion of the Saints; because their faith must be ever accompanied with their patience; and it is contrary to their profession to save themselves by any violent opposition of them that have the lawful authority. But that example which is unparallelled, is the suffering of Christ under Pontius Pilate; for the whole course of their proceeding against Christ was illegal, when as no Law can be found to justify the delivering up of an innocent person to the will of his accusers, John 19.16. as Pilate did our Saviour Christ; and our Saviour had ability and strength enough to have defended himself; for he might have commanded more than 12 Legions of Angels to assist him; yet our Saviour acknowledging the legal power of Pilate to proceed against him, John 19.11. that it was given him from above, makes no resistance either to maintain his doctrine or to preserve his life, but in all things submits himself to their illegal proceed, and gives unto the Magistrates all the honour that was due unto their places: and you know the rule, Omnis Christi actio debet esse nostra instructio, we ought to follow his example. And therefore not only Christ, but also all good Christians have imitated him in this point; for the Apostles prayed for their persecuting Tyrants, exhorted all their followers to honour even the Pagan Kings, and most sharply reproved all that spoke evil of authority, much more would they say against them, that commit evil, and proceed in all wickedness against authority. How the Primitive Christians behaved themselves towards their Heathen persecutors. And Tertullian speaking of the behaviour of the Primitive Christians towards the Heathen Emperors, and their cruel persecutors, saith, that because they knew them to be appointed by God, they did love and reverence them, and wish them safe with all the Roman Empire; yea they honoured the Emperor, and worshipped him as a man second from God, & solo Deo minorem, and inferior only unto God; and in his Apologetico he saith, Deus est solus in cujus solius potestate sunt reges, à quo sunt secundi, post quem primi, super omnes homines ante omnes Deos; God alone is he by whose power Kings are preserved, which are second from him, first after him, above all men, and before all gods; that is, all other Magistrates that the Scripture calleth Gods. So Justin Martyr, Minutius Felix, Nazianzen, (which also wrote against the vices of Julian) S. Augustine, and others of the prime Fathers of the Church have set down, how the Primitive Christians and godly Martyrs, that suffered all kind of most barbarous cruelty at the hands of their Heathen Magistrates, did notwithstanding pray for them and honour them, and neither derogated from their authority, nor any ways resisted their insolency. Beda p. 15. And johannes Beda, Advocate in the Court of Parliament of Paris, saith, that the Protestants of France in the midst of torments have blessed their King, by whom they were so severely entreated; and in the midst of fires and massacres have published their confession in these words: Artic. 39 & 40. confess eccles. Gal. refor. For this cause he (that is God) put the sword into the Magistrate's hand, that he may repress the sins committed, not only against the second table of God's Commandments, but also against the first: We must therefore for his sake not only endure that Superiors rule over us, but also honour and esteem of them with all reverence, holding them for his Lieutenants and Officers, to whom he hath given in commission to execute a lawful and a holy function: We therefore hold that we must obey their Laws and Statutes, pay Tributes, Imposts, and other duties, and bear the yoke of subjection with a good and free will, although they were Infidels. Ob. But against this patience of the Saints, Ob. and the wisdom of these good Christians, it is objected by Goodwin and others of his Sect, that either they wanted strength to resist, or wanted knowledge of their strength, or of their privilege and power, which God granted them to defend themselves and their religion; or were overmuch transported with an ambitious desire of Martyrdom, or by some other misguiding spirit were utterly misled to an unnecessary patience; and therefore we having strength enough, as we conceive, to subdue the King and all his strength, and being wiser in our generation then all the generation of those fathers, as being guided by a more unerring spirit, we have no reason to pray for patience, but rather to render vengeance, both to the King and to all his adherents. Sol. This unchristian censure, Sol. and this false imputation laid upon these holy Fathers, by these stabborne Rebels, and proud Enthusiasts, are so mildly and so learnedly answered by the Author of resisting the lawful Magistrate upon colour of religion, Where they are fully answered. that more need not be said to stop the mouths of all ignorant gainsayers. Therefore seeing that by the institution of Kings, by the precept of God, and by the practice of all wise men and good Christians, Heathen Kings and wicked Tyrants are to be loved, honoured, and obeyed; it is a most hateful thing to God and man, to see men professing themselves Christians, (but are indeed like those in the Revel, Revel. 2 9 which say they are Jews and are not) in steed of honouring, transcendently to hate, and most violently to persecute their own most Chr●stian and most gracious King; a sin so infinitely sinful, that I do not wonder to see the greatness of God's anger to pour all the plagues that we suffer upon this Nation; but I do rather admire and adore his wont clemency and patience, that he hath not all this while either sent forth his fire and lightning from Heaven, as he did upon Sodom and Gomorrah, Gen. 19.24. Numb. 16.31. to consume them, or cause the earth to swallow them, as it did Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, for this their rebellion against their King; or that he hath not showered down fare greater plagues, and more miserable calamities then hitherto we have suffered; because we have suffered these Antichristian Rebels to proceed so fare, and have with the Merozites neglected all this while to add our strength to assist the Lords Anointed, Judges 5.23. to reduce his seduced Subjects to their obedience, and to impose condign punishments upon the seducers and the ringleaders of this unnatural and most horrible Rebellion. CHAP. VI Sheweth the two chiefest duties of all Christian Kings; to whom the charge and preservation of Religion is committed; three several opinions; the strange speeches of the Disciplinarians against Kings are showed; and Viretus his scandalous reasons are answered; the double service of all Christian Kings, 2. Christian Kings are to have double honour in respect of their double duty. and how the Heathen Kings and Emperors had the charge of Religion. 2. AS all Kings are to be honoured in the foresaid respects, so all Christian Kings are to have a double honour, in respect of the double charge and duty that is laid upon them: As 1. To preserve true religion, and to defend the faith of Duty. 1 Christ, against all Atheists, Heretics, Schismatics, and all other adversaries of the Gospel, within their Territories and Dominions. 2. To preserve their Subjects from all foreign adversaries, Duty. 2 and to prevent civil dissensions, to govern them according to the rules of justice and equity, which all other Kings are bound to do; but neither did, nor can do it so fully and so faithfully as the Christian Kings; because no Law, either Solons, Lycurgus, Pompilius, or any other Greek or Latin; nor any Politic, Plato, Aristotle, Machiavil, or whom you will, old or new, can so perfectly set down, and so fairly declare, quid justum, & quid honestum, as the Law of Christ hath done; and therefore, seeing omnis honos praesupponit onus, the honour is but the reward of labour, and that this labour or duty of Kings to maintain true religion, well performed, and faithfully discharged, brings most glory unto God, and the greatest honour to all Kings; when it is more to be, with Constantine, a nursing father to God's Church, than it is to be with Alexander the sole Monarch of the known world; I will first treat of their charge and care, and the power that God hath given them to defend the faith, and to preserve true religion. And 1. 1. Care of Kings to preserve true Religion. Aug. de utilitate credendi cap. 9 Religion (faith a learned Divine) without authority is no Religion; for as Saint Augustine saith, no true Religion can be received by any means without some weighty force of authority: therefore if that Religion, whereby thou hopest to be saved, hath no authority to ground itself upon; or if that authority, whereby thy Religion is settled, be misplaced in him that hath no authority at all, what hope of salvation remaining in that Religion canst thou conceive? but it is concluded on all sides, that the right authority of preserving true religion must reside in him, and proceed from him, by whose supreme power and government it is to be enacted and forced upon us: To whom the charge of preserving religion is committed. and therefore now the question is, and it is very much questioned, to whom the supreme government of our Religion ought rightly to be attributed; 3 Opinions. whereof I find three several resolutions. 1. Papistical, which leaneth too much on the right hand. 2. anabaptistical, which bendeth twice as much on the left hand. 3. Orthodoxal of the Protestants, that ascribe the same to him, on whom God himself hath conferred it. Opinion. 1 1. That the Church of Rome maketh the Pope solely to have the supreme government of our Christian Religion, is most apparent out of all their writings; Vnde saepè objiciunt dictum ●l●su ad Constantium: Tibì Deus impertum commisit, nobis qu● sunt ecclesiastica concredidit. Sed h●c intelligitur de executione officij, non de gubernation ecclesiae. Sicut ibi manifestum est, cum dicitur ne que fai est nobis in terris imperium tenere, neque tibi thymiamatum & so●rorum potestatem habere. (i e.) in pradicatione Evangelij, & administratione Sacramentorum & similibus. and you may see what a large book our Countryman Stapleton wrote against Master Horn Bishop of Winchester to justify the same. And to disprove the right of Kings, saith, Fatemur personas Episcoporum, qui in toto orbe fuerunt, Romano Imperatori subjectas fuisse, quoniam Rex praeest hominibus Christianis, verùm non quia sunt Chrstiani, sed quia sunt homines, episcopis etiam ea ex parte rex praeesset. So Master Harding saith, that the office of a King in itself is all one every where, not only among the Christian Princes, but also among the Heathen; so that a Christian King hath no more to do in deciding Church matters, or meddling with any point of Religion than a Heathen. And so Fekenham, and all the brood of Jesuits, do with all violence and virulency labour to disprove the Prince's authority and supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes, and the points of our Religion, and to transfer the same wholly unto the Pope and his Cardinals. Neither do I wonder so much, that the Pope having so universally gained, and so long continued this power, and retained this government from the right owners, should employ all his Hierarchy to maintain that usurped authority, which he held with so much advantage to his Episcopal See, (though with no small prejudice to the Church of Christ, when, the Emperor's being busied with other affairs, & leaving this care of religion and government of the Church to the Pope, the Pope to the Bishops the Bishops to their Suffragans, and the Suffragans to the Monks, whose authority being little, their knowledge less, and their honesty lest of all, all things were ruled with greater corruption & less truth than they ought to be) so long as possibly he should be able to possess it. But at last, when the light of the Gospel shined, and Christian Princes had the leisure to look, and the heart to take hold upon their right, the learned men (opposing themselves against the Pope's usurped jurisdiction) have sound proved the Sovereign authority of Christian Kings in the government of the Church; that, not only in other Kingdoms, but also here in England, this power was annexed by divers Laws unto the interest of the Crown, and the lawful right of the King: and I am persuaded (saith that Reverend Archbishop Bancroft) had it not been that new adversaries did arise, Survey of Discip. c. 22. p. 2●1 and opposed themselves in this matter, the Papists before this time had been utterly subdued; for the Devil seeing himself so like to lose the field, How the Devil raised instruments to hinder the reformation, stirred up in the bosom of Reformation a flock of violent and seditious men, that pretending a great deal of hate to Popery, have notwithstanding joined themselves, like Sampsons' Foxes, with the worst of Papists, in the worst and most pernicious Doctrines that ever Papist taught, to rob Kings of their sacred and divine right, and to deprive the Church of Christ of the truth of all those points, that do most specially concern her government and governor's: and though in the fury of their wilde ●eale they do no less maliciously then falsely cast upon the soundest Protestants the aspersion of Popery and malignancy, yet I hope to make it plain unto my reader, that themselves are the Papists indeed, or worse than Papists both to the Church and State: For 2. As the whole College of Cardinals, Of the Anabaptists and Puritans. and all the Schools Opinion. 2 of the Jesuits, do most stiffly defend this usurped authority of the Pope, which, as I said, may be with the less admiration, because of the Prince's concession, and their own long possession of it; so on the other side there are sprung up of late a certain generation of Vipers, the brood of Anabaptists and Brownists, that do most violently strive not to detain what they have unjustly obtained, but a degree fare worse, to pull the sword out of their Prince his hand, and to place authority on them which have neither right to own it, Where the Puritans place the authority to maintain religion. 1. In the Presbytery. nor discretion to use it; and that is, either 1. A Consistory of Presbyters: or, 2. A Parliament of Lay men. For 1. These new Adversaries of this Truth, that would most impudently take away from Christian Princes the supreme and immediate authority, under Christ, in all Ecclesiastical Callings and Causes, will needs place the same in themselves, and a Consistorian company of their own Faction: a whole Volume would not contain their absurdities, falsities, and blasphemies that they have uttered about this point. I will only give you a taste of what some of the chief of them have belebed forth against the Divine Truth of God's Word and the sacred Majesty of Kings. Calvin in Amos, cap. 7. Master Calvin, a man otherwise of much worth, and worthy to be honoured, yet in this point transported with his own passion, calleth those Blasphemers, that did call King Henry the Eighth the Supreme Head of this Church of England: Stap●●. count. ●●dorn. l, 1. p. 22. and Stapleton saith, that he handled the King himself with such villainy and with so spiteful words, as he never handled the Pope more spitefully; and all for this Title of Supremacy in Church causes: and in his 54. Epist. to Myconius, he termeth them profane spirits and mad men, that persuaded the Magistrates of Geneva, not to deprive themselves of that authority which God had given them: Viretus is more virulent; for he resembleth them not to mad men, (as Calvin did) but to white devils, because they stand in defence of the King's authority; and he saith, they are false Christians, though they cover themselves with the cloak of the Gospel, How Viretus would prove the temporal Pope (as he calleth the King) worse than the spiritual Pope. affirming that the putting of all authority and power into the Civil Magistrates hands, and making them Masters of the Church, is nothing else but the changing of the Popedom, from the Spiritual Pope into a Temporal Pope, who (as it is to be feared) will prove worse and more tyrannous than the Spiritual Pope, which he laboureth to confirm by these three reasons: Reason. 1 1. Because the Spiritual Pope had not the Sword in his own hand, to punish men with death, but was fain to crave the aid of the Secular power, which the Temporal Pope needs not do. 2. Because the old Spiritual Popes had some regard in their Reason. 2 deal of Counsels, Synods, and ancient Canons; but the new Secular Popes will do what they list without respect of any Ecclesiastical Order, be it right or wrong. 3. Because the Romish Popes were most commonly very Reason. 3 learned, but it happeneth oftentimes that the Regal Popes have neither learning nor knowledge in divine matters; and yet these shall be they that shall command Ministers and Preachers what they list; and to make this assertion good, he affirmeth that he saw in some places some Christian Princes, under the title of Reformation, to have in 10 or 20 years usurped more tyranny over the Churches in their Dominions, than ever the Pope and his adherents did in 600 years. All which reasons are but mere fopperies, Viretus his scandalous reasons answered. blown up by the black Devil, to blast the beauty of this truth; for we speak not of the abuse of any Prince, to justify the same against any one, but of his right, that cannot be the cause of any wrong; and it cannot be denied but an illiterate Prince may prove a singular advancer of all learning, as Bishop Wickham was no great Scholar, yet was he a most excellent instrument to produce abundance of famous Clerks in this Church; and the King ruleth his Church by those Laws, which through his royal authority are made with the advice of his greatest Divines, as hereafter I shall show, unto you: yet these spurious and specious pretexts may serve, like clouds, to hid the light from the eyes of the simple. So Cartwright also, T. C. l. 2. p. 411 that was our English firebrand, and his Disciples teach, as Harding had done before, that Kings and Princes do hold their Kingdoms and Dominions under Christ, as he is the Son of God only, before all worlds, coequal with the father, and not as he is Mediator and Governor of the Church: and therefore the Christian Kings have no more to do with the Church government, than the Heathen Princes: so Travers saith, that the Heathen Princes being converted to the faith, receive no more, nor any further increase of their power, whereby they may deal in Church causes, than they had before; so the whole pack of the Disciplinarians are all of the same mind, and do hold that all Kings, aswell Heathen as Christian, receiving but one Commission and equal authority immediately from God, have no more to do with Church causes, the one sort then the other. And I am ashamed to set down the railing and the scurrilous speeches of Anthony Gilby against Hen. 8. Gilby in his admonition. p. 69. Knox in his exh●ta i●n to the Nobility of Scotland, fol. 77. and of Knox, Whittingham, and others, against the truth of the King's lawful right and authority in all Ecclesiastical causes. For, were it so, as Cartwright, Travers, and the rest of that crew do avouch, that Kings by being Christians receive no more authority over Christ his Church, than they had before * Which is most false. ; yet this will appear most evident to all understanding men, that all Kings, aswell the Heathens as the Christians, are in the first place to see that their people do religiously observe the worship of that God which they adore: and therefore much more should Christian Princes have a care to preserve the religion of Jesus Christ. The Gentile King's preservers of religion. For it cannot be denied, but that all Kings ought to preserve their Kingdoms; and all Kingdoms are preserved by the same means, by which they were first established; and they are established by obedience and good manners: neither shall you find any thing that can beget obedience and good manners, but Laws and Religion; and Religion doth naturally beget obedience unto the Laws; therefore most of those Kings that gave Laws were originally Priests; Synes. ep. 126. Vide Amis. part. 2. pag. 14. Ad magnas r●spubl. utilitates retinetur religio in civitatibus. Cicero de divin. l. 2. and, as Synesius saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; a Priest and a Prince was all one with them; when the Kings, to preserve their Laws inviolable, and to keep their people in obedience that they might be happy, became Priests, and exercised the duties of Religion, offering sacrifices unto their gods, and discharging the other offices of the Priestly function (as our factious Priests could willingly take upon them the offices of the King;) or if some of them were not Priests (as all were not Lawmakers) yet all of them preserved Religion as the only preservation of their Laws, and the happiness of their Kingdoms, which they saw could not continue without Religion. But 2. In the Parliament. 2. The wisdom of our grave Prelates, and the learning of our religious Clergy having stopped the course of this violent stream, and hindered the translation of this right of Kings, unto their newborn Presbytery and late erected Synods: There sprang up another generation out of the dregs of the former, that because they would be sure to be bad enough, out of their envy unto Kings, and malice unto the Church (that the one doth not advance their unworthiness, and the other doth not bear with their undutifulness) will needs transfer this right of ruling God's Church unto a Parliament of Laymen; the King shall be denuded of what God hath given him: and the people shall be endued with what God and all good men have ever denied them. I deny not but the Parliament men, as they are most noble and worthy Gentlemen, so many of them may be very learned, and not a few of them most religious; and I honour the Parliament rightly discharging their duties, Hugo de Sancto Vict. lib. 2. de sacr. fid. par. 2. cap. 3. Laicis Christianis fidelibus terrena possidere conceditur, clericis verò tantùm spirituali● committuntur; quae autem ill● spiritualia sunt subjicit. c. 5. dicent; omnis ecclesiastica administratio in tribus consistit, in sacramentis, in ordinibus, in praeceptis. Ergo, Laici nihil juris habent in legibus & praeceptis condendis ecclesiasticit. as much as their modesty can desire, or their merit deserve; neither do I gainsay, but as they are pious men, and the greatest Council of our King, so they may propose things, and request such and such Laws to be enacted, such abuses to be redressed; and such a reformation to be effected, as they think befitting for God's Church; but for Aaron's seed and the Tribe of Levi, to be directed and commanded out of the Parliament chair, how to perform the service of the Tabernacle, and for Lay men to determine the Articles of faith, to make Canons for Churchmen, to condemn heresies and define verities, and to have the chief power for the government of God's Church, as our Faction now challengeth, and their Preachers ascribe unto them, is such a violation of the right of Kings, such a derogation to the Clergy, and so prejudicial to the Church of Christ, as I never found the like usurpation of this right, to the eradication of the true religion, in any age; for seeing that, as the Proverb goeth, Quod medicorum est promittunt medici, & tractant fabrilia fabri; what Papist or Atheist will be ever converted to profess that religion, which shall be truly, what now they allege falsely unto us, a Parliamentary religion, or a religion made by Lay men, with the advice of a few that they choose è faece Cleri? I must seriously profess what I have often bewailed, to see Nadab and Abihu offering strange fires upon God's Altar, to see the sacred offices of the Priests so presumptuously usurped by the Laity, and to see the children of the Church, nay, the servants of the Church to prescribe Laws unto their Masters; and I did ever fear it to be an argument, not only of a corrupted, but also of a decaying State, when Moses chair should be set in the Parliament House, and the Doctors of the Church should never sit thereon: therefore I wish that the Ark may be brought bacl from the Philistines, and restored to the Priests, to be placed in Shilo where it should be; and that the care of the Ark, which King David undertook, may not be taken out of his hands by his people; but that he may have the honour of that service, which God hath imposed upon him. For 3. Opinion. Of the Orthodox. Quia religio est ex potioribus reipublica partibus: ut a●t Aristot. Polit. l. 7. c. 8. & ipsa sola custodit hominum inter se societate●: ut ait L●ctant. de ira Dei, cap. 12. Veritura Troia perdidit primum Deos. 3. As nothing is dearer to understanding, righteous, and religious Kings, than the increase and maintenance of true religion, and the enlargement of the Church of Christ throughout all their Dominions, so they have at all times employed their studies to this end; because it is an infallible maxim, even among the Politicians, that the prosperity of any Kingdom flourisheth for no longer time, than the care of religion and the prosperity of the Church is maintained by them among their people: as we see Troy was soon lost, when they lost their Palladium, so it is the truest sign of a declining and a decaying State, to see the Clergy despised, and Religion disgraced: and therefore the provision for the safety of the Church, the public enjoying of the Word of God, the form of Service, the manner of Government, and the honour and maintenance of the Clergy are all the duties of a most Christian King, which the King of Heaven hath imposed upon him for the happiness and prosperity of his Kingdom; and whosoever derive the authority of this charge, either in a blind obedience to the See of Rome, as the Jesuits do, or out of their too much zeal and affection to a new Consistory, as the late Presbyterians did, or to a Lay Parliament, as our upstart Anabaptists and Brownists do, are most unjust usurpers of the King's right, which is not only ascribed unto him and warranted by the Word of God, but is also confirmed to the Princes of this Land by several Acts of Parliament, Therefore the Tyrians ch●y●●d their gods, lest if they fled th●y should be destroyed. to have the supremacy in all causes and over all persons, as well in the Ecclesiastical as in the Civil government; which being so, they are exempted thereby from all enforcement of any domestical or foreign power, and freed from the penalties of all those Laws, both Ecclesiastical and Civil, whereunto all their Subjects, Clergy and Laity, Q. Curtius de rebus Alexand. Joh. Beda, p. 22, 23. and all inferior Persons, and the superior Nobility within their Kingdoms, are obliged by our Laws and Statutes; (as hereafter I shall more fully declare.) Therefore it behoveth all Kings (and especially our King at this time) seriously to consider, what prejudice they shall create unto themselves and their just authority, if they should yield themselves inferior to their Subjects, (aggregatiuè, or repraesentatiuè, or how you will) or liable to the penal Laws, (for so they may be soon dethroned by the unstable affection and weak judgement of discontented people) or subject to the jurisdiction of Lay Elders, and the excommunication of a tyrannous Consistory, who denounceing him, tanquam Ethnicum, Matth. 18.17. may soon add, a stranger shall not reign over thee, Deut. 17.15. and so depose him from all government. For seeing all attempts are most violent, that have their beginning and strength from zeal unto religion, be the same true or false, and from the false most of all, and those are ever the most dangerous whose ringleaders are most base, (as the servile war under Spartacus was most pernicious unto the Romans) there can be nothing of greater use, or more profitable, either for the safety of the King, How necessary it is for Kings to retain their just rights in their hands. the peace of the Church, and the quiet state of the Kingdom, then for the Prince, the King, to retain the Militia, and to keep that power and authority which the Laws of God and of our Land have granted to, and entailed upon him, in his own hands unclipped and unshaken: for when the multitude shall be unbridled, and the rights of the Kings are brandished in their hands, we shall assuredly taste, and I fear in too great a measure (as experience now showeth) of those miserable evils, which uncontrolled ignorance, furious zeal, false hypocrisy, and the merciless cruelty of the giddyheaded people, and discontented Peers shall bring upon us and our Prince. But to make it manifest unto the world, what power and authority God hath granted unto Kings, for the government of the Church, and the preservation of his true religion; we find them the worst men, at all times and in all places, that mislike their government, The Kings that maintain true religion make their Kingdoms happy. and reject their authority; and we see those Churches most happy, and those Kingdom's most flourishing, which God hath blessed with religious Kings, as the State of the Church of Judaea makes it plain, when David, Ezechias, Josias, and the other virtuous Kings restored the religion, and purified that service, which the idolatry of others their predecessors had corrupted; and we know that as Moses, * Exod. 14.31. Numb. 12.7, 8, Deut. 34.5. Josh. 1.1, 2. so Kings are called the servants of God in a more special manner then all others are: that is, not only because they serve the Lord in the government of the Common wealth, but especially because he vouchsafeth to use their service for the advancement of his Church, and the honour of his son Christ here on earth: or to distribute their duties more particularly, we know the Lord expecteth, The double service of all Christian Kings. and so requireth a double service from every Christian King. 1. The one common with all others, to serve him as they are his creatures and Christians; and therefore to serve him as all other Christians are bound to do. 2. The other proper and peculiar to them alone, to serve him as they are Kings and Princes. 1. As they are Christians. In the first respect, they are no more privileged to offend then other men; but they are tied to the same obedience of God's Laws, and are obliged to perform as many virtuous actions, and to abstain from all vices, as well as any other of their Subjects: and if they fail in either point, they shall be called to the same account, and shall be judged with the same severity as the meanest of their people: and therefore, Be wise O ye Kings, Psal. 2.10. be learned ye that are Judges of the earth; Serve the Lord in fear, and rejoice unto him with reverence; for with God there is no respect of persons, Rom. 2.11. Psal. 149.8. but if they do offend he will bind Kings in fetters, and their Nobles with links of iron: and we dare not flatter you, to give you the least liberty to neglect the strict service of the great God. In the second respect, 2. As they are Christian Kings: and that is twofold. the service of all Christian Kings and Princes hath (as I told you before) these two parts: 1. To protect the true religion, and to govern the Church of Christ. 2. To preserve peace, and to govern the Commonwealth. For 1. It is true indeed, that the Donatists of old, 1. To protect the Church. the grand fathers of our new Sectaries, were wont to say, Quid Imperatori cum Ecclesia? what have we to do with the Emperor, Aug. count. lit. petil. l. 2. or what hath the Emperor to do with the Church? but to this Optatus answereth, that, Optat. Melivet. lib. 3. Ille solito furore accensus in haec verba prorupit. Donatus out of his accustomed madness burst forth into these mad terms; Prima omnium in republs. functionum est, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Arist. l. 7. c. 8. for it is a duty that lieth upon all Princes, (because all, both Christians and Pagans, aught to be religious, as, I shown to you before) not only to be devout, but also to be the means to make all their Subjects (so fare as they can) to become devoted to God's service, as the practice of those Heathens, that had no other guide of their actions then the light of nature, doth make it plain; for Aristotle saith, Aristot. Polit. l. 3. c. 10. that Quae ad Deorum cultum pertinent, commissa sunt regibus, & magistratibus, those things that pertain unto the worship of the gods are committed to the care of Kings and civil Magistrates: and whatsoever their religion was, (as indeed it was but mere Superstition) yet because Superstition and Religion, hoc habent common, do this in common: faciant animos humiles formidine divum. Therefore to make men better, the more humble and more dutiful, the transgression thereof was deemed worthy to receive punishment among the Pagans; and that punishment was appointed by them, that had the principal authority to govern the Commonwealth; The chief● Magistrates of the Heathens had the charge of religion. as the Athenian Magistrates condemned Socrates, (though he was a man wiser than themselves, yet as they conceived very faulty) for his irreligion and derision of their adored gods: And Tiberius would set up Christ among the Roman gods (though the act added no honour unto Christ) without the authority and against the will of the Senate; to show that the care of religion belonged unto the Emperor, or chief Magistrate; and therefore as the Lord commanded the Kings of Israel to write a copy of his Law in a book, Deut. 17, 18, 19 and to take heed to all the words of that Law for to do them; that is, not only as a private person, (for so every man was not to write it) but as King, to reduce others to the obedience thereof; so the examples of the best Kings both of Israel and Juda, and of the best Christian Emperors do make this plain unto us; Josh. 24 23. for joshua caused all Israel to put away the strange gods that were among them, The care of the good Kings of the jews to preserve the true religion. and to incline their hearts unto the Lord God of Israel; Manasses, after his return from Babylon, took away the strange gods, and the Idols out of the house of the Lord, and cast them all out of the City, and repaired the Altar of the Lord, and commanded juda to serve the Lord God of Israel. And what shall I say of David, whose whole study was to further the service of God; and of jehosaphat, Asa, josias, Ezechias, and others, that were rare patterns for other Kings for the well government of God's Church? and in the time of the Gospel, Quod non tollit praecepta legis, sed perficit, which takes not away the rules of nature, nor the precepts of the Law, but rather establisheth the one & perfecteth the other; because Christ came into the world, non ut tolleret jura seculi, sed ut deleret peccata mundi, not to take away the rights of the Nations, but to satisfy for the sins of the world; the best Christian Emperors discharged the same duty, The care of the good Emperors to preserve the true religion. reform the Church, abolished Idolatry, punished Heresy, and maintained Piety: especially Constantine and Theodosius, that were most pious Princes, and of much virtues, and became as the Prophet foretold us, Esay 49.23. nursing fathers unto God's Church; for though they are most religious and best in their religion, that are religious for conscience sake; yet there is a fear from the hand of the Magistrate, that is able to restrain those men from many outward evils, whom neither conscience nor religion could make honest: therefore God committed the principal care of his Church to the Prince, and principal Magistrate. Who defended th●s truth. And this is confirmed and throughly maintained by sundry notable men, as Brentius against Asoto, Bishop Horn against Fekenham, Jewel against Harding, and many other learned men, that have written against such other Papists and Puritans, Anabaptists and Brownists, The Papists unawares confess this truth. that have taken upon them to impugn it; yea, many of the Papists themselves at unawares, do confess as much; for Osorius saith, Omne regis officium in religionis sanctissimae rationem conferendum; Osortus de relig. p. 21. & munus ejus est bear rempubls. religione & pietate: all the office of a King is to be conferred or employed for the regard and benefit of the most holy religion, and his whole duty is to bless or make happy the Commonwealth with religion and piety: Quod enim est aliud reipublicae principi munus assignatum, quàm ut rempubls. florentem atque beatam faciat? quod quidem nullo modo sine egregiâ pietatis & religionis sanctitate perficitur. For though we confess with Ignatius, that no man is equal to the Bishop in causes Ecclesiastical, no not the King himself; that is, in such things as belong to his office, as Whitaker saith; Whitak. resp. Camp. p. 302. because he only ought to see to holy things, that is, the instruction of the people, the administration of the Sacraments, the use of the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and the like, matters of great weight, and exceeding the King's authority; The King's authority over Bishops. yet Kings are above Bishops in wealth, honour, power, government, and majesty: and though they may not do any of the Episcopal duties, yet they may and ought lawfully to admonish them of their duties, and restrain them from evil, 1. Chron. 28.13. 2. Chron. 29. 1. Reg. 2.26. and command them diligently to execute their office; and if they neglect the same, they ought to reprove and punish them, as we read the good Kings of the Jewish Church, and the godly Emperors * As Martian. apud Binium, l. 2. p. 178. justinian. novil. 10. tit. 6. Theodos. jun. Evagr. l. 1. c. 12. Basil. in Concil. Constant. 8. act. 1. Binius tom. 3. p. 880. of the Christian Church have ever done; and the Bishops themselves in sundry Counsels, have acknowledged the same power and authority to be due, and of right belonging unto them: as at Mentz, anno 814. and anno 847. apud Binium, tom. 3. p. 462. & 631. At Emerita in Portugal, anno 705. Bin. tom. 2. p. 1183. and therefore it is an ill consequent, to say, Princes have no authority to preach, Ergo they have no authority to punish those that will not preach, or that do preach false Doctrine. This truth is likewise apparent, not only by the testimony of Scripture and Fathers, but also by the evidence of plain reason; because the prosperity of that Land which any King doth govern, Reason confirmeth, that Kings should take care of religion. without a principal care of religion, decayeth and degenerateth into Wars, Dearthes', Plagues and Pestilence, and abundance of other miseries, that are the lamentable effects and consequences of the neglect of religion, and contempt of the Ministers of God's Church; which I believe is no small cause of these great troubles that we now suffer; because our God, Psal. 35.27. that taketh pleasure in the prosperity of his servants, cannot endure that either his service should be neglected, or his servants abused. CHAP. VII. Sheweth the three things necessary for all Kings that would preserve true Religion; how the King may attain to the knowledge of things that pertain to Religion; by his Bishops and Chaplains, and the calling of Synods; the unlawfulness of the new Synod; the King's power and authority to govern the Church; and how both the old and new Disciplinarians and Sectaries rob the King of this power. THerefore seeing this should be the greatest care, that brings the greatest honour to a Christian Prince, to promote the true religion; it is requisite that we should consider those things that are most necessary to a Christian King, for the religious performance of this duty: And they are Three things necessary for a King to preserve the Church and true Religion. 1. A will to perform it. 2. An understanding to go about it. 3. A power to effect it. And these three must be inseparable in the Prince that maintaineth true religion. For 1. Our knowledge and our power without a willing mind doth want motion. 2. Our will and power without knowledge shall never be able to move right. And 3. Our will and knowledge without ability can never prevail to produce any effect. Therefore Kings and Princes ought to labour to be furnished with these three special graces. The first is a good will to preserve the purity of God's service, 1. A willing mind to do it. not only in his House, but also throughout all his Kingdom: and this, as all other graces are, must be acquired by our faithful prayers, and that in a more special manner for Kings and Princes then for any other; and it is wrought in them by outward instruction, and the often predication of God's Word, and the inward inspiration of God's Spirit. The second is knowledge, 2. Understanding to kn●w what is to be reform, and what to be retained. which is not much less necessary than the former; because not to run right is no better than not to run at all, and men were as good to do nothing, as to do amiss; and therefore true knowledge is most requisite for that King that will maintain true religion: and this should be not only in general, and by others, but as much as possible he can in particulars, and of himself; that himself might be assured what were fit to be reform, and what warranted to be maintained in God's service; for so Moses commandeth the chief Princes to be exercised in God's Law day and night: because this would be a special means to beatify or make happy both the Church and Commonwealth: The King's neglect of religion and the Church, is the destruction of the Commonwealth. As the neglect thereof brought ignorance unto the Church, and ruin to the Roman Empire; for as in Augustus' time learning flourished, and in Constantine's time piety was much embraced; because these Emperors were such themselves: so when the Kings, whose examples most men are apt to follow, either busied with secular affairs, or neglecting to understand the truth of things, and the state of the Church, do leave this care unto others, than others imitating their neglect, do rule all things with great corruption, and as little truth; whereby errors and blindness will overspread the Church; and pride, covetousness, and ambition will replenish the Commonwealth; and these vices, like the tares that grow up in God's field to suffocate the pure Wheat, will at last choke up all virtue and piety both in Church and State. Therefore to prevent this mischief, the King, on whom God hath laid the care of these things, ought himself (what he can) to learn and find out the true state of things: and because it is far unbefitting the honour, and inconsistent with the charge of great Princes, (whose other affairs will not permit them) to be always poring at their books, as if they were such critics, as intended to exceed all others in the theoric learning, like Archimedes, that was in his study drawing forth his Mathematical figures, when the City was sacked, and his enemies pulling down the house about his ears; How Kings may attain unto the knowledge of religion, and understand the state of the Church, and how to govern the same. therefore it is wisdom in them to imitate the discreet examples of other wise Kings, and religious Emperors, in following the means that God hath left, and using the power and authority that he hath given them, to attain unto more knowledge, and to be better instructed in any religious matter, than themselves could possibly attain unto by their own greatest study: and that is, 1. To call able Clergymen about them. 1. As Alexander had his Aristotle ready to inform him in any Philosophical doubt, and Augustus his prime Orators, Poets, and Historians to instruct him in all affairs; so God hath granted this power unto his Kings, to call those Bishops and command such Chaplains to reside about them, as shall be able to inform them in any truth of Divinity, and so direct them in the best form of government of God's Church; and these Chaplains should be well approved, both for their learning and their honesty; for to be learned without honesty, as many are, is to be witty to do evil, which is most pernicious, and doth often times make a private gain by a public loss; or an advantage to themselves by the detriment of the Church: and to be honest without knowledge, How they should be qualified. or to have knowledge without experience, especially in such places of eminency, and for the affairs of importance, may be as dangerous; when their want of skill may counsel to do matters of much hurt: but when both are met together in one person, that man is a fit Subject to do good service both to God and the King: and the King may be assured there cannot be a better furtherance to assist him for the well ordering of God's Church, than the grave advice & directions of such instruments, as it appeareth by that memorable example of King joas, (left to be remembered by all Kings) who, whilst the wise and religious Priest Jehoiada assisted and directed him, had all things successful and happy to his whole Kingdom; but after Jehoiadas death, 2. Reg. 12.1. the King destitute of such a Chaplain to attend, and such a Priest to counsel him, all things came speedily to great ruin. Therefore I dare boldly avouch it, they are enemies unto Kings, and the underminers of God's Church, and such instruments as I am not able to express their wickedness, that would exclude such Jehoiadas from the King's counsel; for was not Saul a wicked King, and Ahab little better? yet Saul would have Samuel to direct him, though he followed not his direction; and Ahab would ask counsel of Micaiah, though he rejected the same to his own destruction: and King David, 1. Reg. 22.16. though never so wise and so great a Prophet, and Josias, and Ezechias, and all the rest of the good Kings, had always the Priests and the men of God to be their Counsellors, and followed their directions, especially in Church causes, as the oracles of God: Mar. 6.20. so wicked Herod disdained not to hear John the Baptist, and to be reform by him in many things; and happy had he been had he done it in all things. And if you read Eusebius (which is called Pamphilus, for the great love he bore to that his noble Patron) and Socrates, and the rest of the Ecclesiastical Historians, or the Histories of our own Land, you shall find that the best Kings and greatest Emperors had the best Divines, and the most reverend Bishops to be their chiefest Counsellors, and to be employed by them in their weightiest affairs. How then hath the Devil now prevailed to exclude them from all Counsels, and as much as in him lieth, from the sight of Princes, when he makes it a suspicion of much evil if they do but talk together? How hath he bewitched the Nobility to yield to be deprived of their Chaplains? Is it not to keep them (that have not time to study, and to find out truth themselves) still in the ignorance of things; and to none other end, then to overthrow the true religion, and to bring Kings and Princes to confusion? 2. When the King seethe cause, 2. To call Synods to discuss and conclude the harder things. God hath given him power and authority to call Synods and Counsels, and to assemble the best men, the most moderate and most learned, to determine of those things together, which a fewer number could not so well, or at least not so authoritatively conclude upon: for so Constantine the Great called the great Council of Nice, to suppress the Heresy of Arius. Theodosius called the Council of Ephesus in the case of Nestorius: Valentinian and Martian called the Council of Chalcedon against Eutyches: Justinian called the Council of Constantinople against Severus, that renewed the Heresy of Eutyches: Constantine the Fifth called the sixth Synod against the Monothelites; and so did many others in the like cases: God having fully granted this right and authority unto them, for their better information in any point of religion, and the government of the Church. And therefore they that deny this power unto Kings, or assume this authority unto themselves, whether Popes or Parliament, out of the King's hand, they may as well take his eyes out of his head; because this is one of the best helps that God hath left unto Kings, to assist and direct them in the chiefest part of their royal government: The unparallelled presumption of the Faction to call a Synod without the King. how presumptuous then and injurious unto our King, and prejudicial to the Church of Christ, was the faction of this Parliament, without the King's leave, and contrary to his command, to undertake the nomination of such a pack of Schismatical Divines for such a Synod, as might finally determine such points of faith and discipline, as themselves best liked of, let all the Christian world, that as yet never saw the like precedent, be the Judge; and tell us what shall be the religion of that Church, where the Devil shall have the power to prompt worldlings to nominate his prime Chaplains, Socinians, Brownists, Anabaptists, and the refuse of all the refractory Clergy, The quality of the Synod call men. (that seem learned in nothing but in the contradiction of learning, and justifying Rebellion against their King and the Church) to compose the Articles of our faith, and to frame a new government of our Church? I am even ashamed that so glorious a Kingdom should ever breed so base a Faction, that durst ever presume to be so audacious; and I am sorry that I should be so unhappy to live to see such an unparallelled boldness in any Clergy, that the like cannot be found in any Ecclesiastical History, from the first birth of Christ's Church to this very day, unless our Sectaries can produce it from some of the Utopian Kingdoms, that are so fare Southward In terra Incognita, beyond the Torrid Zone, that we (whose zeal is not so fiery, but are of the colder spirits) could not yet perfectly learn the true method of their anarchical government: or if our Lawyers can show us the like precedent that ever Parliament called a Synod contrary to the King's Proclamation, I shall rest beholding to them, produce it if they can. credat Judaeus apella; non ego. The third thing requisite to a King for the preservation of true religion, and the government of God's Church, 3: An authority and power to guide the Church, and to uphold the true religion. is power and authority to defend it; for though the Prince should be never so religious, never so desirous to defend the faith, and never so well able in his understanding, & so well furnished with knowledge to set down what Service and Ceremonies should be used; yet if he hath not power and ability, which do arise from his right and just authority to do it, and to put the same in execution, all the rest are but fruitless embryoes, like those potentials, that are never reduced into actions; Psal. 129.6. or like the grass upon the house top, that withereth before it be plucked up. But to let you see, that Kings and Princes should have this power and authority in all Ecclesiastical causes, and over all Ecclesiastical persons, we find that all Ages and all Laws have warranted them to do the same; 1. Reg. 2.27. & 35. Jerem. 26. for Solomon displaced Abiathar, and placed Zadoc in his room; Jeremy's case was heard by the King of Israel; Theodosius and Valentinian made a Decree, that all those should be deposed, which were infected with the impiety of Nestorius; How all Kings and Emperors exercised this power over the Church. and Justinian deposed Sylverius and Vigilius: and many other Kings and Emperors did the like; and not only the Law of God, whereof the King is the prime keeper, and the keeper of both Tables, but also the Statutes of our Land do give unto our King the nomination of Bishops, and some other elective dignities in the Church, the custody of the Bishop's Temporalties during the vacation, the Patronage Paramount, or right to present by the last lapse; and many other furtherances and preservatives of religion are in terminis terminantibus, deputed by our Laws unto the King; and for his care and charge thereof, they have settled upon him our first fruits, Tenths, Subsidies, and all other contributions of the Ecclesiastical persons, which the Pope received while he usurped the government of this Church; these things being due to him that had the supreme power for the government. And therefore seeing the examples of all good Kings in the Old Testament, and of the Christian Kings and Emperors in the New Testament, and all Laws both of God and man, (excepting those Laws of the Pontificials, that are made against the Law of God,) and all Divines, excepting the jesuites and their sworn Brethren the Presbyterians, do most justly ascribe this right and power unto Kings; Cass●● de ●●ca●●, l. 1. ●. ●. I may truly say with Cassianus, that there is no place of audience left for them, by whom obedience is not yielded to that which all have agreed upon; nor any excuse for those Subjects that assist not their Sovereign to enable him to discharge this great charge that is laid upon him. What then shall we say to them that pull this power, and tear this prerogative out of the King's hand, and place it in the hands of mad men, P●l. 65.7. How th● Disciplir. 〈◊〉 the King of this right. as the Prophet epithets the madness of the people? for that furious Knox belcheth forth this unsavoury Doctrine, That the Commonalty may lawfully require of their King to have true Preachers; and if he be negligent, they themselves may justly provide them, Knox to the Commonalty, fol. 49, 50, 5●. maintain them, defend them against all that oppose them, and detain the profits of the Church Live from the other sort of Ministers; a point fully practised by the English Scotizers of these days: and as if this Doctrine were not seditious enough, and abundantly sufficient to move Rebellion, Goodman publisheth that horrible tenet unto the world, that it is lawful to kill wicked Kings: which most dangerous and more damnable Doctrine, Deane Whittingham affirmeth to be the tenet of the best and most learned of them that were our Disciplinarians. What true religion teacheth us. But when as true religion doth command us to obey our Kings, whatsoever their religion is, aut agendo, aut patiendo, either in suffering with patience whatsoever they do impose, or in doing with obedience whatsoever they do command, Religion can be no warrant for those actions, which must remain as the everlasting blemishes of that religion, which either commanded or approved of their doing; I am sure all wise men will detest these Doctrines of Devils; and seeing it is an infallible rule, that good deserveth then to be accounted evil, when it ceaseth to be well done, it is apparent that it is no more lawful for private and inferior persons to usurp the Prince's power, and violently to remove Idolatry, or to cause any reformation, than it is for the Church of Rome by invasion or treason, to establish the Doctrine of that See in this or any other foreign Kingdom; because both are performed by the like usurped authority. Yet these were the opinions and practices of former times, The old Disciplinarians. when Buchanan, Knox, Cartwright, Goodman, Gilby, Penry, Fenner, Martin, Travers, Throgmorton, Philips, nichols, and the rest of those introducers of Outlandish and Genevian Discipline, first broached these uncouth and unsufferable tenets in our Land, in the Realm of England and Scotland; and truly if their opinions had not dispersed themselves, like poison, throughout all the veins of this Kingdom, and infected many of our Nobility, and as many of the greatest Cities of this Kingdom, (as it appeareth by this late unparall●'d rebellion) these and the rest of the traitorous authors of those unsavoury books, which they published, and those damnable tenets which they most ignorantly held, and maliciously taught unto the people, should have slept in silence; their hallowed and sanctified Treason should have remained untouched, and their memorial should have perished with them. But seeing, as Saint chrysostom saith of the Heretics of his time, that although in age they were younger, yet in malice they were equal to the ancient Heretics; and as the brood of Serpents, though they are of less stature, Our rebellious Sectaries fare worse than all the former Disciplinarians. yet in their poison no less dangerous than their dams; so no more have our new Sectaries, our upstart Anabaptists, any less wickedness than their first begetters; nay, we find it true, that as the Poet saith, Aetas parentum pejor avis Tulit nos nequiores.— These young cubbes prove worse than the old foxes; for if you compare the whelps with the wolves, our latter schismatics with their former Masters, I doubt not but you shall find less learning and more villainy, less honesty and more subtlety, hypocrisy and treachery in Doctor Burges, Master Martial, ●●se, Goodwin, Burrowes, Calamy, Perne, Hill, Cheynell, and the rest of our giddyheaded Incendiaries, then can be found in all the seditious Pamphlets of the former Disciplinarians, or of them that were hanged (as Penry) for their treasons: for these men do not only (as Sidonius saith of the like) apertè invidere, 〈…〉 ●p●s●. abjectè fingere, & serviliter superbiro, openly envy the state of the Bishops, basely forge lies against them, and servilely swell with the pride of their own conceited sanctity and app●●●ut ignorance; but they have also most impudently (even 〈◊〉 their Pulpits) slandered the footsteps of Gods Anointed, and to brought the abomination of their transgression to stand in the holy place; they have with Achan troubled Israel, and tormented the whole Land; yea, these three Kingdoms, England, Scotland, and Ireland; and for inciting, provoking, and encouraging simple, ignorant, poor, discontented and seditious Sectaries, For which their intolerable villainies, if I be not deceived in my judgement, they of all others, and above all the Rebels in the Kingdom, deserve the greatest and severest punishment; God of Heaven give them the grace to repent. to be Rebels and Traitors against their own most gracious King; they have not only with Jerusalem justified Samaria, Sodom and Gomorrah, but they have justified all the Samaritans, all the Sodomites, all the Schismatics, Heretics, Rebels, and Traitors, Papists and Atheists, and all that went before them, judas himself in many circumstances not excepted; and that which makes their do the more evil, and the more exceedingly wicked, is, that they make religion to be the warrant for their evil do, the packhorse to carry, and the cloak to cover all their treacheries: and thereby they drew the greater multitudes of poor Zelots to be their followers. And therefore seeing it is not only the honour, but also the duty, as of all other Kings, so likewise of our King, to be as the Princes of our Land are justly styled, the Defenders of the Faith; and that not only in regard of enemies abroad, but also in respect of those fare worse enemies, which desire alteration at home, it behoves the King to look to these homebred enemies of the Church; and seeing the King, though never so willing for his piety and religion, What Gods faithful servants, and the King's loyal Subjects must do in these times. 1. To justify the King's right. never so able for his knowledge and understanding, yet without strength and power to effect what he desires, cannot defend the faith, and maintain the true religion, from the violence of Sectaries and Traitors within his Kingdom; it behoves us all to do these two things. 1. To justify the King's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his authority and right to be the supreme governor and defender of the Church, and of God's true religion and service, both in respect of Doctrine and Discipline; and that none else, Pope or Parliament, hath any power at all herein, but what they have derivatively from him: which I hope we have sufficiently proved. 2. 2 To assist Him against the Rebels. To submit ourselves unto our King and to add our strength, force, and power to enable his power to discharge this duty against all the Innovators of our religion, and the enemies of our peace, for the honour of God, and the happiness of this Church and Commonwealth: for that power which is called the King's power, and is granted and given to him of God, is not only that heroic virtue of fortitude, which God planteth in the hearts of most noble Princes, (as he hath most graciously done it in abundant measure in our most gracious King) but it is the collected and united power and strength of all his Subjects, which the Lord hath commanded us to join and submit it for the assistance of the King's power, against all those that shall oppose it; and if we refuse or neglect the same, then questionless whatsoever mischief, idolatry, barbarity, or superstition shall take root in the Church, and whatsoever oppression and wickedness shall impair the Commonwealth, Heaven will free His Majesty, and the wrath of God, in no small measure, must undoubtedly light upon us and our posterity; even as Deborah saith of them, that refused to assist Barac against his enemies, Curse ye Meroz, Judg. 5.23. curse bitterly the Inhabitants thereof, because they came not forth to help the Lord against the mighty. CHAP. VIII. Sheweth it is the right of Kings to make Ecclesiastical Laws and Canons, proved by many authorities and examples; that the good Kings and Emperors made such Laws by the advice of their Bishops and Clergy, and not of their Lay Counsellors; how our late Canons came to be annulled; that it is the King's right to admit his Bishops and Prelates to be of his Council, and to delegate secular authority, or civil jurisdiction unto them; proved by the examples of the Heathens, Jews, and Christians. OUt of all this that hath been spoken, it is more than manifest, that the King ought to have the supreme power over God's Church, and the government thereof, and the greatest care to preserve true religion throughout all his Dominions: this is his duty, and this is his honour, that God hath committed not a people, but his people, and the members of his Son under his charge. For the performance of which charge, it is requisite for us to know, that God hath granted unto him, among other rights, Two special rights and prerogatives of the King, for the government of the Church. these two special prerogatives. 1. That he may and aught to make Laws, Orders, Canons, and Decrees, for the well governing of God's Church. 2. That he may, when he seethe cause, lawfully and justly grant tolerations and dispensations of his own Laws and Decrees, as he pleaseth. For 1. To make Laws and Canons. 1. Not only Solomon and Jehosaphat gave commandment, and prescribed unto the chief Priests and Levites, what form and order they should observe in their Ecclesiastical causes, and method of serving God; but also Constantine, Theodosius, Justinian, and all the Christian Emperors that were careful of God's service did the like; and therefore, when the Donatists alleged, that secular Princes had nothing to do to meddle in matters of religion, and in causes Ecclesiastical, S. Augustine in his second Epistle against Gaudentius, saith, Aug. l. 2. c. 26 I have already proved that it appertained to the King's charge, that the Ninivites should pacify God's wrath; and therefore the Kings that are of Christ's Church do judge most truly, that it belongeth to their charge, to see that men rebel not without punishment against the same; Idem ep. 48. & ep. 50. and Bonifa●. because God doth inspire it into the minds of Kings, that they should procure the Commandments of the Lord to be performed in all their Kingdoms; for they are commanded to serve the Lord in fear; and how do they serve the Lord as Kings, but in making Laws for Christ? as man he serveth him by living faithfully, So they are called the King's Ecclesiastical Laws. but as King he serveth him in making Laws that shall command just things, and forbidden the contrary, which they could not do if they were not Kings: And by the example of the King of Ninive, Darius, Nabuchadnezzar, and others, which were but figures and prophesies that fore-shewed the power, duty, and service that Christian Kings should owe and perform in like sort to the furtherance of Christ's religion, in the time of the New Testament, when all Kings shall fall down and worship Christ, Psal. 72.11. and all Nations shall do him service, he proveth, Aug. count. lit. Petil. l. 2. c. 92. that the Christian Kings and Princes should make Laws and Decrees for the furtherance of God's service, Idem in l. de 12 abus. grad. grad. 2. even as Nabuchadnezzar had done in his time. And upon the words of the Apostle, that the King beareth not the sword in vain, he proveth against Petilian, that the power and authority of the Princes, which the Apostle treateth of in that place, is given unto them, to make sharp penal Laws to further true religion, and to suppress all Heresies and Schisms. And so accordingly we find the good Emperors and Kings have ever done; The good Emperors have made Laws for the government of the Church. for Constantine caused the idolatrous religions to be suppressed, and the true knowledge of Christ to be preached and planted amongst his people, and made many wholesome Laws and godly Constitutions, to restrain the sacrificing unto Idols, and all other devilish and superstitious south-saying, and to cause the true service of God to be rightly administered in every place, saith Eusebius. Euseb. in vita Const. l. 2. & 3. And in another place he saith, that the same Constantine gave injunctions to the chief Ministers of the Churches, that they should make special supplication to God for him; and he enjoined all his Subjects that they should keep holy certain days dedicated to Christ, and the Sabbath or Saturday (which was then wont to be kept holy, and as yet not abrogated by any Law among the Christians;) he gave a Law to the Ruler of every Nation, that they should celebrate the Sunday, Idem de vita Constant. l. 1. & 3. & 4. c. 18. or the Lord's day in like sort; and so for the days that were dedicated to the memory of the Martyrs, and other festival times; and all such things were done according to the ordinance of the Emperor. Niceph. in prafation. Eccles. hist. Nicephorus writing of the excellent virtues of Andronicus, son to Immanuel Palaeologus, and comparing him to Constantine the Great, saith, thou hast restored the Catholic Church, being troubled with new opinions, to the old State, thou hast banished all unlawful and impure doctrine, thou hast established the truth, and hast made Laws and Constitutions for the same. Sozomenus l. 3. c. 17. Sozomen speaking of Constantine's sons, saith, the Princes also concurred to the increase of these things, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, showing their good affections to the Churches, no less than their father did, and honouring the Clergy their servants with singular promotions and immunities, both confirming their father's Laws, and making also new Laws of their own, against such as went about to sacrifice and to worship Idols, or by any other means fell to the Greekish or Heathenish superstitions. Theodoret tells us, that Valentinian at the Synod in Illirico, did not only confirm the true faith by his royal assent, but made also many godly and sharp Laws, as well for the maintenance of the truth of Christ his doctrine, as also touching many other causes Ecclesiastical, Theodor. l. 4. c. 5, 6, & 7. and, as ratifying those things that were done by the Bishops, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he sent abroad to them that doubted thereof. Distinct. 79. 〈◊〉 d●●. Honorius at the request of Boniface the first, made a Law, whereby it might appear what was to be done, when two Popes were chosen at once by the indiscretion of the Electors. Martianus also made a Statute, to cut off and put away all manner of contention about the true faith and religion in the Council of Chalcedon. The Emperor Justinus made a Law, that the Churches of Heretics should be consecrated to the Catholic religion, saith Martinus Poenitentiarius. And who knows not of the many Laws and Decrees that justinian made in Ecclesiastical causes for the furtherance of the true religion? for in the beginning of the Constitutions collected in the Code of justinian, the first 13 titles are all filled with Laws for to rule the Church; where it forbiddeth the Bishops to reiterate baptism, L. 1. tit. 5. L. 1. tit. 7. Novel. 123. c. 10. Novel. 58. Novel. 137 c. 6. to paint or grave on earth the Image of our Saviour. And in the Novels the Emperor ordaineth Laws, of the creation and consecration of Bishops; that Synods shall be annually held; that the holy mysteries should not be celebrated in private houses; that the Bishops should speak aloud when they celebrate the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist; and that the holy Bible should be translated into the vulgar tongue, and the like. And not only these and the rest of the godly Emperors that succeeded them, but also Ariamirus, Wambanus, Richaredus, and divers other Kings of Spain did in like manner: And Charlemagne, who approved not the decisions of the Greekish Synod, wrote a book against the same * Entitled, A Treatise of Charlemaigne against the Greekish Synod touching Images. , whereby the King maintained himself in possession, to make Laws for the Church (saith johannes Beda) of which Laws there are many in a book, called The capitulary Decrees of Charles the Great; who as Pepin his predecessor had done in the City of Bourges, so did he also assemble many Counsels in divers places of his Kingdoms, as at Mayens, at Tours, at Reins, at Chaalons, at Arles, and the sixth, most famous of all, at Francfort, where himself was present in person, and condemned the error of Felician; and so other Kings of France, and the Kings of our own Kingdom of England, both before and after the Conquest, (as Master Fox plentifully recordeth) did make many Laws and Constitutions for the government of God's Church. But as Dioclesian, The saying of Dioclesian. that was neither the best nor the happiest governor, said most truly of the civil government, that there was nothing harder than to rule well * That is, to rule the Commonwealth. , so it is much harder to govern the Church of Christ; therefore as there cannot be an argument of greater wisdom in a Prince, nor any thing of greater safety and felicity to the Commonwealth, then for him to make choice of a wise Council to assist him in his most weighty affairs, Tacitus Annal. lib. 12. saith Cornelius Tacitus: So all religious Kings must do the like in the government of the Church, and the making of their Laws for that government; for God, out of his great mercy to them, and no less desire to have his people religiously governed, left such men to be their supporters, their helpers and advicers in the performance of these duties: and I pray you whom did Kings choose for this business, but whom God had ordained for that purpose? for you may observe, that although those Christian Kings and Emperors made their Laws, as having the supremacy and the chiefest care of God's religion committed by God into their hands; yet they did never make them, that ever I could read, with the advice, counsel, or direction of any of their Peers, or Lay Subjects; but, as David had Nathan and Gad, The good Kings and Emperors made their Laws for the government of the Church, only by the advice of their Clergy. Nabuchadnezzar had Daniel, and the rest of the Jewish Kings and Heathens had their Prophets only and Priests to direct them in all matters of religion; so those Christian Kings and Princes took their Bishops and their Clergy only to be their counsellors and directors in all Church causes, as it appeareth out of all the forecited Authors, and all the Histories that do write thereof: and Justinian published this Law, that when any Ecclesiastical cause or matter was moved, his Lay officers should not intermeddle with it, A good Law of justinian. but should suffer the Bishops to end the same according to the Canons: the words are, Si Ecclesiasticum negotium sit, nullam communionem habento civiles magistratus cum ea disceptatione, Constit. 123. sed religiosissimi Episcopi secundum sacros canones negotio finem imponunto. For the good Emperors knew full well that the Lay Senate neither understood what to determine in the points of faith, and the government of Christ's Church, nor was ever willing to do any great good, or any special favour unto the Shepherds of Christ's flock, and the teachers of the true religion; because the Son of God had foretell it, that the world should hate us, John. 15.19. that secular men and Lay Senators should commonly oppose, cross, and show all the spite they can unto the Clergy, of whom our Saviour saith, Matth. 10.16. Behold I send you forth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as sheep in the midst of wolves. Whence this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, great distance between their dispositions being observed, it grew into a Proverb, that Laici semper infesti sunt Clericis. How the Laity love the Clergy. And Doctor Meriton in a Sermon before King James, observed this as one of the good favours the Clergy of England found from our Parliaments since the reformation, (when many men first began to be translated from the seat of the scornful to sit in Moses chair, A very memorable act. Anno 39 Eliz. cap. 4. and to prescribe Laws for Christ his Spouse) to make an Act, that all wandering beggars after their correction by the Constable, should be brought to the Minister of the Parish, to have their names registered in a book, (and the Constable used to give to the Minister 2d for his pains for every one so registered) but if he refused or neglected to do it, the Statute saith he should be punished 5▪ for every one that should be so omitted; where, besides the honourable office, I will not say to make the Minister of Christ a Beadle of the beggars, but a Register of the vagrants; you see the punishment of one neglect amounteth to the reward of thirty labours: therefore all the Christian Emperors and the wisest Kings, considering this great charge that God had laid upon them, to make wholesome Laws and Constitutions for the government of his Church, and seeing the inclinations of the Laity, would never permit any of these Lay Elders, and the Citizens of the world, to usurp this authority, to be the composers, contrivers, or assistants in concluding of any Ecclesiastical Law, That the Laity should have no interest in making Laws for the Church. until the fences of God's vineyard were pulled down, and the wild Boar out of the forest, the audacious presumption of the unruly Commonalty ventured either to govern the Church, or to subdue their Prince; since which encroachment upon the rights of Kings, it hath never succeeded well with the Church of Christ; and I dare boldly say it, & fidenter quia fideliter, and the more boldly because most truly: the more authority they shall gain herein, the less glory shall Christ have from the service of his Church; and therefore Be wise o ye Kings. And consider how any new Canons are to be made by our Statute, 25. Hen. 8. Ob. Ob. But than it may be demanded, if this be so, that the Laity hath no right in making Laws and Decrees for the government of God's Church, but that it belongs wholly unto the King to do it, with the advice of his Bishops and the rest of his Clergy; then how came the Parliament to annul those Canons that were so made by the King and Clergy, because they had no vote nor consent in confirming of them? Sol. Sol. Truly I cannot answer to this Objection, unless I should tell you what the Poet saith, Dum furor in cursu, currenti cede furori, Difficiles aditus impetus omnis habet. They were furiously bend against them; and you know, furor arma ministrat: & dumb regnant arma silent leges, all Laws must sleep while Arms prevail: Besides, you may find those Canons, as if they had been prophetically made, foresaw the increasing strength of Anabaptism, Brownism, Puritanisme, most likely to subvert true Protestanisme, and therefore were as equally directed against these Sectaries of the left hand, as against the Papists on the right hand; and I think the whole Kingdom now finds and feels the strength of that virulent Faction; and therefore what wonder that they should seek to break all those Canons to pieces, and batter them down with their mighty Ordinances, for seeking to subdue their invincible errors; or else, because (as they say) the Ecclesiastical State is not an independent society, but a member of the whole the Parliament was not so to be excluded, as that their advice and approbation should not be required, to make them obligatory to the rest of the Subjects of the whole Kingdom, which claim this privilege, to be tied to the observation of no humane Laws, that themselves by their representatives have not consented unto. 2. To grant dispensations of his own Laws. 2. As the King is entrusted by God to make Laws for the government of the Church of Christ, so it is a rule without question, that ejus est dispensare & absolvere, cujus est condere; he hath the like power to dispense with whom he pleaseth, and to absolve him that transgresseth, as he hath to oblige them: therefore our Church being for reformation the most famous throughout all the parts of the Christian world, and our King having so just an authority to do the same, it is a most impudent scandal, full of all malice and ignorance, not to be endured by any well-affected Christian, that the new brood of the old Anabaptists do lay upon our Church and State, that they did very unreasonably and unconscionably by their Laws grant Dispensations both for Pluralities and Nonresidency, The scandal of the malicious ignorants against the worthier Clergy. only to further the corrupt desires of some few, to the infinite wrong of the whole Clergy, besides the hazard of many thousands of souls, the intolerable dishonour of God's truth, and the exceeding disadvantage of Christ his Church: for, seeing God hath principally committed, and primarily commanded the care of his Church and Service unto Kings, who are therefore to make Laws and Orders for the well governing of the same, I shall make it most evident, that they may, as they have ever done, most lawfully and more beneficially, both for God's Church, and also for the Commonwealth, do these three things. 1. Three special points handled. To grant that grace and favour unto their Bishops and other Ecclesiastical persons, as to admit them of their counsel, and to undertake secular authority and civil jurisdiction. 2. To allow dispensations of Pluralities and Nonresidency, which they may most justly and most wisely do, without any transgression of the Law of God. 3. To give tolerations (where they see cause) of many things prohibited by their Law, to dispense with the transgressions, and to remit the fault of the transgressors. For 1. Though the world relapsed from the true light, 1. Point. and declined from the sincere religion to most detestable superstition; yet there remained in the people certain impressions of the divine truth, that there was a God, The great respect of the Clergy in former ages. and that this God was religiously to be worshipped; and those men that taught the worship of that God, how foully soever they did mistake it, Sarawa, l. 2. c. 2. p. 103. were had in singular account and supereminent authority among all Nations: and as Saravia saith, 1. Among the Gentiles. they were compeers with Kings in their government, so that nothing was done without their counsel and consent; and as Theseus was the first that Cives Atticos è pagis in urbem compulit, Osor. p. 231. and put the difference betwixt Nobles, De tota Syria & Palestina refert Dion. l. 37. quòd rex summi Pontificis nomen habeat. Husbandmen, and Artificers; so the Priests were always selected out of the noblest families, and were ever in all their public counsels, as the Divines sat among the Athenians, and the Soothsayers sat with the King among the Lacedæmonians in all their weightiest consultations: And Strabo tells us, Strabo lib. 12. that the Priests of Bellona, which were in Pontus and Cappadocia, Apud Tertul. advers. Valent. Hermetem legimus appellar● & Max. sacerdotem, & maximum regem. (for that Goddess was honoured in both places) were regarded with the greatest honour next to the King himself: and the Romans that were both wealthy, warlike, and wise, did almost nothing without the advice and counsel of their Priests. I will omit what Valerius Maximus setteth down of their care of religion, and their great respect unto their Priests and religious persons; and I will refer you only to what Tully writeth of this point, Cicero l. 2. de legibus. Diotogenes apud Stob. dicit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aethiops reges suos deligebant ex numero sacerdotum. Diodor. l. 3. c 1. Tòtus Vespas. Pontificatum maximum ideo sese professus est accipere, ut puras servaret manus. Sueton. in Tito. c. 9 In Aritia regnum erat concretum cum sacerdotio Diana. ut innuit Ovid. Ecce suburbana templum nemorale Dianae, Partaque per gladios regna nocente manu. De arte amandi, lib. 1. & Strabo l. 5. where he saith, that the greatest and the worthiest thing in their Commonwealth was the privilege and pre-eminence of the Divines, which was joined with the greatest authority; for they dismissed the companies and the Counsels of the chiefest Empires and the greatest Potentates, when they were proposed; they restrained them when they were concluded; they ceased from the affairs which they had in hand, if but one Divine did say the contrary: they appointed that the Consuls should depose themselves from their Magistracy; & it was in their entire power, either to give leave or not to give leave, to deal with the people, or not to deal; to repeal Laws not lawfully made, and to suffer nothing to be done by the Magistrate in peace or war without their leave or authority: this was their Law; (though I believe it was not always observed by their proud Consuls, and unruly Magistrates.) Cicero de nat. deorum, l. 2. In like manner Caesar writeth of the Gauls and Britons, that they had two sorts of men in singular honour; the one was their Druids or Divines, the other was their Soldiers or men of war; and he faith, that their Druids determined of all controversies (in a manner) both private and public; and if there were any crime committed, any murder attempted, if any controversy about inheritance, or the bounds of lands did arise, they also did set down their Decree, and appointed the penalty: and whosoever rejected their order, or refused their judgement, they excommunicated him from all society, and he was then deemed of all men as an ungodly and a most graceless person. Thus did they, that had but the twilight of corrupted nature to direct them, judge those that were most conversant with the mind and will of the gods, to be the fittest Counsellors and Judges of the actions of men: and I fear these children of nature will rise in judgement, to condemn many of them that profess themselves to be the sons of grace, for coming so short of them in this point. 2. The Jews also which received the oracles of God, 2. Among the jews. were enjoined by God to yield unto their Priests the dispensation both of divine and humane Laws; and the Lord enacted it by an irrevocable Law, that the judgement of the High Priest should be observed as sacred and inviolable in all controversies: and if any man refused to submit himself unto it, Deut. 17. his death must make recompense for his contumacy. And josephus saith, Si judices nesciunt de rebus ad se delatis pronunciare, integram causam in urbem sanctam mittent, & convenientes Pontifex & Propheta & Senatus, quod visum sit pronuncient: joseph. contra App. lib 2. and in his second book against Appian he saith, Sacerdotes inspectores omnium, judices controversiarum, punitores damnatorum constituti sunt à Moyse: the Priests were appointed by Moses to be the lookers into all things, the judges of controversies, and the punishers of the condemned. And they were of that high esteem among the jews, that the royal blood disdained not to match in marriages with the Priests, as jehojada married the daughter of King jehoram, 2. Chron. 22 11 and in the vacancy of Kings they had all the affairs of the Kingdom in their administration; and when they became tributaries unto the Romans after Aristobulus, the royal government was often annexed to the Priesthood: and S. Paul argueth from hence, 2. Cor. 3.7, 8, 9 that if the administration of death was glorious, how shall not the ministration of the spirit be rather glorious? for if the ministration of condemnation be glory, much more doth the ministration of righteousness exceed in glory; or otherwise it were very strange, that the Ministers of the Gospel should be deemed more base and contemptible, because their calling is fare more glorious and excellent; yea, so excellent, Esay 52.7. that to all good Christians the Prophet demandeth, quàm speciosi pedes eorum? Priests employed in secular affairs. And for the discharging of secular employments, we have not only the example of the Priests and Prophets of the Old Testament, 1. Among the Jews. Psal. 99.6. but we have also the testimony and the practice of many godly Bishops and Fathers of the Church of Christ, under the New Testament, to justify this truth. For Priests & Prophets among the Jews exercised secular jurisdiction. 1. Not only Moses and Aaron that were both the Priests of the most high God, and the chief Judges in all secular causes, but also Joseph had his jurisdiction over the Egyptians, Daniel had his lieutenancy over the Babylonians, and Nehemias' was a great Courtier among the Persians: and yet these secular employments were no hindrance to them in the divine worship and service of God. So Ely and Samuel both, were both judges and Priests together: and the most religious Princes, David, Solomon, jehosaphat, and others, used the Priests and Levites at their command in the civil government of their Dominions; for when David caused all the Levites to be numbered from 30 years old and upward, and that they were found to be 38 thousand; he appointed 24 thousand of them to be overseers of the works for the house of the Lord, and he ordained the other six thousand to be judges and Rulers in all Israel; 2. Chron. 23.4. and so did jehosaphat likewise * 2. Chron. 19.11. The place explained. ; for though the last verse of the said chapter seems to put a difference betwixt the Civil matters and the Ecclesiastical affairs; yet it is rightly answered by Saravia, that this error riseth from a misconceived opinion of their government, as if it were the same with the government of some of our reformed Churches, which was nothing less; for if you compare this place with the 26. chap. of the 1. Chron. vers. the 29, Sigonius legit, super opera ●●●a ad regis officia pertinent. l. 6. p. 315. 30, and 32. you may easily find, that the King's service, or the affairs of the King, doth not signify the civil matters, or the politic affairs of the Kingdom, over which Amarias here, and Hashabia and his brethren there (1. Chron. 26.30.) were appointed the chief Rulers; 1. Sam. c. 8. but it signifieth those things which pertained to the King's right, betwixt him and his subjects, (as those things that were described by Samuel, and were retained, and perhaps augmented, either by the consent of the people, or the encroachment of the succeeding Kings, as the special rights of the Kings) over which Zebadias' the son of Ishmael was appointed by jehosaphat to be the Ruler; and the business of the Lord is fully set down, vers. 10. to be not only the Church affairs, but all the affairs of the Kingdom, between blood and blood, Vers. 10. between Law and Commandment, Statutes and judgements, over which the Priests and Levites were appointed the ordinary Judges, and the Interpreters of the Law, as well Civil as Ecclesiastical; for the Lord saith plainly, Ezech 44.23. Vide locum. Sigon. ait; & circa judicium sanguinis ipse insistent. that every question and controversy shall be determined according to the censure of the Priests; which certainly he would never have so prescribed, nor these holy men have thus executed them, if these two functions had been so averse and contrary the one to the other, that they could never be exercised together by the same man. 2. In the Primitive times under the Gospel, Salmeron saith, 2. In the Primitive Church. Salmer. tract. 18. in parabol. hominis divitis. lo. 16. num. 1. that in the time of S. Augustine, as himself teacheth, Episcopi litibus Christianorum vacare solebant, the Bishops had so much leisure, that they were wont to judge of the quarrels of Christians; yet they did not so spend their time in judging their contentions, that they neglected their Preaching and Episcopal function: and now that they do judge in civil causes, consuetudine Ecclesiae introductum est, ut peceata caverentur. And Bellarmine saith, Non pugnat cum verbo Dei, Bellar. de Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 9 ut unus homo sit Princeps Ecclesiasticus & politicus simul; it is not against the Word of God, that the same man should be an Ecclesiastical and a Secular Prince together, when as the same man may both govern his Episcopacy and his Principality. And therefore we read of divers men that were both the Princes and the Bishops of the same Cities: as the Archbishop of Collen, Ments, Theod. l. 2. c. 30. Triers, and other Germane Princes, Henr. of Huntingdon, Hist. Angl. that are both Ecclesiastical Pastors, and great secular Princes. And Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury was for a long while Viceroy of this Kingdom: And so Leo 9 Julius' 2. Philip, Archbishop of York. Adelboldus. Innocent 2. Collenutius and Blondus, and many others, famous and most worthy Bishops, both of this Island and of other Kingdoms, have undertaken and exercised both the Functions. And Saint Paul recommendeth secular businesses and judgements unto the Pastors of the Church, Aug. tom. 3. de operib. Monach. c. 29. as S. Augustine testifieth at large; where he saith, I call the Lord jesus a witness to my soul, that for so much as concerneth my commodity, I had rather work every day with my hands, and to reserve the other hours' free to read, pray, and exercise myself in Scriptures, then to sustain the tumultuous perplexities of other men's causes in determining secular controversies by judgement, or taking them up by arbitrement; to which troubles the Apostle hath appointed us, not of his own will, but of his that spoke in him. And as this excellent Father, that wrote so many worthy volumes, did notwithstanding employ no small part of his time in these troublesome affairs, so S. Ambrose twice undertook an honourable Embassy for Valentinian the Emperor unto the Tyrant Maximus. Socrat. Eccl. hist. lib. 7. And Marutha Bishop of Mesopotamia was sent by the Roman Emperor, an Ambassador to the King of Persia, in which employment he hath abundantly benefited both the Church and the Emperor: And we read of divers famous men that undertook divers functions, and yet neither confounded their offices, nor neglected their duties; for Spiridion was an husbandman, and a Bishop of the Church; a Pastor of sheep, and a feeder of souls; and yet none of the ancient Fathers, that we read of, either envied his Farm, or blamed his neglect in his Bishopric; but they admired his simplicity, and commended his sanctity: they were not of the spirit of our hypocritical Saints. Theodor. lib. 4. ●. 13. And Theodoret writeth, that one james Bishop of Nisib, was both a Bishop and a Captain of the same City, which by the help of his God he manfully preserved against Sapor King of Persia. And Eusebius Bishop of Samosis, managing himself with all warlike abiliments, ranged along throughout all Syria, Phoenicia, and Palaestina; and as he passed, erected Churches, and ordained Priests and Deacons, and performed such other Ecclesiastical pensions, as pertained to his office in all places: and I fear me the iniquity of our time will now call upon all Bishops, that are able, to do the like; to preach unto our people, and to fight against God's enemies, (that have long laboured to overthrow his Church) as we read of some Bishops of this Kingdom that have been driven to do the like: and if these men might do these things without blame, as they did, why may not the same man be both a Bishop and the King's Counsellor? both a Preacher in the Pulpit, and a Justice of the Peace on the Bench? and yet the callings not confounded, though the same man be called to both offices; for you know the office of a Lawyer is different from the office of a Physician, and the office of a Physician as different from the duty of a Divine; and yet, as Saint Luke was an excellent Physician, and a heavenly Evangelist; and S. Paul as good a Lawyer, as he was a Preacher, (for he was bred at the feet of Gamaliel) as was Master Calvin too, as good a Civilian as he was a Divine, (for that was his first profession;) so the same man may, as in many places they do, and that without blame, both play the part of a Physician to cure the body, and of a Divine to instruct the soul; and therefore why not of a Lawyer? when as the Preachers duty, next to the teaching of the faith in Christ, is to persuade men to live according to the rules of justice; and justice we cannot understand without the knowledge of the Laws, both of God and man; and if he be obliged to know the Law, why should he be thought an unfit man to judge according to the Law? But CHAP. IX. Sheweth a full answer to four special Objections that are made against the Civil jurisdictions of Ecclesiastical persons; their abilities to discharge these offices, and desire to benefit the Commonwealth; why some Counsels inhibited these offices unto Bishops; that the King may give titles of honour unto his Clergy; of this title, Lord, not unfitly given to the Bishops, proved; the objections against it answered; six special reasons why the King should confer honours and favours upon his Bishops and Clergy. Ob. 1 1. IF you say the office of a Preacher requireth the whole man, and where the whole man is not sufficient to discharge one duty, 2. Cor. 2.16. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? then certainly one man is never able to supply two charges. Sol. I answer, that this indefinite censure is uncertainly true, and most certainly false, as I have proved unto you before, by many examples of most holy men, that discharged two offices with great applause, and no very great difficulty to themselves; for though S. Matthew could not return to his trade of Publican, because that a continued attendance on a secular business, would have taken him from his Apostolate, and prove an impediment to his Evangelique ministration; yet S. Peter might return to his nets, as he did, without blame; because that a temporary employment, and no constant secession, can be no hindrance to our clerical office; No man is always able to do the same thing. when there is no man that can so wholly addict himself to any kind of art, trade, or faculty, but that he must sometimes interchangeably afford himself leisure, either for his recreation, quemvis animo possit sufferre laborem; or the recollection of strength and abilities to discharge his office, by the undertaking of some other exercise, which is to many men their chiefest recreation; as you see, the husbandman's change of labour doth still enable him to continue in labour; and the Courtier cannot always wait in the same posture, nor the Scribe always write, nor the Divine always study; but there must be an exchange of his actions, Change of labour is a kind of recreation. for the better performance of his chiefest employment: and that time, which either some Gentlemen, Citizens, or Courtiers spend in playing, hawking, or hunting, only for their recreation, the better to enable them to discharge their offices; why may not the Divine employ it in the performance of any other duty, different, but not destructive or contradictory to his more special function? especially considering that the discharging of those good duties, to give counsel, to do justice, to relieve the distressed, and the like, are more acceptable recreations unto them (as it was meat and drink to Christ to do his father's will) than the other forenamed exercises are or can be to any others; and considering also, John 4.34. that where the Bishop or Pastor hath great affairs and much charge, he may have great helps and much aid to assist him. You will allow us an hour for our recreation, why will you not allow us that hour to do justice? 2. If you say they are spiritual men, and therefore cannot Ob. 2 have so great a care of the temporal State and Commonwealth. I answer, that as now the Commonwealth is the Church, Sol. 1 The ability of th● Clergy to manage civil affairs. and the Church is the Commonwealth, and have as good interest therein, and better we hope then many of the Commonwealth have in the Church; and they should be as able to understand what is beneficial to the Commonwealth as any other; for Ignatius saith, Ignat. epist. ad Ephes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that Kings ought to be served by wise men, and by those that are of great understanding, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and not to be attended upon by weak and simple men; and if Kings must be served by such men, then certainly the service of God is not to be performed by Weavers and Tailors, and others like Jeroboams Priests; but it will require men of great abilities, learning, and understanding in all businesses whatsoever, such as are indeed well able to discourse De quolibet ente: And they have very unprofitably consumed themselves with their time in their head pain vigils, and heart-breaking studies, in traversing over all the Commonwealths of the world; The Clergy of better ab lities to benefit the Commonwealth, th●n many others that now sw●y it. if they have learned nothing, whereby they may benefit their own Commonwealth, or do understand less what belongeth unto the good of their Country, especially in matters of equity and right, then illiterate Burgesses and mere Chapmen; for if you read but the books of the Prophets, you shall find how plentiful they are in the precepts of peace, in the policies of war, and in the best counsels for all things which concern the good of the Commonwealth: and do not the Divines read the Histories of all or most other Commonwealths? how else shall they be enabled to propose unto their people the example of God's justice upon the wicked, and his bounty and favour unto the observers of his Laws, throughout all ages, and in all places of this world? and will you deprive the King of the assistance of such instruments for the government of his people, The employment of the Bishops in civil affairs, is the good of the Commonwealth. that are stronger than any one man can rule, and would quickly despise Heaven, and destroy the earth, if their consciences were not awed with religion? or would you dam up the channels of those benefits that should flow from them to the Commonwealth? for it is not the addition of any honour to the calling of a Bishop, but the King's interest, and the people's good that is aimed at, when we assert the capacity of the Clergy to discharge the offices of the most public affairs; Petrus Blesensis, ep. 84. because, as Petrus Blesensis saith, it is the office of the Bishops to instruct the King to righteousness, to be a rule of Sanctity and sobriety unto the Court, to mix the influences of Religion with the designs of State, and to restrain the malignity of the illdisposed people; and all histories do relate unto us, that when pious Bishops were employed in the King's Counsels, the rigour of the laws was abated, equity introduced, the cry of the poor respected, their necessities relieved, the liberties of the Church preserved, pride depressed, religion increased, the devotion of the Laity multiplied, the peace of the Kingdom flourished, and the tribunals were made more just and merciful, then now they be. And therefore the sacred histories do record of purpose, how the people of God never adventured upon any action of weight and moment, before they had well consulted with the Priests and Prophets, as you see in the example of Ahab, No Nation attempted any great matter without the advice of their Priests. that was none of the best Kings, yet would not omit this good duty: and such was the custom of all other Countries, wheresoever there was any religion or reverence of God; Quae enim est respub. ubi ecclesiastici primum non habeant locum in comitiis & publicis de salute reipub. deliberationibus? for which is that Commonwealth, where the Ecclesiastical persons had not the first place in all meetings and public consultations about the welfare of the Commonwealth? as in Germany the three spiritual Electors are the first; in France the three Ecclesiastical persons were the first of all the Peers; in England (till this unhappy time) the two Archbishops, and in Poland as many, were wont to have the chiefest place; and not unworthily, quia aequum est, Apud Euseb. Paphilum, l. 11. antestent in concilio qui antestant prudentia, nec videtur novisse res humanas, nisi qui divinas cognitas habet; Strabo l. 4. Caesar de bello Gallico, lib. 6. as the Indian said unto Socrates: and therefore the Chaldeans, the Egyptians, the Grecians, the Romans, the French, and the Britons, thought it always ominous to attempt any notable thing in the Commonwealth, without the sad and sage advice of their Priests and Prophets; for they knew the neglect of God was never left without due revenge; and though their false gods were no gods, yet the true God was found to have been a sharp revenger of the contempt of the false gods; because that to them they were proposed for the true gods, and they believed them so to be; as Lactantius showeth: and therefore all antiquity that bore any reverence to any Deity, shown all reverence and respect unto the teachers of his religion; but now men desire to throw learning over the Bar, because it should not discover the ignorance of the Bench; or rather piety is excluded, because it should not reprove their iniquity: And the Clergy must not sit on the seat of judgement, that the Laity may do injustice without control; or perhaps revenge themselves upon their Ministers on the Bench, for reproving their vices in the Church: so the Devil gaineth whatsoever piety looseth by their depression. 2. As the Clergymen are as able, 2. The desire of the Clergy to do good to the State. so they are as willing and as careful to provide for the good of the State, as any other; for themselves are members of the Commonwealth, and they are appointed by God to be watchmen and overseers, to fore tell what mischiefs or felicities are like to ensue, and to admonish as well the Prince as the people of such things, as are to be avoided and to be performed; which they cannot do, if they be strangers from the conscience, and excluded from the conference of such things that are to be done in the Commonwealth. The Church of Christ and a Chrisitan commonwealth sail together. Therefore, seeing the good of the Commonwealth is their own good, and the good of the Church is the good of the Common wealth, when a Christian Commonwealth and the Church of Christ are embarked in the same vessel, and do sail together with the same success, aiming both at the same Port; and God hath commanded his Ministers to be no less solicitous for the one, than the other: it is incredible to think that a godly Minister should have less care of the Commonwealth, than the best of our common Burgo-masters; and it is impossible to conceive any true reason, why the Bishops and Pastors above all others, should be excommunicated out of their assemblies, and excluded from their Parliaments, and other civil Courts; when it doth most chief concern them, to see unto the welfare of their flock, not only in such things as concern the safety of their souls, A miserable thing, that the Ministers of the Gospel should be made more slaves, than the basest calling in the world. but also in all other things that may pertain, either to the security of their bodies, or the quietness of their estates; because this is a thing utterly against the equal right of all Subjects, that the Ministers of the Gospel, being Subjects unto the King, and Citizens of the Commonwealth, should have nothing to do in the government thereof, but must be governed, not as strangers, that may have admission, but as slaves, with an impossibility to be received into the civil administration of any matter: and their exclusion is as prejudicial to the King and Kingdom, as it is injurious unto the Clergy; when they must be deprived of the grave advice and faithful service of so learned and religious assistants for the government of the people, as the reverend Bishops and devout Doctors have ever been. Ob. 3 3. If you say the sixth Canon of the Apostles, the seventh Canon of the Council of Chalcedon, Act. 15. S. Cyprian punished Geminius Faustinus for undertaking the Executorship of Geminius Victor. ep. 66. Sol. and S. Cyprian in his Epistle to the Priests of Furnam, do forbidden these things in Ecclesiastical persons; and so many Fathers have accordingly refused these civil employments and jurisdictions. I answer briefly, that while the Emperors were Heathens, and neither the Kings nor their Kingdom's Christian, but their counsels were often held for wicked ends, private gain, or privy deceit, for bloody murders, or horrid treasons; the Clergy were inhibited, and the godly Bishops were ashamed to sit in such ungodly assemblies, that would neither be converted to Christ, nor reform from their sins; and so now, when the Puritan faction prevailed in our Parliament, and our Sectaries disdained in their counsels, to take the council of Religion, and resolved to banish God from their assemblies, Good to be excluded from the counsel of th● wicked. to make the Church and Churchmen a public scorn unto the wicked, and the Commonwealth a private gain to every broken Citizen, and every needy varlet; I say happy are those Bishops that are excluded, and well it is for those Ministers that are furthest off from such godless and irreligious, not Parliament, but Parricides; even as the Psalmist testifieth. Psal. 1.1. Blessed is the man that hath not sat in the seat of the scornful; and therefore if they had not been excluded, I am sure, that as the case now standeth, they would have seceded themselves. But when the civil Magistrates became Christians, and the Christians consulted with God in all their actions, than it was no indecorum for the servants of Christ to be seen in the Congregation of Saints, and to sit as Judges among gods, where the judgement shall pass for the glory of God; The giving of Caesar's due doth not hinder us to give to God his due. neither is it any prejudice to our holy calling, to give unto Caesar those things that are Caesars', and that we own unto him, as our service and our counsel, and whatsoever else lieth in us to do for the good of the Commonwealth: as we are his Subjects and the Tenants of the Commonwealth: nor do the rendering of these things to Caesar any ways hinder us to give unto God the things that are God's, and that we own to God, as our prayers and our care over God's flock, as we are Christians and Bishops over the Church of Christ; but the same man, if he will be faithful, may justly perform both duties, without giving over or neglecting either. And when our men shall return to God, and take him along with them into their counsels, and desire the assistance of his servants, (as I hope they will have the grace to do) I assure myself the Reverend Bishops will not refuse to do them service. Ob. 4 But you will say the Emperors were good Christians, when the Council of Chalcedon put out their Canons. Sol. I answer, the Emperors were, but all Kings were not: besides, that Canon clears itself; for it showeth that Clergymen did at that time undertake secular employments, Propter luera turpia, ministerium Dei parvi pendents, for gain, neglecting their duty; and therefore the Council forbade all Clergymen, negotiis secularibus se immiscere; because the Apostle saith, 2. Tim. 2.4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; no man that warreth entangleth or insnareth himself with the affairs of this life: and so, neither the Apostle nor the Council doth absolutely forbid all secular affairs, as inconsistent with this function; Concil. Arelat. Can. 14. The words of the Canon explained. but as the Council of Arles saith, Clericus turpis lucri gratià aliquod genus negotiationis non exerceat, so they forbidden all Clerks to meddle with any business for the love of gain, and filthy lucre, that might ensnare him to neglect his duty: or as the Canon of the Apostle saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Bishop should not assume unto himself, or seek after worldly cares, but if either necessity or authority impose them on him, I see not how he can refuse them; because there is no absolute prohibition of such employments in any place, but as it might be a hindrance to discharge his office: or otherwise S. Paul's Tentmaking was as much against the calling of an Apostle, as the sitting in a secular tribunal is against the office of a Bishop; because there is no reason we should deny that benefit to a public necessitated community, which we will yield to a private personal necessity. The Presbyterians will be the directors of all affairs. And so indeed these very men that cry out against our Bishops, and other grave Prelates of the Church, for the least meddling in these civil affairs, do not only suffer their own Preachers to strain at a gnat, but also to swallow a Camel, when M. Henderson, Martial, Case and the rest of their new inspired Prophets shall sit as Precedents in all their Counsels, and Committees of their chiefest affairs and consultations, either about War or Peace, or of any other civil cognizance; how those things can be answered, to deny that to us, which they themselves do practice, I cannot understand, when as the light of nature tells us. Quod tibi vis fieri, mihi fac, quod non, mihi noli: Sic potes in terris vivere jure poli. * Vnde Baldus jubet, ut quis in alios non aliter judicet, quàm in se judicari vellet. And therefore when as there is no politic Philosophy, no imperial constitution, nor any humane invention, that doth or can so strictly bind the consciences of men unto subjection and true obedience, as the Doctrine of the Gospel; and no man can persuade the people so much unto it, as the Preachers of God's word, (as it appeareth by this Rebellion, persuaded by the false Preachers) because the Principles of Philosophy, and the Laws of many nations do permit many things to be done against tyrants, which the Religion of Christ and the true Bishops of God's Church do flatly inhibit; How requisite it is for Kings to delegate civil affairs unto their Clergy. it is very requisite and necessary for all Christian Kings, both for the glory of God, their own safety, and the happiness of the Common wealth, to defend this their own right, and the right of the Clergy, to call them into their Parliaments and Counsels, and to demise certain civil causes and affairs to the gravest Bishops, and the wisest of the ministers; and not to suffer those Rebellions Anabaptists and Brownists, that have so disloyally laboured to pull off the Crown from their King's head, to bury all the glory of the Church in the dust, to bring the true Religion into a scorn, and to deprive the King of the right, which is so necessary for his safety, and so useful for the government of his people, that is, the service of his Clergy in all civil Courts and Counsels And as it is the King's right to call whom he pleaseth into his Parliaments and Counsels, That it is the King's right to give titles of honour to whom he pleaseth, and to delegate whom he will to discharge the office of a Civil or Ecclesiastical magistrate, or both, wheresoever he appoints, within his Real●● and Dominions: so it is primarily in his power and authority and his regal right, to give titles of honour and dignity to those officers and magistrates whom he chooseth; for, though the Barbarians acknowledge no other distinction of Persons, but of Master and Servants, which was the first punishment for the first contempt of our Superiors; Gen. 9.25. therefore their Kings do reign and domineer over their Subjects, as Masters do over their servants; Saravia c. 28. p. 194. and the Fathers of families have the same authority over their Wives and Children, as over their slaves and vassals,▪ and the Muscovites at this day do rule after this manner; neither is the great Empire of the Turk much unlike this government; and generally all the Eastern Kingdoms were ever of this kind, and kept this rule over all the Nations whom they Conquered; and many of them do still retain it to these very times. Yet our Western Kings, whom charity hath taught better and made them milder, and especially the Kings of this Island, The mild government of our Kings. which in the sweetness of government exceeded all other Kings, (as holding it their chiefest glory to have a free people subject unto them, and thinking it more Honourable to command over a free then a servile nation,) have conferred upon their subjects many titles of great honour, which the Learned Gentleman M. Selden hath most Learnedly treated of: and therefore I might well be silent in this point, (and not to write Iliads after Homer) if this title of Lord, given by His Majesty unto our Bishops, (for none but he hath any right to give it) did not require that I should say something thereof: Of the title of Lord: touching which, you must observe that this name dominus is of divers significations, and is derived à domo, as Zanchius observeth, where every man is a Lord of that house and possession which he holdeth; and it hath relation also to a servant; so that this name is ordinarily given among the Latinists to any man that is able to keep servants: and so it must needs appear, how great is the malice, I cannot lay the ignorance, (when every schoolboy knows it) of those Sectaries that deny this title to be consistent with the calling of a Bishop, which indeed cannot be denied to any man of any ordinary esteem. But they will say, that it signifieth also rule and authority, and so, as it is a title of rule and Dominion, it is the invention of Antichrist, the donation of the Devil, and forbidden by our Saviour, where he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Luke 22.25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mat. 16.30. that is, in effect, be not you called gracious Lords or benefactors (which is the proper signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) therefore these titles of honour are not fit for the Preachers of the Gospel, to puff them up with pride, and to make them swell above their brethren. It is answered, That there is a double rule or dominion. that if our Saviour's words be rightly understood, and his meaning not maliciously perverted, neither the authority of the Bishops, nor the title of their honour is forbidden; for as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a title of dominion, so it is fit to be ascribed to them, unto whom the Lord and author of all rule and dominion, hath committed any rule or government over his People; and our Saviour forbiddeth not the same; because you may find that there is a double rule and dominion; the one just and approved, the other tyrannical and disallowed; and the tyrannical rule, or, as S. Peter saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Pe● 5.3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the domineering authourity over God's inheritance, both Christ and his Apostles do forbid; but the just rule and dominion they deny not; because they must do it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the son of man doth it; so the manner of their rule, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as the Kings of the nations rule with tyranny he prohibiteth; but as the servants of Christ ought to rule with charity not with austerity, with humility and not with insolency, he denieth not; and so he denyeth not the name of Lord, as it is a title of honour and reverence given unto them by the King, and ascribed by their people; but he forbiddeth an ambitious aspiring to it, and a proud carriage, and deporment in it; yet it may be so with you, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is with the son of man, whom no man can exceed in humility; and yet in his greatest humility, he saith, ye call me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Master and Lord: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and ye say well, for so I am: john 13.13. And therefore he forbade not this title no otherwise then he forbade them to be called Fathers, Doctors, and Masters; and I hope you will confess he doth not inhibit the Children to call them Fathers that begat them, nor forbidden us to call them Doctors, unto whom the Lord himself hath given the name, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of Doctors in his Church, Ephe. 4.11. otherwise we must know why S. Paul doth call himself the Doctor of the Gentiles, 1 Tim. 2.7. and why doth the Law command us to honour our Father and our Mother, if we may call no man Father. But Christ coming not to diminish the power of Princes, nor to make it unlawful for Christian Kings to honour his servants, which the heathen Princes did to the servants of God, as Nebucchadnezzar preferred Daniel among the Babylonians, and Darius advanced Mordecai among the Persians, nor to deny that honour unto his servants, which their own honest demerits, and the bounty of their gracious Princes do confer upon them; What Christ forbiddeth to his Ministers. it is apparent, that it is not the condition of these names, but the ambition of these titles and the abuse of their authourity is forbidden by our Saviour Christ; For, as Elias and Elizaeus in the old Test. suffered themselves with no breach of humility to be called Lords, 3. Reg. 18.1. as where Abdias, a great officer of King Ahab sayeth, art not thou my Lord Elias? & the Shunamite called Elizaeus Lord. 4. Reg. 4.16. So in the new Test. Paul. and Barnabas that rend their when the people ascribed unto them more than humane honour; yet refused not the name of Lords, Act. 16.30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. when it was given them by the keeper of the prison, that said, Lords, what shall I do to be saved? which title certainly they would never have endured, if this honour might not be yielded, and this title received by the Ministers of the Gospel; & S. Peter tells us, that Christian women, if they imitate Sarah (that obeyed Abraham * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ) whom he propoundeth to them as a pattern, may, and should call their husbands, though mean mechanics, Lords; or else he proposeth this example to no purpose; and therefore me thinks they should be ashamed, to think this honour may be afforded to poor Tradesmen, and to deny it to those eminent pillars, and chief governor's of God's Church. And as the Script. giveth, not only others the like eminent, and more significant titles of honour unto the governor's of the Church, (as when it saith they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, precedents; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rulers; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Princes; as where the Psalmist saith, in steed of thy Fathers, thou shalt have children, whom thou mayest make Princes in all lands, Origen ho. 19 in Math Hier. in Psal. 45.16. which the best interpreters do expound of the Apostles and Bishops, that are called the Princes of God's Church, but also giveth and alloweth this very title of Lord unto them, as I shown before; so the fathers of the Primitive Church did usually ascribe the same one to another, as S. Hierome writing to S. Aug. saith, Domine verè sancte, Sozom. lib. 3. c. 23. and the Letters sent to Julius' Bishop of Rome had their superscription, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to our most blessed Lord. And Nazian. sayeth, Nazian. in ep. ad gr. Nyssen. let no man speak any untruth of me, nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Lords the Bishops: and in all antiquity as Theodoret showeth, Theodor. l. 1. c. 4. & 5. l. c. 9 this title of Lord is most frequently ascribed unto the Bishops: S. chrysostom in Psal. 13. as he is cited by Baronius, Anno 58. n. 2. sayeth that Heretics have learned of the Devil to deny the due titles of honour unto their Bishops; neither is it strange, that he which would have no Bishops, should deny all honour unto the Bishops; but they can be contented to transfer this honour, though to cover their hypocrisy in another title, that shall be as Emperor instead of King, from the Episcopacy to the Presbytery; so that indeed it is not the honour which they hate, but the Persons of the Bishops that are honoured; Therefore, though for mine own particular, I do so much undervalue the vanity of all titles, that were it not the duty of the people to give it, more than the desire of the Bishops to have it, I should have spared all this discourse; yet seeing it is the right of Kings to bestow honours, and it is an argument of their love to Christ, to honour them that honour God, to magnify the order of their Religion, and to account the chief Ministers of the Gospel among the chief States of the Land, I could not pass it over in silence, but show you how it belongs to him to give this honour to whom he will; and because this dignity cannot be given to all that are in the same order, it is wisely provided by the King, that the whole order or Ministry should be honoured in those few, The whole order honoured in few. whose learning and wisdom he hath had most use and experience of, or is otherwise well informed thereof; and it is no small wonder unto me, that any learned man should be so blinded with this error, as any ways to oppose this truth, or that any Christian should be like the sons of Jacob, so transported with envy, when they see any of their brethren made more honourable than themselves, for they ought to think themselves honoured in the honour of their brethren; but that pride is such a beast, that thinketh himself the most worthy, and envy is such a monster, that cannot endure any happiness to any other. When the Lord Bishops are down, the Lords Te●por●ll shall not continue long; for as Geneva put away their Bishop, th●t Prince; so the Cantons and Swissers put away all Lords. A just judgement of God, that they which will have no spiritual Lords should not be any temporal Lords, but should be as little regarded by their creatures, as th●y regard the serv●nts of their Creator. And that which makes me wonder most of all, is to see those Lords, whose honours scarce saw the age of a man, and some pretending great loyalty to His Majesty, and wishing happiness to His Posterity, so fare yielding to the misguided Faction, to darken the glory of God's Church, and to undervalue Christ's Ministers, as to obliterate that dignity, and raze out those titles which are inherent to the Ministry from the foundation of the Church, and are ascribed unto the Bishops by the same Majesty that honoured them; and for some by-respect and private ends to persuade the King, to desert the Church, to leave the Prelates in the suds, their honour to be laid and buried in the dust, and their revenues to be devoured by the enemies of all godliness. But do these men think that blessings come from God, or that this is the way for God to bless the King, or themselves, or this Kingdom, to vilify those that honour God, and of whom Christ directly saith, He that receiveth you receiveth me, and he that despiseth you despiseth me? for alas, who were more favoured, protected, and blessed by God, than Constantine, Theodosius, and the rest of those good Emperors and Kings, that gave most immunities, and conferred most dignities upon the Bishops and Prelates of God's Church? because that hereby they testified their love to Christ himself; and did not God withdraw his favour and protection from those Kings and potentates that neglected to protect his servants? therefore they cannot wish well unto the King, Six special reasons, way the King should confer his favours and honour upon the Bishops. that wish him to give way to denude the Church, and to desert the defence of the Bishops. For, besides many other reasons, we find six special arguments proving that our King, rather than any King in Europe, should uphold his Clergy, and confer his favours and honours upon them, I say n●● 〈◊〉 then upon his nobility, for that would procure hatred unto the King, envy unto them, and ruin unto all, but as well as upon any other State in this Kingdom. As 1. Not only the relation betwixt them and ●●ei● Prince, as Reason. 1 they are his faithful Subjects, and be their Sovereign King, but as he is the Lords Anointed, and the Defender of that faith which they teach and publish unto his people; for this anointing of him by God for this and superinduceth a brotherhood betwixt the King and the Bishops, Rex inunctus non est merus Laicus, Gutmerus, tit. 12. §. 9 and makes him quasi unus ex nobis, and the chief guide and guardian of the Clergy; because that hereby he is mixta personae, more than a mere Layman, and hath an Ecclesiastical supreme government, as well as the civil, and ut oleo sancto uncti sunt, spiritualis jurisdictionis caepaces sunt, as it was said in the time of Edw. 3. 33. Edw. 3. tit. Aide le Roy. and therefore as in relation to the temporalty, the King is supremus justitiarius totius Angliae; so in respect to the spiritualty, he is as Constantine styled himself in the Council of Nice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the chief Christian Bishop among his Bishops. 2. Our Bishops and Clergy are truer and faithfuller Subjects Reason. 2 to their Prince, than any other Clergy in Christendom; because the Clergy of France and Spain, and other Popish States and Dominions, are not simply Subjects unto their Kings, but deny civil obedience unto their Prince, where canonical obedience commands the contrary; and you see how the Presbytery not only deny their just allegiance, but incite the people to unjust rebellion; but the Bishops and their Clergy renounce all obedience to any other Potentate, and anathematise as utterly unlawful all resistance against our lawful Sovereign; and in this hearty adherence to His Majesty, as they are wholly his, so they do expect favour from none, but only from his Highness; and yet Philip the second of Spain, notwithstanding he had but half the obedience of his Clergy, advised his son Philip the third to stick fast unto his Bishops, even a● he had done before him; therefore our King that hath his Bishops so totally faithful unto him, hath more reason to secure them, that they be not made the object of contemps unto the vulgar. Reason. 3 3. The state of the Clergy is constantly and most really, to their power, the most beneficial state to the Crown, both in ordinary and extraordinary revenues of all others; for though their means is much impaired, and their charges increased in many things; yet if you consider their first fruits the first year, their Tenths every year, Subsidies most years, and all other due and necessary payments to the King. I may boldly say, that computatis computandis, no state in England of double their revenue scarce renders halfa their payments; and now in the King's necessity for the defence of Church and Crown, Or else they are much too blame, and f●rie unworthy to be B shops. I hope my Brethren the Bishops, and all the rest of the loyal Clergy, will rather empty themselves of all they have, and put it to His Majesty's hands, then suffer him to want what lieth in them, during all the time of these occasions. Reason. 4 4. They bestow all their labours in God's service, continually praying for blessings upon the head of His Majesty, and his posterity; and next under God relying only upon His favour and protection. Reason. 5 5. God hath laid this charge upon all Christian Kings, to be our nursing fathers, Esay 49.33. and to defend the faith that we preach, which cannot be done when the Bishops and Prelates are not protected; and God hath promised to bless them, so long as they discharge this duty, and hath threatened to forsake them when they forsake his Church, and leave the same as a prey to the adversaries of the Gospel. Reason. 6 6. Our King hath, like a pious and a gracious King, at his Coronation promised and engaged himself to do all this that is desired of him. And as for these and other reasons His Majesty should, so we do acknowledge with all thankfulness that He hath and doth His best endeavour to discharge this whole duty, Quia non plus valent ad dejiciendum terrena mala, quàm ad erigendum divina tutela: Cypr. and do believe with all confidence, that maugre all open opposition, and all secret insinuation against us. He will in like manner continue His grace and favour unto the Church and Church governor's unto the end: And if any, whosoever they be, how great or how powerful soever, either in Kingdom or in Court, shall seek to alienate the King's heart, or diminish His affection and furtherance to protect and promote the publishers of the Gospel, (which we are confident all their malice cannot do, because the God of Heaven, that hath built his Church upon a rock, and will not turn away his face from his Anointed, will so bless our King, that it shall never be with Him as it was with Zedechia, when it was not in his power to save God's Prophet, but said unto his Princes, Jerem. 28.5. Behold he is in your hand, for the King is not he that can do any thing against you;) yet as Mordecai said to Hester, God will send enlargement and deliverance unto his Church, Hester 4.14. and they and their father's houses that are against it, shall be destroyed; because, as S. Peter saith, we have forsaken all to become his servants, that otherwise might have served Kings with the like honour that they do, and we have left the world to build up his Church, we put our trust under the shadow of his wings, and being in trouble we do cry unto the Lord, and therefore he will hear our cry and will help us, and we shall never be confounded. Amen. CHAP. X. Shows that it is the King's right to grant Dispensations for Pluralities and Nonresidency; what Dispensation is; reasons for it, to tolerate divers Sects or sorts of religions; the four special sorts of false professors; S. Augustine's reasons for the toleration of the Jews; toleration of Papists and of Puritans; and which of them deserve best to be tolerated among the Protestants; and how any Sect is to be tolerated. 2. WHereas the Anabaptists and Brownists of our time, 2. That the King may lawfully grant his dispensation for Pluralities and Nonresidency. with what conscience I know not, cry out that our Kings by their Laws do unreasonably and unconscionably grant dispensations both for Pluralities and Nonresidency, only to further the corrupt desire of some few aspiring Prelates, to the infinite wrong of the whole Clergy, the intolerable dishonour of our religion, the exceeding prejudice of God's Church, and the lamentable hazard of many thousand souls. I say, that the Pluralities and Nonresidency granted by the King, and warranted by the Laws of this Land, may find sufficient reasons to justify them; ●n anno 112. for if you consider the first limitation of Benefices, In anno 636. that either Euaristus Bishop of Rome, or Dionysius (as others think) did first assign the precincts of Parishes, The first distribution of Parishes. and appointed a certain compass to every Presbyter: and in this Kingdom Honorius Archbishop of Canterbury was the first that did the like, appointing the Pastoral charge, and the portion of means accrueing from that compass, to this or that particular person; whereas before, for many years they had no particular charge assigned, nor any Benefice allotted them, but had their Canonical pensions and dividents given them by the Bishop out of the common stock of the Church, according as the Bishop saw their several deserts; for at first the greater Cities only had their standing Pastors, and then the Country Villages imitating the Cities, to allow maintenance according to the abilities of the inhabitants, had men of lesser learning appointed for those places. ●iu● autic● and Non residency no transgression of Gods Law. Therefore this limitation of particular Parishes, being merely positive, and an humane constitution, it cannot be the transgression of a divine ordinance to have more Parishes than one, or to be absent from that one which is allotted to him, when he is dispensed with by the Law maker to do the same; for as it is not lawful without a dispensation to do either, because we are to obey every ordinance of the higher power for the Lords sake; so for the higher power to dispense with both, is most agreeable to reason and God's truth; God's Law admitteth an interpretation, not a dispensation of it. for all our Laws are either divine, or humane: and in the divine Law, though we allow of interpretation, quia non sermoni res, sed rei sermo debet esse subjectus, because the words must be applied to the matter, else we may fall into the heresy of those; that as Alfonsus de Castro saith, held it unlawful upon any occasion to swear; because our Saviour saith, swear not at all: yet no man, King nor Pope, hath power to grant any dispensation for the least breach of the least precept of God's Law: he cannot dispense with the doing of that which God forbiddeth to be done, nor with the omitting of that which God commandeth; but in all humane Laws so far as they are merely positive and humane, Man's Law may be dispensed with. it is in the power of their makers to dispense with ●hem; and so quicquid fit dispensatione superioris, non fit contra praeceptum superioris, and he sinneth neither against the Law, nor against his own conscience, because he is delivered from the obligation of that Law by the same authority, whereby he stood bound unto it. And as he that is dispensed with is free from all sin, so the King which is the dispenser is as free from all fault, as having full right and power to grant His dispensations. For seeing that all humane Laws are the conclusions of the Law of nature, or the evidences of humane reason, showing what things are most beneficial to any society, either the Church or Commonwealth; and that experience teacheth us, our reason groweth often from an imperfection to be more perfect, when time produceth more light unto us, we cannot in reason deny an abrogation and dispensation to all humane Laws, which therefore ought not to be like the Laws of the Medes and Persians, that might not be changed; and so Saint Augustine saith, Aug. de libero arbit. l. 1. Lex humana quamvis justa sit, commutari tamen pro tempore justè potest, any humane Law, though it be never so just, yet for the time, as occasion requireth, may be justly changed: & dispensatio est juris communis relaxatio facta cum causae cognitione ab eo qui jus habet dispensandi; Dispensation what it is. and as the Civilians say, a dispensation is the relaxation of common right, granted upon the knowledge of the cause, by him that hath the power of dispensing; or as the etymology of the word beareth, dispensare est diversa pensare, The reward of learning and virtue, how to be rendered. to dispense is to render different rewards: and the reward of learning, or of any other virtue, either in the civil or the ecclesiastical person, being to be rendered (as one saith) not by an Arithmetical, but a Geometrical proportion; and the division of Parishes being (as I said before) a positive, humane Law, it cannot be denied but the giver of honour, and the bestower of rewards, which is the King, hath the sole power and right to dispose how much shall be given to this or that particular person. Ob. If you say the Law of the King, which is made by the advice of his whole Parliament, hath already determined what portion is sit for every one, and what service is required from him. Sol. I answer, that the voice of equity and justice tells us, that a general Law doth never derogate from a special privilege, or that a privilege is not opposite to the principles of common right, and where the Law itself gives this privilege (as our Law doth it yet) envy itself can never deny this right unto the King, to grant his dispensation whensoever he seethe occasion; and where the Law is and saith nothing of any privilege, yet seeing in all Laws, as in all other actions, the end is the mark that is aimed at, The end of every Law is chief to be respected. and this end is no other than the public good of any society, for which the Law is made; if the King, which is the sole Lawmaker, so, as I shown in my Discovery of Mysteries, seethe this public good better procured by granting dispensations to some particular men, doth he not perform thereby what the Law intendeth, and no ways break the Law of common right? as if a man's absence from his proper Cure should be more beneficial to the whole Church, than his residence upon his Charge could possibly be, Reasons of dispensations. (as when his absence may be either for the recovery of his health, or to discharge the King's Embassage, or to do his best to confute Heretics, or to pacify Schisms, or to consult about the Church affairs, or some other urgent cause that the Law never dreamt of when it was in making) shall not the King (whom the Laws have entrusted with the examination of these things, and to whom the principal care of religion and the charge of all the people is committed by God himself, and the power of executing his own Laws) have power to grant his dispensations for the same? Certainly, they that would persuade the world that all Laws must have such force, that all dispensations are transgressions of them, (as if general rules should have no exceptions) would manacle the King's hands, and bind his power in the chains of their crooked wills, that he should not be able to do that good, which God, and right, and Law itself do give him leave; and their envy towards other men's grace, How God doth diversely bestow his gifts. is a great deal more, then either the grace of humility, or the love of truth in them; for doth not God give five talents to some of his servants, when he gives but one to some others? Matth. 25.15 and did not Joseph make Benjamins mess five times so much as any of his brethren's? and have not some Lords 6, or 8, Gen. 43.34. or 10 thousand pounds a year, and some very good men in the Commonwealth, and perhaps higher in God's favour, not ten pounds a year? and shall not the King double the reward of them that deserve it in the Church of God? or shall he be so kerbed and manacled, that he shall neither alter nor dispense with his own Law, though it be for the greater glory unto God, and the greater benefit both to the Church and Commonwealth? Besides, who can deny, but that some men's merits, virtue, pains, and learning, are more worthy of two Benefices, than many others are of one? and when in his younger time he is possessed of a small Benefice, he may perchance afterwards, when his years deserve better, fare easier obtain another little one to keep with it, then get (what I dare assure you, he would desire much rather * For who would not rather choose one Living of a 100ls a year, than two of 50ls a piece. ) one Living of equal value to them both: and shall the unlearned zeal of an envious mind so fare prejudice a worthy man, that the King's lawful right shall be censured, and his power questioned and clipped, or traduced by this ignorant Zealot? I will bless myself from them, and maintain it before all the world, that the King's dispensations for Pluralities, Nonresidency, and the like Privileges, not repugnant to common right, are not against Law; nor the giving or taking of them upon just causes against conscience: but what the violence of this viperous brood proclaimeth an intolerable offence, we dare warrant both with good reason and true Divinity to be no sin, no fault at all, but an undoubted portion of the King's right, for the greater benefit both of the Church and State, and the greater glory unto God himself. And therefore (most gracious King) we humbly desire your Majesty, The Author's Petition to His Majesty. suffer not these children of Apollyon to pull this flower out of your royal Crown, to abridge you of your just right of granting dispensations for Pluralities and Nonresidency (which the Laws of your Land do yet allow you) and which they labour to annul, to darken the glory of God's Church, and to bring your Clergy, by depriving them of their means and honour into contempt; lest that, when by one and one, they have rob you of all your rights, they will fairly salute you, as the Jews did Christ, Hail King of the Jews, when God knows they hated him, and stripped him of all power, (I speak not of his Divinity) either to govern them, or to save himself. 3. As the King hath right and power to grant his dispensations both of grace and of justice, of grace when it is merely of the King's Princely favour, as in legitimations and the like, and of justice when the King findeth a just cause to grant it; so likewise it is in the King's power and right to remit any offence, (that is, the mulct or penalty) and to absolve the offender from any or all the transgressions of his own Laws; from the transgression of God's Law, neither King, nor Pope, nor Priest, nor any other can formally remit the fault, and absolve transgressors, but as God is the Lawgiver, so God alone must be the forgiver of the offence; Mar. 2.7. so the Jews say, who can forgive sins but God only? Yet, as God which gives the Law can lawfully remit the sin, and forgive the breach of the Law, so the King which makes these positive Laws cannot be denied this power, As David pardoned Absalon, and Solomon Abtathar. to pardon when he seethe cause, or is so pleased, the offenders of his Laws; as you see they do many times grant their pardons for the most heinous faults and capital crimes, as treasons, Christ biddeth that the tares should grow. Matth. 13.30. And the Apostle saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. there must be heresies: therefore there must be a toleration of divers Sects. 1 Cor. 11.19. murders, felonies, and the like: And if they may grant their pardons for the breach of the Law, and remit the mulct imposed for the transgression thereof, it is strange if they should not have right to dispense with whom they please, when they see cause, from the bond of the Law: and therefore we are to discuss how fare the King (in these Laws of the Church) may give exemptions and tolerations unto them▪ whose consciences cannot submit themselves to the observation of the established Laws; for seeing all men are not of the same faith, nor do profess the same religion; and it is the nature of all men to dislike that which themselves will not profess, and if opportunity serve to root out that which they dislike; it is requisite it should be showed how fare a prudent and a pious Prince may grant a toleration (the Law in terminis not forbidding it) unto any of these Sects that may be commorant within his Kingdoms. Touching which, I say that besides dissembling hypocrites, and profane worldlings, that have no faith, nor any other religion, but the shadow of that religion, whatsoever it is, which is professed wheresoever they are, Four special sorts of false Professors. 1. Jews. there may be in any Kingdom Jews, Turks, Papists, Puritans, and the like; or to call them otherwise, Idolaters, Heretics, Schismatics, etc. And 1. For the Jews, though they have many things in their religion, which will ever alienate them from the Papists, yet they have free leave to use their ancient Ceremonies in Rome, Whitak. against Campian. translated by Master Stock, p. 311. saith Doctor Whitaker; and it is well known, that many pious Princes have permitted them to dwell, and to exercise their own religion in this Kingdom; the old Jury in London is so called, because it was allotted for their abode; and the Laws of many Christian Emperors have in like sort permitted them to do the like in their Dominions, With what cautions the Jews are to be suffered. Deut. 7.3. Exod. 23.32. Doctor Covell, c. 14. p. 199. but with those cautions and limitations that Moses prescribed unto the Jews, to be observed with the Heathens and Idolaters that dwelled amongst them; that is, neither to make marriages with them, nor to communicate with them in their religion. And S. Augustine is reported to be so favourable towards them, that he allegeth several reasons for their toleration. As 1. 1. Reason for their toleration. That above and before others they had the promise of salvation; and therefore though some of the branches be cut off, and the case of the rest be most lamentable, yet not altogether desperate and incurable, Rom. 11.24, 25 if we consider what the Apostle setteth down, of their conversion and re-unition unto the good right olive tree. 2. That the Prophet David speaking of them, made that Reason. 2 prayer unto God, Slay them not, O Lord, Psal. 59.11. lest my people forget it, but scatter them abroad among the Heathen, and put them down, O Lord, our defence, for many excellent ends; as first, that their being scattered among the Christians, might show both the Clemency and severity of God, towards us mercy and clemency, and towards them justice and severity, which may likewise happen unto us if we take not heed, as the Apostle bids us, Rom. 11.20. We may not force the Jews to believe. Be not highminded but fear: and secondly, that being among the Christians, they might the sooner at all times by their charity and prayers be reduced, the more willingly to embrace the faith of Christ, when as unwillingly we may neither compel them, nor take their children to be baptised from them. And therefore as the Princes of this Realm, for divers causes hurtful to their State, have banished them out of their Dominions, so if they see good cause to permit them (as time may change the condition of things) they may do, as by their counsel they shall be advised, either the one or the other, to receive them or reject them without offence; because we find no special precept or direction in God's Word either to banish or to cherish them in any Kingdom. 2 Turks. 2 For the Turks, the reasons are not much unlike, though something different, and in my judgement no less tolerable than the other, because somewhat nearer to the Christian faith; therefore I leave them to the Laws of each Kingdom, to do as the wisdom of the Prince shall think fit. 3. Papists. 3 For the Papists the case is fare otherwise with them, then either with the Turks or Jews; because, 1 They profess the same faith, quoad essentialia the same Creeds, the same Gospel, and the same Christ as we do. 2 It is not denied by the best of our Divines, but that they together with us do constitute the same Catholic Church of Christ, though they be sick and corrupted, yet not dead; and we strong and sound, yet not unspotted members of the same; as I have more fully showed in my book of the true Church. 3. Popist. 3 It is not agreed upon by all our Divines, that they are idolaters, though they be in great errors, and implunged in many superstitions; because every Church in error, though never so dangerous, is not so desperate as that Church which is Idolatrous; or be it granted, (which some of our Protestants will not admit) that they were Idolaters; Carol. Sigon. l. 5. c. 11. p. 174. yet seeing not only seven special sort of heresies, as 1 the Sadduces. 2 the Scribes. 3 the Pharises. The Hemerobaptists, such as baptised themselves every day. 5 The Osseni, which Josephus calleth Essai. 6 The Nazarites. And 7 the Herodians; whereof some denied the resurrection, and the being of Angels and spirits; but also Idolaters and heathens, that knew not God, but worshipped the Devil instead of God, were not inhibited to dwell and inhabit among the Jews (of whose Religion notwithstanding God was as careful to preserve the purity of it, and as jealous to keep them from Idolatry, as of any Nation that then or ever after lived upon the earth) it is no question, but if it please the King, permission may be granted them to exercise their own religion, not publicly and autoritative, equally with the Protestant, but quietly, and so as I have showed in my Grand Rebellion; Grand Rebel. c. 1. p. 5. & 6. for I am not of their faith, which hold it more safe, and less dangerous to be conversant with the Turks or Jews, and to have more nearness with them, then with an Idolatrous Church that professeth Christ; because, that where the greater distance is from the true religion, there the lesser familiarity and nearness should be in conversation, and the greater distance in communion; therefore as the wrath of God was kindled against the Israelites, because they had the Jews, their own brethren, The least familiarity in conversation, where there is greatest distance from truth. in greater detestation than the Idumeant or the Egyptians, whose idolatry must needs be fare greater, and their Religion fare worse, in their own judgement, then that of the Jews; so we may fear the like anger from God, if we will be so partial in our judgement, and so transported with disaffection, as to prefer a blasphemous Turk, or an impious jew before those men, though ignorantly idolatrous, that do with all fear and reverence worship the same God, and adore the name of Christ as we do. And we read that the Emperor Justinus, a right Catholic Prince, as Bishop Horn calleth him, Bishop Horn against Fekenham. justinus gave a toleration to the Arians. at the request of Theodoricke King of Italy, granted licence that the Arians, which denied the Deity of our Saviour Christ, and were the worst of Heretics, and therefore worse than any Papist, should be restored, and suffered to live after their own orders; and Pope John, for the peace and quietness of the Catholic Church, requested him most humbly so to do, which he did for fear of Theodoric, that otherwise threatened the Catholics should not live. Ob. But you will say, the fatal success that that befell to King David's house for Solomon's permission of divers religions, to be divided into two parts, and the best ten Tribes for two to be given unto a stranger; and the principal care of a pious Prince, being to preserve pure religion, Deut. 17, 18, 19 which is soon infected by Idolatrous neighbours, do rather disprove all toleration, than any ways connive with them that are of a different religion: and if we read the Oration of the league to the King of France, wherein that Orator numbereth their victories, and innumerable successes, whilst they had but one religion, and their miseries, and ill fortunes when they fostered two religions, it will appear how fare they were from allowing a toleration of any more than one religion in one Kingdom. Sol. The true cause of renting Solomon's Kingdom. Ps. 106.35. Yet to this it may be easily answered, that Solomon's Kingdom was not rend from his posterity for his permission of idolaters to dwell in his Kingdom, which the Law of God did not forbid; but for that fault which his father taxed the Jews with, they were mingled among the heathen, and learned their works, for his commixtion of alliances with strangers and the corruption of true religion, by his marrying of so many idolatrous wives, and so becoming idolatrous himself, and thereby inducing his subjects the Israelites to be the like: and for the Oration of the league, there is in that brave Orator want of Logic, & ignoratio eleuchi, non causae ut causae, for you know what the Poet saith — Careat successibus opto, Quisquis ab eventu facta notanda putat: and we must not judge of true causes by the various success of things; and I may say, it was not the professing of one religion, but the sincere serving of God in that true religion, which brought to them, and will bring to others, prosperous success against the infidels: neither was it the permitting of two religions, or to speak more properly, the diversity of opinions in the same religion, but their emulation and hatred one against another, their pride and ambition, and many other consequences of private discords might be the just causes of their misfortunes. 4. For the Puritans, Brownists, Anabaptists, Heretics, 4. Puritans. and schismatics, that are deemed neither Infidels nor Idolaters, but do obstinately err in some points of faith, as the Arians, that denied the Divinity of Christ, and the Nestorians that denied repentance to them which sinned after baptism, and the like pernicious heresies, though not all alike dangerous; or do make a Schism or a rent in the Church of Christ, as the Donatists did in Saint Augustine's time, and the Anabaptists, and Puritans do in our days; I say these are not to be esteemed and expelled as deadly enemies; but to be suffered and respected as weak friends, if they proceed not to be turbulent and malicious, who then may prove to be more dangerous, both to Church and State, than any of the former sort that profess their religion with Peace and quietness: What wrong Professors are chief to be suffered. for it is not the Profession of this or that religion, but the malice and wickedness of the professer, that is the bane and poison of the Church wherein it resteth: for what is diversity of opinions in the Church of God, but tares among the wheat? and our Saviour showeth, that the tares should not be plucked up, Matth. 13.29. but suffered to grow with the wheat; to teach us, that in respect of external communion, and civil conversation, Why to be suffered; either for the exercise of the godly, or in hope to convert the ungodly. all sorts of Professors may live together, though in respect of our spiritual communion and exercise of our religion, the Heretic shall be cast forth, and be unto me tanquam Ethnicus & Publicanus, with whom notwithstanding I may converse, as our Saviour did, with hope that I may convert them unto him; which could never be done, if they should be quite excluded our company, and banished from all holy society. And therefore as the prudent Prince seethe the disposition, and observeth the conversation of any Faction, and the turbulence of any Sect, so he knoweth best how to advice with his counsel to grant his toleration to them that best deserve it, not so much in respect of the meliority of their religion, as their peaceable and harmless habitation among their neighbours without railing against their faith, or rebelling against their Prince. And thus, as the case now standeth, I see not any Sect, or any sort of Professors, that for turbulence of spirit, madness of zeal, and violency of hatred and persecution to the true Protestants, are more dangerous to the true religion, and deserve loss favour from their pious Prince than these Anabaptists, Brownists, and Puritans, that have so maliciously plotted, and so rebelliously prosecuted their damnable designs, to the utter ruin both of Church and State. Doctor Covell, cap. 15. p. 212. His description of the Puritans. Doctor Covell long ago, when they were not half so bad as they be now, saith, they pretend gravity, reprehend severely, speak gloriously, and all in hypocrisy; they daily invent new opinions, and run from error to error; their wilfulness they account constancy, their deserved punishment persecution, their mouths are ever open to speak evil; And to confirm this description, read what King JAMES writeth of them in his Basilicon Doron. p. 160. & 161. and in the History of the conference at Hampton-Court in anno 603. p. 81, 82. they give neither reverence nor titles to any in place above them; in one word, the Church cannot fear a more dangerous and fatal enemy to her peace and happiness, a greater cloud to the light of the Gospel, a stronger hand to pull in barbarism and poverty into all our Land, a more furious monster to breed contempt and disobedience in all estates, a more fretting canker to the very marrow and sinews of this Church and Kingdom, than this beast, who is proud without learning, presumptuous without authority, zealous without knowledge, holy without religion, and in brief a most dangerous and malicious hypocrite, and were therefore banished from amongst us in the days of Queen Elizabeth, but now deserve it fare better, being more dangerous, because fare more numerous * Huc usque. ; and therefore I cannot say with S. Bernard, Aut corrigendi ne percant, aut coercendi ne perimant; for in our judgement they are incorrigible, and in their own opinion they are invincible, having by lies and frauds gathered so much wealth, and united such strength together, Our factious Puritans bitterer against Kings than the jesuites. that, except the Lord himself had been on our side, and made our very enemies the Papists to become our friends, and to hazard their lives and fortunes, according to their duty, to preserve the Crown and Dignity of their King, as God most wisely disposeth of things, when he produceth light out of darkness, and against their wills support our true Protestant religion from being quite defaced by these merciless enemies, we might well fear what destruction would have come upon us. And therefore considering the bitter writings of their Prophets, old and new, being fuller of gall and venom against Christian Kings, then can be found in the books of the Jesuits; and considering the wicked practices, and this unparallelled rebellion of these new Proselytes, and the loyalty of those that heretofore received least favour from the Church, and not much from the State: Tell me I pray you which of these deserve best to be suffered in a Protestant Church? they that maliciously seek her ruin, or they that unwillingly support her from falling? for my self, I will ever be of the true Protestant faith; yet for this loyalty of the Papists unto their King, I will ever be in charity, and rest in the same hope, though not in the same faith, with them: and I doubt not but His Majesty will think well of their fidelity. But as S. Bernard saith, Non est meae humilitatis dictitare vobis, it is not for me to prescribe who are most capable of grace, or who best deserveth the King's favour, when his Princely grace presupposeth a sufficient merit, but in humility to set down mine own opinion in this point of toleration, with submission to the judgement of this Church: wherein also I humbly desire my reader not to mistake me, as if I meant such a public and legal toleration, as might breed a greater distraction in a Kingdom, than the wisdom of the State could well master, and raise more spirits than they could lay down; Grand Rebellion, p. 5● 6. but such as I have expressed in my Grand Rebellion; that is, a favourable connivance to enjoy their own consciences, so long as they live in peace and amity with their neighbours, but without any public exercise of their religion, which can produce nothing else but discord, distraction, and destruction to that Kingdom, where two religions are professed in Aequilibrio, with the same privileges and authority. These and many more are the rights of Kings, granted them by God for the government of his Church, which they are to look unto, and to protect in all her rights, service, maintenance, ordinances, governor's, and the like, if they look that God should bless and protect them in their ways, dignities, and deuce; because it is their duties and the first charge that God layeth upon them, Esay 49.23. to be nursing fathers unto his Church: for God knew the Church should have many enemies; & intus est equus Trojanus, and they are the worst that are nearest unto Kings, and do with Judas kiss, with fair words, and Machiavilian counsels, betray both Church and King, and in the end destroy themselves; for who deceived Absalon, though rightly, but his own Counsellor? who betrayed Ahab, and that most wickedly, but his lying Parasites? and who overthrew Rehoboam, and that foolishly, but his young favourites * Which thing is purposely set down in the holy Scripture, to be a cave 〈◊〉 for all Kings, not to rely too much upon young Counsellors; not that wisdom and prudence are entailed to old age, and inseparable from grey hairs, or divorced from green heads; but because commonly experience is the fruitful mother of these fair issues, and the multitude of years teacheth wisdom; for otherwise there may be delirium senectutis, the dotage of old age, as well as vanitas juventutis; the folly of youth; and as Elihu says, Great men are not always wise, neither do the aged understand judgement: but as Solomon saith, Wisdom, even in youth, is the grey hairs, and an undefiled life is the old age; as we see, young joseph was the wisest in all Egypt: Solomon, Daniel, and Titus, how wise how learned, and how religious were they in their younger years? So Alexander, Hannibal, Scipio, in the feats of war; Lucan, Mirandula, Keckerman, and abundance more in all humane learning, that were but Neophuti annis, yet were egregij virtutibus, young in years, yet very admirable for their worth. And Princes do most wisely, when they make such election; especially when they are enforced to call men to places of labour and industry, they must have some regard to the bodies, as well as to the minds of their servants, and choose men of younger years, though not to be their favourites, but their confidents, according to the French distinction; as His Majesty hath lately made choice of one noble servant, who is (as Nazianzen speaks) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: grey in the mind, though yellow in the head, and supplying in all manner of excellent parts, what may be conceived wanting in years, whose name, so much already catched at by envy, I shall ever reverence, though now I purposely pass it over in silence. ? and whom may the Church fear most of all, but her dissembling friends, that are in most favour with Kings, and therefore seduce them soon, insensibly to wound the Care, and neglect the Charge that is laid upon them; because, as S. Bernard saith, Long plus nocet falsus Catholicus, quam si apertus appareret haereticus; those earwigs are most pernicious, whose counsels seem to be most specious, when they are but as the spirit of darkness, appearing like an Angel of light, when they say, God indeed must be served, and the Word must be preached, but whether Bishop or no Bishop, whether in a sumptuous Church or private house, whether by an esteemed Clergy, or a poor mean Ministry, in this manner or in another fashion, it skilleth not much; Kings may well enough give way to spare that cost, to lessen that revenue, and to pull down these Cathedrals, especially to give content unto the people, and to defray the expensive charge of the Commonwealth. But these counsels will not excuse Kings in the day of their account; therefore let them take heed of such Counsellors; and when they hear them begin to speak against the Church, though they beguiled their beginnings never so slily, let them either stop their ears with the Cockatrice, Psal. 58.5. that will not hear the voice of the charmer, charm he never so wisely; or let them answer, as our Saviour answered their grand instructor, Matth. 4.10. Vade Satana, non tentabis; for it is most true, that, Qui deliberate, jam desivit; he that listens to them is half corrupted by them; and so they may prove destructive both to themselves, and to their posterity; for as nothing establisheth the Throne of King's surer, than obedience to God; so nothing is more dangerous than rebellion against God, with whom there is no respect of persons; Rom. 2.11. for he expecteth, that as he made Kings his Vice-gerents, so they should fear him, preserve the right of his Church, uphold his service, defend his servants, and do all that he commands them entirely, without taking the least libert●●or fear of the people, to dispense with any omission of his honour, or suffering the hedges of his Vineyard, the governor's of his Church, to be trodden down and torn in pieces, that the beasts of the field may destroy the grapes, and defile the service of our God. Therefore to conclude this point, let all Kings do their best to hinder their people to corrupt the Covenant of Levi, Malath. 2. ●. which is a Covenant of Salt, that is, to endure for ever; let them remember Moses prayer; Bless Lord his substance, Deut. 33.11. and accept the work of his hands; smite through the loins of them that rise against him, and of them that hate him, that they rise not again; and let them always consider, Psal. 35.27. that God taketh pleasure in the prosperity of his servants. CHAP. XI. Sheweth where the Protestants, Papists, and Puritans, do place Sovereignty; who first taught the deposing of Kings; the Puritans tenet worse than the Jesuits; King's authority immediately from God; the twofold royalty in a King; the words of the Apostle vindicated from false glosses; the testimony of the Fathers and Romanists for the Sovereignty of Kings; the two things that show the difficulty of government; what a miraculous thing it is; and that God himself is the governor of the people. 2. The duty of the King in the government of the Commonwealth. 2. HAving set down some particulars of the King's right in the government of God's Church, it resteth that I should show some part of his right and duty to serve God, as he is a King, in the government of the Commonwealth; touching which, for our more orderly proceeding, I will distribute my whole discourse into these five heads. Five points handled. 1. To justify his right to govern the people. 2. To show the difficulty of this government. 3. To set down the assistants that are to help him in the performance of this duty. 4. To distinguish the chiefest parts of this government. 5. To declare the end for which this government is ordained of God. 1. Point. 1. Where the Protestants place Sovereignty. 1. We say that the King's Sovereignty or royal power to govern the people, is independent from all creatures solely from God, who hath immediately conferred the same upon him; and this we are able to make good, with abundance both of divine and humane proofs: and yet we find the same adversaries of this truth (though with a fare less show of reason) that we met withal about the government of God's Church. For 2. In whom the Papists do place Sovereignty. 2. They that are infatuated with the cup of Babylon, the Canonists and some Jesuits do constantly aver, that summum imperium, the primary supreme power of this government is in the Pope, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, absolutely and directly, The Pope's sad Message to Hen. 3. Imp. Quem meritum investivimus quare immeritum non devest●amus? quia ad quem pertinet institutio, ad eundem pertinet destitutio. as he is the Vicar of Christ, who hath all power given him both in Heaven and earth; from whom it is immediately derived unto his Vicar, and from him to all Kings, mediately by subordination unto him: so Baronius, Carerius, and others. But Bellarmine and the rest of the more moderate Jesuists say, that this imperium in reges, the Pope's power over all Kings and States is but indirectum dominium, a power by consequent and indirectly, in ordine ad bonum spirituale, as the civil State hath relation to religion; and this great Cardinal, lest he should seem sine ratione insanire, doth (as the Heretics did in Tertullia's time) Caedem Scripturarum facere ad materiam suam, allege 22 places of Scripture misinterpreted, to confirm his indirect Divinity; and as Potiphars wife, he produceth very honest apparel, but to prove a very bad cause; and therefore attributing to the Pope by the greatness of his learning, and the excellency of his wit, more than he could justify with a good conscience, he was so fare from satisfying the then Pope, that he was well nigh resolved to condemn all his works for this one opinion: and Carerius undertook his confutation ex professo, Carerius, lib. 1. cap. 5. and taxeth him so bitterly, that he putteth him inter impios haereticos, which he needed not to have done; because the difference is only in the expression, when the Pope by this indirect power may take occasion to king and unking whom he pleaseth, and do what he will in all Christian States. 3. 3. Where the Puritans place the Sovereignty. Majestas regia sita est magis in populo, quam in persona regis. Parsons in Do●● man. The Anabaptists and Puritans either deny all government, with the Fratricelli, and all superiority by the title of Christianity, as the Author of the Tract of Schism and Schismatics; or do say that originally it proceedeth, and habitually resideth in the people, but is cumulatively and communicatively derived from them unto the King; and therefore the people (not denuding themselves of their first interest, but still retaining the same in the collective body, that is, in themselves suppletiuè, if the King in their judgement be defective in the administration, or neglect the performance of his duty) may question their King for his misgovernment, dethrone him if they see cause, and resuming the collated power into their own hands again, may transfer it to any other whom they please. Which opinion, if it were true, would make miserable the condition of all Kings; and I believe they first learned it from the Sorbonists, The Sorbonists first taught the deposing of Kings, and why. who to subject the Pope to the community of the faithful, say, that the chief spiritual power was first committed by Christ unto them, and they to preserve the unity of the Church remitted the same communicatively unto the Pope, but suppletively, (not privatively, or habitually divesting themselves thereof) retaining the same still in themselves, if the Pope failed in the faith of the Church; and therefore he was not only censurable, but also deposable by the Council, if he became an heretic, or apostated from the religion of Christ; and to make this both the more plausible and probable, they alleged how Kings were thus eligible, Buchan. de jure regni. p. 75. & 91. and likewise deposable by the community of the people; for out of this Buchanan saith, Romani Pontifices longè regum omnium conditione superiores, legum tamen poenis haud eximuntur; sed & eos, quanquam sacrosanctos Christianis omnibus semper habitos, Synodus Basiliensis communi ordinum consensu senatui sacerdotum obnoxios esse pronunciavit: that is, in brief, the Popes are deprivable by the Counsel; So are Kings by the community of the people: and so both the Papist and the Puritan do agree to depose their Kings, and as the Poet saith, Claudian de 4. Consul. Honorii Ausus uterque nefas, domini respersus uterque, Insontis jugulo.— never a barrel better herring; both alike friends to Kings. But to this Blacvodaeus answereth most truly, that although the Pope should be deprivable by the counsel, (which I am sure neither Pope nor Jesuit will allow) yet for divers different reasons betwixt the examples, Kings are not deposable by their Subjects; especially if you consider the great difference betwixt the Church of Christ, that is guided by the Spirit of God, and the representation thereof in the flower of her Clergy, Blac v. cap. 23. p. 304. and a giddyheaded multitude, that is led by their unruly and unreasonable passions, and are represented by those, that either basely bought their Votes, as the Consuls and other great men did the votes of the people of Rome, or that their partial and most ignorant affection, oftentimes without judgement, have made choice of: ex quo sequitur, ut non sit eadem populi potestas in regem, quae in pontificem est Ecclesiae: So that the reason is fare unlike. But, though the Sorbonists, to justify their former tenet, The Puritans opinion worse than the Jesuits in two respects were the first broachers of this unjust opinion of the deposition of Kings by the people, from whence the jesuites, to subject the King unto the Pope, sucked it afterward: Yet in two main respects I find this tenet, as it is held by the Puritans, far worse than the doctrine of the Jesuits. 1. Because some of them say that the people may not restrain Respect. 1 the power, which they have once transmitted unto the King: when the Law of justice doth not permit, that Covenants should be repealed, or a donation granted should be revoked, though it were never so prejudicial to the donor: and Bellarmine makes this good by the example of the soldiers, Bellar. in tract: count. Pat. Paul. that had power to accept or reject their Emperor before he was created, but being once elected they had no coactive power over him: whereas all the Puritans will make and unmake, promise and break, do and undo at their pleasure. 2. Because the jesuites permit not the people nor any Peers Respect. 2 to depose their King, until the Pope, as an indifferent judge deputed by Christ, shall approve of the cause; and our Sectaries depress Kings so fare, as to submit them to the weak judgement and extravagant power of the people, who to day cry to Gideon, reign thou and thy son over us for ever, and to morrow join with the base son of jerubbaal and the Sichemites to kill 70 of the Children of Gideon, Judges 91 and to create Abimilech to be their King. But, though the Anticavalier takes it ill, Our Opinion proved. Anti-Cav. in Os Ossor. p. 25. that I should affirm that the King's power and right unto his government is immediately from God; yet if he would believe learned authors, he might find enough of this judgement; for the sublime power and authority that resideth in earthly Potentates, is not a derivation or collection of humane power scattered among many, and gathered into one head, but a power immediately granted by God to his Vicegerents * So acknowledged by Act of Parliament, 25 H. 8. c. 12. 28. c. 10. , quam nunquam fuisse populo demandatam legimus, which God never communicated to any multitudes of men, Dt Sarav. fol. 175. Bellar. de L●cis, cap. 6. & 8. saith Saravia. And Bellarmine himself against the Anabaptists confuteth their error, that denied the power and authority of Kings to be immediately from God; I. From Script. Sap. 6. Esay 45. Hierom. 27. Dan. 2. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. II. from the Council of Constans. Sess. 8. & 15. III. from S. Aug. de civet. Dei. l. 5. c. 21. where he saith, non tribuamus dandi regni potestatem nisi Deo vero; which giveth felicity in the kingdom of heaven only to the godly, but the earthly Kingdoms he giveth both to the godly and to the wicked; nam qui dedit Mario, ipse & Caesari, qui Augusto ipse & Neroni, Idem de Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 3. Irvinus de jure regni. c. 2. p. 40. qui Vespasianis, vel patri vel filio, suavissimis, imperatoribus, ipse & Domitiano crudelissimo, qui Constantino Christiano, ipse & Apostatae juliano; And iv it is proved from the confession of the Popes of Rome, as Leo. ep. 38. & 43. Gelasius epist. ad Anastasium. Greg. l. 2. epist. 61. Nicholaus epist. ad Michaelem: out of all which saith Irvinus, it is apparent, all and every King non multitudini aut hominibus sed Deo soli, regum regi, quicquid juris habent acceptum far; And he might consider that a thing may be said to be immediately from God divers ways, as specially. 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, absque ullo signo creato. 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum aliquo actu conjuncto. that is, 1. Solely from God and no other; presupposing nothing praevious to the obtaining of it; So Moses and joshua had their authority from God. Heningus fusè, c. 1. p. 4 & 5. de distinct. duplici jurisdict. Sive electione sive postulatione, vel successione, vel belli jure Princept fiat, Principitamen facto divinitus potesta●data est Cunerus, c. 5. de ●ffic. Princip. 2. Jointly with an interposed act of some other instrument, as the Apostolical power of Mathias was immediately from God, though his constitution was from the Apostles; so Kings though some of them be after a sort elected by men; yet as our Saviour saith to Pilate, that his power was from above, though he was deputed by Caesar; So may they be said to have their authority immediately from God; though they should be some ways deputed by men: for we must distinguish betwixt the sovereignty, the Subject, and the collation of the Sovereignty to the Subject; the Sovereignty is immediately from God, the Subject is from its natural causes, and the unition of the Sovereignty to the Subject is likewise immediately from God, not only approving but appointing the same, in all the Kings of his ordination: or to speak with the Schools, we must distinguish betwixt deputationem personae, and collationem potestatis, the designation of the person, which is sometimes done by men, & that is where the King is elective, & the donation of the power which is proper only unto God; for so the Psalmist saith, God hath spoken once and twice; Psal. 62.11. I have also heard the same, that power belongeth unto God: and the Apostle saith, Rom. 13.2. the powers that are, are ordained of God, which is to be understood of the regal, or Monarchical power; because Saint Paul's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, higher powers are interpreted by Saint Peter, 2. Pet. 2.13. to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Kings that are supreme; where Saint Peter makes an excellent distinction betwixt the superior and the inferior Magistrates; Saint Peter's description betwixt the King and the inferior Magistrates. A two fold royalty in a King. 1 Merum imperium. the superior is that which Saint Paul saith is ordained of God, & the inferiors are they which St Peter calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as are sent by the King; for the better explanation of which place, you must know that in every King or supreme Magistrate, we may conceive a double royalty. The 1 is merum imperium, or regni potestas, summa & plenissima; and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this fullness of power, and independent of any creature, and immediately received of God, which the Civilians call jus regis, or munus regni, is in the person of the King indivisible, not to be imparted by the King to any creature; because he cannot divest himself, divide this power, or alienate the same to any subject, no not to his own son, How the King cannot do unjustly. without renouncing or dividing his Kingdom; and by this the Civilians say, the King may govern sine certa lege, sine certo jure, sed non fine aequitate & justitia, without Law, but not without equity: whereupon it is a rule in the Common Law, hoc unum rex potest facere, quod non potest injustè agere. 2 Imperium dispositi vum. which is to be applied to this inseparable regality of the King; and hath been often alleged by other Parliaments to justify the King from all blame. The 2 is, imperium dispositivum, or jus gubernandi vel jurisdictio the right of governing, or jurisdiction and distribution of justice; and this may be derived and delegated from the King, legatis vitalitiis, either for term of life, or during the King's pleasure. But how?, not privatiuè, when the King doth not denude himself thereof, but cumulatiuè and executiuè, to execute the same, How the King delegates his power to his inferior Magistrates. as the King's Instruments for the preservation of peace and the administration of justice, as it appeareth in their patent; and this subordinate power is not inherent in their persons, but only committed unto them for the execution of some office: because that when the supreme power is present, the power of the inferior officers is silent, it is in nubibus, fled into the clouds, and like the light of the moon and stars vanishing, whensoever the Sun appeareth; for Kings, when they do transfer any actual power to the subalternate Officers, retain the habitual power still in their own hands, which upon any emeregent occasion they may actually resume to themselves again, which they could not do, if they parted with the habit and form of this despotical power of government, that they have immediately received from God. The words of the Apostles vindicated from the false glosses of the Sectaries. Rom. 13.3. And, as the Scriptures make it plain, that the King's right and power to govern is immediately from God, so they make it as plain, that it is the greatest right and most eminent highest power that is on earth; for though the cavillers at this power translate the words of Saint Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not potestatibus sublimioribus or supremis, but potestatibus superexcellentibus, and say that the word or particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where S. Peter bids us submit ourselves to the King, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as to the chief, intends a resemblance only, and not a real demonstration to prove the King to be the chief; Yet the malice of these men, and the falsehood of these glosses will appear, if you consider that the word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habens se super alios, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joined with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the powers that are ordained of God, must needs signify not any subordinate power, but the supremest power on earth; because the other powers are directly said by Saint Peter to be sent by the King, 1 Pet. 2.13. and the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth as really express the matter there, as in John 1.14. where the Evangelist saith, and we beheld his glory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The testimony of the Fathers for the Sovereignty of Kings. as the glory of the only begotten Son of God. And I hope our Sectaries will not be so impudent, as to say that this signifieth but a resemblance of the Son of God. But to make this point more plain, you shall hear what the fathers and the learned say; for, I told you before, Tertullian saith of Kings and Emperors, Tertul. ad Scap. & in apologer. c. 30. I●en. advers haeres. Valent. l. 5. c. 20. Optat. contr. ●armen l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. tom. 6. orat. 40. orat. 2. Aug. de civet. Dei. l. 5. c. 21. Q Curtin● l. 9 inde potestas, unde & spiritus, and he is solo Deo minor, inferior to none but God. Saint chrysostom saith, he hath no peer on earth, but is the top of all men living. Athanasius saith, there is none above the Emperor, but only God that made the Emperor. Saint Cyrill in a Sermon upon that text, I am the vine, commendeth the answer of a King, (whom Quintus Curtius affirmeth to be Alexander,) that being shot, & his Subjects would have him bound to pull out the arrow, said, non decet vinciri Regem, Bern. Tractat. de pass. Dom. c. 4. it becomes not Kings to be bound, because none is superior unto them: Agapetus, a Deacon of Constantine, saith as much; and because it is a rule in the Civil Law, testem quem quis inducit pro se tenetur recipere contra sese: the testimony of our adversaries is most convictive; therefore I beseech you hear what they say; for Rosellus a great Catholic saith, it is heretical to affirm, that the universal administration of the temporal affairs is or must be in the Pope, when the King hath no superior on earth, but the Creator of heaven and earth. Caninus also saith, that the Apostle, Rom. 13. spoke of the Regal and secular power, Cassani Catal. glor. mundi p. 8. considers 28. Card. Cusan. concord. Cathol. l. 3. c. 5. Vide Arnis. p. 5. de dist. dupl. iurisdict. and not of the Ecclesiastical; and Cassanaeus saith, that Kings are the highest and most paramount secular power and authority that ever God appointed on earth, and denies that either the old or the new Testament makes any mention of an Emperor: & juris utriusque testimonia manifestè declarant imperialem dignitatem & potestatem immediatè a filio Dei ab antiquo processisse, said Philip King of France, in Constit de potest. elect. Imperat. Irvin. p. 33, 34, 35. quoteth many authors to confirm the same truth: Lombard, Gratian, Melancton, Cranmer, Tyndall, and abundance more without number do likewise most peremptorily affirm, that the King's power is the supreme power on earth: and as the mirror of our time, the Bishop of Winchester, observeth, the Scripture testifieth, that their Throne, their Crown, their Sword, their Sceptre, their Judgement, their Royalty, their power, their Charge, their Person, and all in them are of God, from God, and by God; to show how sacred they are, and aught to be unto us all; and so the very Heathens teaching sounder Divinity than our Sectaries thought, Homer. Plutarch. Ovid Fast. l. 5. Quia a love nutriti & ab eo regnum adeptisunt. Scapula in verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and said, that Kings were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Ministers of God, and not the servants of the people. Good God what shall we say then to those children of Adam, that will not only with Adam be content to be like God, but with Antichrist, this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, * Many headed beast. as Plato calleth them, will exalt themselves above all that is called God? They will divest the King, and invest themselves with his right; and therefore, 2. The difficulty of government. 2. This showeth how difficult a thing it is to rule and govern this unruly, aspiring, and ambitious multitude: for the fuller understanding of which difficult duty, Osorius saith, that two things are to be considered. 2 Things showing the difficulty of government. 1. Suscepti muneris amplitudo, the greatness of the charge, which is of that weight, that we can scarce think of a greater in all our life; the care of Church and Commonwealth, and to rule millions of men fare and near. 2. Gubernandorum qualitas, the quality and conditions of those men that are to be governed; which (if there were nothing else to prove it) will sufficiently show the difficulty of their government; for if it be a very hard thing to govern a man's self, how much harder is it to govern such a multitude of mad men? Cicero. Tusc. 3. & de sinibus lib. 2. Plutarch. in Alc●biad. for Cicero saith, the multitude is the greatest teacher of error, the unjustest judge of dignity, being without counsel, without reason, without judgement; and Plutarch calleth them possimam veritatis interpretem, whereunto agreeth the answer of that Pope, who being demanded what was furthest from truth, answered, populi sententia, the opinion of the people; and as they are the weakest for judgement, so they are most instable in their resolutions; to day crying Hosanna, and to morrow Crucifige; this is the nature of the people, of whom these our Sectaries are the very dregs, Osorius his description of the factious Puritans, most plainly seen verified in our Rebels. the worst and the basest of all: I must crave leave to set down what Osorius saith of them long ago, and you may find that this rebellion proves his words most true: for he saith, the desire and end of this faction is too much liberty, than which nothing can be more averse to the office and government of Kings; for it is the duty of a King to cut off all heinous offences with just punishments, the unbridled people desires to be free from all fear of punishment; the King is the Minister of the Law, the Keeper of it, and the avenger of the transgression thereof, the people as much as possibly they can, with an impetuous temerity, pulleth down all Laws; the King laboureth to preserve peace and quietness, the people with an untameable lust turmoileth and troubleth the peace of all men: lastly, the King thinks not fit to distribute rewards and compensations indifferently to all men alike, but the people desire to have all difference of worth and dignity taken away, & infima summis permisceri, and to make the basest equal with the best, whence it happeneth so, that they hate all Princes, and especially all Kings, quos immani odio persequuntur, whom they persecute with a deadly hate; for they cannot endure any excellency or dignity: and to that end they use all endeavour, ut principes interimant, vel saltem in turbam conjiciant, either utterly to take away and destroy their Princes, or to implunge them into a world of troubles; which thing at first doth not appear, but when the multitude of furious men hath gathered strength, then at last their impudent boldness, being confirmed by daily impunity, breaketh forth to the destruction of the royal Majesty. Osorius in op. Regina Elizabethae prafin. l. de relig. And a little after he saith, add to these things the abolition of Laws, the contempt of Rule, the hatred of royal Majesty, and the cruel lying in wait, which they most impiously and nefariously do endeavour, for their Princes: add also their clandestine and secret discourses, where their confederacies are made for the extirpation of their Kings, and to plot with unspeakable mischief the death of them, whose health and safety they ought most hearty to pray to God for: and then he addeth, cum immodica libertatis cupiditate rapiantur, leges oderunt, judicia detestantur, regum majestatem extinctam cupiunt, Pagina 24. & 25. ut licentiùs & impuniùs queant per omnia libidinum genera vagari; and this is most manifest (saith he) all their endeavours aim at this end, that Princes being taken away, they may have an leave and liberty to commit all kind of villainies; and to that purpose they have poisoned some Kings, and killed others with the sword, Revera mihi videtur esse ar● artium, hominem regere, qui certè est inter omnes animantes maximè & moribus vartus, & voluntate diversus. Nazian. in Apol. and to root out all rule, Consilia plena sceleris inierunt, they are full of all wicked counsels. And therefore this being the condition of the people, as the Scripture showeth plainly in the Jews, by their continual rebellions and murmur against Moses and Aaron; and we see it as plainly in our own time, when our people hath confirmed all that this Bishop said; it is not an easy matter to govern such an unruly people: But we find that the rod of government is a miraculous rod, that being in Moses hand was a fair wand, but cast unto the ground turned to be an ugly and a poisonous Serpent; to show that the people, being subject to the hand of government, is a goodly thing, and a glorious society; A people well governed very glorious. but let lose out of the Prince's hands, they are as Serpents, crooked, wriggled, versipellis, and as full as may be of all deadly poison: and the Prophet David makes the ruling of the people to be as great a miracle, as to appease the raging of the Seas; and therefore he ascribes this government to be the proper work of God, Psal. 65.7. when speaking unto God, he saith, Thou rulest the rage of the Seas, the noise of his waves, and the madness of the people; God is the governor, and Kings are but God's instruments. Psal. 77.20. for Kings are but God's instruments, and God himself is the ruler of his people, even as the same King David showeth, saying still to God, Tu deduicisti populum tuum, Thou leadest thy people like sheep by the hands of Moses and Aaron; God was the leader, and they were but the hands by which he led them; for where God hath not a hand in the government of the people, it is impossible for the best and most politic heads to do it: and this Solomon knew ●ull well, when God bade him ask what he should give him, and he said, Thou hast made me King, (he doth not say the people hath made me) and I know not how to go out or in; that is, to govern them: 1 Reg. 3.7.9. therefore I pray thee, give thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad: for who is able to judge this thy so great a people? that is, what one man is able to govern an innumerous multitude of men? Thou therefore must be the governor, and I am but thine instrument; and that I may be a fit instrument to do thy work, I desire thee to give me a docible heart. Wherefore, O you Subjects without obedience, They that reject their King, reject God. and you Divines without Divinity, how dare you put any instruments into God's hands, and refuse, nay reject the instrument that he chooseth, for the performance of his own work, to rule the people? you may as well refuse God himself, even as God saith unto Samuel, They have not rejected thee, 1 Sam. 8.7. but they have rejected me; so you that do rebel and cast away your King that God hath chosen, as his hand to guide you, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Luke 10.16. and his instrument to govern you, I pronounce it to all the world you have rebelled against God, and you have cast away your God; for the rule of Christ must stand infallible, he that rejecteth (or despiseth) him that is sent, rejecteth him that sent him. CHAP. XII. Sheweth the assistants of Kings in their government; to whom the choice of inferior Magistrates belongeth; the power of the subordinate officers; neither Peers nor Parliament can have supremacy; the Sectaries chiefest argument out of Bracton answered; our Laws prove all Sovereignty to be in the King; the two chief parts of the regal government; the four properties of a just War; and how the Parliamentary Faction transgress in every property. 3. SEeing it is so hard and difficult a matter, 3. The assistance that God alloweth unto Kings to help them in their government, of two sorts. ars artium guberuare populum, the Mistress of all Sciences, and the most dangerous of all faculties to govern the people, that Saturninus said truly to them that put on his Kingly ornaments, they knew not what an evil it was to rule, because of the many dangers that hang over the ruler's heads, which under the seeming show of a Crown of gold, do wear indeed a Crown of thorns; therefore, ut rarò eminentes viros non magnis adjutoribus ad gubernandam fortunam suam usus invenies, saith Paterculus; as great men, of a wealthy and vast estate, are seldom without great counsel to assist them to govern, and to dispose of that great fortune; so Kings having a great charge laid upon them, are not only permitted, but advised and counselled by God, to have 1. Wise Counellors. 1. Faithful and wise Counsellors to direct them 2. Subordinate Magistrates to assist them in the government of the people. Tacit. annal. lib. 2. 1. Tacitus (as I said before) saith, There cannot be an argument of greater wisdom in a Prince, nor any thing of greater safety to the Commonwealth, then for him to make choice of a wise and religious Counsel; because the most weighty labours of the Prince do stand in need of the greatest helps: therefore Agamemnon had his Nestor and Chalcas; ●●s. Hali. ●. ●ib. 2. Augustus had Maecenas and Agrippa, two wise Counsellors, to direct him in all his affairs; David had Nathan, Gad, Achitophel, and Hushai; and Nabuchadnezzar had Daniel, Shadrac, Meshac, and Abednego: and so all other Kings in all Nations do choose the wisest men, that they conceive, to be their Counsellors. ●. Subordinate Magistrates. 2. For subordinate Magistrates, Jethroes counsel unto Moses, and Moses harkening unto him, as to a wise and faithful Counsellor, makes it plain, how necessary it is for the supreme Magistrate to choose such assistants, as may bear with him some part of the great burden of government. Thus fare it is agreed upon on all sides, but the difference betwixt us and our new State-Divines, consisteth in these two points. A twofold difference. 1. About the choice 2. About the power of these officers. For 1. About the choice of inferior Magistrates and Officers. 1. We say that by the Law of nature, every master hath right to choose his own servants; this is Lex gentium, ever practised among all Nations; why then should not the King make choice of his own Counsellors and Servants? they will say, because he is the servant of the Commonwealth: But how is that? I hope none otherwise then the Minister is the servant of the Church, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. Cor. 4.5. for Christ his sake; and shall he therefore that is your King, lose the privileges of a common Subject? Besides, hath not God committed the charge of his people into the King's hand, Exod. 18. ●1. and will he not require an account of him of their government? how then shall he give an account to God when the government is taken out of his hands, and subordinate officers and servants put upon him? I am sure, when the 70 grand Senators of Israel, the great Sanhedrim of the Jews were to be chosen; Jethro saith unto Moses, Thou shalt provide out of the people able men; mark I pray you, thou and not the people, shalt provide them; neither shall you find it otherwise in any History: Pharaoh, and not his people, Gen. 41.41. made Joseph ruler over all the land of Egypt. Nabuchadnezzar, and not his people, made Daniel ruler over the whole Province of Babylon: Dan. 2.48. and Darius set over his Kingdom a hundred and twenty Princes, Cap. 6.1, 2. and made Daniel the first of the three precedents that were over all these. And what shall I say of Ahashuerus, All Kings choose their own Officers. and all other Kings, Heathens, Jews, or Christians, that ever kept this power, to choose their own servants, Counsellors, and Officers, except they were infant Kings, in their nonage, and so not able to choose them. But you will say that our Histories tell you, how Rich. 2. Ob. Edw. 2. and others of our Kings, had their Officers appointed, and themselves committed unto Guardians by the Parliament; therefore why may not our Parliament do the like in case of maladministration? I answer, that I speak of the right of Kings, Sol. 2. Reg. 19.37. and not justify the wrongs done to Kings. Adramelech and Sharezer killed Sennacherib their own father; is it therefore lawful for other children so to do? Why should we therefore allege those things, Qua insolentia populari, quae vi, quae furore, non ad imitationem exemplo proponenda, sed justo legum supplicio vindicanda sunt; which should rather have been revenged by the just punishment of the Law, then proposed to be imitated by the example? Therefore I say, that whosoever abridgeth the King of this power, robbeth him of that right which God and nature hath allowed him: whereby you may judge how justly the Parliamentary faction would have dealt herein with our King, by forcing Counsellors and great Officers upon him; but I hope you see it is the King's right to choose his Servants, Officers, and Counsellors; what manner of men he should choose, Jethro setteth down. And I have most fully described the qualities and conditions that they should be endued withal in my True Church. True Church. lib 6. c. 4. etc. 2. Difference, about the power of the subordinate Magistrates. 2. As our Sectaries differ much from the true Divines, about the choice, so they differ much more about the power of these subordinate Officers, and inferior Magistrates; for we say, they are always to be obedient to the supreme power; or otherwise, ejus est deponere, cujus est constituere, he can displace them that hath appointed them; or if you say no, because I cited you a place out of Bellarmine, where he saith, the Soldiers had power to refuse their Emperor while he was in fieri, to be elected; but not when he was in facto, fully chosen and made Emperor; so the King hath power to choose them, but not to displace them. I answer briefly, that in creating or constituting our inferiors, we may; but our superior we may not: because inferiors, in the judgement of all men, have no jurisdiction over their superiors. And therefore elective Kings are not deposeable in a Monarchical government, None can depose him in whom the supreme Majesty resideth. where the supreme power resides in the Monarch; though perhaps the Kings of Lacedaemon might be justly deposed, because by the constitution of their Kingdom, the supreme power was not in their Kings, but in their Ephori. But our new Sectaries out of Junius Brutus, Burcher, Althusius, R nox and Cartwright, teach very devoutly, but most falsely, that in case of defailance to do his duty, they may with the Tribunes of Rome, or the Demarchi at Athens, censure and depose him too, if they see just cause for the same. Bla●vod. l. 33. p. 285. To confute which blasphemous doctrine against God, and so pernicious and dangerous to this State, though others have done it very excellently well already, & I have formerly shown the absurdity of it in my Grand Rebellion; Grand Rebellion, c. 7. p. 52. yet, because all books come not to every hand, I will say somewhat of it in this place. If these Counsellors, Magistrates, Parliament, call them what you will, have any power and authority, it must be either subordinate, coordinate, or supreme. 1. If subordinate, 1. Subordinate officers can have no power over their superiors. I told you before they can have no power over their superior, because all inferior Magistrates are Magistrates only, in respect of those that are under their jurisdiction; because to them they represent the King, and supply the office of the King; but in reference to the King, they are but private persons and Subjects, that can challenge no jurisdiction over him. 2. If they be supreme, then S. Peter is much mistaken, 2. That neither Peers nor Parliament can have the supremacy. None above the King at any time. to say the King is supreme; and they do ill to disclaim this supremacy, when in all their Petitions, (not disjunctively, but as they are an united body) they say, Your Majesty's humble Subjects the Lords and Commons in Parliament: and besides, they are perjured that deny it, after they have taken the Oath of supremacy, where every one saith, I A. B. do utterly testify and declare in my conscience, that the King's Highness is the only supreme Governor of this Realm, etc. But this is further, and so fully proved out of Bracton, the nature of all the Subjects tenors, and the constitution of this government, by the Author of The unlawfulness of Subjects taking up Arms against their Sovereign, that more needs not be spoken to any rational man. Yet because this point is of such great concernment, and the chiefest argument they have out of Bracton, is, The Sectaries chiefest argument out of Bracton fully answered. that he saith, Rex habet superiorem, legem, curiam suam, comites, Barones; quia comites dicuntur, quasi socii regis, & qui habet socium habet magistrum; & ideo si rex fuerit sine fraeno, id est, sine lege, debent ei fraenum ponere, nisi ipsimet fuerint cum rege sine fraeno: and all this makes just nothing in the world for them, if they had the honesty or the learning to understand it right; for what is above the King? the Law, and the Court of Earls and Barons; but how are they above him? as the Preacher is above the King, when he preacheth unto him; or the Physician when he gives him Physic; or the Pilot when he saileth by Sea; that is, quoad rationem consulendi, non cogendi, they have superioritatem directivam, non coactivam; for so the teacher is above him that is taught, How the Law and the Court of Barons is above the King. and the Counsellor above him that is counselled; that is, by way of advice, but not by way of command; and to show you that this is Bractons' true meaning; I pray you consider his words; Comites dicuntur quasi soc●i, they are as his fellows or Peers, not simply, but quasi: and if they were simply so, yet they are but socii, not superiors; and what can socii do? not command, for par in parem non habet potestatem, that is, praecipiendi; otherwise, you must confess, habet potestatem consulendi: therefore Bracton adds, qui habet socium habet magistrum, that is, a teacher, not a commander; and to make this yet more plain, he adds, Si Rex fuerit sini fraeno, id est, sine lege, if the King be without a bridle, that is, saith he, (lest you should mistake what he means by the bridle, and think he means force and arms) the Law; they ought to put this bridle unto him, that is, to press him with this Law, and still to show him his duty, even as we do both to King and people, saying, this is the Law, this should bridle you; but here is not a word of commanding, much less of forcing the King; not a word of superiority, nor yet simply of equality; and therefore I must say, hoc argumentum nihil adrhombum: these do abuse every author. 3. That neither ●eeres nor Parliament are with the King. 3. If their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (I speak not of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, their natural strength and power) but of their right and authority, be and equal with the King's authority, than (whether given by God (which they cannot prove) or by the people) there must be duo summa imperia, two supreme powers, (which the Philosophers say cannot be; Omnésque Philosophi & jurisconsulit ponunt summum in eo terum genere quod dividi non possit. Lactant. l. 1. c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marc. 3.24. nam quod summum est unum est, from whence they prove the unity of the Godhead, that there can be but one God) and if this supreme power be divided betwixt King and Parliament, you know what the Poet saith, — Omnisque potestas, Impatiens consortis erit,— Or you may remember what our Saviour saith, If a Kingdom be divided against itself it cannot stand; and therefore when Tiberius, out of his wont subtlety, desired the Senate to appoint a colleague and partner with him, for the better administration of the Empire; Asinius Gallus, that was desirous enough of their Pristine liberty, yet understanding well with what mind the subtle fox spoke, (only to descry his ill willers) after some jests answered seriously, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that government must not be divided; because you can never have any happiness where the power is equally divided in two parts, when according to the well known axiom to every one, Par in parem non habet potestatem. The Case of our Affairs. p. 19, 20. But to make the matter clear, and to show that the Sovereignty is inseparably inherent in the person of His Majesty, we have the whole current of our very Acts of Parliament acknowledging it in these very terms, Our Sovereign Lord the King; The Laws of our Land acknowledge all Sovereignty in the King. and the Parliament, 25. Hen. 8. saith, this your Grace's Realm, recognising no superior under God, but your Grace, etc. And the Parliament 16. Rich. 2.5. affirmeth the Crown of England to have been so free at all times, that it hath been in no earthly subjection, but immediately to God, in all things touching the regality of the said Crown, and to none other. And in the 2●. of Hen. 5. the Parliament declareth, that it belongeth to the King's regality, to grant or deny what Petitions in Parliament he pleaseth: and so indeed whatsoever authority is in the constant practice of the Kingdom, or in the known and published Laws and Statutes, it concludeth the Sovereignty to be fixed in the King, and all the Subjects virtually united in the representative body of the Parliament, to be obliged in obedience and allegiance to the individual person of the King: and I doubt not but our learned Lawyers can find much more proof than I do, out of their Law to this purpose. And therefore seeing divers supreme powers are not compatible in one State, nor allowable in our State; the conceit of a mixed Monarchy is but a foppery, to prove the distribution of the supreme power into two sorts of governor's, equally endued with the same power; because the supreme power, being but one, must be placed in one sort of governor's, either in one numerical man, as it is in Monarchy; or in one specifical kind of men, as the optimates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as it is in Aristocracy; or in the people, as in Democracie; but if by a mixed Monarchy you mean that this supreme power is not simply absolute, quoad omnia, but a government limited and regulated, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we will not much quarrel with our Sectaries; because His Majesty hath promised, and we are sure he will perform it, to govern his people according to the Laws of this Land. They deserve not to live in th● Kingdom that diminish the supremacy of the King. And therefore they that would rob the King of this right, and give any part of his supreme power to the Parliament, or to any of all his inferior Magistrates, deserve as well to be expelled the Kingdom, as Plato would have Homer to be banished, for bringing in the Gods fight and disagreeing among themselves; when as Ovid, out of him, saith, Jupiter in Trojam, pro Troja stabat Apollo: Because, as the Civilians say, Naturale vitium est negligi, quod communiter possidetur, utque se nihil habere putet qui totum non habeat, & fuam partem corrumpi patiatur, dum invidet alienae: and therefore the same Homer treating of our humane government, Nec multos regnare bonum, rex unicus esto. Arist. Metaph. lib. 12. saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:— which Aristotle doth so infinitely commend, where he disputeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and so doth Plato and all the wise Philosophers that followed after: Statius Thebay. lib. 1. because, as the Poet saith, — Summo dulcius unum Stare loco: sociisque comes discordia regnis. And, as our own most lamentable experience showeth, what abundance of miseries happened unto ourselves by this renting of the King's power, and placing it in the hands of the Parliament, and his own inferior officers: and as those sad Tragedies of Etheocles and Polynices, Numitor and Amulius, Romulus and Remus, Antoninus and Geta, and almost infinite more, do make it manifest to all the world. §. The two chiefest parts of the regal government; the four properties of a just war; and how the Parliamentary faction transgress in every property. 4. The chiefest parts of the Regal government, which are two. 4. HAving spoken of those assistants, that should further and not hinder the King in the Commonwealth, it resteth that I should now speak of the chiefest parts of this government: when Moses killed the Egyptian that wronged the Israelite, and the next day said unto the Hebrew, that did injure his fellow, Exod. 2.14. Wherefore smitest thou him? the oppressor answered, Who made thee a Prince and a Judge over us? 1. Sam. 8.20. and the people say unto Samuel, we will have a King over us, that our King may judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles. 2. Sam. 5.2. Out of which two places, we find two special parts of the King's government. 1. Principatum bellorum; the charge of the wars; Sigon. l. 7. c. 1. in respect whereof the Kings were called Captains, as the Lord said unto Samuel concerning Saul, Vnges eum ducem, 1. Sam. 9.16. thou shalt anoint him to be Captain over my people Israel. 2. Curam judiciorum, the care of all judgements; in respect whereof David, and Solomon, 1. Reg. 3.9. Psal. 72.2. and the other Kings are said to judge the people. So Arnisaeus saith, Arnisaeus de jure Majest. l. 2. c. 1. p. 214. Majestatis potestas omnis consistit vel in defendenda repub. vel in regenda, all the power of royalty consisteth either in defending or in governing the Common wealth, according as Homer describeth a perfect King: Homer Iliad γ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And so you see the two principal parts of the King's government are the Offices 1. Of a Captain in the time of War. 1. Ducis in bello gerendo. 2. judicis in jure reddendo. 1. Part. In the time of War. Ordo ille naturalis mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit, ut suscipiendi belli autoritas atque consilium apud principes sit. Aug. count. Faust. l 22. & Arnis. l. 2. c. 5. p. 345. Plato de legib. lib. 2. Arnisaus lib. 2. cap. 5. p. 345. Luc. 14.31. Vers. 32. 2. Of a Judge in the time of Peace. 1. Then it is the proper right of the King, and of none but the King, or he that hath the regal and supreme power, to make war, and to conclude peace; for Plato in his Commonwealth ordained, that, Si quis pacem vel bellum secerit cum aliquibus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and the Julian Law adjudgeth him guilty of High Treason, Qui injussu principis bellum gesserit, delectúmve habuerit, exercitum vel comparaverit, that either maketh War, or raiseth an Army without his King's command. And to this part of the regal government, which consisteth in the Militia in Arms, for the defence of the Kingdom, pertaineth, 1. The proclaiming of War, which our Saviour properly ascribeth unto the right of Kings, when he saith, not what State or Commonwealth, but What King going to war with another King, & c? 2. The concluding of Peace, which our Saviour ascribeth also unto the King, in the same place. 3. The making of leagues and confederacies with other foreign States. Aristot. polit. l. 7. c. 8. 4. The sending and receiving of Ambassadors. 5. To raise Arms, and the like, which the Laws of God and of all Nations justify to be the proper right of Kings, Arnis. l. 2. c. 1. and to belong only unto the supreme Majesty. Judges 11.11. But than you will say, did not the Judges, Moses, Joshua, Gedion, Jephta, Barac, Samson, and the rest make war, and yet they were no Kings? Why then may not the Nobles make war, as well as Kings? I answer, that they do indeed make war, and a miserable wretched war; but I speak of a just war, and so I say that none but the King, or he that hath the King's power can do it; for though the Judges assumed not the name of Kings nor Captains, sed à potiore parte vocati sunt judices, but from the sweetest part of the royal government were termed Judges; yet they had the full power, & ducendi & judicandi populum, both of war and peace, saith Sigonius: and so the men of Gilead said unto Jephthe, veni & esto princeps noster; and they made him their head by an inviolable covenant. Deut. 33.5. And of Moses it is plainly said, He was King in Jesurun; and when there was no Judge, it is said, there was no King in Israel: Judges 17.6.18.1.19.1. for I stand not about words, when some were called Kings, for the honour of the people, and yet had no more power than Subjects, as the Kings of Sparta; and others had not the name of Kings, and yet had the full power of Kings; as the Dictator, and the Emperor, and the great Duke of Muscovie, and the like. But, when a war is undertaken by any Prince, how shall we know which party is in the right? for to make an unjust war, cannot be said to be the right of any King: yet, as the Poet saith, Lucan lib. 1. — Quis justius induit arma Scire nefas, summo se judice quisque tuetur. Every one pretends his cause is just, he fights for God, for the truth of the Gospel, the faith of Christ, and the liberty and Laws of his Country: how then shall those poor men, that hazard their lives and their fortunes, yea, and souls too, if they war on the wrong side, understand the truth of this great, doubtful, and dangerous point? I answer, all the Divines that I read of, speaking of war, Dambo ● d in praxi criminal. cap. 82. do concur with what Dumbauderius writeth of this point, that there must be four properties of a just war. 1. A just cause. Four properties of a just War. 2. A right intention. 3. Meet Members. 4. The King's authority. Sine qua est laesa Majestas, without which authority the Warriors are all Traitors. And I would to God our Rebels would lay their hands upon their hearts, and seriously examine these four points in this present War. 1. What cause have they to take Arms against their King, 1. A just causes and to kill and murder so many thousands of their own Brethren? they will answer, that they do it for the defence of their Liberty, Laws, and Religion; but how truly, let God himself be the Judge; for His Majesty hath promised and protested they shall enjoy all these fully and freely, without any manner of diminution: and we know that never any rebellion was raised, but these very causes were still pretended. And therefore 2. Consider with what intent they do all this? 2. A right intention. and I doubt not but you shall find foul weeds under this fair cloak; for under the shadow of liberty and property, they took the liberty to rob all the Kings loyal Subjects that they could reach, of all or most of their estates, and to keep them fast in prison; because they would not consent to their lawless liberty, and to be Rebels with them against their conscience. And under the pretence of Laws they aimed not to have the old Laws well kept, which was never denied them, but to have such new ones made, as might quite rob the King of all his rights, and transfer the same unto themselves and their friends; so he should be like the King of Sparta, a royal slave; What Laws and Religion the Rebels would feign hav● and they should be like the Ephori, ruling and commanding Subjects: And for the religion, you may know by their new Synod, which are a Synod not of Saints, but of Rebels, what religion they would feign have, not that which was professed in Q. Elizabeth's times, that was established by the Laws, justified by the pains, and confirmed by the blood of so many worthy men and faithful Martyrs, but, a new religion first hatched in Amsterdam, then nourished in New England, and now to be transplanted into this Kingdom. 3. Meet Members. 3. Who are the persons that are employed in this war? he first of all, that is the more disloyal, because he was a person of honour, that had so much honour conferred upon him by His Majesty, and so much trust reposed in him, and would notwithstanding prove so unthankful, as to kick with his heels against his Master; and so follow, whom you know, passibus aequis, whose example, any other man, that were not robbed of his understanding, would make a remora to retain him from rebellion: and what are the other heads, but a company either of poor, needy, Who the Rebels are, and what manner of persons they be. and mean conditioned Lords and Gentlemen, or discontented Peers that are misled, or such factious Sectaries, whose blind zeal and furious malice are able to hurry them headlong to perpetrate any mischief? for their Captains and their Officers, I believe they fight neither for the Anabaptists creed, nor against the Roman faith, nor to overthrow our Protestant Church, but for their pay; for which, though they cannot be justified to take their hire for such ill service, to rebel against their King, and to murder their innocent brethren; Yet are they not so bad as their grand Masters; and for their common Soldiers, I assure myself many of them fight against their wills, many seduced by their false Prophets, others enticed by their factious Masters, and most of them compelled to kill their brethren against their wills; and therefore in some places, though their number trebled the Kings; yet they had rather run away then fight; and what a miserable and deplorable case is this, when so many poor souls shall be driven unto the Devil by Preachers and Parliament against their wills? 4. The supreme authority. 4. If you consider qua authoritate, by what authority they wage this war? they will answer by the Authority of Parliament, and that is just none at all; because the Parliament hath not the supreme authority, without which the war is not public, nor can it be justified: for a war is then justifiable, when there is no legal way to end the controversy by prohibiting farther appeals, which cannot be, but only betwixt independent States and several Princes, Albericus Gentilis de jure belli l, 1. c. 2. that have the supreme power in their own hands, and are not liable to the censure of any Court; which power the Parliament cannot challenge; because they are or should be the King's lawful Subjects: and therefore cannot be his lawful enemies: but they will say, Master Goodwin, Burroughes, and all the rest of our good men, zealous brethren, Subjects can never make a lawful war against their king. and powerful Preachers do continually cry out in our ears, it is bellum sanctum, a most just and holy war, a war for the Gospel and for our Laws and Liberties, wherein whosoever dies he shall he crowned a Martyr. I answer, that for their reward, they shall be indeed as Saint Augustine saith of the like, Martyrs stultae Philosophiae, when every one of them may be indicted at the bar of God's justice for a felo de se, a Malefactor guilty of his own untimely death: Res dura ac plena pericli est, regale occidisse genus. and for their good Orators that persuade them to this wickedness, I pray you consider well what they are: men of no worth, rebellious against the Church, rebels against the King, factious Schismatics, of no faith, of no learning, In what condition their Preachers are; and of what worth. that have already forfeited their estates, if they have any, and their lives unto the King● and will any man that is wise, hazard his estate, his life and his soul to follow the persuasions of these men? my life is as dear to me, as the Earl of Essex his head is to him, and my soul dearer; and I dare engage them both, that if all the Doctors in both Universities, and all the Divines within the Kingdom of England, were gathered together to give their judgement of this war, there could not be found one of ten, it may be as I believe not one of twenty that durst upon his conscience say, this war is lawful upon the Parliament side; It is contrary to the doctrine of all the Protestant Church, for Subjects to resist their king. for though these Locusts, that is the Germane, Scottish, and the English Puritan, agreeing with the Roman Jesuit ever since the reformation, harped upon this string, and retained this serpentine poison within their bosom, still spitting it forth against all States, as you may see by their books; Yet I must tell you plainly, this doctrine of Subjects taking up arms against their lawful King, is point blank and directly against the received doctrine of the Church of England: and against the tenet of all true Protestants: Paraeus in Rom. 13. Boucher: l. 2. c. 2. Keckerm. Syst. pol. c. 32. ●un. Brut. q. 2. p. 56. Bellar. de l●●c. c. 6 Suar. d●f. fid. cathol. c. 3. and therefore Andrea's Rivetus Professor at Leyden writing against a Jesuit, that cast this aspersion upon the Protestants, that they jump with them in this doctrine of warring against, and deposing Kings, saith, that no Protestant doth maintain that damnable doctrine, and that rashness of Knox and Buchanan, is to be ascribed praefervido Scotorum ingenio & ad audendum prompto. Juell and Bilson and all the Doctors of our Church are of the same mind: and Lichfield saith, no Orthodox father did by word or writing teach any resistance, for the space of a thousand years: and Doctor Feild saith, lichfield. l. 4. c ●9. § 19. ●ield l. 5. c. 30 that all the worthy fathers and Bishops of the Church persuaded themselves, that they owed all duty unto their Kings, though they were Heretics and Infidels; and the Homilies of the Church of England, allowed by authority, do plainly and peremptorily condemn all Subjects warring against their King for Rebels and Traitors, that do resist the ordinance of God and procure unto themselves damnation: and truly I believe most of their own consciences tell them so; & they that think otherwise, I would have them to consider, that if they were at a banquet, where twenty should aver such a dish to be full of poison, for every one that would warrant it good, wouldst thou venture to eat it, and hazard thy life in such a case? O then consider what it is to hazard thy soul upon the like terms. So you see the justness of the war on the Parliament side. But 1. On the King's side, it cannot be denied, but his cause is most just; for his own defence, for the maintenance of the true Protestant Religion, that is established by our Laws, and for the rights of the Church and the just liberties and property of all his loyal Subjects: this he testifieth in all his Declarations: and this we know in our own consciences to be true; and therefore 2. As His Majesty professeth, so we believe him, that he never intended otherwise by this war, but to protect us, and our Religion, and to maintain his own just and unquestionable rights, which these Rebels would most unjustly wrest out of his hands, and under the show of humble Petitioners to become at last proud Commanders; for as one saith, — They whom no denial can withstand, Seem but to ask, while they indeed command. 3. His Assistants learned, honest, and religious. 3. For the persons that war with him, they are the chiefest of the Nobility; all the best Gentry, that hazard their lives, not for filthy lucre; for, the King's Revenues, being so unjustly detained from him, they are feign to supply his necessities, and to bear their own charges; and the poor common Soldiers are nothing wanting to do their best endeavours; neither need they to fear any thing; because 4. The King hath a just right, to give them full power and authority to do execution upon these Rebels, as I have proved unto you before. 4. His authority sacred and unquestionable. And therefore the result of all is, that the Parliament side (under the pretence of Religion, fight if not for the Crown, yet certainly for the full power and authority of the King, who shall have the ordering of the Militia, that is, What the pretended Parliament is; who shall have the government of this Kingdom, which is all one as who shall be the King, they or King CHARLES, and which is the very question that they would now decide by the sword) in taking away our goods, are thiefs and robbers; in killing their brethren, are bloody murderers; and in resisting their King, are rebellious traitors; that as the Apostle saith, purchase to themselves damnation; when (as the Prophet Esay speaketh of the like Rebels) being hardly bestead and hungry, Esay. 8.21.22. (as I believe thousands of them are in London, and other rebellious Cities) they shall fret themselves, and curse their King and their God, and look upward (as I fear many of them do, curse the King with their tongues, and God in their hearts) and they shall look unto the earth: and behold trouble and darkness, dimness and anguish, and they shall be driven to darkness even to utter darkness, where there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth, Matth. 8.12. if by a true repentance they do not betimes rend their hearts and forsake their fearful sins. And the King's side, in this war, doing no further than the King gives Commission, do no more than what God commandeth; and therefore, living, they shall be accounted Loyal Subjects worthy of honour; and dying, they shall be sure to be everlastingly rewarded. CHAP. XIII. Sheweth how the first government of Kings was arbitrary; the places of Moses, Deut. 17. and of Samuel, 1. Sam. 8. discussed; whether Ahab offended in desiring Naboths Vineyard, and wherein; why absolute power was granted unto Kings; and how the diversities of government came up. 2. Part of the regal government in the time of peace. 2. HAving thus showed you Potestatem ducendi, the King's right and power of making war, it resteth that I should speak De potestate judicandi, of his power and right of judging and governing his people in the time of peace; touching which we find none denying his right, but all the difference is about the manner: where Master Selden in his titles of Honour. p. 15. 1. I find Master Selden rejecting, as ridiculous, the testimony of Justine, which saith, Populus nullis legibus tenebatur, sed arbitria regum pro legibus erant; That the first government of Kings was arbitrary. the people were kept under by no Laws, but the will of their Kings was all the Law they had; but as oportet mendacem esse memorem, so it behoves him that opposeth the truth to be very subtle, and very mindful of his own discourse; otherwise a meaner Scholar, having such advantage as the truth to assist him, may easily get the victory; for, though he goeth about to confute the reason that some allege, for the denial of those times to be governed by any Law, because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to be found in all Homer, Homer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hymnis ad Apoll. but wheresoever he speaks of Justice, he expresseth the same by the word Themis, and saith, that this is false, which he proveth from Homer's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and showeth that there were Laws before Homer's time, from Talus his Laws that were written in brass in the Isle of Crete; joseph. advers. Appion. l. 5. yet all this may be answered, and Justines' opinion prove most true; for Talus his time must needs be uncertain, Plutarch in lib. de Hero. and by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Homer means the just measure of rhyming, but never useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for the set Law of living; besides, there were many ages, and many Kings before Homer's time; and before Talus, Minos, Radamantus, or any other Lawmaker that you read of; Moses was the first that I find, either giving Laws, or inventing Letters; and yet there were many Kings before Moses; Gen. 14.1, 2. nine Kings named in one Chapter, and what Laws had they to govern their people besides their own wills? and therefore Master Selden, vi veritatis victus, confesseth that in the first times, in the beginning of States, there were no Laws but the arbitrements of Princes, as Pomponius speaketh: and pag. 4. Pompon. de origine juris, ff. l. 1. § 2. he saith, the people, seeing the inconveniences of popular rule, chose one Monarch, under whose arbitrary rule their happy quiet should be preserved; josephus' regnum appellat imperium summum unius hominis, non ex lege, sed ex arbitrio imperanti●. Antiquit. l. 4. where also you may observe his great mistake, in making the Monarchy to spring out of the Democracie; when as I have proved before, the Monarchical government was many hundred of years before we hear mention of any other form of government: but in any government, Doctor Saravia saith, and he saith most truly, Quisquis summum obtinet imperium, sive is sit unus rex, siuè pauci nobiles, vel ipse populus universus, supra omnes leges sunt; Saravia de imperand. author. l. 2. c. 3. ratio haec est, quòd nemo sibi ferat legem, sed subditis suis, se legibus nemo adstringit: huc accedit & illa ratio, quòd neque suis legibus teneri possit (scil. rex) cum nemo sit scipso superior, Barclaius l. 3. c. 16. nemo à seipso cogi possit, & leges à superiore tantum sciscantur, dentunrque inferioribus. And so Arnisaeus saith, and proveth at large, Arnis. l. c. c. 3● p. 49, 50. Majestatis essentiam consistere in summa & absoluta potestate, that the being of Majesty and Sovereignty consisteth in the highest and most absolute power. Irvinus cap. 4. p. 64, 65 And Irvinus allegeth many testimonies out of Aristotle, Cicero, Ulpian, Dio, Constant. Harmenopolus, and others, to prove that Rex legibus non subjicitur. And to make it yet more clear, that the King's power to rule his people was arbitrary; Sigonius saith most truly, that the power of governing the people was given by God unto Moses before the Law was given; and therefore he called the people to counsel, and without either Judges or Magistrates, jura eisdem reddidit, he administered justice, and did right to every one of them: So Joshua exercised the same right, and the Judges after him; and after the Judges succeeded the Kings, quorum potestas atque autoritas multo major, ut quae non tam à legibus quàm ab arbitrio & voluntate regis profecta sit, Sigon. de rep. Heb. l. 7. c. 3. Hoc arbitrarium impertum expressit Deus. 1. Sam. 8. & David. Ps. 11. Reges eos in v●rga ferrea. whose power and authority was fare greater, as proceeding, not so much from the Laws, as from the arbitrement and the will of the King, saith Sigonius: for they understood the power of a King in Aristotle's sense, Qui solutus legibus plenissimo jure regnaret, who being freed from the Laws, or not tied to Laws, might govern with a plenary right. And so Saul judged Israel, and had altogether the arbitrary power both of life and death; Idem ibidem. & quodam modo superior legibus fuit, and was after a sort above the Law, undertaking and making war, pro arbitratu suo, according to his own will. And in his sixth book he saith, the Jews had three great Courts or Assemblies. Cap. 2. 1. Their Council, which contained that company, that handled those things especially, which concerned the State of the whole Commonwealth; as war, peace, provision, institution of Laws, creation of Magistrates, and the like. Cap. 3. 2. Their Synagogue, or the meeting of the whole Congregation or people, which no man might convocate, but he which had the chief rule, as Moses, Joshua, the Judges, and the Kings. Cap. 4. Numb. 15. Plenum regnum vocatur quo cuncta rex sua voluntate gerit. Idem. 3. Their standing Senate, which was appointed of God to be of the 70 Elders; whereof he saith, that although this was always standing for consultation; yet we must understand that the Kings, which had the Commonwealth in their own power, and were not obnoxious to the Laws, made Decrees of themselves, without the authority of the Senate, ut qui cum summo imperio essent, as men that were endued with the chiefest rule and command: And we find that the King judged the people two manner of ways. 1. Alone. 2. Together with the Elders and Priests. For it is said, that Absalon, when any man came to the King for judgement, wished that he were made Judge in the Land, 2. Sam. 15.2, 6: and he did in this manner to all Israel that came to the King for judgement: and when the people demanded a King instead of Samuel to reign over them, and God said, 1. Sam. 8.7. They had cast him off from being their King; he signifieth most plainly, that while the Judges ruled, which had their chiefest authority from the Law, God reigned over them; because his Law did rule them; but the rule and government being translated unto Kings, God reigned no longer over them; Quia non penes legem Dei, sed penes voluntatem unius hominis summa rerum autoritas esset futura; because now all authority, and all things were not in the power of the Law, but in the power of one man's arbitrary will. But, seeing we are fallen upon the people's desire of a King, let us examine what right God saith belongeth unto him; and because that place, 1. Sam. 8. is contradicted by another, Deut. 17. as it seemeth, we will examine both places, and see if Moses doth any ways cross Samuel: Deut. 17.14. usque ad finem. and truly I may say of these two places, that, as S. Aug. saith in the like case, alii atque alii, aliud atque aliud opinati sunt; for some learned men say, that Moses setteth down to the King, legem regendi, the Law by which he should govern the people, without wronging them; and Samuel setteth down to the people legem parendi, the Law by which they should obey the King, without resisting him whatsoever he should do to them; And other Divines say, Haec est potestas legitima, non tyrannica, nec violenta: Spalat. tom. 2. fol. 251. & ideo quando rex propria negotia non possit expedire per proprias res ac servos, G. Ocham. tract. 2. l. 2. c. 25. possit pro negotiis propriis tollere res & servos aliorum: & isto modo dicebat Deus quod pertinebat ad jus regis, this is the lawful and just right of the King. Therefore to find out the truth, let us a little more narrowly discuss both places. And 1. In the words of Moses, there I observe two special things. 1. The charge of the people. 2. The charge of the King. 1. Popular election utterly forbidden. 1. The people are commanded very strictly, in any wise, saith the Text, to make choice of no King of their own heads, but, to accept of him whom the Lord did choose. 2. The King's charge. 2. The King is commanded to write out the Law, to study it, and to practise it; and he is forbidden to do four special things, which are 1. Not to bring the people bacl into Egypt, nor to provide the means to bring them, by multiplying his horses. 2. Not to marry many wives that might entice him, as they did Solomon, unto Idolatry. 3. Not to hoard up too much riches. 4. Not to tyrannize over his Brethren. joseph. Anti. quit. l. 4. And Josephus to the same purpose saith, Si regis cupiditas vos incesserit, is ex eadem gente sit, curam omnino gora● justitiae & alarm virtutum, caveat vero ne plus legibus aut Deo sapiat, nihil autem agat sine Pontificis, Senator úmque sententia, (which Moses hath not) neque nuptiis multis utatur, nec copiam pecuniarum equorúmque sectetur, quibus partis superleges superbia efferatur, that is, to be a Tyrant. 2. The words of Samuel are set down, 1. Sam. 8.11. to the 18. Rex jacobus in his true Law of free Monarches. verse, whereof I confess there are several expositions; some making the same a prophetical prediction of what some of their Kings would do, contrary to what they should do, as it was expressed by Moses. So King James himself takes it; others take it Grammatically, for the true right of a King, that may do all this, and yet no way contradict those precepts forecited by Moses; to confirm which supposition, they say, 1. The phrase here used must bear it out; for as the Hebrew word signifieth, as Pagninus noteth, Morem, aut modum, aut consuetudinem, and many other things, as the place and the matter to be expressed do require; (because every equivocal word of various signification is not to be taken alike in all places, but is to be interpreted secundum materiam subjectam) yet the Septuagine that should know both the propriety of the word, and the meaning of the Holy Ghost in that place, as well as any other, translate the word to signify 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and we know the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which the Septuagint useth, and jus, which the Latin useth, is never taken in the worse sense, Apparet nomen juris significa●e hic potestatem jure concessam. Arnisaeus c. 1. p. 216. the Scripture never using to call vices by the names of virtues, or to give a right to any one to exercise tyranny, which then might be better termed jus laironis, because an unjust tyrant is no better than an open thief. 2. There is nothing here set down by Samuel, that is simply forbidden by the Law of God, but that any, the very best Kings may do, as the occasions shall require; for being a King, he must have the royalty of his house supported, and the necessities of his war supplied: and you may read in Herodotus how Diocese, after he was chosen King, had all things granted unto him, that were needful to express his royal state and magnificence; and here is nothing else in the text; for if you mark it, the Prophet saith not, he should kill their sons, nor ravish their wives, nor yet take their daughters to be his Concubines, which are the properties of a tyrant * Instat terribilis vivis, mortentibus hae●●●, Virginibus raeptor, thalamis obscanus adulter. Divitibusque dies, & nox metuenda nar●ti●● Quis vis vel locuples, pulchrà vel conjuge notus, Crimini pulsatur falso; si crimina desunt, Accitus conviva perit; mors nulla refugit Artificem— Claudian. de bello Gildon. Bilson diff fol. 356. ; but he should take them to support his state, and to maintain his war, which, as his necessities require, is lawful for him to do; so that it is not the doing of those things, but the motives that cause the King to do them; or the manner of doing them, that do make it either an unjust tyranny, or the just right of a King; for as Doctor Bilson saith, Kings may justly command the goods and bodies of all their Subjects, in the time both of war and peace, for any public necessity or utility. And Hugo de Sancto Victore saith, Nunquam possessiones à regin potestate ita elongari possunt, quin si ratio postulaverit & necessitas, & illis ipsa potestas debeat patrocinium, & illis ipsa possessiones debeant in necessitate obsequium. And so most Authors say, the Subjects ought to supply the King's necessities, and he may justly demand what is requisite and necessary for his public occasions; and who shall judge of that necessity but his own conscience? and God shall judge that conscience, which doth unjustly demand what he hath no reason to require; because the greatness of his authority gives him no right to transcend the rules of equity, whereof both God and his conscience will be the impartial Judges. And therefore in Deut. Modus describitur, res non prohibetur; and in Samuel, Jus ponitur, & ratio subintelligitur; for many things may be prohibited in some respect, that in other respects may be allowed; and many things lawful in some ways, which other ways may be most sinful; as it is most lawful to drink, ad satietatem, but not ad ebrietatem, and many other the like things: so it is lawful for the King to do all that Samuel saith, ad supplendam reipubls. necessitatem, & supportandam regiam majestatem, but not ad satisfaciendum suo fastui, luxui, lucro, vanitati, aut carnali voluptati; which is the thing that Moses forbiddeth: So that in brief the meaning is, if the Subjects should be unwilling to do what Samuel saith, than the King, when just necessity requireth, may for these lawful ends lawfully assume them. And if he takes them any other way, or for any other end then so, habet Deum judicem conscientiae, & ultorem injustitiae. Ob. But than it may be said, Ahab did not offend in taking away Naboth's vineyard, if Samuel did properly describe the right of Kings. Ans. I cannot say that Ahab sinned in desiring Naboths vineyard, neither do I find that the Prophet blames him for that desire; there is not a word of that in the text, but for killing Naboth, and then taking possession; for this he might not do, the other he might do, so he do it to a right end, and in the right manner; wherein he failed, Ahabs' sins. 1. In being so discontented for his denial, because his conscience, telling him, that he had no such urgent necessity, whereby he could take it; and Naboth being unwilling to sell it, he should have been satisfied. 2. In suffering his wife, whom he knew to be so wicked, to proceed in her unjust course against Naboth. 3. In going down to take possession, when he knew that by his wife's wicked practice the poor man was unjustly murdered, Naboths fault. when he should have rather questioned the fact, and have punished the murderers. Lex posterior derogat priori, specialis generali: & ceremonialia atque forensia cedunt moralibus. And yet Ahabs sin doth not excuse Naboths fault, both in the denial of the King's right, if the King had a just necessity to use it; and also for his uncivil answer unto the King, fare unlike the answer of Arauna to King David, but nearer like the answer of Naball, which the Holy Ghost seems to take notice of, when after he had said, The Lord forbidden it me, which was rather a Prayer and postulation that God would forbid it, as we say, absit, when we hear of any displeasing likelihood, than any declaration of any inhibition of God to sell it, who never denied them leave to sell it until the year of redemption, the Prophet tells us in the next verse, 1. Reg. 21.4. Which very answer seems to be the cause, why Ahab was so much displeased. that Naboth said, I will not give thee the inheritance of my father. But whether this speech of Samuel showeth the just right of a King what he might do, or his power what he would do, what belongs to him of equity, or what his practice would be by tyranny, I will not determine: but I say, that although it should not be a just rule for him to command, yet it is a certain rule for them to obey; and though it should not excuse the King from sin, yet it wholly disables and disavows the people's resisting their King; because in all this the Prophet allows them none other remedy, but to cry out unto the Lord: The King's absolute power not given him to enable him for oppression, but to retain his Subjects from rebellion. for seeing God hath given him directum dominium, & absolutum imperium, though he should fail of his duty, which God requireth, and do that wrong unto the people, which God forbiddeth; yet he is solutus legibus, free from all Laws, quoad coactionem, in respect of any coaction from the people, but not quoad obligationem, in respect of obedience to God by his obligation; for though Kings had this plenitudinem potestatis, to rule and govern their people, as the father of the family rules his household, or the Pilot directs his Ship, secundum liberum arbitrium, according to his own arbitrary will; yet that will was to rule and to guide all his actions, according to the strict Law of common equity and justice, as I have often showed unto you. But though this arbitrary rule continued long and very general; for Diodorus Siculus saith, Diodor. Siculus, l. 2. c. 3. that excepting the Kings of Egypt, that were indeed very strictly tied to live according to law, all other King's infinita licentia ac voluntate sua pro lege regnabant, ruled as they listed themselves; Boemus Aubanus tamen asserit voluntatem regum Aegypti, pro lege esse. Yet at last corruption so prevailed, that either the Kings abusing their power, or the people refusing to yield their obedience, caused this arbitrary rule to be abridged and limited within the bounds of laws, whereby the Kings promised and obliged themselves to govern their people according to the rules of those established laws; for though the supreme Majesty be free from laws, sponté tamen iis accommodare potest, the King may of his own accord yield to observe the same; and as the Germane Poet saith, — Nihil, ut verum fatear, magis esse decorum German. vates de rebus Frid. l. 8. Aut regale puto, quam legis iure solutum Sponte tamen legi sese supponere regem. and according to the diversities of those laws, so are the diversities of government, among the several Kingdoms of the earth; for I speak not of any Popular or Aristocratical state; How diversities of government came up. therefore as some Kings are more restrained by their laws then some others, so are their powers the less absolute; and yet all of them being absolute Kings and free Monarches, are excepted from any account of their actions to any inferior jurisdiction; because than they had not been Monarches, but of Kings had made themselves Subjects. Thus you see, that rule which formerly was arbitrary is now become limited, but limited by their own laws and with their own wills, and none otherwise: for I shown you elsewhere, that the Legistative power resided always in the King, even as Virgil saith, Virgil. Aeneid l. — Gaudet regno Troianus Acestes, Indicitque forum, & patribus dare jura vocatis. And as that mirror of all learned Kings saith, King Fergus came to Scotland before any Statutes, or Parliament, or Laws were made; Rex jacobus in the true law of free Monarches, pag. 201. and you may easily find it, that Kings were the makers of the Laws, and not the Laws the makers of Kings; for the Laws are but craved by the Subjects and made only by him at their rogation, and with their advice: so he gives the Law to them, but takes none from them; and by their own Laws Kings have limited and abridged their own Right and power, which God and nature have conferred upon them, some more, some less, according as their grants were unto their people. §. The extent of the grants of Kings; what they may, and what they may not grant; what our Kings have not granted, in seven special prerogatives; and what they have granted unto their people. ANd here I would have you to consider these two points, Two things considerable about the privileged grants of Kings. 1. The extent of the grants of kings. concerning these grants of Kings unto their Subjects. 1. Of the extent of these grants, 2. Of the King's obligation to observe them. for 1. It is certain that the people, always desirous of liberty, though that liberty should produce their ruin, are notwithstanding like the daughters of the Horse-leeche, still crying unto their Kings, give, give, give us liberties and privileges more and more; and if they may have their wills, Prov. 30.15. they are never satisfied, Till Kings by giving, give themselves away, And even that power, which should deny, betray. For the concessions, and giving away of their right to govern, That it is to the prejudice of government to grant too many privileges to the people. is the weakening of their government: and the more privileges they give, the less power they have to rule: and then the more unruly will their Subjects be: and therefore the people being herein like the horses the Poets feign to be in Phoebus' chariot, proud and stomackefull, Kings should remember the grave advice the father gave unto Phaeton: Parce puer stimulis, sed fortius utere loris: Ovid. Met. l. 1. Sponte su● properant, labour est inhibere volantes. They must be strongly bridled, and restrained, or they will soon destroy both horse and rider, both themselves and their Governors: Yet many Kings, Constrained gifts not worthy of thanks. either forcibly compelled by their unruly Subjects, (when they might think, and therefore not yield, that, Who gives constrained, but his own fear reviles, Not thanked, but scorned, nor are they gifts, but spoils.) Or else (as some intruding usurping Kings have done) to retain their unjustly gained crowns, without opposition, or as others, out of their Princely clemency and facility, to gain the more love and affection, What moved Kings to grant so many privileges to their Subjects. and as they conceived, the greater obligation from their Subjects, have many times, to the prejudice of themselves and their posterity, to the diminution of the rights of government, and often to the great damage of the Commonwealth, given away and released the execution of many parts of that right, which originally most justly belonged unto them, and tied themselves by promises and oaths to observe those laws, which they made for the exemption of their Subjects. Majora jura inseperabilia à Majestate, neque●nt indulgeri subditis, & ita cohaerent ossibus, & ab illo seperari, si ne illius destructione, non possunt. Paris. de puteo. Arnisaus l. 2. c. 2. de jure ma. Blacvod. c. 7. pag. 75. Things that the King cannot grant. But there be some things, which the King cannot grant, as to transfer the right of succession to any other than the right heir, to whom it doth justly belong: quia non jam haereditas est, sed proprium adeuntis patrimonium, cujus ei pleno jure dominium acquiritur, non a Patre, non à populo, sed à lege—: Because he hath this right unto the Crown, not from his father, nor from the people, but from the Law of the Land, and from God himself, which appointed him for the same, saith the Civilian: and therefore that vulgar saying is not absurd, nunquam mori regem: that the King never dieth: for assoon as ever the one parteth with this life, the other immediately without expecting the consem either of Peers or people, doth by a just and plenary right succeed, not only as his father's heir, but as the lawful governor of the people, and as the Lord of the whole Kingdom, not by any option of any men, but by the condition of his birth, and the donation of his God; and therefore the resignation of the crown by King John unto the Pope was but a fiction, that could infer no diminution of the right of his successor: because no King can give away this right from him, Things that the King should not grant. whom God hath designed for it. And there be some things, which not Christian King should grant away, as any of those things, that being granted, may prejudice the Church of God, and depress the glory of the Gospel of jesus Christ; as the giving way for the diminution of the just revenues of the Church, the profanation of things consecrated to God's service, and the suppression of any of the divine callings of the Gospel, which are Bishops, Priests and Deacons; because all Kings are bound to honour God, and to hinder all those things, whereby he is dishonoured, either in respect of things, persons, or places. And there be some things which the Kings of this realm have never granted away, Things that Kings have not granted away. but have still retained them in their own hands, as inviolable prerogatives and characteristical Symbols and Properties of their Supremacy, and the relics of their pristine right, as in the time of peace, those two special parts of the government of the Commonwealth, which do consist. 1. About the Laws. 1. About the Laws. 2. About the Magistrates. The 1. whereof, saith Arnisaeus, containeth these particulars, that is, to make Laws, to create Nobility, and give titles of dignity, to legitimate the ill begotten, to grant Privileges, to restore Offenders to their lost repute, to pardon the transgressors, and the like. 1. Ius legislati● vum. johan. Beda. pag. 25. 1. Then it is the right of the King jura dare, to give Laws unto his people; for though (as I said before) the Subjects in Parliament may treat of Laws, and entreat the King to approve of them that they propose unto him; yet they are no Laws, and carry with them no binding force, till the King gives his consent; and therefore out of Parliament, The power of making Laws is in the king. you see the King's Proclamation hath vim et vigorem legis, the full force and strength of a law; to show unto us, that the power of making laws was never yielded out of the King's hands; The case of our affairs, pag. 11. Stat. West. 1.3. E. 1.3. & 6. & 42. Stat. of Merch. 13. E. 1. Westm. 3.18. E. 1.1. Stat. of Waste. 20. E. 1. of appeal. 28. E. 1.1. E. 2.1. and all the titles and acts of our Parliaments. nor can it indeed be parted with, except be part with His Majesty and Sovereignty; for the limiting of his own power, by his voluntary concession of such favours unto his people, not to make any Laws without their consent, doth no way diminish his Sovereignty, or lessen his own right and authority; but as a man that yieldeth himself to be bound by some others, hath the use of his strength taken from him, but none of his natural strength itself is lessened, (and much less is any part of it transferred to them that bond him;) but that whensoever his bonds are loosened, he can work again by virtue of his own natural strength, and not by any received strength from his loser's; so the natural right and interest of the Sovereignty, being solely in the King; and the Peers and Commons, by the King's voluntary concession, being only interessed in the office of restraining his power, for the more regular working of the true legitimate Sovereignty, it cannot be denied, but in whatsoever the Peers and Commons do remit the restraint, by yielding their consent to the point proposed, the King worketh and acteth therein absolutely by the power of his own inherent Sovereignty; and all acts and laws so passing do virtually proceed from the King, How the same acts may be said to be the acts of the king and of the Parliament. as from the true and proper efficient author thereof: and may notwithstanding be said to be the acts of the whole Court, because the three estates contribute their power of remitting the restraint, and yielding their assent, as well as the King useth his unrestrained power. And therefore Suarez saith, that as condere legem unus est ex praecipu●s actibus gubernationis reipublicae, ita praecipuam & superiorem requirit potestatem, Suarez. l. 1. c. 8. n. 8. to make Laws is one of the chiefest acts of the government of a Commonwealth; so it requireth the chiefest and supremest power and authority; quae quidem potestas legislativa primariò in Deo est, which legislative power is primarily in God, and is communicated unto Kings (saith he) per quandam participationem, according to the saying of the wise man, Sap● 6. Hear O ye Kings, because power is given unto you of the Lord. Aug. in johan. tract. 6. And Saint Augustine calleth Jura humana jura imperatorun, quia ipsa jura humana per imperatores: all humane laws are the laws of Emperors or Kings; because they are made by them; and the Holy Ghost speaking of the Kings of Judah, saith, Gen. 49.10. The Sceptre shall not departed from judah, nor a Law giver from between his feet; to teach us, that whosoever swayeth the Sceptre hath the right to be the Lawmaker, which is one of the prime prerogatives of Sovereignty. 2. Ius nobilitandi. 2. Jus nobilitandi, the right of appointing the principal Officers of State; to cry up any of all His Subjects, whom the King will honour, as Pharaoh did joseph, and Ahasuerus did Haman and Mordecai and to give them titles of honour, per codicillos honorarios, aut per diplomata sua, as to make Dukes, Marquesses, Barons, Knights, etc. doth belong only unto the King, that hath only the supreme Majesty. But if the Dukes, Earls, It is the Doctrine of the Anabaptists and Puritans, that there should be no Degrees of Schools, nor titles of honour among men. and Barons be so pliable to the Puritan faction, to put down the spiritual Lords, I doubt that e'er long the King shall have but few Nobility; when not only the Mechanics and Rustics will all cry out against this lordliness, and say, as they did in the rebellion of Jack Cade and Wat Tyler. When Adam delved, and Eve span, Who was then the Gentleman? And why should we now endure so many titles of vanity, and so many vain honours to vapour it over us? but the Puritan Clergy also, seeing themselves deprived of their due honour, and made all equal, all as base as Jeroboams Priests, will be apt enough to blow up this conceit, and to put it into the Creed of all the vulgar, that God made us all equal, and to be Lords is but to be tyrants over their Brethrens; and the Presbytery, whose pride could not obey the authority of their Bishops, will not abide the superiority of any Lords; but if they cannot Lord it themselves, will be sure to take away the Lordship from all others. And therefore if the Nobility be not wiser, then to lay our honours in the dust, (as I see some about His Majesty, that would feign be the Priests to bury it, which mere policy, though they wanted piety, should prohibit) they shall find that Jam tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet. Virgil. Aenei●. l. 1. When our Cottages are burnt, their next Palaces shall not escape the fire; but through our sides their Honours shall be killed, and buried without honour. 3. Jus legitimandi, 3. Ius legitimandi. the right of legitimation belongs unto the King, without which legitimation the Lawyers tell us, that as the world now standeth, a mighty emolument would happen unto the Crown, if the King granted not this grace to them that want it. 4. Jus appellationes recipiendi, 4. Ius appellationes recipiendi. the right of taking notice of causes, and of judging the same by the last appeal definitively, doth always belong to the supreme Majesty; because that as Saint Paul appealed unto Caesar, Act. 25.11. so the last appeal is to the highest Sovereign, from whom there lieth none appeal, but only to him that shall judge all the Judges of the earth. 5. Honours restituendi. 5. Jus restituendi in integrum, the right to restore men attainted, or banished, or condemned to death, unto their Country, wealth, and honour, is likewise a part of the royal right: So Osorius saith, Osorius de rebu● Imman. p. 6. that Immanuel King of Portugal restored James son of Fernandus, and his brother Dionysius, and others, unto their forfeited honours; and so not only the Scripture showeth how David pardoned Absalon and Shimei, 1. Reg. 2.26. two wicked Rebels, and Solomon pardoned Abiathar that were all worthy of death; Veniam criminosis indulgere. but also Saint Augustine speaking of other Kings and Emperors, saith, judicibus statuendum est ne liceat in reum datam sententiam revocare, the Judges may not pardon a man condemned to death; numquid & ipse Imperator sub hac lege erit? but shall not the Emperor or King pardon him? are they likewise under this Law of restraint? by no means: Nam ipsi soli licet revocare sententiam, & reum mortis absolvere, & ipsi ignoscere; for he and he alone, that is, the Emperor or King, may revoke the sentence, and absolve him that is guilty of death. And so our King according to this his undeniable right, Our Kings unparal●ll'd clemency and pretty towards the Rebels, hath most graciously, and not seldom, offered his pardon unto these intolerable Rebels, a pardon not to be paralleled in any History, nor to be believed, unless we had seen it, that a man could be so fare inclined to clemency and mercy, as to remit such transcendent impiety, which will render them the more odious both to God and man; and their names the more infamous to all posterity, that after they had filled themselves with all kind of wickedness, with incredible transgressions, they should be found contemners of so favourable a pardon. But though it be the King's right to pardon faults, and to restore offenders; yet herein all Princes should take great heed (especially when they have power to take revenge, for sometimes the sinners may be like the sons of Zervia, 2. Sam. 3.39. too strong for David) how they pardon those great crimes that are committed to the dishonour of God, and do so fare provoke him to anger, as to plague both the doers and the sufferers of them; because, that although they be soluti legibus suis, not bound to their own Laws, Arnisaus l. 11 c. 3. pag 69. yet they are not soluti ratione & praeceptis divinis, but they are bound to observe God's Laws, and to punish the transgressors of his Commandments; or if they do not when they can do it, they shall render a strict account to God for all their omissions, as they may see it in the example of King Saul. 1. Sam. 15.9. 6. Jus convocandi, the right of calling Synods, Parliaments, 6. Jus convocandi Synodos, Parliamenta, etc. Diets, and the like, were the rights of the Kings of Israel, and are the just Prerogatives of the Kings of England, howsoever this faction of the Parliament hath sought to wrest it, as they do all other rights out of the King's hands, by their presumption to call their Schismatical Synod; to which they have no more colour of right, then to call a Parliament. 7. Jus excudendi, the right of coining money, 7. Ius monetas excudendi. to give it value, to stamp his arms or his image upon it, (as our Saviour saith, Whose Image and superscription is this? Matth. 22.20. and they say to him Caesar's) is the proper right of Caesar, the prerogative of the King. The second sort of the Kings right is circa magistratus, 2. About the Magistrates. and containeth, jurisdiction, rule, creation of officers, appointing of circuits, provinces, judgements, censures, institution of Schools and Colleges, collation of dignities, receiving of fidelities, and abundance more; whereof I intent not to speak at this time, but refer my Reader to Arnisaeus, Arnis. l 2. c. 2. de jure Majestatis, if he desires to be informed of these particulars. And as these and the like are jura Regalia, the rights of Majesty in the time of peace; so when peace cannot continue, it doth properly belong unto the King, and to none else, but to him that hath the Sovereignty, whose right it is alone, to make war, either to secure his allies, or to revenge great injuries, or for any the like just causes; and, as he seethe cause, to conclude Peace, to send Ambassadors, to negotiate with foreign States, and the like, are the rights of Kings, and the indelible characters of Sovereignty, which whosoever violateth, and endeavoureth to purloin them from the King, doth with Prometheus steal fire from Heaven, which the Gods would not suffer (as the Poets feign) to go unrevenged. And these things (so fare as I can find) the King never parted with them unto his Subjects; and therefore whosoever pretendeth to an inderived power to do any of these, and exempteth himself from the King's right herein, ●oh. Beda p. 26. resisteth the ordinance of God, and is guilty of High-Treason, what pretext soever he brings, saith the Advocate of Paris. Ita etiam reges Egypti quibus voluntas pro lege est, legum tamen instituta in cogendis pecunus quotidianoque victu sequebantur. Aubanus. What things kings have granted. And there be some things which our Kings have granted unto their Subjects, and restrained themselves from their full right; as the use of that power, which makes new Laws, or repeals the old, or layeth any tax or sums of moneys upon his Subjects, without the consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament; and it may be some other particulars, which the Lawyers know better than I. And all these Privileges of the Subjects are but limitations and restrictions of the King's right, made by themselves unto their people; and therefore where the Law cannot be produced, to confirm such and such Liberties and Privileges granted unto them, I say there the King's power is absolute, and the Subject ought not in such cases to determine any thing to the disadvantage of the King: because all these Liberties that we have, are enjoyed by virtue of the Kings grant, as you may see in the ratification of Magna Charta; where the King saith, We have granted and given all these Liberties. 9 Hen 3. But I could never see it produced, where the King granted unto his Subjects that they might force him, and compel him with a strong hand, by an Army of Soldiers to do what they will, or else to take away either his Crown or his Life; this Privilege was never granted, because this deprives the King of his supremacy, and puts him in the condition of a Subject, and would ever prove an occasion of rebellion, when the people upon every discontent would take Arms against their King. And therefore this present resistance is a mere usurpation of the King's right, a rebellion against his Laws, an High Treason against his person, and a resistance of the ordinance of God, which heap of deadly sins can bring none other fruit then damnation, saith the Apostle. CHAP. XIV. Sheweth the King's grants unto his people to be of three sorts. Which ought to be observed: the Act of excluding the Bishops out of Parliament discussed: the King's Oath at his Coronation: how it obligeth him: and how Statutes have been procured and repealed. 2. 2. The King's obligation to observe his grants. WE are to consider how fare the King is obliged to observe his promise, and to make good these Liberties and Privileges unto his Subjects; where I speak not how fare the father's grant may oblige the son, or the predecessor his successor, Peter de lâ Primandas' saith, Laws annexed to the Crown the Prince cannot so abrogate them, but his Successor may disannul whatsoever he hath done in prejudice of them. p. 597. who cannot be deprived of his right dominion by any act of his precedessors; but for the rights of his dominion, how fare precedent grants, and the custom of their continuance, with the desuetude and non-claime of his right, may strengthen them unto the Subject, and oblige the successors to observe them, I leave it unto the Lawyers and Civilians to dispute: but I am here to discuss how fare the King, that hath promised and taken his oath to observe his Laws, and make good all privileges granted to his Subjects, is bound in conscience to keep and observe them: Touching which, you must understand that these grants of immunities and favours are of three special kinds. 1. Of grace. 2. By fraud. 3. Through fear. For, 1. The King that hath his full right, 1. All grants of grace ought to be observed. either by conquest or succession over his people, to govern them as a most absolute Monarch, and out of his mere grace and favour, to sweeten the subjection of his people, and to bind them with the greater love and affection to his obedience, doth minuere sua jura, restrain his absolute right, bestow liberties upon his people, and take his oath for their security, that he will observe them, is bound in all conscience to perform them, and can never be freed from injustice before God and man, if he transgress them; Quia volenti non fit injuria, because they do him no injury, when he doth voluntarily, either totally resign, or in some particularity diminish his own right; The true Law of free Monarches, p. 203. but after he hath thus firmly done it, he can never justly go from it: and therefore King James saith, that a King which governeth not by his Laws, can neither be accountable to God for his administration, nor have a happy and established reign; because it cannot be, but that the people seeing their King failing of his duty, will be always murmuring and defective in their fidelity. And Yet the King's breach of oath doth neither forfeit his right, nor warrant their disloyalty: because another man's sin doth no way lessen mine offence, and neither God nor the King granted this privilege unto Subjects, to rebel and take Arms against their Sovereign, when they pretend he hath broken his promise. 2. Grants obtained through fraud; which to be observed. 2. When the King, through the subtle persuasions of his people, that pretend one thing and intent another, shall be seduced to grant those things that are full of inconveniences; as our King was over reached, and no better than merely cheated by the faction of this Parliament, to grant the continuance of it, till it should be dissolved with the consent of both Houses, and the like Laws that are procured by mere fraud, that soon over-reacheth the best meaning Kings. I answer with the old Proverb, Caveat emptor, he ought to have been as wise to prevent them, as they were subtle to circumvent him; and therefore, Josh. 9.20. as Joshua, being deceived by the Gibeonites, could not alter his promise, nor break his league with them, lest wrath should fall upon him, so no more should any other King break promise in the like case. Psal. 15.5. But you must observe, that the Psalmist saith, The good man which shall dwell in the Tabernacle of the Lord, is he that sweareth unto his neighbour and disappointeth him not, though it were to his own hindrance: mark, though it were to his own hindrance never so much, Quicquid fit dolo malo, annullat factum & imponit poenam, summa Angel. he must perform it; but what if he hath promised and sworn that which will be to the great dishonour of God, to the hindrance of thousands of others, and it may be to the ruin of a whole Kingdom which is a great deal more than his own hindrance, is a King bound, or is any man else obliged to perform such a promise, or to keep such an oath? to tell you mine own judgement, I think he ought not to perform it; and our own Law tells us what grants soever are obtained from the King, under the broad Seal by fraud and deceit, those grants are void in Law; therefore, seeing the act for the perpetuity of this Parliament was obtained, dolo pessimo, to the great dishonour of God, and the ruin both of Church and State, when their pretence was very good; though the goodness of his Majesty in the tenderness of his conscience was still loath to allow himself the liberty to dissolve it, until he had other juster and more clear causes to pronounce it no Parliament, as the abusing of his grant, to the raising of an Army, and the upholding of a Rebellion against their Sovereign; yet I believe he might safely have done it long ago, without the least violation of God's Law, when their evil intentions were openly discovered by those Armies which they raised. For I doubt not to affirm it, with the Author of The sacred Prerogative of Christian Kings, p. 144. if any good Prince, or his royal Ancestors have been cheated out of their sacred right by fraud or force, he may at the fittest opportunity, when God in his wise providence offereth the occasion, resume it, especially when the Subjects do abuse the King's concessions, to the damage of Sovereignty, so that it redounds also to the prejudice either of the Church or Commonwealth. 3. When the King, through fear, 3. Grants gotten by force not to be observed. not such as the Parliaments fear is, who were afraid where no fear was, and were frighted with dreams and causeless jealousies; but that fear, which is real, and not little, but such as may fall in fortem & constantem virum, doth pass any Law, especially that is prejudicial to the Church, and injurious to many of his Subjects; I say, that when he shall be freed from that fear, he is not only freed from the obligation of that Law, but he is also obliged to do his uttermost endeavour to annul the same: it is true that his fear may justly free him from all blame at the passing of it, as the fear of the thief may clear me from all fault in delivering my purse unto him; because these are no voluntary acts; and all acts are adjudged good or evil according to the disposition of the will; the same being like the golden bridle that Minerva was said to put upon Pegasus to guide him and to turn him as she pleased: The will must never consent to forced acts that are unlawful. His Majesty's answer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons, 16. Iuli●. p. 8. but when his fear is past, and God hath delivered him from the insurrection of wicked doers, if his will gives consent to what before he did unwilling, who can free the greatest Monarch from this fault? Therefore His Majesty confessing (which we that saw the whole proceed of those tumultuous routs, that affrighted all the good Protestants and the Loyal Subjects, do know that it could not be otherwise) that he was driven out of London for fear of his life; I conclude that the act of excluding the Bishops out of Parliament, being passed after his flight out of London can be no free, nor just, nor lawful act; and the King when he is more fully informed of many particulars about this act, that is so prejudicial to the Church of Christ, and so injurious to all his servants, the Clergy, whose rights and privileges the King promised and swore at His Coronation to maintain, Ob. cannot continue it, in my judgement, and be innocent. Pag 31. But this is answered by the answerer to Doctor Ferne, that he is no more bound to defend the rights of the Clergy by his oath, than the rest of the laws formerly enacted, whereof any may be abrogated without perjury, when they are desired to be annulled by the Kingdom. Sol. His Majesty's answer to the remonstrance or declaration of the Lords and Commons 26. of May. 1642. To which I say, that as His Majesty confesseth, there are two special questions demanded of the King at his Coronation. 1, Sir, Will you grant and keep, and by your oath confirm to the people of England, the laws and customs to them granted by the Kings of England, your lawful and religious predecessors? And the King answereth, I grant and promise to keep them. 2. After such questions, as concern all the commonalty of this Kingdom, both Clergy and Laity, as they are his Subjects, one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the people with a loud voice; Our Lord and King, we beseech you to pardon and to grant, and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our charge all Canonical privileges, and due law and justice, and that you would protect and defend us, as every good King in His Kingdom ought to be the protector and defender of the Bishops, and the Churches under their government. And the King answereth, With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my pardon, and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches committed to your charge, all Canonical Privileges, and due law and justice, and that I will be your protector and defender to my power by the assistance of God, as every good King in His Kingdom, in right, aught to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government. Then the King laying his hand upon the book, saith, The King's oath at His Coronation two fold. the things which I have before promised, I shall perform and keep, so help me God, and the contents of this Book. Where I beseech all men to observe, that here is a two fold promise, and so a two fold oath. 1. The one to all the Commonalty and people of England, The frst part of the oath. Populo Anglicano. Vide D. p. 165. Clergy and Laity; and so whatsoever he promiseth, may by the consent of the parties, to whom the right was transferred, be remitted and altered by the representative body in Parliament, quia volenti non fit injuria; and the rule holds good, quibus modis contrabitur contractus, iisdem dissolvitur; and therefore as any compact or contract is made good and binding, so it may be made void and dissolved, mutuo contrahentium assensu; by the mutual assent of both parties; that is, any compact, where God hath not a special interest in the contract, as he hath in the conjugal contract betwixt man and wife, and the politic covenant betwixt the King and His Subjects; Contracts wherein God is interessed can not be dissolved without God. which therefore cannot be dissolved by the consent of the parties until God, who hath the chiefest hand in the contract, gives his assent to the dissolution; and so, when things are dedicated for the service of God, or Privileges granted for his honour; neither donor nor receiver, can alienate the gift or annul that Privilege without the leave and consent of God, that was the principal party in the concession, as it appeareth in the example of Ananias, and is confirmed by all Casuists. 2. The other part of the oath is made to the Clergy in particular; and so also with their consent, The second part of ●he oath. Clericis Ecclesiasticis. D. p. 165. some things I confess, may perhaps be revoked, but without their consent, not any thing can be altered, in my understanding, without injustice; for with what equity can the Laity vote away the rights of the Clergy, when the Clergy d●e absolutely deny their assent? just as if the Clergy should give away the lands of the Laity; or as if I had lent the King ten thousand pounds, upon the public assurance of King and both Houses, to be repaid again; and they without mine assent, shall vote the remission of this debt, for some great benefit, that they conceive redounding to the common wealth; The party to whom, the bond is m●de must release the bonds. by which vote I should believe myself to be no better then merely cheated; or as if the Parliament without the assent of the Londoners, should pass an act, that all the money which they lent, should be remitted for the relieving of the State; I doubt not but they would conclude that act very unjust; and so is this act against the Bishops; because the King's obligation to a particular body, personal or politic, cannot be dispensed with by the representative Kingdom without the releasement of that body, to whom the King is obliged. For I find that all the Casuists will tell you, that juramentum promissorium ita obligat, ut invito creditore, non potest in melius commutari; quia aliter iustitia & veritas non servarentur inter homines: Suarez. de iuramento promise l. 2. c. 12 n. 14. and it is their common tenet, that it cannot be dispensed with, quia per promissum acquiritur jus ei cui fit promissio, & utilitas unius non sufficit ut alter suo jure privetur, the benefit of others must not deprive me of my right; This point is so clear, that neither Scholar, nor any man of reason or conscience will deny it. Therefore to persuade the King that is bound by his oath, to preserve the Rights & Privileges of the Church & Clergy, to cast out the Bishops out of their rights, or to take away their lands, without their own consent (whom the King by his oath hath obliged himself to protect;) I can not see how they can do it without great iniquity, or His Majesty consent to it, and be innocent, when he is fully informed of the rights of his Clergy; whereas otherwise the most religious Prince may be subject to mistake, and so nesciently admit that, which willingly he would never have granted: And if they can not persuade him to do this without iniquity, how dare they go about to force and compel him against conscience, to commit this and such other horrible impiety▪ but I assure myself that God, who hath blessed our King, and preserved him hitherto without blame, as being forced to what he did, or not throughly understanding what was our right, the Bishops being imprisoned & not suffered to inform him nor to answer for themselves, will still arm His Majesty with that resolution, as shall never yield to their impetuousness, to transcend the limits of his own most upright conscience. Yet still it is urged, they were excluded by act of Parliament, Ob. therefore their exclusion cannot be unjust, as being done by the wisdom of the whole State, and the King should not desire it to be altered. I answer that all Parliaments are not always guided by an unerring spirit, Sol. The case of our affairs. p. 17. but were many times swayed by the heads of the most powerful faction, which are instances rather of their unsteady weakness, then of their just power; when forsaking the guidance of their lawful head, they suffered themselves to be lead by popular pretenders, as when Canut●s prevailed by his arms, he could have a Parliament to resolve, that his title to the Crown was the best; when Hen. 4. How powerful factions have procured Parliaments to do most unjust things. had an army of 60000 men, he could have a Parliament to depose Rich. 2. and confer the Crown upon himself; when Edw. Duke of York grew powerful, he could have a Parliament to determine the reign of Hen. 6. and leave him only the name of King, for his life, but give the very Kingdom unto the Duke, under the names of protector and regent; and then he could procure the Parliament to declare that Hen. 4. Hen. 5. and Hen. 6. were but Kings de facto, non de iure; so Rich. the 3. Turba tremend sequitur fortunam, ut semper & odit damnato●. juven. Satyra. 10. as mere an usurper as any, could notwithstanding procure a Parliament, to declare him a lawful King. and Hen. 7. could procure the forementioned acts, that were made in favour of Edw. 4. and Rich. 3. to be annulled; and Hen. 8. could have a Parliament to justify and authorise his divorces, and Queen Elizab. could have a Parliament to make it high treason for any man to say, that the Queen could not by Act of Parliament bind and dispose the rights and titles, When Kings were most powerful, they could get the Parliaments to yield to what Statutes they thought best; when the Lords or faction were most powerful, they forced their Kings to make what Statutes they liked best. which any person whatsoever might have unto the Crown: when as we know, it was adjudged in Hen. 7. that no Act of Parliament, nor yet an Attainder by Parliament, can disable the right heir to the Crown; because the descent of the Crown upon him purges all disabilities whatsoever, and makes him every way capable thereof. Thus, as the Parliaments, when they were most prevalent, caused their Kings unwillingly to yield many things against right; so the Kings, growing most powerful, prevailed to work the Parliament to consent to very unjust conclusions: and therefore it is inconsequent to say, this exclusion must be just, because it is passed by an Act of Parliament. And therefore, as in the 15 year of Edw. 3. the King being unwillingly drawn to consent to certain Articles, The Case of our affairs. p. 20. prejudicial to the Crown, and to promise to seal the Statute thereupon made, lest otherwise his affairs in hand might have been ruinated, (which we conceive to be just in like manner now, the King very unwillingly drawn to pass this Act for the exclusion of the Clergy, which is most prejudicial both to the Crown and the Church, and a mighty dishonour unto God himself, lest otherwise more mischief might have followed, when he hoped that this would have appeased the fury of that prevalent faction, which now the Kingdom seethe it did not.) Another Statute was made the same year, Statutes unwillingly procured from the King, repealed. reciting the former matter, that was enacted, in these words; It seemed to the said Earls, Barons, and other wise men, that since the Statute did not of our free will proceed, the same to be void, and ought not to have the name, nor strength of a statute, and therefore by their counsel and assent, we have decreed the said Statute to be void, etc. So I hope our Earls and Barons, and the rest, will be so wise and so just, both to the King and to the Church, that seeing this Statute proceeded not of the King's free will, as I believe their own conscience knoweth, and do presume His Majesty will acknowledge, they likewise will consent, that the King may make it void again. §. Certain quaeres discussed, but not resolved; the end for which God ordained Kings; the praise of a just rule; Kings ought to be more just than all others in three respects; and what should most especially move them to rule their people justly. ANd here I must further crave leave, to be resolved in certain Quaeres and doubts, wherein I would very gladly be satisfied; for, seeing, as I told you before, there are some rights of royalty, which are inseperabilia à majestate, which the King ought not, and which indeed he cannot grant away; as there be some things which he may forgo, though he need not; I demand, 1. Whether any positive Act, Statute, or Law, that is, either Quare. 1 ex diametro, or ex obliquo, either directly, or by consequent, or any other way contradictory, or transgressive to the Law of God, aught to be kept and observed; wherein I believe, and constantly maintain that it ought not: and I say further, that by the Word of God, not any Lay men, be they never so noble, never so learned, and never so many; but the Clergy, be they never so poor, and never so much dis-esteemed, aught to be the resolvers of this point, what is repugnant and what consonant to the Law of God; Malach. 2.7. because the Priest's lips must preserve knowledge, and the people must seek the Law at his mouth; therefore it may be conceived no Statute can be rightly made, that is, not assented to and approved (as all our former Statutes were) by the Bishops, that are the chiefest of the Clergy, to be no ways contrary to the Law of God. 2. Whether the King, that is an absolute Monarch, to whom Quare. 2 God hath committed the charge and government of his people, can without offence to God, change this form of government, from a Monarchical to an Aristocratical, or a democratical form of government; which may be believed he cannot; because, though as I shown out of Saint Augustine, the worse form, invented by man, may lawfully be changed into a better: yet the best, which is only and primarily ordained by God, cannot be changed into a worse without offence. Quare. 3 3. Whether the King can pass away that power, authority, and right, which God hath given him, and without which he cannot govern and protect his people, that God hath committed under his charge; wherein it may be conceived he cannot; because God must discharge him from the charge that he imposed upon him, before he can be freed and excused from it; but, as the Bishop, on whom the Lord hath laid the charge of souls, cannot lay aside this charge when he pleaseth; so no more can the King lay aside the charge of the government, nor part with that power and right * Otherwise then by substitution. Rege absent, & durante beneplacito; or, quamdiu se benè gesser●nt sub stituti. whereby he is enabled to govern them, and without which he cannot govern them, until God, that laid this charge upon him, and gave him full power and authority to do it, by some undeniable dispensation gives him his Writ of ease to discharge him. 4. Whether such an Act or Statute, which disinableth any King to dissolve his Diet, Council, Assembly, or Parliament, Quare. 4 and enableth some subtle faction of his Subjects, in some sort, to countermand their King, be not derogatory to the inseparable right of Majesty, destructive to the power of government, and prejudicial to all the loyal Subjects, and therefore void of itself, The Act for the indissolubility of any Parliament believed by many, to be of itself void. and not to be observed; because such an act ought not to have been concluded: wherein I leave the resolution to be determined by the Judges and the Bishops of this Land, and I will only crave leave to set down what may be thought herein, viz. that such an Act or Statute is clearly and absolutely void. Reason 1 1. Because that hereby the King may be said, after a sort, and in some kind, to change the fundamental constitution and government of his Kingdom, from an absolute Monarchy to another species and form of government, either Aristocratical, or democratical, or some other form, emergent out of all these, such as we know not how to term it, and such as was never known from the beginning of the world: a mixture indeed, which, I told you before, no absolute King can be thought to do without offence, unless he can prove his licence from God to do the same. 2. Because that hereby he may be said to denude himself of Reason. 2 his right, and by depriving himself of this power, to disinable, himself to discharge that duty, which God doth necessarily require at his hands; that is, to govern his people, by protecting the innocent, and punishing the wrong doer; and when God shall call the King to an account, why he did not thus govern his people, and defend those poor Subjects that were loyal and faithful both to God and their King, according to the charge that he laid upon him, and the right and power which he gave him to discharge it: It may be feared, it will be no sufficient answer for any King to say, but I have so laid away that power, and parted with that right unto my Lords and Commons, that I could not do it; for it may be asked, where doth God require him, or when did he authorise him to divest himself of that authority wherewith he endued him? how then can he do it, to the undoing of many people, without an assured leave from God? therefore, as that Act which was made unrepealable, was adjudged no Act, but immediately void, because it was destructive to the very power of Parliament * Which may repeal their own Acts, but not destroy their just power, nor themselves, as it seems the the Act of excluding the Bishops doth, and takes away as it were the soul of the Parliament. , and if any act should be made to destroy common right, or to hinder the public service of God, or to disinable the right heir to enjoy the Crown, or the like, those Acts are void of themselves; so any Statute that disinableth the King's government must needs be void ipso facto; as I have partly showed in my Discovery of Mysteries. p. 32. 3. Because it may be believed no King would ever grant such an Act, unless he were either subtly deceived and seduced, or forcibly compelled thereunto, for fear of some inavoidable extremity, which (according to all outward appearance) Reason. 3 could not otherwise be prevented, without the concessions of such unspeakable disadvantages; as a man gives away his sword when he seethe his life in danger, if he deliver it not: Therefore the premises considered. 5. The Quaere is, whether any King should be bound and obliged Quaere. 5 to observe such grants, and make good such Acts, In all these Quaries I conclude nothing whatsoever I believe. as are thus fraudulently obtained, or forcibly wrested from him, and are thus contradictory to Gods will, thus prejudicial to the power of government, and thus destructive to his Subjects; which for the foresaid reasons is by many men believed he is not; but, as this right was unduly procured from him, so when God enableth him, he may justly acquire it, and reassume it, without any offence to God, or the least reluctancy to his own conscience. And if this Act, that hath passed in our Parliament, makes it immediately to be no Parliament * As I know not whether it doth or no●; neither will I determine it. , as being now another form of government, which the Divines hold, ought not to be effected; then certainly all Acts that passed since are no Acts, but are void and invalid of themselves. Or be it granted, that the Act for the perpetuity of Parliament doth not annul the Parliament; yet it is doubted by many, whether the Parliament may not themselves, without the Kings pronouncing it void or dissolved, make it no Parliament; when of Counsellors for the King, Quid prodest tibi nomen usurpare altonum, & vocari quod ●on ei? they become Traitors unto the King; and of Patriots, that should protect the Commonwealth, they become Parricides and Catilines unto the same; because these duties, being as the soul, the life, and the end of Parliaments, when these are changed, to be the bane and death of King and Kingdom, it is doubted how it can be a Parliament, any more than a dead carcase that is deprived of his soul, can be said to be a man; for the circumstances and ceremonies of times, places, and the like, are not essentialia Parliamenti, but as accidentia; quae possunt adesse & abesse sine interitu subjecti, and may be ad benè esse, but are as punctilio's in respect of the end and essence of a Parliament. And therefore, as God promiseth infallibly to do a thing, for example, Psal. 89.34. 1. Sam. 2.30. that He will not fail David; his seed shall endure for ever: and of Eli, he said indeed, that his house and the house of his father should walk before him for ever; yet this unchangeable God, when the change is wrought in David, or his seed, or in Eli his house, David doth immediately say, Thou hast abhorred and forsaken thine Anointed, Psal. 89 37. and art displeased at him; and of his promise to Eli, God saith in the same place, now be it fare from me; 1. Sam. 2.30. so it may be conceived, that when any Parliament changeth its nature, faileth in its very being, and of a preservative becomes a poison, both to the King and Kingdom; I should never acknowledge judas after he betrayed his master, and resolved to persist in his wickedness to be an Apostle of Jesus Christ, no more than I should take the Temple of jerusalem to be the house of God, so long as it continued the den of thiefs. the King and Kingdom may then, without any change in themselves, or failing of their former promises, justly say, they are no Parliament; but, as the Romans said unto a worthy Patriot, that had formerly saved them from the Senones, and at last became an enemy to the State, We did honour thee as our deliverer, when thou didst save us from the Senones, sed jam nobis es quasi unus ex Senonibus; so may we say of any Parliament, that turns to be the destruction of a Commonwealth; that it is but a shadow, and no substance; a den of thiefs and no Parliament of Counsellors: And I assure myself much more may be spoken, and many inanswerable arguments may be produced to confirm this to be most true: so I have set down what I conceive to be true about the King's grants and concessions unto his people, and his obligations to observe them. And if His Majesty (whom I unfeignedly love, and hearty honour, and in whose service, as I have most willingly spent my slender fortunes, so I shall as readily hazard my dearest life) be offended with me for setting down any of these things, that my conscience tells me to be true, and needful to be known, and my duty to declare them; I must answer in all humility, and with all reverence, that, remembering what Lucian saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, many men shunning the smoke fell into the fire; and that Job saith, Timentes pruinam, opprimentur à nive, which S. Gregory moralizeth of them, that fearing the frost of man's anger, which they may tread under foot, shall be overwhelmed with the snow of God's vengeance, that falls from Heaven, and cannot be avoided; I had rather suffer the anger of any mortal man, then endure the wrath of the great God; for now I have freed my soul, let what will come of my body: I will fear God, and honour my King. 5. 5. The end for which God ordained Kings. We are to consider the end for which God ordained the King to rule and govern his people; and that is, to preserve justice and to maintain peace throughout all the parts of his dominions; for as the Subjects may neither murmur not resist their Sovereign, at any time, for any cause, so the King must not do any wrong or injustice to his meanest Subject; neither do we press the obedience of the Subjects to give licence unto the King to use them as he listeth; but we tell Kings their duties, as well as we do to the Subjects, and that is, to do justice unto the afflicted, and to execute true judgement among all his people: Psal. 82.3. Z●char. 7.9. for as Plato saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. all men cry out with one mouth how beautiful a thing is temperance and righteousness; Cicero calleth her the Lady and Mistress of all virtues: and Pindarus saith, Cicero offic. l. 3. that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a golden eye and a golden countenance are always to be seen in the face of justice, and that Jupiter Soter dwelleth together with Themis; whereby he would give us to understand, regem servatorem esse iustum; pindar. apud Athan. Cl. Alexand. Strom. l. 5. that a King must preserve his people by justice, as Clemens Alexand. expoundeth it; because as Theognis pag. 431. saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, justice is that virtue, which comprehends all virtues in itself; and therefore Solomon saith, that the King's throne is established by righteousness: Prov. 16.12. and justice exalteth a Nation, making it to flourish & famous; & injustice destroyeth the people, when a Kingdom is translated from nation to nation because of unrighteousness; Injustice destroyeth Kingdoms. the same being as it was said of Carthage fuller of sins then of people; as you see the Monarchy of the Assyrians was translated unto the Medes and Persians, and the most famous republs. of the Romans was spoiled, when forgetting their pristine honesty, they became unjust, Lucan. l. 1. — Mensuraque juris Vis erat.— And the law was measured by strength, and he had the best right which was most powerful: and so the ancient nation of the Britons came to utter ruin and destruction, propter avaritiam principum, injustitiam judicum, negligentiam episcoporum, & luxuriam populi, saith Gildas. Ezechiel. ●3. 11. and 18.32. And therefore God, that desireth not the death of a sinner, much less the ruin of any nation, would have us to seek for justice, and to live uprightly one among another; but as the sheep that are without a shepherd, wander where they list, so as you read often in the book of Judges, when the people were without a King, there was no justice amongst them, but every man did that which was right in his own eyes: therefore to prevent oppressions and wrongs, Judges. 17.6. God out of his infinite love and favour unto mankind, from the beginning of the world, called and appointed Kings to be his vicegerents, to judge the earth, Dan. 2.21, 37 1. Chron. 2 84 1. Sam. ●0. 1. 1. Reg. 19.15. Romans 13.4. Tertull. ad Scap. c. 2. Optat. cont. Parmen. l. 3. p. 8 5. Auson. in mon●syll. Et id possumus quod iure possumu●. Chrysost. ad Pop. Antioch. hom. 2. Ambros. apol. pro Davide. c. 4. etc. 10. Aug. de civet l. 4. c. 33. Greg. epis. l. 2, ep. 110. Author libelli cui inscriptio, brevis narratio quomodo Hen. 4. etc. Bellar. de laic. c 5. Rhem. anno. 1. Pet. 2.23. ● De la Cerda in Virgil. l. 11. p. 560. etc. Herod. l. 2. Plut. in vit. Cicero. 2. orat. in Anton. Ovid Mei. 6. Suet. de act. c. ●. and to see that the poor and the fatherless have right; for besides many other places that might be alleged, the Spirit of God saith directly, ego dixi Dii estis, and by me Kings do reign, that is, by my appointment, by my direction, and by my protection, they do, and shall rule and reign over my people, as Tertull, Optat. S Chrysost. S. Ambrose. S. Aug. S. Gregory, and the rest of the most Orthodox fathers have ever taught and maintained; and therefore this is not inventum humanum, as the Puritans have dreamt, and the Pope's flatterers have maintained, but it is an ordination of God, that we have Kings given unto us, not to domineer and to satisfy their untamed wills, and sensual appetites, but to administer justice and judgement unto their people, and so to guide them to live in all peace and tranquillity; for as Auson saith, Qui rectè faciet, non qui dominatur erit rex. And therefore Plinius Secundus in his panegyrics saith, ut faelicitatis est posse quantum velis, sic magnitudinis est velle quantum possis, & bonitatis facere quantum justum: as it is a great felicity to be able to do what we will, so it is a most heroic resolution, to will no more but what we should, and to do nothing but what is just; Claudian saith to Honorius. Nec tibi quid liceat, sed quid fecisse decebit. Occurrat, mentemque domet respectus honesti. and so Homer saith, that Sarpedon preserved Licia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 through justice and fortitude; whereupon the old Scholiast citeth the words of Aeschilus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that virtue and justice are ever coupled together; and Dio: Chrysost. faith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he is the best of men, that is the most valiant and most just; Orat. 2. and Herodian saith of Pertinax, that he was both loved and feared of the Barbarians, as well for the remembrance of his virtues in former battles, as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. because that wittingly or willingly he never did injustice to any man at time. Plutarch ascribeth these virtues to Lucullus, and to Paulus Aemilius; Cicero saith the like of Pompey, Ovid of Erictheus; Suetonius of Octavius, Augustus his father; Virgil of Aeneas; Krantius of Fronto King of the Danes; and of our late King james of famous and ever blessed memory, we may truly say, — Cui pudor & justitiae soror Incorrupta fides, nudaque veritas, Quando ullum invenient parem? Horat. l. 1, od. 26. Neither need I blush to apply the same to our present King. So you see how Justice exalteth a nation, commends the doers of it, and crownes them with all honour, and as the Poet saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. he that worketh justly shall have God himself for his coadjutor. But here you must observe that, which indeed is most true; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He is not a just man that doth no hurt, but he that is able to do hurt, Who rightly termed just and will not do it, that can be unjust and will not be: for it is no great matter to see a poor man that hath no ability, to do no wrong; but it is hard to use power right, even in the meanest office; and therefore this is that, that is to be urged, to be then most just, when we have most power to offend, which most properly doth belong to all Kings and Princes, to put them in mind of their duties, to what end God hath made them Kings; for they are but base flatterers, quibus omnia principum honesta atque inhonesta laudare mos est, Tacit. annal. l. 3. Plut. in Apotheg. Eustach. ad Iliad. β. Sallust. in Orat. ●as. count. Catil. that will commend all the do of Princes, be they good or bad; and which say, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all things are honest and just that Kings do, as that flattering Sycophant said to Antigonus; or like those, Chirodicai; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who think justice lieth not in the Laws, but in their hands; because as Caesar saith, in maxima fortuna minima licentia est, the higher their places are, the more righteous they ought to be, and the less liberty of sinning is left unto them: and that in respect 1. of God. 2. of others. 3. of themselves. For 1. Where God hath conferred much honour, King's ought to be more just, than all other● in 3 respects. there he expecteth much equity, and the more goodness, where he bestowed the more grace: ideo deteriores estis, quia meliores esse debetis? and will men therefore be the more sinful, Luke 12.48. Salvian. de Provide. l. 4. because they ought to be the more righteous? 2. All men's eyes are upon the Prince; and as Seneca saith of the royal Palace, Perlucet omne regiae vitium domûs; the houses of Kings are like glasses, and every man may look through them: so their actions can no more be hid, than the City that is placed upon an hill; but their least and lightest acts are soon seen. 3. Their places are as slippery as they are lofty, when (as one saith) height itself maketh men's brains to swim; Seneca in Agamemn. 2.1. & nunquam solido stetit superba foelicitas, and proud insolency never stood sure for any certain space; for, as God hath made them gods, so he can unmake them at his pleasure; Aug. ho. 14. and as S. Augustine saith, Quod contulit immerentibus, tollit malè merentibus, & quod illo donante fit nostrum, nobis superbientibus fit alienum; what God hath freely bestowed upon you without desert, he may justly take away from you for your evil deserts; and what is ours through God's gift, may be made another man's through our own pride; and not only so, but as he hath heaped honours upon their heads, that they might honour him; so, if they neglect him, he can pour contempt upon Princes, Job 12.21. and cast dirt in their faces, and make them a very scorn to those that formerly they thought unworthy to eat with the dogs of their flock; and then, Quanto gradus altior, Job 30.1. ●anto casus gravior, the higher they were exalted, the more will be their grief when they are dejected; as it was with those Kings, that being wont to be carried in their royal Charets, were forced like horses to draw Sesostris Coach; Quia m●serrimum est suisse felicem; because it is a most wretched thing to have been happy, and not to be; or as the Poet saith, Ovid Trist. l. 3. Eleg. 4. Qui cadit in plano, vix hoc tamen evenit unquam, Sic cadit ut tactà surgere possit h●mo; At miser Elpenor, tecto dilapsus ab alto Occurrit regi, flebilis umbra su●. And therefore all Kings should be ever mindful of the words of King David, 2. Sam. 23.3. He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and all these things that I have set down should move all Kings and Princes to set their minds upon righteousness, Psal. 58.1. to judge the thing that is right, and to live, to reign and rule according to the strait rule of the Law; What should move all Kings to rule justly according to Laws. that so carrying them justly and worthily in their places, the poor people may truly say of them, Certè Deus est in illis, they may well be called Gods, because God is in them: and if these things will not, nor cannot move them to be as mindful of their duty, as well as they are mindful of their excellency, then let them remember what the Psalmist saith, Psal. 149.8. He will bind Kings with fetters, and their Nobles with links of iron; and let them meditate upon the words of King Solomon, where he saith unto them all, Hear O ye Kings, and understand, learn ye that be Judges of the ends of the earth; give ear, you that rule the people, and glory in the multitude of Nations; for power is given you of the Lord, and sovereignty from the Highest, who shall try your works, and search out your counsels; because, being Ministers of his Kingdoms, you have not judged aright, nor kept the Law, nor walked after the counsel of God; horribly and speedily shall he come upon you; for a sharp judgement shall be to them that are in high places; for mercy will soon pardon the meanest, but mighty men shall be mightily tormented; Sap. 6. usque ad vers. 9 for he that is Lord over all shall fear no man's person, neither shall he stand in awe of any man's greatness; for he hath made the small and the great, and careth for all alike; but a sore trial shall come upon the mighty. Heb. 10.31. And the Apostle saith, It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God; which things should make their ears to tingle, and their hearts to tremble, whensoever they step aside out of God's Commandments. And thus we set down the charge of Kings, and the strict account that they must render unto God, how they have discharged the same; whereby you see we flatter them not in their greatness, but tell them as well what they should be, as what they are; and press not only obedience unto the people, but also equity and justice unto the Prince; that both doing their duty, both may be happy. CHAP. XV. Sheweth the honour due to the King. 1. Fear. 2. An high esteem of our King; how highly the Heathens esteemed of their Kings; the Marriage of obedience and authority; the Rebellion of the Nobility how heinous. 3. Obedience, fourfold; divers kinds of Monarches; and how an absolute Monarch may limit himself. 2 I Have showed you the person that we are commanded to honour, the King; 2 The honour that is due to the King. I am now to show you the honour that is due unto him, not only by the customs of all Nations, but also by the Commandment of God himself. Where first of all you must observe, that the Apostle useth the same word here to express our duty to our King, as the holy Ghost doth to express our duty to our father and mother; for there it is said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and here S. Peter saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: to show indeed that the King— urbi pater est urbique maritus; is the common Father of us all, and therefore is to have the same honour that is due to our father and mother; The same that is due to our Father and Mother. and I have fully shown the particulars of that honour upon that fift commandment. I will insist upon some few points in this place, and as the ascent to Solomon's throne was, per sex gradus, by six special steps, so I will set you down six main branches of this honour, that are typified in the six ensigns or emblems of Royal Majesty; for 1 The Sword exacteth fear, Six special branches of the honour due to the King. and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth as much. 2 The Crown importeth honour, because it is of pure gold. 3 The Sceptre requireth obedience, because that ruleth us. 4 The Throne deserves Tribute, that his Royalty may be maintained. 5 His Person meriteth defence, because he is the Defender of us all. 6 His charge calleth for our Prayers that he may be enabled to discharge it. 1. Fear. 1. King's are called Gods, and all the Royal Ensigns and Acts of Kings are ascribed to God, as their Crown is of God, whereupon they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Psal. 21.3. crowned of God; their sword is of God, Psal. 18.39. judg. 7 17. Exod. 4.20.17.9. whereupon the Psalmist saith, thou hast girded me with strength unto the battle; their Sceptre is the Sceptre of God, for so Moses rod, which signifieth a Sceptre as well as a rod, is called the rod of God; their throne is the throne of God, and their judgement is the judgement of God; 1. Chron. 19 21. and you know how often we are commanded in the Scripture to fear God; & the Poet saith, 2. Chron. 19.6. primus in orbe Deos fecit timor; & where there is no fear of God, Sap. 17.12. there is no belief, that there is a God; for fear is the betraying of the succours which reason offereth; and when we have no reason to expect succour, our reason tells us, that we should fear, that is, the punishment which we deserved for those evils, which deprived us of our succours; and therefore this fear of the punishment, The want of fear the cause of all mischief. doth often times keep us from those evils; even as the Scripture saith, timor Domini expellit peccatum; and the want of this fear is the cause of all mischief, as the Prophet David showeth, when after he enumerated, Rom. 3.13. the most horrible sins of the wicked, that their throat was an open sepulchre:, P. 14. the poison of asps under their lips, their mouth full of cursing and bitterness, and their feet swift to shed blood, V 7. he addeth this as the cause of all, that there was no fear of God before their eyes: And truly this is the cause of all our calamities, that we fear not our King; for if we feared him, we durst not Rebel and revile him as we do. Why men do so little fear God & the King. Eccles. 5 6. But what is the reason that we do so little fear either God or the King? the son of Syrach showeth, it is their great mercy and clemency; this, which worketh love in all good natures, produceth boldness, impudence, and Rebellion in all froward dispositions, who therefore sin because God is merciful, and will Rebel against their King, because they know he is pitiful and mild, and will grant them pardon, as they believe, if they cannot prevail; which is nothing else, but like spiders, to suck poison out of those sweet flowers, from whence the bees do gather honey; but let them not deceive themselves; for debet amor laesus irasci, love too much provoked will wax most angry, & patientia laesa fit furor; and therefore the son of Syrach saith, Eccles. 5.5, 6. concerning propitiation be not without fear, and say not his mercy is great; for mercy and wrath come from him, and his indignation resteth upon sinners: so though our King be as the Kings of Israel, a merciful minded man, most mild and clement; yet now when he seethe how these Rebels have abused his goodness and his patience, to the great sufferance of his best Subjects, he can draw his sword, and make it drunk in the blood of the ungodly, that have so transcendently abused both the mercies of God, & the goodness of the King. When divers people had Rebelled against Tarquin, What Tarquin did to Rebels. and his son had surprised many of their chief leaders, he sent unto his father to know what he should do with them, the King being in his field, paused a while, and then summ● Papavera carpsit, with his staff chopped off the heads of divers weeds and thistles, and gave the messenger none other answer, but go, and tell my son what I am doing; and his Son, understanding his meaning, did with them, as Tarquin did with the Poppies; so many Kings would have done with these Rebels, not out of any love to shed blood, but out of a desire to preserve Peace, not for any natural inclination to diminish their Nobility by their decollation, but from an earnest endeavour to suppress the community from unnatural Rebellion, ut poena in paucos, metus ad omnes, that the punishment of some might have bred fear in the rest: and that fear of the King in them might keep his good Subjects from fear of being undone by them. But all the World seethe our King is more merciful, What effects the King's clemency wrought. and hath sought all this while to draw them with the cords of love, which hath bred more troubles to himself, more afflictions to us, and made them the more cruel, and by their Oaths and Protestations, Leagues and Covenants, to do their best to bring the King and all his loyal Subjects into fear, if they may not have their own desires. But we are not afraid of these Bug bears; because we know this hath been the practice of all Rebels to link themselves together with Leagues and Covenants, as in the conjuration of Catiline; and the Holy league in France, and the like; and many such Covenants and Leagues have been made with Hell, to the utter destruction of the makers; as when more than forty men vowed very solemnly (and they intended to do it very cunningly) that they would neither eat nor drink until they had killed Paul; Act. 23.12. for so they might be without meat till the day of judgement, if they would keep their Oath: and so these Covenanteers may undo themselves by such hardening their faces in their wickedness; The Rebel's Covenants show they are grown desperate. because this showeth they are grown desperate, and are come to that pass, that they have little hope to preserve their lives, but by the hazarding of their souls; as if they thought the Devil, for the good service they desire to do Him, to overthrow the Church, to destroy thousand souls, may perchance do them this favour, to preserve their lives for a time, to bring to pass so great a work; whereas we know, the Church is built upon a Rock, and God hath promised to defend his anointed, so that all the power of hell shall never prevail against any of these. Wherefore to conclude this point, seeing God hath put a sword into the hand of the King, Rom. 13.4. & the King bears not the sword in vain, but though it be long in the sheath, he can draw it out when He will, and recompense the abuse of His lenity, with the sharpness of severity, let us fear; or if you would not fear, do well, V 3. saith the Apostle, return from your Rebellion, and from all your wicked ways, and you may yet find grace; because you have both a merciful God, and a gracious King. 2. To have an high and good esteem of our King, and to make others to have the like. 2. Sam. 15.6. 2. As we are to fear, so we are to reverence our King, that is, to have an high esteem of His Majesty, and to manifest the same in our terms, speeches and communications accordingly, to gain the love of the rest of His Subjects towards Him; and not as Absalon did, by cunning and sinister expressions, to steal away the hearts and affections of His People; for to make mention of him either in our prayers or Sermons, or in any other familiar talk, so, as if he were a friend to Popery, an Enemy to the Gospel, and careless of Justice, and the like, (as too many of our Sectaries most falsely & most maliciously have done) is rather to vilify and disgrace him, to work an odium against him, and a tediousness of him, then to procure an honourable esteem and reverence of him; Cassiodorus saith, stipendium tyranno penditur, praedicatio non nisi bono Principi; Tribute is due to Tyrants, and aught to be paid unto them; but honour and reverence much more to a good Prince; & the spirit of God bids us, bless them that persecute us, and our Saviour saith, Rom. 12.14. bless them that curse you, that is, speak well of Tyrants that oppress us, Matth. 5.44. and speak not ill of them that speak ill of you; especially if they be your Magistrates or your King, whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you are commanded to honour, even with the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (therefore not doubt, The fifth Commandment is the most obliging of all the Commandments of the second Table. Ephes. 6.2. How the heathens honoured their Kings. C. Tacitus. lib. 14. but with the same honour) as we are commanded to honour our Father, and our Mother; because the King is our Political Father; and is therefore commanded to be reverenced by this precept, which (as the Divines observe) is of greater moment and more obliging, than any of the rest of the Commandments of the second Table, not only because it keepeth the first place of all these precepts, but is also the first Commandment with promise, as the Apostle observeth. And not only the Scriptures command us thus to honour and to reverence our King, but the very Heathens also did so reverence them, that they did adore the Statues and Images of their Kings and Caesar's, as Tacitus reporteth; and it was Treason for any man to pull away, or violate them, that fled unto them for sanctuary; yea, it was capital for a man, that had the Image of his Prince stamped in silver, or engraven in a Ring, to go to any unclean or unseemly place; and therefore Seneca saith, Seneca de benefic. l. 30. that under the Empire of Tiberius, a certain Noble man was accused of Treason, for moving his hand, The reason of their reverence. that had on his finger a Ring, whereon was engraven the portraiture of the Prince, unto his privy parts when he did Urine; and the reason of this great reverence, which they bore unto their Princes was, that they believed there was in King's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, some divine thing, which above the reach of man, was ingraffed in them, and could not be derived from them; for so Raderus tells us, Raderus Comment. in Quint. curt. that this divine Majesty, or celestial spark, was so eminent in the countenance of Alexander, that it did not only terrify his enemies, but also moved his best Commanders and greatest Peers to obey his commands: and the like is reported of Scipio Africanus: and I find the Macedonians had a law, that (besides the Traitors) condemned to death five of their next Kinsfolks, A Macedoninian law. that were convicted of conspiracy against their King; and a Gentleman of Normandy, confessing to his Friar, how such a thought came once in his mind, to have killed King Francis the first, A gentleman hanged for his thought. but repenting of his intention, he resolved never to do it; the Friar absolved him of his sin, but told the King thereof, and he sent him to his Parliament, who condemned and executed him for his thought. Philip the first of Spain, seeing a Falcon killing an Eagle, commanded his head to be wrung of; saying, let none presume above their Sovereign; and in the reign of Henry fourth of England, one was hanged, drawn, and quartered, in Cheapside London, for jesting with his son, that if he did learn well he would make him heir of the Crown, meaning his own house, that had the Sign of the Crown, to prove the Proverb true, non est bonum ludere cum sanctis, it is not safe jesting with Kings and Crowns, and it is less safe to resist them if you will believe wise Solomon. And I have read of another King, that passing over a river, his Crown fell into the water, one of his watermens leapt in, and dived to the bottom, and taking up the Crown put it upon his head, that it might not hinder his swimming, and so brought it to the King again, who rewarded him well for his pains, but caused his head to be chopped of for presuming to wear his Crown. And all this is but an inanswerable argument to condemn our Rebels, that neither reverence the Majesty of their King, nor respect the commandment of their God. 3. Obedience. 3. Obedience is another principal part of that honour which we own unto the King; and this obedience of the inferiors joined with the direction of the superiors, The marriage of obedience and authority and the issue. do make any state most successful; but when these are divorced, than nothing goeth right in that Commonwealth; for so the Sages of Greece expressed it by the marriage that jupiter made between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Aescylus. whose child, brought forth betwixt them, was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; All must be obedient. to show unto us, that when authority is married to obedience, and obedience proves a dutiful and good wife to authority, the fruit of that match will be happiness to the whole Kingdom. And therefore if we would be happy, we must be obedient, and our obedience must be universal, in all things in the Lord. jussa sequi tam velle mihi quàm posse necesse est. Lucan. l. 1. So the people say unto joshua, all that thou commandest us, Iosh. 1.16. we will do: and all must do it, the greater aswell as the lesser, the noble man as well as the mean man, yea rather than the mean man; for though rebellion in any one, is as the sin of witchcraft, yet in a vulgar man it may admit of vulgar apologies; but in a man of quality, in noble men in Courtiers, Noble men's Rebellion more abominable to God & man, than any other. bred in the King's house, in the King's service, and raised by the King's favour, it is Morbus complicatus, a decompound sin, a transcendent ingratitude, and unexpressable iniquity, the example more spreading, and the infection more contagious, because more conspicuous; and the giddy attempts of an unguided multitude, are but, as Cardinal Farnesius saith, like the Beech tree without his top, soon withered and vanishing into nothing without leaders, when they become a burden unto themselves, and a prey unto others; therefore the contradiction of Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, that were so eminent in the congregation, was a sin so odious unto God, that he would have destroyed all Israel for their sake, as now he punisheth all England for the sins of those noble men, that have rebelled against their King, and were always like Sejanus as wayward pleased as opposed. And therefore St Paul saith, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rom. 13.1. every soul must be subject to the higher power, and he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, you must needs be subject, or be obedient, Rom. 13.5. and he presseth this obedience with many arguments, Obedience pressed by a three fold argument. as 1. From God's ordinance, because God hath set them over us, and commanded us to be obedient unto them, and therefore whosoever resisteth them, warreth against God. 2. From man's Conscience, which telleth us, that he is the minister of God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for good, Rom. 13.4. & therefore virtutis amore, if we have any love to goodness, we ought to obey our King. 3. For fear of vengeance, v. 4. because he beareth not the sword in vain, but is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil; How we ought to behave ourselves towards wicked Kings. therefore this obedience to our King, is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a thing of indifferency but of necessity; for be our King, for his religion, Impious, for his government, unjust, and for life, licentious, as cruel as Nero, as profane as Julian, and as wicked as Heliogabalus; yet the Subjects must obey him, the Bishops must admonish him, the counsel must advise him, and all must pray for him, but no mortal man, that is his Subject, hath either leave to resist him, or licence to reject him: unless they reject the ordinance of God, Ardua res homini est mortali vincere numen. Why God sendeth evil Kings. and so fight against God; and you know, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it is hard to vanquish God. It is truly said by a learned Bishop, si bonus est Princeps, nutritor est tuus, if thy King be good he is thy nursing Father, and it is a great happiness to his Subjects, sin malus est tentator est tuus, but if he be evil, he is either for the punishment of thy sins, or for the trial of thy faith; and therefore receive thy punishment with patience, or thy trial without resistance; and Aquin. saith, tollenda est culpa & cessabit tyrannorum plaga, do thou take away thy sins, and God will soon take away thy punishment; otherwise, as for our sins, we do often suffer droughts, floods, unseasonable weather, sicknesses, plagues, and many other evils of nature, ita luxum & avaritiam dominantium tolerare debemus; so when God setteth up hypocrites or tyrants to reign over us, to be the scourges of his wrath, and the rods of his fury, we must not struggle against God, but rest contented to endure the vices of our rulers, as a just punishment of our wickedness, saith Cornelius Tacitus * Et Michael Palatinus Hungariae dicebat, rege coronato, etiamsi bos esset, nobis obtemperandum est. Bonsin. dec. 4. lib. 3. Four kinds of obedience. 1. Rom. 12.1. 1. Sam. 15.22. But here you must observe, that there are divers kinds of obedience; especially, 1. Coacta. 2. Caeca. 3. Simulata. 4. Ordinata. 1. Forced. 2. Foolish. 3. Feigned. 4. Well ordered. 1. The first is a forced and compelled obedience, merely for fear of wrath, as Children learn, or Slaves do their duty for fear of the rod; and this is better than resistance, though nothing like to that obedience, which S. Paul calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; because this voluntary, and not extorted obedience, is that, which is better than sacrifice. 2. The second is a blind obedience, 2. Blind obedience. such as the young youths, that being commanded by their Abbot, to carry a basket of figs, and other juncates unto a solitary Monk or Hermit that lived in his cave, and losing their way in that unfrequented wilderness, chose rather to die in the desert then taste of those acates that they had in their Basket; and such obedience is most frequent in the proselytes of Rome, who will do whatsoever they are commanded by their superiors, though both they and their superiors do thereby commit never so great a wickedness: Where notwithstanding I must confess, that this blind obedience is fare better, both for Church and State, than a proud resistance, when as the one produceth nothing but some particular inconveniences, and the other proceedeth to an universal destruction. 3. The third is an hypocritical and dissembled obedience, 3 Hypocritical obedience. that is, an obedience for a time, till they see their time to do mischief, which is the worst of all obedience, and therefore most hateful both to God and Man; because it is but eatenus, usque dum vires suppetunt, until they have the opportunity, and have gotten sufficient strength, to shake off their subjection, and to maintain their Rebellion; The obedience of our Rebels. and this was the obedience of all our Rebels, our Sectaries and Puritans here in England, who would also face us down, but most falsely, that it was the obedience of the Primitive Christians; for so the grand impostor Io. Goodwin, in his Anticavalierisme, saith, they were only obedient to those persecuting Tyrants, because as yet they wanted strength, and were not able to resist them; but O thou enemy of all goodness, that so hatest to become a Martyr for thy God, that was martyred for thee, is it not enough for thee to play the dissembling hypocrite thyself, but thou must tax those holy Martyrs, those true Saints, that reign with Christ in Heaven, The Author more out of patience for the wrong offered to the Martyrs then for his own abuse. of hypocrisy and disobedience in their hearts, to the Ordinance of God? I could willingly bear with any aspersion thou shouldest cast in my face, but I am out of patience, though sorry that I am so transported, to see such false and scandalous imputations, so unjustly laid upon such holy Saints; yet this you must do to countenance your Rebellion, to get the Rhetoric of the Devil to belly Heaven itself; and therefore what wonder is it, that you should belly your King on earth, when you dare thus belly the martyrs that are in Heaven. 4. The obedience of the Saints two ●●ld 4. The fourth is a voluntary, hearty and well ordered obedience, which is, the obedience of the Saints, and is also Two fold 1. Active. 2. Passive. for 1. Active obedience. 1. The Saints knowing the will of God, that they should obey their King, and those that are sent of him, they do willingly yield obedience to their superiors; and no marvel; because there cannot be a surer argument of an evil man, then in a Church reform, and a Kingdom lawfully governed, to resist authority, and to disobey them that should rule over us, especially him, whom God immediately hath apppointed to be this vicegerent, his substitute, and the supreme Monarch of his Dominions here on earth; for all other things, both in heaven and earth, do observe that Law, which their maker hath apppointed for them, when, as the Psalmist saith, he hath given them a Law which shall not be broken; therefore this must needs be a great reproof, and a mighty shame to those men, that being Subjects unto their King, and to be ruled by his Laws, will notwithstanding disobey the King, and transgress those Laws, that are made for their safety, and resist that authority, which they are bound to obey; only because their weak heads, or false hearts, do account the commandment of the King to be against right, and what themselves do to be most holy and just. Ob. Divers kinds of Monarchies. But our City Prophets will say, that although the King be the supreme Monarch, whom we are commanded to obey; yet there are divers kinds of Monarchies or Regal governments; as usurped, lawful, by conquest, by inheritance, by election; and these are either absolute, as were the Eastern Kings, and the Roman Emperors, or limited and mixed; which they term a Political Monarchy, where the King or Monarch can do nothing alone, but with the assistance & direction of his Nobility & Parliament; or if he doth attempt to bring any exorbitancies to the Commonwealth, or deny those things that are necessary for the preservation thereof, they may lawfully resist him in the one, and compel him to the other; to which I answer. 1. As God himself, which is most absolute, Sol. Absolute Monarches may limit themselves. & liberrimum agens, may notwithstanding limit himself and his own power, as he doth, when he promiseth and sweareth that he will not fail David, and that the unrepentant Rebels should never enter into his rest; so the Monarch may limit himself in some points of his administration; and yet this limitation neither transferreth any power of sovereignty unto the Parliament, nor denieth the Monarch to be absolute, nor admitteth of any resistance against him; for 1. This is a mere gull, to seduce the people, I cannot devise words to express this new devised government. that cannot distinguish the point of a needle; just like the Papist, that saith he is a Roman Catholic; that is, a particular universal, a black white, a polumonarcha, a many one governor, when we say he is a Monarch, joined in his government with the Parliament; for he can be no Monarch or supreme King & Sovereign, that hath any sharers with him or above him in the government. 2. There is no Monarch that can be said to be simply absolute, but only God; yet where there is no superior, but the sovereignty residing in the King, he may be said to be an absolute Monarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1. because there is none on earth that can control him, 2 Because he is free & absolute in all such things, wherein he is not expressly limited: and therefore 3. Seeing no Monarch or Sovereign is so absolute, No Monarch so Absolute but some way limited. but that he is some way limited, either by the Law of God, or the rules of nature, or of his own concessions and grants unto his people, or else by the compact that he maketh with them, if he be an elective King, and so admitted unto his Kingdom: there is no reason they should resist their King, for transgressing the limitations of one kind more than the other: or if any, no doubt but he that transcendeth the limits of God's Law, or goeth against the common rules of nature, ought rather to be resisted, than he that observeth not his own voluntary concessions: but themselves, perceiving how peremptorily the Apostle speaketh against resistance of the Heathen Emperors that then ruled, do confess that absolute Monarches ought not to be resisted; (wherein also they are mistaken, because the histories tell us, those Emperors were not so absolute as our Kings, till the time of Vespasian, when the lex Regia transferred all the power of the People upon the Emperor, No Monarch ought to be resisted. Ulpian de constit. Principis: therefore indeed, no Monarch ought to be resisted, whatsoever limitations he hath granted unto his Subjects. And the resisters of authority might understand, if their more malicious than blind leaders would give them leave, that this virtue of obedience to the supreme power maketh good things unlawful, when we are forbidden to do them, as the eating of the forbidden tree was to Adam, and the holding up of the Ark was to Vzza: and it maketh evil things to be good and lawful, when they are commanded to be done, as the kill of Isaac (if he had done it) had been commendable in Abraham, and the smiting of the Prophet was very laudable in him that smote him, when the Prophet commanded him to do it: and therefore Adam and Vzza were punished with death, because they did those lawful good things, which they were forbidden to do; Rebels should well consider these things. and the others were recompensed with blessings, because they did and were ready to do those evil things, that they were commanded to do; when as he that refused to smite the Prophet, 1. Reg. 20.38. being commanded to do it, was destroyed by a Lion, because he did it not; whereby you see, that things forbidden, when they are commanded, & è contra, cannot be omitted without sin. Ob. Mandatum imperantis ●ollit peccatum obedientis. Aug. Sol. You will say it is true, when it is done by God, whose injunction or prohibition, his precept or his forbidding to do it, or not to do it, maketh all things lawful or unlawful. I answer, that we cannot think ourselves obedient to God, whilst we are disobedient to him, whom God hath commanded us to obey; and therefore, if we will obey God, we must obey the King; because God hath commanded us to obey him; and being to obey him, non attendit verus obediens quale fit quod praecipitur, sed hoc solo contentus quia praecipitur, he that is truly obedient to him, whom God commanded us to obey, never regardeth, what it is that is commanded, (so it be not simply evil, for then as the Apostle saith, it is better to obey God then man, were he the greatest Monarch in the World,) but he considereth, and is therewith satisfied, that it is commanded, Bernard in l. de precept. & dispensat. and therefore doth it, saith St Bernard, in l. de precept. & dispensat, CHAP. XVI. Sheweth the answer to some objections against the obeying of our Sovereign Magistrate; all actions of three kinds; how our Consciences may be reform; of our passive obedience to the Magistrates; and of the King's concessions, how to be taken. But against this our sectaries and Rebels will object, Ob. that their conscience, which is vinculum, accusator, testis & judex, their bond, their accuser, their witness and their judge, against whom they can say nothing, and from whom they cannot appeal, unless it be to a severer judge, will not give them leave to obey, to do many things, that the King requireth to be done; and who can blame them for obeying their conscience rather than any King? I confess that it is naturally ingraffed in the hearts of all men, that no evil is to be done, and reason, Sol. according to that measure of knowledge, which every man hath, tells us, what is good, and what is evil; then conscience concludeth what is to be done, and what not to be done. quia conscientia est applicatio notitiae nostrae ad actum particularem, because our conscience is the application of our knowledge to some particular act, saith Aquinas. Thom. 2. Sent. didst. 14. art. 4. Conscience a witness, And this application of our knowledge to that act considereth, 1. De praeteritis, of things past, whether such a thing be done or not done, and so our conscience is a witness that cannot err. 2. De praesentibus factis, of our present actions, Conscience a judge, whether the fact done be good or evil, just or unjust, so our conscience is a judge according to the measure of our knowledge. 3. De futuris faciendis, of future acts that are to be done, Conscience a follower of reason. whether they ought to be done, or left undone. But because our conscience springeth from our reason, and our reason may be clouded and obscured by a double error. Reason obscured two ways. 1. way. john. 16.2. 1. A false assumption, when we take those things to be good or true, which are indeed evil or false, as they that think they do God good service, when they kill his servants, even as the Rebels do at this very day, and that they please God when they disobey their King. 2. way. The Rebels offend both ways. 2. A false application, or a false conclusion from a true assumption; as, because I am commanded, to love God above all things, therefore I am to hate all things but God; or because, it is better to obey God then man; therefore I must not obey the commands of any man. So our conscience may be poisoned in like manner with the same errors; and being so misguided, they ought not to bind us, but we ought rather to reform them; for that, which truly should bind the conscience, What should bind our conscience. is not our judgement, but God's precept, that either commandeth or forbiddeth such and such actions to be done, or not done. And you know, that all actions are either, 1. good. 2. evil. 3. indifferent. 1. The good, God commandeth us to do them. All actions of three sorts. 2. The evil he flatly forbiddeth them to be done: and 3. The indifferent he wholly leaveth to the power of the Magistrate, to make them either lawful or unlawful, good or bad, as he pleaseth. And therefore, for the first two sorts of actions, because thy conscience hath God's precept to direct thee, Pride blindeth many men. if thy reason, either through ignorance, or the strength of thine own fancy, (which often happeneth to proud Spirits) doth not misled thee, to call good evil, and evil good, it is safer for thee to follow the dictamen of thine own conscience, than the command of the greatest potentate; Act. 5.29. for in all such cases, it is better to obey God then man. We are too inquisitive of many things. But in all the other things, that are indifferent of themselves, the precept of the King, or any other our lawful superior, maketh them to become necessary unto the Subject; because the command of the superior Magistrate doth bind more than the conscience of the inferior Subject can do; for though the conscience, rightly guided by reason, is the judge of those things, which are either directly forbidden or commanded; yet in the other things, that are indifferent, the Magistrate is the more immediate judge under God, which hath given him power, The Magistrate the immediate judge of indifferen things. either to command them to be done, or to forbid them; and therefore the Subject, having the command of his King, (whom God commandeth us to obey) for his warrant in things of this nature, either to do such things, or to leave such things undone, his duty is not to examine the reason of the command, but to perform what he seethe commanded; for so S. August. saith, that although julian was an Idolater, an Apostata, an Infidel; yet, milites fideles servierunt imperatori infideli; but when it came to the cause of Christ, they acknowledged none, but him that was in Heaven; when he would have them to worship Idols, they preferred God before him; when he said, lead forth your Armies, and go against such a Nation, August. in Psa. 124. Camperator. 11. q. 1. they presently obeyed him; they distinguished betwixt their eternal and their temporal Lord, & tamen subditi erant propter aeternum etiam domino temporalit and they never examined the justness of the war; because in all such cases, mandatum imperantis tollit culpam servientis, the fault must only rest upon the commander. And therefore, Our reason and judgement misguided seven ways. How our conscience may be reform. as our reason and judgement may be blinded in all actions, either with ignorance, negligence, pride, inordinate affection, faintness, perplexity, or self love, so may our conscience too, when it erroneously concludeth upon what our reason falsely assumeth; and then, as I said before, our conscience is rather to be reform then obeyed; and if we be desirous, we may thus redress it. 1. If it be of ignorance, let us say with jehoshaphat, 1. From ignorance. 2. Chron. 20.12. 2. From negligence. john 3.1. we know not what to do, but our eyes are towards thee; and let us seek to them that can inform us, the Orthodox not the Sectaries, which will rather corrupt us then direct us. 2. If it be of negligence, let us come without partiality or prejudice (as Nicodemus did to Christ) to those that for knowledge are well able, and for honesty are most willing, to instruct us. 3. From Pride. 3. If it be of pride, let us pray to God for humility, and submit ourselves one to another, especially to them that have more learning than ourselves, and have that charge over us; for he that praiseth himself is not allowed, 2. Cor. 10.18. but he whom the Lord praiseth; and singularity hath been the original of all heresies and not the least occasion of the troubles of these times, and the rebellion of our Sectaries. 4. From inordinate affection. 4. If it be from inordinate affection, quum id sanctum quod volumus, when every one makes what he loves to be lawful, and his own ways to be just, let us hearken to sound reason and prefer truth before our own affections; or otherwise perit omne iudicium, Seneca. cùm res transit in affectum, there can be no true judgement of things, when we are transported with our partial affections. 5. From faintness. 5. If it be from faintness, let us be scrupulous where we have cause, lest we should think it lawful to swallow a Camel, because we are able to streane a gnat; and let us not be afraid, where no fear is, and think those things sinful that are most lawful; A heavy judgement upon this Nation by mistaking sins. 6. From perplexity. which is a heavy judgement of God upon the wicked, and hath now lighted very sore upon many of the Inhabitants of this land, who think it Popery to say, God bless you, and judge it idolatry to see a Cross in Cheapside. 6. If it be of perplexity, when a man is close, as he conceives, betwixt two sins, where he seethe himself unable, though never so willing, to avoid both, let him peccare in tutiorem partem, which though it takes not away the sin, yet it will make the fault to be the less sin; as the casting away of the corn, which is the gift of God and the sustenance of man's life, is an unthankful abuse of God's creature; Act. 27.38. yet as S. Paul caused the same to be cast into the Sea for the safeguard of their lives; so must we do the like, when occasion makes it necessary; as now, rather to kill our enemies the Rebels, though we should think it to be ill, then suffer them to wrong our King, and to destroy both Church and Kingdom; because that of two things, which we conceive evil, When things are to be judged inevitable. and are not both evitable, the choice of the lesser, to avoid the greater, is not evil; but they are then to be judged inevitable, when there is no apparent ordinary way to avoid them, Hooker Eccles. pol. l 5. p. 15. because that where counsel and advice do bear rule, we may not presume of God's extraordinary power, without extraordinary warrant, saith judicious Mr Hooker. 7. If it be of too much humility, 7. From too much humility. which is an error of less danger, yet by no means to be fostered, lest by gathering strength it proves most pernicious, they should pray to God to preserve them from too much fear; Multos in summa periculamisit, venturi timor ipse mali. Lucan. l 7. for though (as S. Gregory saith) bonarum mentium est, ibi culpas agnoscere, ubi culpa non est, yet (as I said before) it is a heavy judgement, and a want of God's grace, to be afraid where no fear is, and it makes men to commit many sins many times for fear of sin. And thus having rectified our conscience in the understanding of all these things, we are bound, by the commandment of God, to be obedient unto the commands of our King; for it is a paradox to say, Christians are free from the Laws of men; Act. 15.20. Rom. 13.2.3. 1. Peter 2.13. because it was a human law, touching things strangled & blood: and the Apostles do exact our obedience unto human laws, even the Laws of Heathen and Idolatrous Emperors: and therefore, being bound to obey them, they cannot be freed in conscience, from the Religion of them: and so Dr Whitaker saith, that as the Laws of God must be simply obeyed, without any difference of time, place, and circumstance; so must the Laws of men be obeyed, as the circumstances do require; for example, he that is a Roman and liveth at Rome, must obey the Roman Laws; and he saith, that the authority of the Magistrate, which is sacred and holy, cannot with any good conscience be contemned; because it is the commandment of God, that we should obey them; Whitaker contra Camp. p. 258. Ob. and this (saith he) doth bind the conscience, when, (as the Apostle saith) he is to be obeyed for conscience sake. But you will say, what if the King forbids me to do what God commandeth, as the high Priest did to the Apostles, or commandeth me to do what God forbiddeth, as Julian did unto the Christians, and Nabuchadnezzar to the three children? We have often answered, that in such a case, Sol. it is better to obey God then man; for it is sometimes lawful not to obey, Act. 5.25. but it is never lawful to resist. Ob. What if he compels us by force and violence to do what God forbids us to do, if he play's the Tyrant, violates our Laws, and corrupts the true Religion, with Idolatry and superstition? may we not then, as our forefathers did heretofore unto Chilperick King of France, & to Richard the second of this Kingdom, and others, bridle them and Depose them too, if they will not be ruled by their Great Council, the Parliament? I. ●●gus ●●●saeus de ●●thor. princi. 〈◊〉 Pop. I answer, first, Non spectandum quid factum sit, sed quid fieri debuerit, we are not so much to regard what hath been done, as what ought to have been done, as Arnisaeus proveth at large, and showeth most excellently, with a full answer to all the articles, that were alleged against those Kings, how unjustly they were handled and deposed contrary to all right; and I wish that book were translated into English. 2. Of our passive obed. 2. I say that when our active obedience cannot be yielded, our passive obedience must be used; for were our Kings as Tyrannical as Nero, as Idolatrous as Manasses, as wicked as Achab, and as Profane as julian; yet we may not resist, when as Arnisaeus proveth by many many examples, Id●m. cap. 3. p. 68 that the Rebellion of Subjects against their King doth overthrow the order of nature; and Justinian saith, quis est tantae autoritatis, ut nolentem principem possit coarctare? but in such a case, we must do as all the Saints did before us: not as the Heathens, which thought them worthy of divine honour, Cicero pro Milone. Seneca in Hercul. fur. which did kill a Tyrant, and said with Seneca, victima haud ulla amplior Potest, magisque opima mactari jovi Quàm Rex iniquus.— But, Christ and his Apostles suffered, but never resisted the lawful Magistrate. as Christ himself suffered under Pontius Pilate, a most wicked Magistrate, and registered in the breviary of our Faith, that we might never forget our duty, rather to suffer then to resist the authority that is from Heaven; and as Saint Ambrose answered the Emperor, that would have his Church delivered to the Arians, I shall never be willing to leave it, coactus repugnare non novi, if I be compelled I have not learned to resist. I can grieve and weep and sigh, and against the Arms and Goatish Soldiers, my tears are my weapons, for those are the Bulwarks of the Priest, who in any other manner neither can, neither aught he to resist: so must all Christians rather by suffering death, then by resisting our King to enter into the Kingdom of Heaven. But 'tis objected by our Sectaries, Ob. The Author of the Treatise of Monarchy, p. 31. Sol. The Law provides that the King should not be circumvented and wronged. that His Majesty confesseth there is a power Legally placed in the two houses, more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the power of Tyranny. I answer, first, when it pleased the King of His grace, to restrain His own power of making Laws, to the consent of Peers & Commons, that by this Regulating of the same, it might be purged from all destructive exorbitances, the very Law itself, being tender of the legitimate rights of the King, and considering the Person of the Sovereign to be single, & his power counterpoised by the opposite wisdom of the two Houses, allowed him to swear unto himself a body of Council of State, and Counsellors at Law, & the judges also to advise him & inform him so, that as he should not do any wrong, by reason of the restraining Votes of the Houses, so he might not receive any wrong by the encroachment of the Parliament upon his right: The King's concessions very large. and the King, being driven away from his learned Council, and forced to make the defence of his rights by writing, it is no wonder, if his concessions and Promises, as well in this point, as in other things, especially in that, concerning the Act of excluding the Clergy, were more than was due to them, or then he needed to grant, or then he ought to observe, being to the dishonour of God, and the prejudice of his Church; when as nothing in Parliament, where the wrong may be perpetual, should be extracted from him, but what he should well consider of with the advice of his Counsel, and what he should freely grant; and whatsoever is otherwise done, is ill done, to the great disadvantage of the King, and his Posterity, and the unjust enlarging of their power more than is due unto them; yet 2. I say, D. Ferne in his reply to sever. treat. p. 32 if these words of His Majesties be rightly weighed, they give no colour of resisting Tyranny by any forcible arms; but as D. Ferne saith most truly of Legal, Moral, and Parliamentary restraint; for the words are, there is a power legally placed in the Houses, that is, the Law hath placed a power in them; but you shall never find any Law, that any King hath granted, whereby himself might be resisted and subdued by open force and violence: Roffensis de potest. Papae 291. Eophan to ●ythag l. De Regno apud stabaeum. fol. 335. for as Roffensis saith, Regis suo solius judicio reservavit Deus, qui stans in Synagogâ deorum dijudicat eos; God hath reserved Kings to his own judgement: and the Heathen man could say, as, Stobaeus testifieth, primum Dei, deinde Regis est ut nulli subjiciatur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, first it is the privilege of God, next of the King, to be subject unto none; because the Regal power properly is unaccountable to any man, A principle tenet of the Essaei. And some think, that the Commonwealth is happier under a Tyrant, that will keep them in awe, then under too mild a Prince, upon whose clemency, they will presume to Rebel. jere. 27.5, 6. A memorable place against resisting Tyrants. as Suidas saith; and josephus saith, that the holiest men, that ever were among the Hebrews, (called essaei, or esseni, that is the true practisers of the Law of God,) maintained, that sovereign Princes, whatsoever they were, aught to be inviolable to their Subjects; for they saw there was scarce any thing more usual in the holy Scripture, than the prohibition of resistance, or refusal of obedience to the Prince, whether he were jew or Pagan, mild or tyrannical, good or bad; as to instance one place for all, where the Lord saith, I have made the earth, the man and the beast that are upon the ground, by my great power, and have given it to whom it seemed meet unto me; and now I have given all those Lands into the hand of Nabuchadnezzar the King of Babylon my Servant, (and he was both a Heathen, an Idolater, and a mighty Tyrant) and all Nations shall serve him and his son, and his son's son; and it shall come to pass, that the Nation and Kingdom, which will not serve the same Nabuchadnezzar the King of Babylon, and that will not put their necks under the yoke of the King of Babylon, that Nation will I punish (saith the Lord) with the Sword, and with the Famine, and with the Pestilence, until I have consumed them by his hands: therefore harken not ye unto your Prophets, nor to your Diviners,— which speak unto you, saying, you shall not serve the King of Babylon, for they prophecy a lie unto you; which he repeateth again and again, they prophecy a lie unto you, that you should perish; and may not I apply these words to our very time? God saith I have given this Kingdom unto King Charles, (which is a mild, just and most pious King) and they that will say, nolumus hunc regnare super nos, I will destroy them by his hand; therefore, o ye seduced Londoners, believe not your false Prophets, nay, harken not to your diviners, your Anabaptists and Brownists that preach lies, and lies upon lies, unto you, that you should perish; for God hath not sent them, though they multiply their lies in his name: therefore why will you die, why will you destroy yourselves, and your posterity, by refusing to submit yourselves to mine ordinance? and what should God say more unto you to hinder your destruction? and it was concluded by a whole Council, that, si quis potestati regiae, quae non est (teste Apostolo) nisi à deo, Concil. Meldens. apud Roffen. l. 2. c. 5. de potest. papae. Ob. contumaci & afflato spiritu obtemperare irre fragabiliter noluerit, anathematizetur. Whosoever resisteth the King's Power, and with a proud spirit will not obey him, let him be accursed. But than you will say, this is strange doctrine, that wholly takes away the liberty of the Subject, if they may not resist regal tyranny. I think there is no good Subject, Sol. that loves his Sovereign that will speak against a just and lawful liberty, when it is a fare greater honour unto any King, to rule over a free and gentile Subjects, then over base and turkish slaves; but as under the shadow and pretence of Christian liberty, Many evils to lurk under fair shows. many carnal men have rooted out of their hearts all christianity; so many Rebellious & aspiring minds have, under these colourable titles of the liberty of the Subjects, and suppressing tyranny, shaked of the yoke of all true obedience, and dashed the rights of government all to pieces; therefore, as the law of God and the rules of his own conscience, should keep every Christian King from exercising any unjust tyranny over his Subjects; so, if men will transcend the rules of due obedience, the King's Power and Authority should keep them from transgressing the limits of their just liberty: but this unlawfulness of resisting our lawful King, I have fully proved in my Grand Rebellion, and it is so excellently well done by many others, that I shall but acta agere to say any more of it. CHAP. XVII. Sheweth how tribute is due to the King; for six special reasons to be paid; the condition of a lawful tribute; that we should not be niggards to assist the King; that we should defend the King's Person; the wealth and Pride of London, the cause of all the miseries of this Kingdom; and how we ought to pray for our King. 4. TRibute is another right and part of that honour, which we own unto our King. The great charge of Princes. Negotia enim infinita sustinet, equabile ius omnibus administrat, periculum à republica, cùm necessitas postulat, armis & virtute propulsat, bonis pramia pro dignitate constituit, improbos suppliciorum acerbitate coercet, patriam denique universam, & ab externis hostibus, & ab intestinis fraudibus tutam vigilantia sua praestat: haec quidem munera aut opere tuetur, aut quoties opus fuerit, tuenda suscipit; qui autem existimat haec tam multa munera sine maximis sumptibus sustineri posse, mentis expers est, atque vitae communis ignarus: & idcirco hoc, quod & communi more receptum est, ut reges populi sumptibus alantur, non est humano tantum iure, sed etiam divino vallatum: Osorius de rebus Emanuel. lib. 12. p. 386. saith Eloquent Osorius. For he undergoeth infinite affairs; he administereth equal right to all his people; he expelleth and keepeth away from the Commonwealth all dangers, when necessity requireth, both with arms and prowess; he appointeth rewards to the good and faithful according to their deserts; he restraineth the wicked with the sharpness and severity of punishments; and he preserveth his Country and Kingdom safe by his care and watchfulness, both from Foreign foes and intestine frauds; and these offices he dischargeth indeed, and undertaketh to discharge them as often as any need requireth; And he that thinketh that all these things, so many and so great affairs, can be discharged without great cost and charge, is void of understanding and ignorant of the common course of life; and therefore this thing, which is received by a common custom, that Kings should be assisted, and their royalty maintained, by the public charge of the people, is not only allowed by humane law, but is also confirmed by the divine right. Men should therefore consider that the occasions of Kings are very great; abroad, for intelligence, and correspondency with Foreign States, that we may reap the fruit of other Nations, vent our own commodities to our best advantage, and be guarded, secured, and preserved from all our outward enemies; and at home, to support a due State answerable to his place, to maintain the public justice and judgements of the whole Kingdom, and a hundred such like occasions, that every private man cannot perceive: and think you that these things can be done without means, without money? if you still pour out and not pour in, your bottle will be soon empty, and the Ocean sea would be soon dried up, if the Rivers did not still supply the same: and therefore not only Deioces, that I spoke of before, when he was elected King of the Medes, caused them to build him a most stately Palace, and the famous City of Ecbatana, and to give him a goodly band of select men, for the safeguard of his Person, and to provide all other things fitting for the Majesty of a King, and all the other Kings of the Gentiles did the like, as well they might, if it be true, that some of them thought, Quicquid habet locuples, quicquid custodit avarus, Gunterus. Jure quidem nostrum est, populo concedimus usum. But also Solomon, 1. Reg. 12.4. and all the rest of the Kings of Israel required no small aid and tribute from their Subjects; for though Tertull. out of Deut. 23.17. reads it, Tertull. to. 3. de pudicit. c. 9 Pamel. in Tertull. there shall not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vectigal pendens, a payer of tribute of the sons of Israel; yet Pamelius well observes it, that these words are not in the original, but are taken by him out of the septuagint, which also saith not of the sons, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the daughters of Israel, that is, ex impudicitia & lupanaribus, for their dishonesty, as it is said in the next verse, Deut. 23.18. that the hire of a whore and the price of a dog are an abomination unto the Lord; Aug. de Civit. dei. l. 10. c. 9 and so S. Aug. useth the word Teletae, for those unchaste sacrifices wherewith such women did oblige themselves; and so doth Theodoret likewise: but that the jews paid tribute, it is manifest out of 1. Sam. 17.24. where this reward is promised to him that killed Goliath, 1. Sam. 17.25. in vulgata editione. that his father's house should be absque tributo, free from all tribute in Israel; therefore certainly they paid tribute, and to make it yet more plain, Solomon appointed Jeroboam, super tributa universae domûs Joseph, 2. reg. 11.28. saith the vulgar lat. over all the charge or burden of the house of Joseph, (that is, of the tribe of Ephraim and Manasses) as our translation reads it; Barrad to 2. l. 5. c. 21. p. 34●. and he appointed Adoniram the son of Abda over the tribute. 1. Reg. 4.6. Yea, though the jews were the people of God, and thought themselves free and no ways obliged to be taxed by Foreign Princes, that were Ethnics: yet after Pompey took their City, they paid tribute to the Romans; josephus. l. 15. c 8 and our Saviour bids us not only to obey, but also to render unto Caesar what is Caesar's, that is (not determining the quota pars, how much, as he doth the tenth unto the Priest) but indefinitely, some part of our goods, for subsidies, imposts, aids, loans, or call it by what name you will; and rather than himself would omit this duty, though he never wrought any other miracle about money; yet herein, when he had never a penny, Barrad. to 2. l. 10. c. 32. p. 317. he would create money in the mouth of a fish, as S. Hierome and the interlin. gloss do think, and command the fish to pay tribute both for himself and his Apostle. Therefore we should render unto Caesar what is Caesar's; that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Greeks' take promiscuously, though the Civilians distinguish them, de solo & fundo, de bonis mobilibus, & de mercibus, of our grounds, of our goods, of our merchandise, we ought to pay subsidies, aid and tribute unto our King; and that not sparingly nor by way of benevolence, as if it were in our power, to do it, or not to do it, sed ex debito, but as his due, iure divino, & regulâ iustitiae; as his proper importance annexed unto his Crown; for I take it infallibly true, which Suarez faith, Suarez. de leg. l. 5. c. 17. n. 3. fol. 316. acceptationem populi non esse conditionem necessariam tributi ex vi iuris naturalis aut gentium, neque ex iure communi: quia obligatio pendendi tributum ita naturalis est principi & per se orta ex ratione iustitiae, ut non possit quis excusari propter apparentem iniustitiam vel nimium gravamen; Tribute due to the King. the consent of the people is not any necessary condition of tribute; because the obligation of paying it is so natural, springing out of the reason of justice, that none can be excused for any apparent injustice or grievance: and therefore the Parliaments, that are the highest representations of any Kingdom, do not contribute any right unto Kings to challenge tribute, but do determine the quota pars, and to further the more equal imposing and collecting of that, which is due unto Kings by natural and original justice, as a part of that proper inheritance which is annexed unto their Crowns. And therefore, our Saviour doth not say, give unto Caesar, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Math. 22. the same word which S. Paul useth, when he biddeth us to pay our debts, and to owe nothing to any man, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rom. 13. Latimer in Mat. 22.21. pay to every man that which you own: and Father Latimer saith, if we deny him tribute, custom, subsidy, tallage, taxes, and the like aid and support, we are no better than Thiefs, and steal the King's deuce from him; Navar. apud Suarez. de legibus fol. 300. fol. 311. because the Law testifieth tributa esse maximè naturalia, & prae se ferre justitiam, quia exiguntur de rebus propriis: and Suarez saith, penditur tributum adsustentationem principis, & ad satisfaciendum naturali obligationi in dando stipendium iustum laboranti in nostram utilitatem; tribute is most natural and just to be paid to the King for our own good: therefore Christ pleading for the right of Caesar, that was a Tyrant, saith not, give unto him, quia petit, because he demands it, but pay unto him, quae illius sunt, the things that are his, and are due unto him, even as due as the hirelings wages, which we are commanded not to detain for one night; Deut. 24.15. because this is a part of that reward and wages, which God alloweth him for all his pains and cares, that he takes to see justice administered in the time of Peace, and to protect us from our enemies in the time of War; which makes the life of Kings to be but a kind of splendid misery, wearing many times, with Christ, a Crown of Thorns, a Crown full of cares, while we lap our heads in beds of down; and therefore it is not only undutifulness to deny him, or unthankfulness, not to requite the great good that he doth unto us, but it is also a great injustice, (especially if we consider that as Ocham saith, Qui est Dominus aliquarum personarum est Dominus rerum ad easdem personas spectantium; omnia quae sunt in regno sunt regis, quoad potestatem utendi eis pro bono communi, Ocha. tract. 2. l. 2. c. 22. & 25.) to detain that right from him, which God commands us to pay unto him, and that indeed for our own good; as Menenius Agrippa most wittily showed unto he People of Rome when they murmured & mutined for these axes, that whatsoever the stomach received, either from the ●and or mouth, it was all for the benefit of the whole body; so whatsoever the King receiveth from the People, it is for the benefit of the people, and it is like the waters that the Sea receives from the Rivers, which is visibly seen passing into the Ocean, but invisibly runneth, through the veins of the earth, into ●he rivers again; so doth all that the King receiveth from the People, return some way or other unto the People again. And there be six special reasons why, or to what end we should pay these deuce unto the King. Six reasons for which we pay Tribute unto the King. 1. For the Honour of His Majesty. 2. For the security of His Person. 3. For the protection of his Kingdom. 4. For the succour of His confederates. 5. For the securing of our 1. Goods. 2. Estates. 3. Lives. 6. For the propagating of the Gospel, and defence of our Religion. But for the further clearing of this point, you must know that every just and Lawful tribute must have these three essential conditions that are proprietates constitutivae. Three conditions of every lawful Tribute. 1. Legitima potestas, that is, the King's power to require it. 2. justa causa, an urgent necessity; or need of it. 3. Debita portio, a due proportion, according to the King's necessities, and the people's abilities, that he be not left in need, nor the people overcharged. For As the Subjects are thus bound to supply the necessities of their King, so the King is not to over-charge his Subjects; for the King should be the Shepherd of his People, as David calls himself, and Homer termeth all good Kings, and not the devourer of his people, King's should not overcharge their Subjects. as Achilles calleth Agamemnon for the unreasonable taxes that he laid upon them therefore good Kings have been very sparing in this point; for Darius, enquiring of the governor's of his Provinces, whether the tributes imposed upon them were not too excessive, and they answering, that they thought them very moderate, he commanded that they should raise but the one half thereof, A worthy speech of Lewis 9 (which had Rehoboam been so wise to do, he had not lost ten parts of his Kingdom;) and Lewis the ninth of France, which they say was the first that raised a tax in that Kingdom, directing his Speech to his son Philip, and causing the words to be left in his Testament, which is yet to be found Registered in the chamber of accounts, said, be devout in the service of God, have a pitiful heart towards the poor, and comfort them with thy good deeds, observe the good Laws of thy Kingdom, take no taxes nor benevolences of thy Subjects, unless urgent necessity, and evident commodity force thee to it, and then upon a just cause, and not usually; if thou dost otherwise, thou shalt not be accounted a King, but a Tyrant; and it is one of the gracious apothegms of our late noble and never to be forgotten Sovereign, King james his golden apothegme, Basilicon doron. l. 2. p. 99 worthy to be written in letters of gold, where speaking to his son, he saith, enrich not yourself with exactions from your Subjects, but think the riches of your Subjects your best treasures: & Arta●er. said, it was a great deal more seemlier for the Majesty of a King, to give, then to take by polling, to then to unclothe, which belongeth to Thiefs, not to Princes, unless they will slain their names: for as Apollonius saith, that gold, which is taken by Tyranny is fare base than any iron; because it is wetted with the tears of the poor Subjects; and therefore Peter de la Primauday, saith, they are unworthy of the title of Prince, that lending their ears to such as invent new ways to get moneys from their Subjects, and having against all humanity, Pet. de la primauday: cap. 60. p. 670. spoiled them of their goods, do either miserably consume them upon their pleasures, or prodigally bestow them upon undeserving flatterers, that fat themselves by the overthrow of others. And therefore it behoveth all Kings to consider, that all men's goods are theirs only quoad tuitionem, & defentionem, and their Subjects quoad possessionem & proprietatem; as you may see, Gen. 47.46. where joseph bought all the Land of the Egyptians for King Pharaoh, and then let it them again in Fee farm, to give the King the fift part of the fruit of it; and as you may conclude it from the eight Commandment, which saith, as well to the King as to the Subject, thou shalt not steal; for if all be his, he cannot be said to steal it; and if this precept concerns not Kings, then have they but nine Commandments; and therefore, be wise, o ye Kings, and remember what Saint Augustine saith, remota justitia quid sunt Regna nisi Latrocinia? for though you may justly demand Tribute and Taxes, yet you must have just occasions to use them, and you must take but a just proportion, or else they may come unjustly unto you. But who shall be the Judges of the King's just occasions? in many Kingdoms his conscience; as the Roman consuls imposed what taxes they thought meet upon the Provinces they subdued; so Marc. Antonius being in Asia, doubled their Tax, and laid a second charge upon the People, which was very unreasonable, The saying of Hebreas to M. Antonius. as Hebreas told him, saying, if thou wilt have power to lay upon us two taxes in one year, thou must have also power to give us two Summers and two Autumns, two Harvests and two Vintages; and yet if our King do thus unreasonably tax us with more than we are able to bear, we may reason with him, King's herein not to be resisted. as Hebreas did with M. Antony, refel his arguments, and repel his oppressions according to the course of Law, but we may not in any case with the Sword make any resistance, either actual or habitual, against him. Reason. 1 1. Because God hath not made us Judges of the King's occasions, and we know not his necessities; and therefore we cannot determine what is Just and unjust. Reason. 2 2. Were it granted, that the superior demanded without right, yet the inferior not only may rightly render it without offence unto his conscience, but also aught to pay it without resistance unto the Magistrate; for if the jews were not free, and the Romans had no right to demand Tribute of them, yet by our Saviour's question unto S. Peter, and his replication unto the Apostles answer, it is apparent, that our Saviour was most free, and was no way bound to pay any thing unto the Romans, not only quà deus, as Hesselius saith, but also as he was a man, Hesselius' in Matth. 18. Barrad. 10 2. l. 10. c. 32. p. 718. as Barradius more truly proveth; yet lest he should offend them, as he saith, tributum solvit quia voluit, he doth most willingly discharge it; to teach us, that we may and ought justly and without any scruple of conscience pay that, which may be unjustly demanded; and the best Authors, that I have read, are of the same judgement; Greg. Tholos. l. 26. de repub. c 5. n. 25. we have no other remedy but to cry to God, who can judge them for their injustice; & non caret modis, quibus possit, quando voluerit, huiusmodi principes tollere vel emendare. But, though in most of the Eastern Countries, the Kings imposed upon their Subjects, what taxes and tributes pleased themselves, as Augustus taxed all the world, as much as he would, at his own pleasure, Osor. de rebus. Emanuel. l. 12. p. 386. and Charles the fifth (saith Osorius) praeter pecunias quibus illum hispani juverant, immania tributa populis imperavit, besides those monies, wherewith the Spaniards assisted him, laid most heavy taxes upon the people; which is indeed a branch of the absolute right of Kings, and was originally practised by most of them; yet here with us, our Kings out of grace and favour unto their people, What the Kings of England promised to their Subjects. granted such a privilege unto their Subjects, and divested themselves of this right, to lay no impositions or taxes upon their Subjects, without the consent of their three States convened in the two Houses of Parliament; and this Princely concession, being truly observed, may procure a great deal of love and peace unto the King, and as much tranquillity and happiness unto the people. Neither do I think that he loves his King, but am sure that he hates his Country, that would persuade him for all the wealth of the Kingdom, to violate his own grant and faith herein; but, as our Kings granted this favour, to impose no taxes without the consent of his Parliament; so his Parliament in all duty, ought always with all thankfulness, to acknowledge this special grace, and in requital thereof most fully to supply his wants and support his necessities, That we should not be niggards to assist our King. whensoever he acquaints them therewith. And therefore we ought not to be like those hidebound Sectaries, and close-fisted Puritans and Brownists, that are so miserably covetous, and extreme niggards, that when the King makes known his wants and demands his due, (for it is still his due, though he granted not to cease it without their consent) for his royal supportation and the safety of his Kingdom, they will find a hundred excuses to deny him, but never a penny to give him out of all their wealth; and this is the cause of our misery, and may prove as fatal to us, as it hath been to the Constantinopolitans; whose churlishness and niggardliness towards their Emperor, was the chiefest cause of the loss of that great Empire, and to make the Turk sit in Christ his Chair, to have Mahomet adored where the Gospel was formerly published, How Constant. was lost, & what the Turk then said. by as many famous Fathers, as now England hath Preachers; for the Emperor foreseeing the Siege, made many motions for contributions, towards the repairing of the walls, and continue the military charge; but the Subjects drew back and pleaded want, until it was too late, and the City lost; for though the enemy having a long time besieged it, was intended to give over the Siege, and to be gone; yet tidings and intelligence being given him, that the Soldiers within the Town, were grown very thin and discontented for want of their pay, the enemy returned, and in a short space took the City: and there found, in private men's hands, such infinite store of gold and all manner of treasure, (the hundred part whereof would have paid all the Soldiers, kept out the enemy, and preserved them all) that the Turk, seeing the baseness of the Citizens, so foolishly hiding their wealth, and denying just aid unto their Emperor, stood amazed, and lifting up his hands to heaven, lamented their folly, and asked what they meant, that having such a store of wealth, they would suffer themselves to be thus destroyed, only for want of wit or of grace to use it? and thence grew the Proverb among the Turks unto this day, when one becometh very rich, you have been at the Siege of Constantinople. And I pray God it may not so fall out with us for our covetousness, that we prove not Lucan's speech to be true: omnia dat, qui iusta negat, to lose all unjustly unto strangers, unto rebels, because we deny what is just unto our King. But I will conclude this point with the Poet, Astra deo nil majus habent, nil Caesare ●erra, Sic Caesar terras ut deus astra regit. Imperium regis Caesar, deus astra gubernat, Caesar honore suo dignus, amore deus. Dignus amore deus, dignus quoque Caesar honore est, Alter enim terras, alter & astra regit. Cùm deus in caelis, Caesar regat omna terris, Censum Caesaribus solvite, vota deo. 5. 5. Defence of the King's Person. Defence of his Person is another principal part of that honour, which we own unto our King. And the very heathens did think their lives well bestowed for their Gods, their family, & the father of the Country; how much more willing should the Christians be, to hazard their lives in defence of their King, which is, quasi unus è decem millibus, 2. Sam. 21.17. Lament. 2.4. Ps. 78.71.72. vide hos. 3.4. c. 10. 3. and Lament. 2.9. worth ten thousands of us, being, as the Scripture terms him, the light of Israel, and the breath of our nostrils, the head of his Subjects, the shepherd and Pastor of the people, and as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the foundation of the people, without which they must all fall unto the ground; for where there is no governor all must perish, and there will be no Priest, no Prince, no Religion, no Nobility, no good, but anarchy and confusion, and the destruction of all things. And if we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren, as S. John saith, 1. john. 3.16. how much rather ought we to do it for our King? it is recorded in our annals, to his eternal praise, that Sir Hubert Syncler at the Siege of Bridgenorth, seeing an arrow that was shot at his Master, Nulla gens ita sollicita est circare ge● suum sicut apes, unde rege incolumi omnibus mens una est, & quando nequit volare, sert ipsum turba apum; & si moritur moriuntur & ipsae. King Henry the second, stepped betwixt the shaft and his Sovereign, and receiving the arrow into his body, was therewith shot through to death, that he might preserve the life of his King, which otherwise had been slain in his stead. So Turnbull had his name for killing a Bull, that had otherwise slain one of the Kings of Scotland; and we read that when David was assailed by a mighty Giant, named Ishibibenob, which was of the sons of Rapha, the head of whose spear weighed three hundred shekels of brass, Abishai the son of Zervia, with the danger of his own life runs in, succours the King, and kills the Philistim. 2. Sam. 21.17. and so all other good Subjects have had a special care to preserve the lives of their Kings, whom they loved better than their own Parents, yea then their wives or children, or their own lives, as it appeareth by the foresaid examples and abundance of the like, that you may find in the histories of the heathens: for they had not learned the new divinity of our time, to destroy the King for the good of his Subjects, but they thought, as it is most true, that salus regis est salus populi, and they believed, as all good Christians do, that una salus nobis, nullam sperare salutem, Principe calcato, sublato iure coronae; because as S. chrysostom saith, Chrysost. in Tim. ●. 8. Aug. to. 9 tract. 6. in johan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, their safety is our security, and as S. August. saith, si tollis iura Imperatorum, quis audet dicere mea est illa villa, if you take away the government of Kings, who dares say, haec mea sunt, this or that is mine, as now. God knows, since these Rebels have abused our King, we can say nothing is our own; our houses, goods, lives and liberties are at the disposing of them that are strongest; what then shall we say of those Subjects that strive with all their wit, wealth and strength to destroy their King? and if you ask me why? I must answer, as Aristides was banished out of Athens, iustus, quia iustus, so must our King be killed, if these men could do it with their Camnon Bullets, because he is too good to reign over them; who deserved, not a pious David, nor a wise Solomon to rule over them, but a foolish Rehoboam, that would whip them with Scorpions, or such a one as would rule them with a rod of iron, Psa. 2.9. and break them in pieces like a potter's vessel: for had our King been, not Caesar Augustus, but Augustus severus, so severe as Henry. 8. or some other more unmerciful Princes, these rebels durst as well eat their own flesh, as thus to devour the flesh and bones of the King's loyal Subjects, and seek the death of the King himself. For it is most certain of the vulgar people, and of ill bred natures, that ungentes pungunt, pungentes molliter ungunt; and therefore though the manifold offers of Peace, and the unparallelled promising of Pardons to most obstinate rebels, do infinitely commend the piety and declare the mildness of a most clement Prince, and the refusal thereof betray the ingrateful stubbornness of graceless Subjects to all posterity; yet, when the hairy scalp of such as still go on in their wickedness, will not so easily be rubbed off, I should say to every King, put your trust in God's assistance; and as the Holy Ghost saith to the King of Kings, Gird thee with thy sword upon thy thigh, Psal. 45.3. O thou most mighty; ride on with thine honour, and let thy right hand teach thee terrible things: and those thine enemies that would not thou shouldst reign over them, cause them to be brought, and let them be slain before thee, Luke 19.27. so shalt thou be a ruler in the midst of thine enemies; and some think that it were but just if our King, though he be never so loath, should now at last turn the leaf, and follow the example of God himself, (who when his children regard not his grace, and set at naught all his counsels, will laugh at their calamity, Prov. 1.16, 17. and mock when their destruction cometh as a whirlwind) and should make London as Jerusalem, and as other the like rebellious Cities, (that the Lord in his just revenge of their iniquity hath suffered to be destroyed, and to be made an heap of stones: The wealth & pride of the City of London have brought this misery and calamity upon all the Kingdom of England. ) because the Londoners have showed themselves in many things worse than the Jews, and for rebellion have justified all the Cities of the world: or if the King will not do this, though I dare not say of them, as Antoninus, after he had heard the confession of a miserable covetous wretch, said unto him, Deus miscreatur tui, si vult, & condonet tibi peccata tua, quod non credo, & perducat te in vitam aeternam quod est impossibile; yet seeing their sins are so intolerable among men, and so abominable in the sight of God, it is much feared, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rom. 2.5. after their hard hearts, which cannot repent, they will still proceed to heap upon themselves the heavy wrath of God, till there be no remedy to preserve them from utter ruin and destruction; though from my heart I wish them more grace, and pray to Almighty God, that— Nullum sit in omine pondus; Or if this cannot be, that they may escape that damnation, Rom. 13.2. which the Apostle threatneth to all them that resist this ordinance of God. 6. 6. Prayers for the King. The last but not the least part of that honour which is due to our King, is our prayers to God for him; and as the other duty was to be performed by the practice of all good Subjects, A●n●sae●● c. 2. p. 38. so is this to be observed by the precept of the Apostle, who though the Kings were Ethnics and Tyrants, yet commandeth us to pray for them; and that you may know what manner of prayer the Christians made for their persecuting Kings. Tertul. ad Scap●ta Marcus Aurelius Christianarum nalitum erationibus ad D●●m fa●●is ●●bres & ut ●●eriam in expeditione G●rm●nt●a ●●p●travit. Tertullian that lived under the Emperor Severus, saith in the behalf of all the Church, Omnibus Imperatoribus precamur vitam prolixam, imperium securum, domum tutam, exercuus fortes, senatum fidelem, populum probum, orbem quietum, & quaecunque hominis & Caesaris vota sunt; and I fear me our Rebels pray for none of these things to a most Christian King: Nam orare pro aliquo & in exitium ejus machinari, anon haec sunt sibi contraria? for to pray for ones health and long life, and to do our best to work his destruction. Non bene conveniunt— can never proceed from a true heart, but as the uncharitable Papists prayed for the success of the Gunpowder Plot, (which was a Treason sine exemplo, quia crudelis sine modo) saying, Gentem auferto persidam Credentium de finibus, Christo preces debitas Persolvamus alacriter. So the practice of these Rebels makes us believe their prayer is, Regem auferto persidum Credentium de finibus, * I am ashamed to set dow●e how the factious and malicious Preach●rs of the rebellious Cities, either neglect to pray at all, o● pray most seditiously and unchristianly for their own Liege Lord, and gracious King; and therefore the curse of judas lights upon them, that their prayer is turned into sin, which should make them pray, that judas his end should not fall unto them. etc. But we that desire to follow the Apostles Precept, considering the greatness of his cares and charge that he doth undergo, and the multitude of dangers that he is liable to, will most hearty pray to God both in our Morning and our Evening Prayers, both at our sitting and at our rising from our meat, vivat Rex, exurgat Deus, & dissipentur inimici; that God would give his Angels charge over him to preserve him in all his ways, that he dash not his foot against a stone: that his enemies may be clothed with shame, and that he may flourish as the ●●●li●, that he may reign long and happily here, and reign for ever in Heaven: this shall be my prayer for ever. CHAP. XVIII. The persons that ought to honour the King; and the recapitulation of 21 wickednesses of the Rebels, and the faction of the pretended Parliament. 3. HAving seen the Person that is to be honoured, 3. The persons that must honour the King. and the honour that is due unto him, we are now to consider in the last place, who are to honour him, included in this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, honour ye him; which being unlimited and indefinite, is equivalent to an universal; and so S. Paul doth more plainly express it, saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rom. 13.1. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; which is an Hebrew ideome, or synecdochical speech, signifying the whole man; the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being usually taken in Scripture pro toto composito, for the whole man composed of body and soul, as where it is said, Gen. 46.26, 27. Act. 2. that Jacob went down into Egypt with 70 souls; and S. Peter by one Sermon converted 3000 souls: and the abstract word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to show that our subjection, obedience, and honour, which we are to ascribe unto our King, must be not as hypocrites render it in show, from the teeth outward, but really and indeed ex animo from our souls and the bottom of our hearts, as Aquinas glosseth it: and the concrete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 added unto it, makes it the more energetical, to show that all mortal men, none excepted, are obliged, to do this honour, and to yield this subjection unto their King: for, seeing every man, both spiritual and temporal; and every sex, both man and woman; and every degree of men, young and old, rich and poor, one with another, hath an immortal soul, as well as a mortal body, it must needs follow, that all, cujuscunque gradûs, sexûs, & conditionis, are obliged both in soul and body to honour and obey their King. And yet it is strange to see how many men can exempt themselves and grant a dispensation unto their souls for the performance of this duty; for the Pope will be freed, The Pope and his Clergy would be freed from the subjection of Kings. because he hath a power above all powers, to depose Kings, and to dispose of their Kingdoms at his pleasure; and the Popish Clergy will perform no duty unto their King, because their function is spiritual; but to all these I may truly say, as our Saviour doth to the lewd servant, ex ore tuo, out of the Fathers whom they acknowledge, and out of their own Authors they are confuted; for S. chrysostom saith, that whether he be an Apostle, or Evangelist, or Prophet, Seu quisquis tandem fuerit, or whosoever else he be, Pope, Cardinal, or Deacon, he is commanded to be subject to the higher power; and that you may see what power he means, he pointeth out the same by the symbol, that is, of him that carrieth the sword, which you know must be the secular Prince, and not the spiritual Pope; and so not only Euthym. Theophylact. Oecumenius, and other Greek Commentators do avouch, but also those Epistles, which are recorded by Binius, and quoted by the Bishop of Durham, as Leo 1. ep. 26. & 35. Simplicius 1. ep. 4. Felix 3. ep. 2. Anastasius 1. ep. 78. Pelagius 1. ep. 16. Martinus 1. ep. 3. Agatho 1. ep. ad Herac. Hadrian. 1. ep. ad Constant. do make this most manifest unto us; Espens. in Tit. 3.1. Digres. 10. p. 5. 13. Paris. 1568. and therefore Espencaeus, convinced by such a cloud of witnesses, confesseth very honestly, that the Apostle here, Docet omnes credentes mundi potestatibus esse subjectos, nempe, sive Apostolus, sive Evangelista, etc. ut tenet Chrysost. Euthym. & qui non Graeci? The wickednesses of the pretended Parliament showed by their actions. And as the Popelings will be free, so the Presbyterians, and the faction of this Parliament will be as free as they; and (because every wickedness laboureth to exceed that which preceded) these do not agree with the Catholics (as Herod and Pilate did, to crucify Christ) in the same conclusion and tenet of exemption, but they will go a note beyond Ela, and surmount both Jesuit and Pope; and therefore they not only dishonour and disobey their King, but they have violated and encroached upon all his rights, and assumed the same into their own hands; for, to recapitulate some of their choicest wickednesses: 1. As the Church of Rome and the Jesuits teach, in Aphorismis confessariorum, ex Doctorum sententiis collectis, p. 249. that Rex potest per rempublicam privari ob tyrannidem, & si non faciat officium suum, & cum est causa aliqua justa, & eligi alius à majore parte populi: which falsehood their own Divines confute, when Royard saith, Rege constituto, Royard in dom. 1. advent. They teach the deposition of Kings. non potest populus jugum subjectionis repellere: so these men maintain that diabolical tenet, that the Regal power is primarily in the collective body, and derived to the King cumulatiuè, not privatiuè; and therefore upon the King's neglect or maladministration, it comes bacl again to the collective body, in whom it resideth suppletiuè, to discharge the royal duty when the King faileth to do the same; and then the King so falling from his right, they may refuse obedience, and if they see cause (which they can soon do) they may depose him from his office; which impudent falsehood I have fully confuted in this Treatise. 2. They say the Regal Majesty is a humane creature, or the ordinance of men primarily, and therefore may be deposed by men; when as Cunerus could say, Sive electione, sive postulatione, vel successione, vel belli jure princeps fiat, principi tamen facto divinitus potestas adest: and therefore they have no power to take away that which God hath given him. 3. They have with Nadab and Abihu adventured to offer strange fire upon God's Altar, and with Vzza to lay their profane hands upon God's holy Ark; they have rejected the Laws that the King with the advice and consultation of all his learned Clergy hath made * Though now I reckon not this among their wickednesses. , and they themselves sit in Moses chair, and have undertaken to reform the Church, to make Laws, and compose Articles of our faith, with the advice of a few factious men, that were never esteemed otherwise then faex Cleri, not worthy to be the Curates of those worthy Divines, whose feet they hurt in the stocks, and send the iron into their souls. 4. They have cast out all the Bishops, and all the faithful Ministers of Christ out of all offices, How they persecute the Bishops and the best of the Clergy. that might further the Gospel, and administer justice unto the people; they do rob them of their means, and count sacrilege to be no sin; and in very deed, they have persecuted the worthiest Clergy, in many particulars, fare worse than ever Julian, that wicked Apostata, did; the Lord of Heaven give us patience to endure it, and suffer us not for fear of any villainy, or calamity, to be dejected, and so fall away from his truth. 5. They have called and continued an Assembly, which the Pope would not do without the Emperor's leave, contrary to the King's command; which is a mere and mighty usurpation of the Regal right. 6. They have seized upon the King's Revenues, Castles, Forts, Towns, Ships, and all that they could lay hand on, and do in a hostile manner with all violence, detain them from him, but what he gains by his sword, to this very day. 7. They have fought against him, shot at his sacred Person, and sought most Barbarously to kill him, under the colour to preserve him; which is the finest piece of Logic that ever was read. 8. They have railed at him; slandered him, and most apparently and falsely belied him, and laid to his charge the things which we his Majesty's Subjects and Servants that attend Him do know, that He neither did, nor knew. 9 They encouraged and countenanced their ignorant brazenfaced Chaplains most uncivilly to rail at Gods Anointed in the Pulpit; and so they brought the abomination, not of desolation, but of most horrible transgression into the holy place, and made Moses chair the seat of railers. 10. They tax the Subjects at their pleasure, and have raised infinite sums of money, and no man but themselves knows how they have disposed, or what they have done therewith. 11. They discharged Apprentices, they send out their Warrants and their Edicts, without and against the King's authority, which are but nugae, and the minims of their do. 12. They aver that the King hath no negative voice in making Laws, but they may conclude them and make them obligatory without the King's approbation or ratification; and that they may do any thing conducible to the good of the Church and Commonwealth, any Law, Statute, or provision made to the contrary notwithstanding. What they say of their Covenants. 13. They are not ashamed to teach (as they do practice) that it is lawful for them to make Covenants, Combinations and Confederacies of mutual defence and offence against any person whatsoever, whom themselves judge malignant, not excepting the King himself; and they say, that it were better for them to renounce their Baptism, then to forsake their Covenant, which they believe will be more advantageous to the Kingdom, than all the Privileges that are granted in Magna Chartae, or the Statutes that have been made ever since. 14. They jeered at the King's Proclamations, trampled his Declarations under feet, and encountered the same with rebellious Protestations. 15. They persuade the people to give no ear to any discourse of Accommodation, or conclusion for any peace; To what they l●ken the King's pardons. and say, that the King is not to be trusted; that he will perform no promise that he maketh, either in his Proclamations or Declarations; and therefore that the King's Pardons may be likened to a buckler of glass, or a staff of reed, on which there is no trust, no committing themselves to the defence of any such pardon. So we may say with the Poet, Nos juvat alma quies, gens haec fern bella minatur; Et quoties pacem poscimus, arma crepat. 16. They teach the Doctrine of coercion, dedignifying, degrading, and decapitating of Kings, Whence they learned their Divinity. when they deem them unworthy of that dignity; and their arguments and reasons they collect and produce out of Dolman. Bellarm. Suarez, and the Magazine of the most rigid Jesuits. 17. They have so barbarously, so irreverently, and so profanely abused our Service-Booke, that it would loathe your ears to hear, and transcend modesty to tell you how they have dealt with it; and they threatened, that if the Ministers would read it, they should never read book again. 18. They do agree with the worst of Papists, the Jesuits, in a great many of the worst points of doctrine that they teach; How contrary to Christ's doctrine, Matth. 13.29. they would ●o●● out ●ll Papists. and yet being not well able to understand their tenets, they hate Papists so much, that they would root them out of their very being; they would destroy all the Irish that are Papists, and drive all Papists out of England, out of the world, that the name of Papists should be no more in remembrance; and contrary to all reason, divinity, and humanity, they would force and compel every man to profess the religion that they are of, though some of them (as their independents) as fare on the other side, would have every man to have liberty to profess what religion himself liketh best. 19 They have most ingratefully and disloyally injured a most loving wife, and their own most gracious Queen, for showing Her love, How they have wronged the Queen, the Nobility, Clergy, Gentry, and Commons of this Land. and discharging Her duty to Her husband: They have imprisoned and barbarously used some of the Nobility, most of the Clergy, and abundance of the Gentry, and others of the best account of the common Subjects of this Kingdom; they have plundered and rob many thousands of men; they have killed and murdered as many; they have made our City's dens of thiefs, our Church's prisons, and all the Land Acheldama's, fields of blood; they multiplied the number of Widows, Orphans, and Thiefs without number throughout the Land, and they filled the whole Kingdom with miseries, lamentations, and woes; and they have done so many mischiefs, as, if I should set them all down, would fill up another volume: And 20. As if all this were not enough, to fill up the measure of their iniquity, How they laboured to call in the Scots. they spared neither pains nor cost to call in the Scots to assist them, to perpetuate the war, to fill our Kingdom with strangers, and to make our calamities everlasting: so they fell from evil to worse, from discontent to schism, from schism to open rebellion, and their rebellion more wicked than any rebels that we can read of in any History; which is the just judgement of God upon them, that they which rebelliously run out of the communion of God's Church, should most desperately run out of their own wits; and refusing to be guarded by the heavenly Angels, should give themselves to be guided by the infernal Devils; which made a merry fellow, at the enumeration of their abominable and indeed innumerable wickednesses, to say, Hell was never better than it is now, The speech of a merry companion. because he thought the Devils were all in London, or otherwise it were impossible that the Citizens which have received so many gracious offers of pardons from His Majesty, and promises of other favours, should still continue so wicked as they are, so gulled and seduced by this Parliament faction, that non suadebis, etiamsi persuaseris; because, as S. Augustine saith, impia mens nolit intellectum, and they love to cousin and cheat their own souls by new painting these old sins, and calling their faction faith, their madness zeal, and their horrid rebellion fight for religion; but as the Poet saith, — Non tanti est civilia bella movere. Whatsoever pretences move them to it, this remedy will increase their miseries; for, if God be no more merciful to us then their sin deserves, it may end here in an universal destruction, and hereafter in their eternal damnation: for doth not all the world see how God scourgeth us with the rod of our own furious madness, 2. Chron. 20.23. and like as it befell the Ammonites and Moabites, that fight against the Israelites, did help to destroy one another; so we, striving not against Israel, but as we pretend, both against the Edomites, against falsehood, do utterly destroy ourselves: Exemploque pari ruit Anglica turba, suoque Marte cadunt coesi per mutua vulnera fratres. And we that did keep our enemies in awe shall be now destroyed by the sons of our own mother; but I confess our Land abounds with sins, and our sins have justly deserved this heavy punishment to light upon us; yet I beseech our God to chastise us with his own hands, and let us not fall under the swords of the uncircumcised Philistines, that are a people much more wicked than ourselves; and if he will let our souls live, we shall praise his name. 21. When they had most fraudulently gotten His Majesty to pass an Act (which though really intended, yet to many men seems a very strange Act) to refer the managing of the affairs of Ireland to the Parliament of England, How they intended to get all Ireland to themselves. than they took that course to root out all the Papists, Irish, English, British, and indeed all the inhabitants of Ireland except their own brotherhood, (for they could have soon descried the mark of the beast in all the rest) which they thought would be most effectual to further their design, and to bring the whole Kingdom of Ireland to be inherited by their own faction; that is, to sell all the lands of the Rebels to themselves, (for they knew none else would buy it at that time, & in that manner as they determined) and when they had thus locked the door, and stopped the way of all relief unto the distressed Protestants of that Kingdom, they might sing, Dimidium toti qui benè coepit habet; For they had settled Scotland, and they had now grasped Ireland, and held it fast in Vulcan's net; and therefore now it might stay, till they could reduce England (to make a perfect work in all the three Kingdoms) to the same form of government both in Church and State, as they projected for the other; and because they would have some places of entrance into Ireland, and hinder the Rebels to possess the whole Kingdom, How they blinded the people by their proceed. and also blind the eyes of the ignorant, not to perceive their plot, but to keep them still in some hope of redress, they sent such a party over (and the Scots must be the most considerable part) as might keep their own design on foot, and yet yield not an inch of any comfort to the spoiled and expelled Protestant; for they left that party which they sent thither, rather as a prey to their enemies, (as having neither , meat, nor money) then enabled by these acoutrements to subdue the Rebels; as it is better and more fully declared by the Letter of the State of Ireland to the House of Commons, than I can relate unto you. What the Author saw in Ireland. And I being in Ireland, seeing the deplorable state of that Kingdom, the miserable distress of the mangled, sterved; and naked Protestants; the little children calling and crying for bread, and none to give it them; many worthy Ministers beging, or dying for want in the streets, and the poor and hunger bitten Soldier lamenting his hard fortune, to be transplanted out of God's blessing into the warm sun; from plenty and prosperity, to be left as the traveller betwixt Jerusalem and Hierico, half dead, betwixt merciless rebels and more unmerciful friends; neither wholly to be destroyed, nor yet to be relieved, was much troubled and perplexed at these sad aspects; and being entrusted by the Bishops my Brethren of that Kingdom, to agitate the cause of the Church for our relief here in England; and to that end having a Letter unto His Majesty, and a Remonstrance of our distressed condition, though with the great hazard of my life at Sea, How used as soon as ever he came to h●● house. yet I arrived by God's great blessing in England, and before I had been two days at home, my house was surrounded with a Troop of Armed Soldiers, they entered in, seized upon my person, searched every room and every corner with a candle, not leaving the bedstraw whereon my children lay unsearched; they took all my papers and all the money they found in my house, (even my servants money) to the sum of 40 l, and carried all with me their poor Prisoner to Northhampton; and now I thought it was but an ill exchange, to escape the Sea, and to fall into the fire; to shun the Lion, and to meet a Bear; to eschew the Rebels in Ireland, and to fall into the hands of Traitors in England; and I knew not why, but only that I had often preached at Towcester, (where being requested by Master Lockwood to supply the place, How a precise Churchwarden would have hindered a Bishop to preach. the precise Churchwardens very peremptorily told me I should not do it, because I was a royalist, and spoke against the Parliament; to whom I replied, that he had no such authority to hinder a Bishop to Preach, and bade him look to mend his glass-windows, that were all full of holes, where the faces of the pictures were plucked out) and in other Churches thereabouts, that they should so honour and obey their King, as God commandeth us; for which refusal to be admonished, I believe they are now (and perhaps will be more) hereafter sufficiently punished. But the Committee there finding in me no cause worthy of death or of bonds, (God's providence so mercifully watching over me, that it stopped their eyes, that they looked not on my Grand Rebellion, which they had in their hands, and would no doubt have utterly undone me, had they but espied the Capital title) that I was dismissed, and I confess courteously used by Sir John Norwich. Then afterwards when time served I repaired to His Majesty, and having delivered my Letters, I spoke to Him and drew a Petition, (and I think I was the first that petitioned in this kind, I do not repent it, neither am I ashamed to confess it) and got some hands unto it, (as that worthy and noble Gentleman Colonel Oneale can bear witness, the sum whereof was that, the Parliament having betrayed the trust that was reposed in them, wholly deserted our relief, and giving us none other comfort then what I expressed in my Discovery of Mysteries, c. 12. p. 24. his Majesty would be pleased to consider, that we were his Loyal Subjects, and that the care of us was committed by God to him, not to his Parliament, who had left us in a worse condition than the Rebels had made us: and therefore, as he justly required our faith and allegiance, so we humbly be sought him, that he would graciously vouchsafe unto us his princely care & assistance, some ways to relieve us, otherwise then by leaving us still in their hands, till we and our families, in the languishing expectation of our redress, should finally and irrecoverably perish, while these crafty Merchants, thus bought and sold us, and under the pretence of reformation used all their endeavours to bring both Kingdoms to destruction. CHAP. XIX. Sheweth how the Rebellious faction have transgressed all the ten Commandments of the Law, and the new Commandment of the Gospel; how they have committed the seven deadly sins; and the four crying sins; and the three most destructive sins to the soul of man, and how their Ordinances are made against all laws, 1. They adore and put their trust in that creature. Ps. 74. v. 4.7.8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Quis tibi in mentem dolorem imposuit ut haec perficias magni Dei ore relicto? equity and conscience. 22 THey have, in no small measure, transgressed all the commandments of God, the ten commandments of the law, and the new commandment of the Gospel. for 1. The factious Rebels have other gods besides the God of Israel, when they adore the creatures, and ascribe the incommunirable attributes of the creator unto their Parliament, by calling it omnipotent, infallible, invincible, and most blessed Parliament, as some of them have most blasphemously termed it; for which blasphemies, no doubt, but as we by their Declarations and Ordinances know they are not infallible, so God, I fear me, by their destruction will show they are neither blessed nor invincible. 2. They not only make an idol of their Parliament, 21 How they have abused God's house. but are so fare from making to themselves any graven image, that they destroy all images, and are just such as the Prophet David speaks of, which have done evil in God's Sanctuary, and have broken down all the carved work thereof with axes and hammers, that have set fire upon his holy places, and have defiled the dwelling place of God's name, even unto the ground: for it is almost incredible how barbarously, worse than any Turks or Jews, they have broken down those rare and sweet instruments of Music, the Organs of our Churches, and have defaced those excellent pieces of work, that, to the honour of God, were made and set up in the windows of our Churches in Canterbury, Winchester, Lincoln and the other Cathedrals, by the best Artists in Christendom: which is a most horrible fact, no ways commanded in this precept, and an irreparable loss to us and our posterity; and therefore the Prophet David calleth these defacers of such carved and painted works, set up in his house, the adversaries and enemies of God, vers. 4, and 5. & vers. 11. foolish people, vers. 19, and 23. the haters of God, vers. 24. and the blasphemers of his name, vers. 11. for none but such would have done such Profanations as is done in God's house: but let them take heed lest the Prophet's prayer should light upon them, lift up thy feet O God that thou mayest utterly destroy every one of these enemies, which hath done this evil in thy Sanctuary. 3. For swearing not vainly but falsely, most wickedly, Ps 74. v. 4. 3. How they forswear themselves; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Menand. perjurium est, nequiter decipere credentem. Aug. 4 How they profaned the Sabbath. and forswearing themselves over and over, again and again, and having more dispensations and absolutions for their perjuries by their holy Prophets then ever the Popes gave for adulteries, it is incredible to think, and impossible to number the heads of these transgressions; and therefore if you believe that God was in earnest when he gave this precept, you may be assured he will not hold them guiltless that are such transgressors of it. 4. For the day wherein we should serve our God in his Church most reverently, some of them worship him more unmannerly, than some of those blind Indians, that worship the Devil himself, and others of them muster their men, plunder their neighbours, and murder their brethren, which they believe to be the best way to sanctify the Sabbath: and for which resting from their work, thus religiously to serve the Lord, let them take heed, left God should swear in his wrath, that they shall never enter into his rest. 5. How they curse their Fathers and Mothers. 5. They curse their Father and their Mother that their days may be long in the Land, which their pretended Parliament hath promised to give them; for the King is the Prince and Principal Father of us all; and the Prophet saith of such men, they shall curse their King and their God; Esay 8.21. and the Bishops are their Fathers too, and they have cursed them, long ago; and I fear they will not cease to curse them, till their curses fall upon their own heads: and for all other bonds of duty, and relations of Wives unto their Husbands; Children unto their Parents; Servants unto their Masters: they are Preached asunder, to make way for the liberty of the Subject, to Rebel by authority against his Sovereign. 6. How many they have murdered. 6. Whereas God saith, thou shalt do no murder, they gave that first commission, though they had not the least colour of any authority to give it, to kill, slay and destroy; and it is most lamentable to consider, how many thousands they have murdered, and how they are thought worthy of the greatest honour and the best reward, that have killed most of God's faithful servants, and the King's loyal Subjects. 1. How they loosened the reins to all lust ho● fonte deri. vata clades in patriam populumque fluxit. Horat. car. l. 3. 7. For adulteries, Fornications and all Uncleanness, they may now freely do it, lust may flow like the river, whose banks are broken down, when they have overthrown those courts of Justice, and were never at rest till they had most violently suppressed the power and execution of all Ecclesiastical censures, that were the chiefest bars and hindrances of these unlawful lusts. 8. How they are like Argivi fures. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 8. For stealing, they have changed the name but not the nature of it: for under the pretence of preserving to us the propriety of our goods, they have not stolen, but plundered away, that is rob us of all our goods, and carried them into those Rebellious Towns, that are now the dens of these thiefs, and are stronger in their wickedness then the hills of the robbers: and that which makes this sin most sinful, Ps. 94.12. is, that it is established by a Law. 9 They have justified the Cretans, 9 How they belied all sorts of good men. Quomodo Deus pater genuit filium veritatem nempe; sic diabolus lapsus genuit quasi filium mendacium. Aug. super joh. Habac. 2.9. and proved themselves the right bastard sons of the father of lies, filling all and every corner of this Kingdom with palpable, intolerable, and incredible lies, slanders, and false witness-bearing against God, against his Anointed, against the Church, and against all the reverend governor's of the Church, all religious Protestants, and all the loyal Subjects of this Nation, that the Angels do now blush, and the Devils do laugh and rejoice, to see they are so fruitful in begetting so many children so perfectly form, and so completely perfected in their own image and likeness; and if ever the saying of Gildas was true, they have proved it now: Moris continui gentis erat, sicut & nunc est, Gildas de excidio Britan. ut infirma esset ad retundenda hostium tela, & fortis ad civilia bella: infirma, inquam; ad exequenda pacis ac veritatis insignia, & fortis ad scelera & mendacia. 10. They have coveted an evil covetousness, 10. The extent of their covetousness. when they coveted all evil unto themselves; not only their neighbour's houses, goods, and lands, and all that are theirs, but also the patrimony of the Church, the revenues of the Clergy, and all the rights and prerogatives of the King, to be entailed upon themselves and their faction, that so they and theirs might be both Kings, and Priests, and all, not to God, but to themselves and their fellow Rebels in the government of this Kingdom. And as they have thus transgressed all the old Commandments of the Law, How they transgressed the new Commandment of the Gospel. Gen. 4.9. so they come no ways short in transgressing the new Commandment of the Gospel: for their love to their brethren is now turned to perfect hatred, when they say not with Cain, am I my brother's keeper? but with Apollyon, I will be the destroyer of my brethren; neither will I sell them, as the brethren of Joseph did him unto the Egyptians, but I will send them if I can possible quick to hell; let those Loyal subjects, that have been unexpectedly murdered, and those many many thousands, that have been plundered of all their Estates, testify to the world the love of these men unto their brethren, who have felt more cruelty and barbarity and less charity from these holy Saints, than could be expected from Jews, Turks and Pagans. 23. How they have committed the 7 deadly sins. Rom. 6.23. 23. Though every sin deserves the wrath of God, as the Apostle saith in general, the reward of sin is death, be it little or be it great; yet because some sins do more provoke the wrath of God, & do sooner produce this deadly fruit then other sins; the Divines have observed 7 special sins, which they term the 7 deadly sins: and these also you may find committed in the highest degree by these factious Rebels: For 1. Their Pride. Quid juvat ô homines tanto turgescere fastu? Nam ut ait Comteus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. Pride, which is an high conceit of a man's own worth, fare beyond his just deserts, and therefore, believing himself to be inferior to none, scorns to be subject unto any, is the Father that produceth, and the nurse that cherisheth all rebellion: and our Parliamentary faction, together with the Assembly of their Divines, thinking themselves holier than the Saints, and wiser than their Brethren, have therefore made this unnatarall war to destroy us all, because we will not subscribe with them to destroy both Church and State: this is the fruit of pride, but the punishment is, to be resisted by God, who throweth damnation upon their heads, because they resist the ordinance of God. 2. Their Covetousness. Sacrilegia minuta puniuntur, magna jam in triumphis feruntur. Sense. ep. 87. 2. Pride cannot subsist without means, therefore covetousness must support it; and I shown you before how covetous these rebels are, not of any good, but of our goods, and of our lives, that they may enjoy our lands, even the lands of the Church, that they may take the houses of God in possession: which may prove to them like Aurum Tholosanum, or as Midas' gold, that was the destruction of that covetous wretch. 3 Their Luxury. Certa quidem tantis causa est manifesta ruinis, Luxuria nimi um libera facta via est, Propert. eleg. 11. l. 3. 3. Their luxury and lust must needs proceed from fullness and pride: and I believe it is not unknown to many how these Rebels spend their time in revelling and feasting, chambering and wantonness, which though never so secretly done by them in the night, yet are they publicly seen in the day, and seen to their shame, if they could be ashamed of any thing. 4. How envy hath possessed their souls, it is almost beyond all sense to consider it; they envy that any man should be King and themselves Subjects, that any man should be a Bishop and themselves Priests, 4. Their Envy. or that any man should be rich and themselves not so wealthy; therefore they will needs pull down what themselves cannot reach unto. 5. If Epicurus were now living, 5. Their Gluttony and drunkenness. or Sardanapalus came to these men's feasts, they might think themselves the teachers of sobriety, and the masters of abstinency, in comparison of these new gulists, who make a God of their bellies, and far deliciously every day, that they can get it, more deliciously than Dives; it is incredible to consider what they devour in delicates, and how the Sister's teachers eat more good meat, and drink better wines than the gravest Bishops. 6. They are, as the Psalmist saith, 6. Their wrath and malice. wrathfully displeased at us, and I know not whether their envy at our happiness, or their wrath and anger that we do live, is the greater; yet thanks be to God, Vivere nos dices, salvos tamen esse negamus. And God I hope will preserve us still, notwithstanding all their malice. 7. For their sloth, 7. Their Sloth. I was a while musing how these factious rebels could any ways be guilty of this lazy sin; for, as the Devil is never at rest, but goeth about continually like a roaring Lion, seeking whom he may devour; and he saith, Job. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Luke 16.8. he compasseth the earth to and fro: so these children of this world, being wiser in their generation then the children of light, are as diligent as their father, they imagine mischief upon their beds, and are a great deal more watchful, and more painful to do evil, to serve the Devil, to go to Hell, than the faithful servants of God are to go to Heaven; witness all the victories and successes that they had by this war, in the night, not by any manhood, but by taking the King's Soldiers careless in their beds: yet, notwithstanding all this diligence to do wickedness, they are as lazy as any stuggard, and as slow as the snail to any goodness: they are asleep in evil, and are dead in trespasses and sins, and cannot be awakened to any service of God. 24. 24. How they have grievously committed the four crying sins. The Scripture maketh mention of four crying sins that do continually cry to God for vengeance against the sinners; Clamitat ad coelum vex sanguinis, & Sodomorum, Vox oppressorum, merces retenta laborum. And they are not free from any of these. For 1. How they have shed abundance of innocent blood. 1. As the Psalmist speaketh, Psal. 79.2, 3. so they have done; and the streams of blood, that, since the beginning of this unnatural war, they have most unjustly caused to be spilt, and do flow like the rivers of waters over the face of this now unhappy Land, do with Abel's blood continually cry against them, and cannot choose but pull down vengeance upon their heads, Psal. 9.12. when God shall come to make inquisition for blood: and therefore though Pacem nos poscimus omnes, we all cry for peace, and the King's clemency still proclaimeth pardon; yet seeing it is God that maketh wars to cease, and the Prophet saith, how can the sword be quiet, seeing the Lord hath given it a charge against Ashkelon? Jer. 47.7. as the bloody sin of Saul upon the poor Gibeonites, never left crying for vengeance, until it was expiated by blood, even by the blood of seven of his sons; so I fear me the much blood that these rebels spilt, and the blood of so many innocents' that they caused to be slain, can never be expiated, and the wrath of God appeased, until an atonement be made by blood, even a judiciary sentence of death against some of the head rebels; for it is the voice of God, that whosoever sheddeth man's blood; that is, without due authority, by man shall his blood be shed, that is, by the due course of Law, and the power of the Magistrate, that beareth not the sword in vain, but is bound to punish murders, and the unlawful putting of innocents' to death, with the sentence of a just death. Ob. If you say, Why may not this rebellion be concluded with the like peace, by a general pardon, as the other in Ireland is like to be? Sol. I answer, the case is not alike, because they had some show of reason, and were provoked by the faction and emissaries of this Parliament; but our rebels had not the least colourable cause, nor were provoked by any, but their own bloody desire to root out God's service and servants, when they had almost all things that they desired, I am sure more than should have been granted unto them; and therefore in these and in many other respects that I could, but am ashamed to set down, I deem this rebellion of our English, and the invasion of the Scots, ten times more odious, than the insurrection of the Irish. 2. The iniquity of Sodom was Pride, fullness of bread, Ezech. 16.49. 2. The sins of Sodom among them. abundance of idleness, and contempt of the poor; and I have already shown how all these do rule and reign in them. 3. For oppression, 3. Their oppression. let their ordinances to take away our goods, without any colour of justice, and their actions, to make good their ordinances, to take away our states, and deprive us of our liberties, be well examined, and the world shall then see whether they be oppressors, or I a transgressor for affirming it. 4. For retaining of wages, 4. The detaining of the wages of God's servants. letting pass their Soldiers that deserve not pay, for fight so disloyally against their King, and transgressing so undutifully the Commandment of God, which so precisely biddeth them to honour the King, I would feign know by what authority, or law, excepting their own lawless Ordinances, have they detained and alienated the wages, means, and maintenance of those faithful Pastors, whom they sent away; and caused them to fly and wander like Pilgrims, from place to place, without any means or subsistence? O let them never think that these things can be buried in oblivion, but that the sighs and groans of those faithful servants of Christ do continually cry, 25. How they are filled with the most destructive sins against their souls. And if I should parallel the wickednesses of this pretended Parliament with the Sicilian Vespers, the Massacre of Par●s, and the Gunpowder Treason, it would exceed them all. and cry aloud in the ears of God for vengeance to be poured down upon the heads of these their persecutors, which cannot escape, Cum surrexerit ad judicandum Deus. 25. As there be three Theological graces that build up and complete a Christian soul, Faith, Hope, and Charity; so there be three main vices that do poison and kill every soul, Infidelity, Presumption, Philauty; and three others that are destructive to all Christianity, Profaneness, Impudence, and Sacrilege: The time will not give me leave to tell you how they are chained about with these links of sin, and how indeed they are, as the Apostle saith, filled with all unrighteousness. The works that they do can sufficiently testify what they are. God forgive them the evil that they have done, and give them grace to repent in time, that they may not perish everlastingly, Amen. 2. The wicked Ordinances o● the pretended Parliament. 2. Having treated a little of the wicked practices and abominable actions of the Puritan Faction of this Parliament; I should, according as I intended, set down some of their unjust, impious, and diabolical Ordinances; which I find to be so many as would fill up a whole Volume, and the poison of their wickedness having swelled my Book to such a bulk already, I must therefore, crave leave, to transmit the displaying of these dismal tragedies to some other scene; only I must remember, which I believe will never be forgotten, while any wickedness can be remembered; and that is, 1. Their bloody ordinance. 1. Their bloody Ordinance to kill and slay, while we were all in peace, and all praying for the Houses of Parliament. 2. Their sacrilegious ordinance. 2. Their sacrilegious Ordinance of taking away not the twentieth part, nor the tenth, nor yet nine parts of ten, but all and every part of the goods and revenues of the Bishops, Deans, and prebend's; and let them now, in their old-age, after they have wasted their strength, and consumed their years with toilsome labours and indefatigable pains, in the Church of God, to save their souls, either dig for bread, or beg for alms, or like outworn jades, die in a ditch; their care for these men was to leave them not one penny to relieve themselves while they lived; and I believe the profanest Pagan, (it may be) the Devil himself, could not show greater malice, or inflict a severer censure upon the Clergy, than these zealous Christians have ordained; because such a miserable life must needs prove far worse than a glorious death, Jerem. Lament. 4.5. & c. 1.11. when as Jeremiah saith, they that did feed delicately, must stand desolate in the streets, and they that were brought up in scarlet, must embrace dunghills; they must sigh and seek their bread, and give their pleasant things for meat to relieve their souls. 3. Their unrighteous ordinances. 3. Their unrighteous Ordinance, and ordinances, to take away what part they pleased of their neighbour's goods, and all from them whom they deemed Malignants; and I had almost said, that God himself, which is Lord of all, could not more justly take them, than these men have unjustly decreed to take them from us. 4. Their impious, odious and abominable Ordinance, 4. Their impious ordinance. to compel men by Oaths and Covenants to give themselves unto the Devil, and to go to Hell in despite of their teeth; and that which makes me wonder most of all is, that their Synod or Assembly hath prefixed an exhortation to persuade silly souls to take that wicked Covenant; and to cast a mist before their eyes, that they may not only let down little gnats, but also swallow this great camel, they would justify the doing thereof by a twofold example. The first of the Jews in Ezra's time, Ezra. 10.5. & 8. Nehem. 9.38.10.1. that made a Covenant to serve the Lord, and to put away their strange Wives, according to the law. The second of Christians, and indeed of most christian Kings and Princes, that is, of Queen Elizabeth's assisting the Hollanders against the King of Spain, and of King Charles assisting the Rochellers against the King of France. To both which examples, and all other things that are contained either in the Covenant itself, or the exhortation of the Assembly thereunto annexed, I do understand, there shall be a full and a perfect answer made by one that hath undertaken the same ex professo; yet give me leave in the interim to say this much, First, touching Covenants and Vows, it is plain enough, 1. What Vows and Covenants are allowable. that although the superior may with Ezra cause the inferior to Vow or swear the performance of his duty, that he is bound by the law of God and nature to perform; so Abraham caused his servant to swear fidelity, when he sent him for Isaack's Wife. And so the King may cause his Subjects to take the Oath of their Allegiance; Gen. 24.3. and the lawful General cause his Soldiers to swear their fidelity unto him; yet the inferior subject can not swear, or if he swears he ought not to observe it, when be doth it contrary to the command of him, that hath command over him; Numb. 30. per totum. as you may see in Numb. 30. throughout.— Therefore, as children may not vow any thing, though it be never so lawful, contrary to their father's command, or if they do, they ought not to keep it; so no more may any Subject Vow, or make a Covenant, contrary to their King's command; or if they do, they ought not to observe it, and they are, as you see, absolved by God himself. Ob. If you say Ezra and the Jews did it, contrary to the command of Artaxerxes, Sol. that was then their King; I answer, that it is most false; for, 1. Ezra was the Priest, Nehem. 8.2. & 9 and the chief Prince, that was then over them, and Nehemiah had his authority from the King, and he was the Tirshatha, that is, their governor, saith the Text, Nehem. 10.1. and therefore they might lawfully cause them to take that Covenant. 2. They had the leave, and a large commission from Artaxerxes to do all that they did; as you may see * See Ezra. 7.11.22. etc. ; neither can you find any syllable that Artaxerxes forbade them to do this in any place. 3. This Covenant of Ezra and his people, and Nehemiah's, was to do those things that they had covenanted before to do, For so the text saith, Let it be done according to the Law. Ezra. 10.3. which God had expressly commanded them to do, and which they could not omit, though they had not covenanted to do it, without great offence; so if our covenanters swear they will serve God, and be loyal unto their King, as they vowed in their baptism, they shall never find me to speak against them; but to propose a lawful Covenant, to do those things that God commandeth, and is made with the leave and commission of the supreme Prince, to justify an unlawful Covenant, to do those things that were never done before, never commanded by God, but forbidden both by God, and especially by the King, in the expressest terms and most energetical manner that might be, is such a piece of Divinity as I never read the like, and such an argument, a dissimili, that never scholar produced the like. 2. The examples of Queen Elizabeth and King Charles answered. 2. For the examples of Queen Elizabeth & King Charles, assisting Subjects for their Religion sake, against their lawful Princes, two things may be said; the one in Divinity, the other in Policy, 1. By way of Divinity. First, for Divinity, I say, vivendum est praeceptis, non exemplis, we have the sure word of God to teach us, what we should do, and no examples, unless they be either commended or allowed in God's word, aught to be any infallible pattern for us to follow; Secondly, for Policy, 2. By way of Policy. which may be justified to be without iniquity, I doubt not, but those men, which knew the secrets of State, and were privy to the causes of their actions, are able to justify the proceed of these Princes in their assistance, which perhaps they did not so much simply in respect of their Religion; as of some other State policy, which we, that are so fare from the helm, have no reason to pry unto; Besides, you may know that neither King Charles nor Queen Elizabeth were Subjects to the other Kings, but were every way their equal, if not more, and independent Princes. And to bring the actions of such absolute Monarches, the one against the other, How wickedly they deceive the simple people. to justify the actions of Subjects against their Sovereign, is such Logic; as the other example was divinity; Queen Elizabeth did so against the King of Spain; ergo, any Subject may do so against his King; or rather Queen Elizabeth did that, which for aught we know, was most lawful to be done against the King of Spain; ergo, the Earl of Essex may do that, which we do know to be most unlawful against King Charles: This is the doctrine that they teach their Proselytes, but that they give this poison in a golden cup, and hid their falsehood under a show of truth; but I hope ere long, you shall have these things more fully manifested unto you. CAP. XX. Shows, how the rebellious Faction forswore themselves; what trust is to be given to them; how we may recover our peace and prosperity; how they have unkingd the Lords anointed; and for whom they have exchanged him; and the conclusion of the whole. ANd now, having committed all these things, and much more wickedness than I, though I had the tongue of Angels, can express, I am persuaded many of them, seeing the miraculous mercies of our God in protecting and assisting His Majesty, fare beyond their thoughts and imaginations, do begin to think on peace and accommodation, which they presuming on the King's lenity made sure to themselves, whensoever they pleased; and indeed, dulce nomen peace; and the feet of them that bring tidings of peace, are more specious than the fairest countenance of aurora, Esay 52.7. than the sweet face of Helen; Psal. 85.10. Rom. 1.7. 1 Cor. 3. 2 Cor. 2. etc. But seeing righteousness and peace have kissed each other, and the Apostle joineth grace and peace always together; as two dear friends saith S. Aug. so dear, that si amicam pacis non amaveris neque te amabit pax ipsa: and these men are filled with all unrighteousness, and have trampled the grace of God and their King under feet, and having sworn, & forsworn themselves over and over, as, at their baptism, that they would keep God's commandments, whereof this is one, to be obedient unto our Kings, at their admittance to any office to bear faith and true allegiance to His Majesty, Rom. 13.1. 1 Pet. 2.13. at the beginning of this last Parliament, to maintain the King's just rights and all the privileges of Parliament, How the Rebels swore and forswore themselves. together with the liberty and property of the Subjects; and yet immediately to forget their faith, to break all these oaths, and to make shipwreck of their conscience, to drive the Bishops out of their House, which is one of the first and most fundamental privileges of the Parliament, they being the first of the three Estates of this Kingdom, to take away, not some, but all the King's rights out of his hands, and to make him no King indeed, to take away all our goods, our liberties, and our lives at their pleasure, and then to assure the Devil they would be faithful unto him, Holland and Bedford showed what trust is to be given them. which were thus faithless unto God, to swear again, and make a solemn Covenant with Hell, they would never repent them of their wickedness, but continue constant in his service, till they have rooted out whom they deemed to be Malignants; though the King, who is wise as the Angel of God, that hath the King's heart in his hand, and turneth it like the rivers of waters, Proverb. 21.1. where he pleaseth, knoweth best what to do, as God directeth him; yet for mine own part, No trust to be given to liars and perjurers. 2 Sam. 20.20, 16. either in peace, or war, I would never trust such faithless perjured creatures for a straw; and seeing that to spare transcendent wickedness is to increase wickedness, and to encourage others to the like Rebellion, upon the like hope of pardon, if they failed of their intention, if our great Metropolis of London partake not rather of the wise spirit of the men of Abel, then of the obstinacy of the men of Gibe●h, and deliver not unto the King the chief of those rebels that risen up against him, I fear that God's wrath will not be turned away, Judg. 20. but his hand will be stretched out still, until he hath fulfilled his determined visitation upon this Land, and consummated all with their deplorable destruction, How the King desired the good of the Rebels. even as he did those obstinate men of Gibeah and Benjamin; for though the King, beyond the clemency of a man, and the expectation of any rebel, hath most christianly laboured, that they would accept of their pardon, and save themselves and their posterity; yet their wickedness, (being so exceeding great, beyond all that I can find in any history, rebellion it self being like the sin of witchcraft, the rebellion of Christians fare worse, and a rebellion against a most christian pious Prince worst of all; and such a rebellion engendered by pride, fostered by lies, augmented by perjury, continued by cruelty, refusing all clemency, The unspeakable greatness of their sins. despising all piety, and contemning God their Saviour, when they make him (with reverence be it spoken, which is so irreverently done by them) the very packhorse to bear all their wickedness, being a degree beyond all degrees of comparison,) hath so provoked the wrath of God against this Nation, that I fear his justice will not suffer their hearts, that can not repent, to accept and embrace their own happiness, till they be purged with the floods of repentant tears, or destroyed with the streams of Gods fearful vengeance: which I hearty beseech Almighty God may (by the grace of Christ, working true repentance in them for themselves, and reducing them to the right way) be averted from them. And the best way that I conceive to avert it, to appease God's wrath, and to turn away his judgements from us, is, H●w we may recover the peace and prosperity of this land. to return back the same way as we proceeded hitherto; to make up the breaches of the Church, to restore the Liturgy and the service of our God to its former purity, to repeal that Act, which is made to the prejudice of the Bishops and Servants of God, that they may be reduced to their pristine dignity, to recall all Ordinances that are made contrary to Law, and derogatory to the King's right, and to be hearty sorry that these unjust Acts and Ordinances were ever done, and more sorry that they were not sooner undone; and than God will turn his face towards us, he will heal the bleeding wounds of our land, and he will pour down his benefits upon us; but till we do these things, I do assure myself, and (I believe) you shall find it, that his wrath shall not be turned away, but his hand will be stretched out still and still, until we either do these things, or be destroyed for not doing them. Thus it is manifest to all the World, that as it was often spoken by our sharp and eagle sighted Sovereign, King james his speech made true by the Rebels. King James of ever blessed memory, no Bishop no King: so now (I hope) the dull-eyd owl, that lodgeth in the desert, seethe it verified, by this Parliament; for they had no sooner got out the Bishops, but presently they laid violent hands upon the Crown, seized upon the King's Castles, shut him out of all his Towns, dispossessed him of his own houses, took away all his ships, detained all his revenues, vilified all his Declarations, nullified his Proclamations, How the Rebels have unkingd our King. hindered his Commmissions, imprisoned his faithful Subjects, killed his servants, and at Edge-hill and Newbury did all that ever they could, to take away his life; and now by their last great ordinance for their counterfeit Seal, they pronounce all honours, pardons, grants commissions and whatsoever else His Majesty passeth under his Seal, to be invalid, void, and of none effect; and if this be not to make King Charles no King, I know not what it is to be a King: so they have unkingd him sine strepitu; and as the Prophet saith, they have set up Kings, but not by me; they have made Princes, and I knew it not; but whom have they made Kings? even themselves, who, in one word, Hos. ●. 4. do, and have now exercised all or most of the regal power; and their Ordinances shall be as firm as any Statutes: and what are they, that have thus dis-robed King Charles, and exalted themselves like the Pope, as if they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, What kings they would have to rule us. the great Antichrist, above all that are called Gods? truly none other then king Pym, king Say, king Faction; or to say the truth most truly, and to call a spade a spade, king perjurers, king murderers, king traitors; * Which S. Peter never bade us honour. and I am sorry that I should join so high an office, so sacred a thing as King to such wicked persons, as I have showed them to be; And what a royal exchange would the Rebels of this kingdom make? just such as the Israelites made, The Rebels brave exchange. when they turned their glory into the similitude of a Calf that eateth hay, and said, these be thy Gods, o Israel, Psal. 146.20. which brought thee out of the land of Egypt; for now, after they have changed their lawful King for unlawful Tyrants, Judg. 9.15. and taken Jothams' bramble for the cedar of Lebanon, the Devil's instruments for Gods anointed, they may justly say, these be thy Kings o Londoners, o Rebels, that brought thee out of a land that flowed with milk and honey, out of those houses that were filled with all manner of store, into a land of misery, into houses of sorrow, that are filled with wail, lamentations, and woes, when we see the faithful City is become an harlot, our gold dross, and our happiness turned to continual heaviness. But, as the Rutilians, considering what fruit they should reap by that miserable war, wherein they were so fare engaged, cried out at last, Scilicet ut Turno contingat regia conjux; Vi●gil. Aeneid. l. 12. Nos animae viles, inhumata, infletaque turba Sternamur campis— we undo ourselves, our wives, and our children, to gain a wife for Turnus: so our seduced men may say, we engage ourselves to die like dogs, that these rebels may live like kings, who themselves sit at ease while others endure all woes, and do grow rich by making all the kingdom poor: and therefore, o England,— quae tanta licentia ferri?— lugebit patria multos, when as the Apostle saith, 2 Tim. 3.13. evil men and seducers wax worse & worse, deceiving & being deceived; for God is not mocked, but whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap; for, Gal. 6.7. though we for our sins may justly suffer these, and many other more miseries; we do confess it: yet the whole world may be assured, that these rebels, The Rebels sure to be destroyed. the generation of vipers being but the rod of God's fury, to correct the offences of his children, such seeds of wickedness as they sow, Contemptrix superum, savaque avidissima cadis, & violenta fuit; scires è sanguine natam. can produce none other harvest, than ruin and destruction to all these usurping kings and traitors, who think to please God by doing good service unto the Devil, and to go to Heaven for their good intention, after they are carried into Hell for their horrid Rebellion. God Almighty grant them more grace, and our King more care to beware of them, and, when God doth grant him rest with David, 2 Sam. 7.1. on every side round about him, to restore his Bishops and Clergy to their pristine station, that when these bramble rods are burnt, and these rebels fallen, the King and the Bishops may still stand like Moses and Aaron to guide and govern God's people committed to their charge. And thus I have showed thee, o man, some of the sacred rights of royal Majesty, granted by God in his holy Scriptures, practised by Kings from the beginning of the world, yielded by all nations, that had none other guide, but the light of nature to direct them; I have also shown thee how the people, greedy of liberty and licentiousness, have like the true children of old Adam, that could not long endure the sweet yoke of his Creator, strove and struggled to withdraw their necks from that subjection (which their condition required, and their frowardness necessitated to be imposed upon them) and thereby have either graciously gained such love and favour from many pious and most clement Princes, as for the sweetening of their well merited subjection, to grant them many immunities and privileges, or have most rebelliously encroached upon these rights of Kings, wresting many liberties out of the hands of government, and forcibly retaining them to their own advantage, sometimes to the overthrow of the royal Government (as Junius Brutus and his associates did the Kings of Rome) sometimes to the diminution of the dimidium if not more then half his right, (as the Ephori did to the Kings of Lacedaemon,) but always to the great prejudice of the King, and the greater mischief to the Commonwealth; because both reason and experience hath found it always true, that the regal government, or Monarchical State, though it might sometimes happen to prove tyrannical, is fare more acceptable unto God, as being his own prime and proper ordinance, most agreeable unto nature, and more profitable unto all men, then either the Aristocratical or Popular government, either hath, or possibly can be; for, as it is most true, that prastat sub malo principe esse, quàm sub nullo, it is better to live under an ill governor, then where there is no government; so praestat sub uno tyranno vivere, quàm sub mille, it is better to be under the command of one tyrant then of a thousand, as we are now under these Rebels: who being not faex Romuli, the worst of the Nobility, but faex populi, the dregs of the people, indigent Mechanics, and their Wives captivated Citizens, together with the rabble of seduced Sectaries, have so disloyally encroached upon the rights of our King, and so rebelliously usurped the same, to the utter subversion both of Church and Kingdom, if God himself, who hath the hearts of all Kings in his hand, and turneth the same, wheresoever he pleaseth, had not most graciously strengthened his Majesty with a most singular and heroic resolution, assisted with perfect health from the beginning of their insurrection to this very day, to the admiration of his enemies, and the exceeding joy and comfort of his faithful Subjects, and with the best aid and furtherance of his chiefest Nobility, of all his learned and religious Clergy, his grave and honest Lawyers, and the truly worthy Gentry of his whole Kingdom, to withstand their most treacherous, impious, barbarous, and I know not how to express the wickedness of their most horrid attempts: so thou hast before thee life and death, fire and water, good and evil. And therefore, I hope that this will move us (which have our eyes open, to behold the great blessings, and the many almost miraculous deliverances and favours of God unto his Majesty, and to consider the most horrible destruction that this war hath brought upon us) to fear God and to honour our King, to hate the Rebels and to love all loyal Subjects; to do our uttermost endeavour to quench this devouring flame, and to that end, with hand and heart, and with our fortunes and with the hazard of our lives (which, as our Saviour saith, shall be saved if they be lost) to assist his Majesty to subdue these Rebels, Luk. 9.24. to reduce the Kingdom to its pristine government, and the Church to her former dignity, that so we may have, through the mercy of God, peace and plenty, love and unity, faith and true religion, and all other happiness remaineing with us, to the comfort of our King and the glory of our God, through Jesus Christ our Lord; To whom with his father, and the holy spirit, be all honour, thanks, praise, and dominion for ever and ever, Amen, Amen. jehovae liberatoni. FINIS.