ANIMADVERSIONS UPON THE ARMY'S REMONSTRANCE, DELIVERED To the HOUSE of COMMONS, Monday, 20. November, 1648. In vindication of the PARLIAMENTS TREATY with the KING in the Jsle of Wight. Turpe est Doctori cum culpa redarguit ipsum. Clodius accusat Maechos, Catelina Cethegum. In tabulam Syllae dicunt ejus discipuli tres. LONDON. Printed in the Year, 1648. ANIMADVERSIONS UPON The ARMY'S REMONTRANCE, DELIVERED To the House of Commons, Monday, 20. November, 1648. ABout May 1647. The 2 Houses in a full and free Parliament took into consideration how to ease the people of their Taxes; in order whereto they ordained the Disbanding this Army (6000 or 7000 only excepted to suppress Insurrections in England, and the rest to be sent to the relief of Ireland) 200000 l. was provided for this work, for the rest of their Arrears they were to have unquestionable security. Lieutenant General Cromwell subtly encouraged the House of Commons to this resolution, with intent rather to discontent, then disband the Army (which hates nothing more than disbanding, and returning to their old Trades) and then to make use of their discontents against the Authors of this counsel, being men of different principles and interests from himself. To carry on which design, he, and his Son Ireton upon the 4 & 5 of June, by their Agitators, (men whose public spirits they abused for private ends, Book of Decl. p. 22. : Engagement. and at last cast them off) caused the Army to enter into an Engagement (in opposition to the said Ordinance) not to disband, nor to divide. June 23. at Saint Alban, the Army Declared, Book of Decl. p. 39 That their respects to the People's Safety enforced them to admit of no longer delays than four or five days, wherein the House should give assurance to them and the People of a safe and speedy proceeding to settle the Armies, Pag. 67. and the Kingdom's rights, and freedoms. After this, Cromwell plotted the securing of Oxford, and the surprising of the King's Person by his instrument Joyce: and when Joyce told him, he had the King in his power, Then (quoth Cromwell) I have the Parliament in my pocket. In farther prosecution of which design, to pull down their opposite Faction: They caused an Impeachment in the name of Sir Tho: Fairfax and the Army, Putney Projects, p. 8.9. (in general Terms only, for the particular matters of their Charge was to seek, after they had in general charged them) to be sent to the House of Commons against eleven of their Members for some things done in the House, as That by their power they caused the Ordinance for Disbanding the Army to pass, etc. and for some things done out of the House, which had been formerly examined and cleared by the House: As Corresponding with the King, etc. In the 2, 3, & 4. Article of which Charge, they profess themselves disobliged and discouraged from any farther Engagement in the Parliaments Service. And indeed, they have since carried themselves as if they were disobliged: for, 1. They demanded the House to suspend the said 11 Members from sitting: Whereupon, the House voted, 25. June. That by the Laws of the Land no Judgement for their suspension could be given upon that general Charge, before particulars produced, and proofs made: the Army thereupon, threatened to march up to Westminster, unless they were suspended: whereby they were enforced to forbear the House. 2. They courted the people by undertaking to settle Peace, to establish the King's interest, and all other just interests: and invited the People to make Addresses to the Army by Petitions against their grievances: to which they gave Answer, That, This and This is the sense of the Army: The Declar. against the Army as Enemies to the State unvoted, Put. Pro. p. 9 see Repres: June 4.5. B. of Decl. p. 33, 34. as if their sense were the supreme Law. 3. They compel the Parliament to unvote some of their Votes, and afterwards reproach them for their inconstancy in their Printed Papers. 4. They turn the Council of War, into a Council of State; and there debate and resolve all Public Affairs, as if they were another Parliament, judging of all Public Interests, and Safety of the Kingdom; The Prerogative of the King: Fundamentals of Parliament: and Laws of the Land: as if they would (legem dare) impose Laws upon the Land: for (I am sure) they are not learned enough (legem dicere) to expound the Law. 5. They march like Conquerors through London, Put: Proj: p. 9 fright away many Members of Parliament, throw down their defensive Works, set Guards upon the Houses, etc. 6. They obey Ordinances of Parliament but at their own discretion. The Houses Voted the Disbanding of Supernumeraries: They collusorily Disband some in one place, and take them in again in another: and (by way of Bargain, as it were) they lately demanded 3000. of them to be added to the established Army which is already above 27000 men, and hath an established pay of 60000 l. sterling a Month; a far greater pay, and better paid then any Army of Christendom of the like number hath: and yet they have often demanded an addition of 20000 l. a Month more, and did demand a weekly Tax for Fire and Candle, and do take free quarter. And though the Houses have voted the disgarrisoning of divers inland Garrisons for ease of the People, yet they are not obeyed: for now (as Putney Projects say, pag. 9) The Parliament trembles at the shaking of their rod, and every of their desires to the House is a Mandamus; both King and Parliament being subjected to their beck. 7. And lastly, though they Declare, June 14. 1647. That they continued in Arms, in Judgement and Righteousness, for the ends specified in the Parliaments Declarations: and were not ignorant, The Parliament sundry times declared the intent of their War to be for removing evil Counsellors from the King, 1 Part Exact Col: p. 118. 632 and for preservation and defence of His Person, Crown, and Dignity, etc. Yet having the KING in their custody at Hampton-Court, they opened a free way of access to him for many the most malignant of his party: As Mr. John Ashburnham, The Machiavilian Cromwellists. whom Cromwell (whose pulse about this time beat a Lordly pace, as one of their own penmen saith) and Ireton sent for out of France. Col: William Leg, whom they caused to be admitted of the King's Bedchamber. Sir Will: Ford, a Papist, Iretons Brother-in-law, and Major Boswell, both of them resident for the King in the Army to corrupt the Soldiery, and many more, by whose mediation they entertained correspondence with the King himself, and had their set-dayes of writing Letters into France and Holland concerning an Accommodation. And the better to mould the Soldiery to their designs, they enrolled many Cavaliers in the Army, who cried out at Ware, Charge against 11 Members. Book of Decla. page 112. For the King and Sir Thomas: And yet they called M. Hollis his correspondence with the King, A breach of trust, a breach of his Oath, taken in June 1643. a breach of the Parliaments Ordinance in October 1643. and no less than Treason. Book of Declaration. pag. 112 At this time Ireton framed the Proposals at Colebrook, which, as they say, contained the particulars of their desires in order to the clearing and securing the Rights and Liberties of the people, and settling a lasting Peace. By these Proposals the foundations of the people's Freedom were undermined, and the King's Interest supported; as Putney projects, pag. 13. said, where it is believed they passed 〈◊〉 a General Council. And it is there affirmed, that they passed the King's file, who moved for a Personal Treaty upon them. Ireton, in a private Conference, having promised the King a Copy of them, which was sent by Major Huntingdon, and returned with the King's crosses and scratches upon them with His own pen. page 14. At last Sir John Berkley, and Ashburnham, brought the Kings Answer to them at Colebrook, August 1. and the Proposals bear date August 2. and the Proposals were altered in five or six Particulars, nearly relating to the King's Interest. But now let us collect some few short Observations out of the Papers, and the said Proposals of the Army; that by comparing them with the present Propositions sent to the Isle of Wight by the Parliament, it may appear whether the Army that hath no Authority, or the Parliament that hath Authority, to Treat with the King, have best provided for a safe and well-grounded Peace, with preservation of our Religion, Laws and Liberties. Book of Declaration. pag. 45. In the Representation of the Army, June 14. 1647. this is set down as the 8. proposal for Peace: That (public Justice being first satisfied by some few examples to posterity, out of the worst excepted persons, and other Delinquents, having made their Compositions) some course may be taken for a general Act of Oblivion; whereby the seeds of War, etc. may be the better taken away. 1. Observation. The wisdom of Parliament thought it not fit to disparage their righteous cause by propounding an Act of Oblivion; but when the King freely offered it, and made it a proposal on his part, they accepted it, reserving a power to themselves to add what exceptions and limitations to it, the two Houses should think fit. In the Remonstrance of the Army presented to the Parliaments Commissioners at S. Alban, June 23. 1647. page 64. They declare their principles to be most clearly for a general Right, and just freedom to all: and therefore declare particularly, That they desire the same for the King and others of His party, (so fare as can consist with common Right and Freedom, and the security of the same for the future.) And they do clearly profess they do not see how there can be any peace to the Kingdom firm and lasting, without a due consideration of, and provision for the Rights, quiet and immunity of His Majesty's Royal Family, and his late partakers: and herein they think that tender and equitable dealing (as supposing their cause had been ours) and a spirit of common love and justice, diffusing itself to the good and preservation of all, will make up the most glorious conquest over their hearts, to make them and the whole people of the Land lasting friends. 2. Observation. What more could the Parliament say? Peruse the Propositions sent to the Isle of Wight. What more hath the Parliament done for the King and his party in their Personal Treaty with the King at the Isle of Wight, for a safe and well-grounded Peace, than here the Army prompts them to? Or how hath the King deserved worse of the Kingdom since the Army hunted Him from Hampton-court into their Pursenet at Carisbrooke-Castle, where He hath been watched, and kept in so strict and limited a condition, that He could neither act nor negotiate any thing? But (The Army's Scout saith) the Grandees of the Army's Faction are exasperated against him for rejecting their offers last year, and his adherence to the Scottish interest: and therefore at the latter end of his foul sheet the Scout hath this Distich, Oh Charles, old Nol (thy terror) now draws nigh, If thou wilt save thy neck, haste, hast, to fly. Book of Decl. p. 75. In a Letter from Sir Thomas Fairfax to both Houses, giving an account of the transactions between His Majesty, and the Army, (bearing date, Reading, July 6. 1647.) He saith, We conceive that to avoid all harshness, and to afford all kind usage to His Majesty's Person, in things consisting with the peace and safety of the Kingdom; is the most Christian, honourable and prudent way: and in all things (as the Representation and Remonstrance of the Army doth express) we think that tender, equitable, and moderate dealing, both towards His Majesty, His Royal Family, and late Party, (so fare as may stand with the safety of the Kingdom, and security of our common Rights and Liberties) is the most hopeful course to take away the seeds of War, etc. and to procure a lasting peace, and a Government in this distracted Nation. 3. Observation. But the Army hath since found New Lights: yet these plausible pretences of the Army to restore Peace and Government by settling the Kings, and all just Rights, kept the People hitherto quiet, and made them with hope and patience to bear Taxes to the Army and Free quarter, whereby many of their backs were broken, and all galled: until they found the Army to lay by these principles, and to make use of the good opinion they had got only by them, to suppress and destroy all that laboured for peace and ease of the people; both Petitioners and Members of Parliament to keep themselves still in pay, and pursue their own profit, and preferment, then finding themselves cheated, despair thrust them rashly into Arms in Wales, Kent, Essex, etc. where their success was suitable to their discretion, whereof the Faction of the Army do now take advantage to lay their own bastard at other men's doors, as if all this were done by design of a Party in Parliament and City. But Peace and an Army are as inconsistent together as light and darkness. In the Proposals of the Army, 1 Aug. 1647. they propound, 14. That (things before proposed being provided for securing the Rights, Liberties, and Safety of the Kingdom.) His Majesty's Person, Queen, and Royal issue may be restored to a condition of Safety, Honour, and Freedom in this Nation, without diminution of their personal Rights, or farther limitation to the exercise of the Regal power, then according to the particulars aforegoing. 4. Observation. You see the City in their Engagement, and the Parliament borrowed from the Army, that phrase they now so much cry out upon, of restoring the King, with Honour, Freedom and Safety. 15. For Compositions, The Army propounds, That a lesser number out of the persons excepted in the two first Qualifications, (not exceeding five for the English) being nominated particularly by the Parl. who (together with the persons in the Irish Rebellion included in the third Qualification) may be reserved to the farther Judgement of the Parliament as they shall see cause: all other persons may be admitted to Composition. That the rates for all future Compositions may be lessened, etc. and no compounder enjoined to take the Nationall Covenant. 5. Observa. You see the Army more remiss in exacting Justice then the Parliament, who have excepted seven English clearly out of mercy, which is more than to reserve them unto farther Justice, as they shall see cause: and all men to be enjoined by Act of Parliament to take the Covenant. The Army propounds, Putney Proj. pag. 14. That all that have been in hostility against the Parliament, be incapable of bearing Office of public trust, or power for five years. But it was added (after the great Officers intercourse with the King) That the Council of State should be enabled to admit them to such Offices before those five years expired. 6. Observation. The Parliament hath reserved to themselves the gifts of all Great Offices in England and Ireland for 20. years, and disabled Delinquents in Arms to be Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, etc. pag. 15. The Army propounded, Only that the Coercive Power, and Jurisdiction of Bishops, extending to Civil Punishments upon any, may be abolished and demanded, nothing for passing an Act for sale of Bishop's Lands; although at last they encouraged the Parliament to sell them. But according to their Proposals for Peace, the King was first to be reestablished with His Negative voice. 7. Observation. The Parliament propounds the utter Abolishing of Episcopacy, and Bishops for ever: and an Act for alienating their Lands for ever. The Army propounded, The Militia should be for ten years only, in the dispose of the Parliament, and afterwards, this present King not to dispose thereof without consent of Parliament. 8. Observation. The Parliament propounds the Militia of England and Ireland, by Land and Sea, with all Forts, Castles, Garrisons, to be in the Parliament alone for twenty years, from 1 July, 1646. And after the said twenty years, neither the King, His Heirs, nor Successors to dispose thereof without consent of Parliament, etc. Putney Project pag. 43. These Proposals of the Army being obtruded at last, upon the House, a contest grew, Whether they, or the Propositions formerly sent to Newcastle should be sent to the King at Hampton-Court. At last it was concluded to send the Propositions of Newcastle, But the King knew, that neither the Grandees in Parlia. or Army, intended they should be assented to, being inconsistent with their Independent interests; but they were sent only to usher in the King's desire of a Personal Treaty upon the Proposals of the Army: which the King had made known before hand should be His Answer. And when His Answer was Voted in the House of Commons to be a denial, and debated hotly, whether any more Addresses should be made to the King; at last a Member of the House produced a reason as sharp and weighty, as Goliahs' sword. It is the sense of the Army (quoth he) that a farther Address be made to the King. And Ireton himself told them, he could not promise them the Army's assistance if they ceased their Addresses to the King: whereupon, being bruited abroad, that the Army had compelled the Parliament to make farther Addresses to the King, and to send part, or all of their Proposals as the grounds of Peace: very many of the Army declared openly against it: and many Speeches in their Council reflected upon Ireton, for abusing the Army therein. So their hopes in this policy vanished, like the hopes of an Alchemist. I could proceed much farther with these parallel Observations; but I have little leisure, and peradventure Reader, thou hast little money to lay out upon Books; and I desire to open thy eyes as good cheap as may be. But the Army's Remonstrance presented to the House, 20 November, pag. 43. 44. saith, These Compliances of their part were only Negative: what I have said already doth sufficiently confute this excuse. It farther saith, they complied with the King through example, to prevent others from strengthening themselves that way: meaning M. Hollis, etc. which was examined by the Parliament, and he acquitted thereof; and though the Army (not resting in the Judgement of the Parliament, as by their own profession they ought to do) charged him again herewith in their Impeachment of the eleven Members: yet they never proceeded to prove it. See Putney Project. pag. 8. You see that Privileges, and Commands of Parliament, nay their own promises are no more to the Grandees of the Army, (since they declared, the Parliament had disobliged them) than the Philistines withes to Samson. Did they not command the Commons by a set day to cast out the Faction that overtopped them, to recall their Declaration against them; whereby in full and free Parliament they were declared Enemies? to provide them pay? to own them for their Army? Have they not contrary to the Parliaments Order admitted Cavaliers to the King? made Addresses to Him? Quartered round about London after the Parliament Commanded them to Quarter forty miles off, which Order is still in force? Have they not promised and engaged to acquiesce in the Judgement of Parliament? Declaration 14 June 1647. And did they not a year since, keep a day of Humiliation at Windsor to implore God's mercy for their former insolency to the Parliament, and promising more obedience hereafter? Have they not declared that it was proper for them to act only in their own sphere as Soldiers, and not to intermeddle with affairs of State, which concern the Parliament? Why then do they interrupt the Parliaments Treaty with the King in the Isle of Wight? Declaration 14 June 1647. Why did they 20. Novemb. 1648. send a peremptory Remonstrance to the Parliament, (instead of an humble Petition) charging them with weakness, inconstancy, and breach of trust in the same Treaty, and magnifying their own wisdom and integrity above theirs; and that in such Magisteriall, and censorious language, as if the Tables were turned, and they were the Parliament, and the Two Houses but a Council of the Army. I will continue the method I have begun, and make some few, sudden Observations upon this Remonstrance, as I have formerly done upon the Army's Proposals: and leave the fuller answering thereof to some better Pen, that hath more leisure and abilities than myself. Objections in the Remonstrance, delivered 20. November, against the Parliament and Treaty. Remonstrance, pag. 7, 8, 9 1. The Army Objects, the Votes of the Houses for no more Addresses to the King. Charging the Houses with inconstancy in retracting them: and thereby putting the people into an unsettled condition; and stirring them to Petition for a Personal Treaty, and at last to rise in Arms for it, and allegeth the House was free at the passing those Votes. Answ. 1. The said Votes for no more Addresses to the King; were contrived in private, between the Independent Grandees of the Houses and Army: and then imposed upon the House of Commons, after many of their Members were frighted away by blank Impeachments in the House, and by the Armies hover about the Town to back their own party, Putney Proj. pag. 43. and suppress all men of contrary judgement. Not were the debates in the House free, Ireton leading the Van in the debate, and telling them the sense of the Army (which usually leadeth every reason captive.) That now it was expected they should settle the Kingdom without the King, and not dissert those valiant men who had engaged for them beyond all hopes of Retreat, and would never forsake the Parliament, unless the Parliament forsook them first. And during the whole debate, the Army's party often taunted them that spoke for farther Addresses, calling them the King's party in the Commons House: and when they were ready for the question, Cromwell brought up the Rear: saying, It was now expected the Parliament should govern the Kingdom by their own power and resolutions, and not teach the people to expect safety from a man whose heart God had hardened. That those men that had hitherto defended the Parliament, would defend them herein against all opposition, Teach them not by neglecting the Kingdom's safety, to think themselves betrayed: and left to the malice of an irreconcilable enemy, whom they have subdued for your sake, and are like to find his future Government insupportable, and full of revenge: lest despair teach them to seek their safety by other means then by adhering to you: and how destructive such a resolution in them will be to you all, I tremble to think, and leave you to judge. With which words he concluded, laying his hand upon his Sword, and putting on as stern a vizard of terror, as such a face could fall into. You see now with what bridle they turn and rule the House, they can deliver the sense of the Army for Addresses to the King, and against Addresses; and with the wind of their Breathes, make the Weathercock sit which way they please: Not long after, in a thin House, and at an unseasonable time of the day, it was moved, that a letter might be forthwith sent to the General, to send a party of Foot to Garrison Whitehall, and a party of Horse to Garrison the Mews. The Lord's concurrence not desired, and the letters immediately sent. But before this Vote passed, divers Forces were upon their march near the town, and came to White-Hall next morning by 8. of the clock: for this subsequent Vote did but colour and ratify what the Army had formerly resolved and put in execution. As soon as White-Hall was Garrisoned, that very day the Army sent a Declaration to the Commons, thanking them for their four Votes against the King, and promising to live and die with them in defence of them against all opponents. The Lords had debated hotly upon these Votes, insomuch that it was 10. Lords to 10. The balance inclining to neither side, until the unexpected Garrisoning of White-Hall and the Mews, and the said Declaration or Engagement of the Army to the Commons turned the scales; and then Necessity (which neither knows Law nor Reason) prevailed with them to pass those Votes three or forre days after, (that both Lords and Commons might draw in one equal yoke) the Army was pleased to give them thanks also. These four Votes troubled the whole Kingdom, and filled men's minds with suspicion, what new form of Government the Authors of them would set up: and every man's mind presaged these Grandees desired a new War, for upholding this Army, and their own power, and to colour their raising money, which they share amongst the Army and themselves: and every man now laid the project of a new War at their door, and it now appeared to every intelligent man, that their Impeaching of divers Members and Citizens for endeavouring a new War, (when they did but arm in their own defence against the printed threats and menaces of the Army then upon their march towards London) was done by way of prevention only: it having always been an impudent policy of this Faction, To accuse other men of those crimes which themselves only had or would commit, and thereby to amuse the people. But suppose the Houses had been free at the passing the said four Votes? Sapientis est mutare consilium, Wise men must vary their counsels according to emergent occasions and circumstances. The heavy Taxes and Freequarter of the Army, with their insolent carriage in men's houses, giving out, They had conquered the Kingdom: their turning their Council of War into a Court of Judicature, contrary to the Laws of the Land, but principally their courting and cheating all the interests of the Kingdom: their committing open adultery with the King's Interest in order to Peace, and then casting it off upon private dislike, (as hath been already said in the third Observation) had enraged the whole Kingdom (even the best affected, and most constant) and made them desirous of a Personal Treaty, (to which the Armies Proposals gave the rise) and of their disbanding: Without which, either there can be no Peace, or we shall suffer all the discommodities of War in time of Peace; Mars is a good Soldier but a bad Magistrate; and a military Government the worst of all others. As for the Declaration of Parliament against the King, showing the grounds and reasons of the said 4 Votes, all men know they gave no satisfaction to the people; and the weakness, falsehood, and absurdities thereof hath been sufficiently laid open by many good pens. Object. 2. Rem. p. 12, 13. That the Lords closed readily with all the desires of the City Malignants, the Prince, and all the Parliaments Enemies, going before the Commons, and haling them after: and when at any thing towards the Treaty, the Commons made some stick, then clamorous Petitions from the City came thick, with menaces insinuated; debauched Reformadoes, desperate Cavaliers, faithful Members driven out of Town, etc. We conceive at this time the Judgement of Parliament was not with due and former freedom. Answer 2. Here is a causeless quarrel picked against the Lords, City, and Reformadoes; against the Lords, in order to lay by the King, against the City for being rich, and against the Reformadoes for being valiant, and no Hypocrites; the Petitioners for a Treaty for Peace never petitioned against the Fundamental Government, and Laws of the Land; nor against any known Privilege of Parliament; nor in a peremptory manner, as the Petitioners, 11. Septemb. (countenanced in this Remonst: p. 69.) did; nor did they send any insolent Remonstrance to the House, or use any menaces either insinuated, or open; as the Army and their Adherents usually do; nor were any faithful Members driven out of Town; politic Fugitives have heretofore run away to the Army, and may do again upon pretended fears, to carry on their design; and to colour the open violence, and secret conspiracies they have used, or mean to use against the lives of their Opponents. I wish these titular Godly, faithful, Honest men, would as much abhor the profitable Art of Lying and Slandering, as they do the unprofitable Vice of Swearing and Cursing: But this is to take a Schismatic out of a Schismatic, an Antimonarchist out of an Antimonarchist, and an Independent out of an Independent it is to take his definition from him, as much as to deny a man to be animal visibile: in this objection I can more clearly foresee a second force coming from the Army upon the Houses, than Lily (with all his fantastical schemes) can prognosticate fair or foul weather, good or bad luck. Were the Houses free when Sir Tho: Fairfax threatened to make some of the Members Prisoners of War, and try them by a Council of War, only for voting, I, and No; according to their consciences? when he marched in hostile manner against the Houses and City, and really frighted away many honest Members? when he set his own Guards upon the Houses? when the Army's faction in the House threatened the dissenting Members with the Army, and the longest sword? if they were free then, they were not free during the agitation of this Personal Treaty. But let us now examine the principal Propositions for settling the Kingdom's peace and safety, as they are contained in this perplexed, confused, longwinded Remonstrance, and then open your understanding with some Observations upon them. The chief Propositions of this Remonstrance are the same in effect with those Propositions set on foot in the Army by the Levelling party there, in a printed Book, called, [The Agreement of the People] which were disavowed by the General in his Letter to the House: and some of the Levellers were condemned by a Council of War, as seditious and mutinous Persons for promoting them. The first Proposition is, That the House would forbear any farther proceeding in the Treaty with the King, and to return to the Votes [for no more Addresses to Him] and to settle the Kingdom without and against Him, upon such grounds as the said Remonstrance doth lay down. 1. Observation. After the Houses are engaged past all retreat, and the eyes of all Christendom upon them, they enjoin them to break off the Treaty contrary to their faith and honour engaged: when the Treaty is so near a conclusion that we shall suddenly receive the King's Concessions? or have a just ground to settle the Kingdom against Him without breach of faith. Let us now see what foundations of setlement these new Statesmen lay down. 2. Proposition. That the King may be brought to Justice for the Treason, Blood and mischief he is guilty of. 2. Obser. The Parliament in their several Declarations, and in their Commissions to their Generals always accused the King's evil Counselors of these crimes, and not the King; following therein the civility and policy of our Laws; and declared War only against them, not against Him; knowing it had been High Treason by all our Laws to war against His Person, Stat. 25 Edw. 3. And I challenge all the antimonarchical tribe to show me one Law or Stat. to the contrary, or to show me any one precedent in the Scriptures of any King of Juda or Israel deposed or put to death upon Trial by his people for misgovernment, or any King of England so dealt with since the Conquest. Rich. 2. Ed. 2. & Hen. 6. were articled against and Deposed, or forced to Depose themselves in Parliament, but those Parliaments were not free Parliaments (being packed and overawed by ambitious Princes of the blood, with Soldiers) and therefore this cannot be imputed to the People. And the King, being by our Laws, supreme Governor in all Causes and over all Persons; hath no Superior who can call Him to account; otherwise you must proceed in infinitum: If you will say the People or their Representative shall call Him to account, who shall call them to account? Parliaments (for aught I see) being as subject to corruption as Kings. Besides, you open a wide gap for any ambitious Prince of the blood to make himself popular by scandalising the present Government, (as Absolom did) and so to stir up the People or Parliament against the King to make way to the Crown for himself: and involve the Kingdom in frequent and linger Civil Wars. 3. Prop: That the Prince and Duke of York may be summoned to render themselves, etc. if they do not, that then they may be declared incapable of Government, etc. and as Enemies and Traitors to die without mercy if afterwards found in this Kingdom: if they render themselves, the Prince for his Capital Delinquency to be proceeded against in justice. And the Duke as he shall give satisfaction, etc. 3. Observe. This is to lay by the King and His Posterity, contrary to many Declarations and Engagements of the Parliament, and to enforce the Prince to cast himself into the Arms of the French, or some other his Allies, Papists, or others for succour upon such terms of disadvantage as they (working upon his necessity) shall put upon him, to the prejudice of these Realms, his own Religion, in his Match, or otherwise; and to compel him to bring an Invasion upon the Land, to assert his own and the common Cause of Kings, controverted in this example; and so turn our Episcopal war, into a Monarchical war; which will draw a confluence of all the lose Soldiery of Christendom to seek employment here, and bring the calamities of Germany upon us. 4. Prop: That a period be set to this Parliament, etc. 4. Observe: I wish a period, so as this pragmatical Army be first Disbanded, otherwise they acknowledging no King, and their Masters the Parliament being dissolved, the Kingdom will either be left under the government of the Army, or they will overpower all Elections, and set up a Mock-Parliament of their own creation, whose Authority shall depend upon their Sword, and then the said Parliament shall set the stamp of their Authority upon the Army, and between both, the Kingdom be sawed in pieces. 5. Prop: That no King be hereafter admitted but upon the Election of the People; by their Representatives. 5. Answer. They will first have a Parliament of their own making, as aforesaid, and then this Parliament shall have a Congee d'estlier, or leave to choose a King of the Armies nominating: whether they will vouchsafe to abuse the infancy of the Duke of Gloucester, & make him their property until they have had time to settle their Utopian Government, to root out all Opponents, to fill all Places of power and profit with their own Creatures, to break the People's spirits with a customary Bondage, to disarm and impoverish them, and reduce them to the heartless condition of French Peasants; to settle foreign Leagues and Correspondencies, and then lay him to sleep with his Fathers? Or whether they will Elect King Nol, for our Sovereign? (whose Nose is clad in Purple already) God knows. But he that knows any thing, knows the danger of Elective Kingdoms, liable to Faction and Civil Wars amongst Competitors upon the death of every King, let the miserable examples of the Germane Empire, Poland, the old Roman Empire, and others witness. 6. Prop: These things to be declared and provided by this Parliament, or by the Authority of the Commons therein, and all people to subscribe; nor any to be capable of any benefit by this Agreement who shall not consent and subscribe. 6. Observe: Here you see the Lords and King (being 2 of the 3 Estates, whereof our Parliaments are compounded by the fundamental Laws of the Land) strooke out, to the utter subversion of Parliaments, and all men enjoined to assent and subscribe to their own wrong under a penalty, the consequence whereof doth not yet appear. These things (the Remonstrance saith) are of vast concernment to all public Interest, not only in this Kingdom, but neighbour Nations. 7. Observe: Whether this be spoken to Scotland and Ireland only, or to all neighbour Nations? as if these men had some correspondencies in their Dominions, to make this antimonarchical, popular disease, infective and diffusive to them, thereby to divert them by Wars at home to look over upon us, God knows: but it is very likely to stir up the jealousies of Foreign Princes, to quench the fire in their neighbour's house, lest the flame catch hold of their own. 1 Consequence of the said Propositions. These Propositions tend to the utter subversion of all the Fundamental Government, and Laws of this Land, and the destruction of Parliaments, and will bring such an Anarchy and confusion upon us, as will continue a War in our Bowels, during the life of this King, and His Posterity; whereby we shall be enforced to keep up and augment this Army, and to entail the Commands and Offices therein, upon the Grandees of the Army, their Sons and Adherents from Generation to Generation: and make a home War the only trade amongst us. 2. Consequence. The Army (by puutting the Parliament upon it, to be the Authors and Actors of these miseries to their Country) will make them the common scorn and hatred of all the world, and may then lay by the Parliament with applause of all men, glad of the revenge, and then Govern by the Sword. It is a sure rule in State, that when great men put their Ministers upon actions of public hatred, they prepare them for destruction. 3. Consideration. The Parliaments Declarations, the Laws of the Land, the Oaths of Allegiance, and Supremacy, and our Nationall Covenant do all cry out to the Parliament to oppose these destroying Propositions. The Declaration 26 May 1642. saith, Their endeavours have been for maintenance of the Protestant Religion, the King's Just Prerogatives, The Laws and Liberties of the Land, and Privileges of Parliament, wherein they would persist, though they should perish in the work. 1 Part. Exact Collections, pag. 618. 632. The like Declaration passed, June 2. 1642. upon the Propositions for Money and Plate. 42. Edw. 3. The Commons in Parliament say, they cannot assent to any thing in Parliament to the Disherison of the King and His Crown, whereto they are Sworn. The Petition of Right, 3 Caroli, The Commons in Parliament declare, That they neither meant, nor had power to hurt the King's Prerogative, with infinite more Authorities, wherewith our Law-books are full. By the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy (which every Member taketh before he sits in Parliament) they are bound to defend and maintain His Majesty's Royal Person, with all the Prerogatives, Privileges, and Preeminencies belonging, or annexed to the imperial Crown. By the Solemn League and Covenant we swear, with hands lifted up to God, To maintain and defend the King's Person and Authority, in the preservation of Religion, Laws and Liberties; not to diminish his Just power and greatness, To defend the Privileges of Parliament: And to continue all the days of their lives in this Covenant against all opposition whatsoever. The Protestation is to the like effect. But the said Remonstrance, pag. 54, 55, 56, 57 saith, This is only a bare Covenant between party and party, wherein God is a witness only to avenge the breaker and violater thereof. But let this Casuist in Buff know, that it is not only so, but is also a promissory Oath made to God: and therefore he is as well a party, as a witness to it. Observe here, a high point of insolency. An interpretation put upon the Parliaments Covenant, by men that (for the most part) refuse to take the Covenant. Let not the Independent Members please themselves in seeing the Presbyterians overthrown, since their turn is like to be next: 4 Consideration. what malice and design now lies upon the Presbyterian: a covetous desire to share with them in their rich gains, will hereafter lie upon the Independents. The vast desires and expenses of this Army are like a consuming fire: He that fares best, shall be but the last fuel to it. To conclude, 5 Consideration. There is a desperate party intermingled amongst the whole Mass of this Commonwealth, which hath perpetrated all manner of crimes from Blasphemy, and high Treason, to Trespass. They have violated all Laws, Divine and Humane, and all Government and Magistracy: They have so fare cheated and abused the King, and His Issue, that like Cain, they think their sins greater than can be forgiven: they have so far injured, and cheated all the Interests and People of the Land, that with Cain they think that every man will slay them, and despair of reconciliation: and therefore place all their hopes in bringing them to slavery and confusion. They hate all honest men, because they fear them as witnesses and prosecutors to bring them to judgement hereafter. And therefore labour to ruin and extirpate them, especially out of the Parliament, under the notion of the King's Party. Wherefore (dear Countrymen) especially you Lords and Gentlemen of the Parliament) call to mind your duty you own to your God, your King, your Country, your Wives, & Children; call to mind Religion, Laws and Liberties, and cry out with one voice against these innovators (as your forefathers did long since in a Parliament) Nolumus Leges Angliae mutare; we will not change our good Laws. Remember your Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, Nationall Covenant, & Protestation, for which your souls are mortgaged to a just and severe Creditor. And learn to fear God, and not Man. We own a death to God and Nature, and must assuredly pay this debt: why not now before we taste of misery and slavery? why not in an honourable defence of our Country, rather than in a base desertion of it? He that fears death, dies as soon as he that contemns death; and no man is worthy of life, but he that scorns life, when his Country stands in need of it. Ingens crede nefas animam praeferre pudori: Et propter vitam, vivendi perdere causas. Mors & fugacem persequitur virum, nec parcit Imbellis juventae poplitibus, timidoque tergo. Death strikes a coward in the back, as soon as a valiant man in the face. Good God, who broughtest all things out of Chaos into light, giving them order, form, and beauty: suffer not the Nimrods' of our times to reduce all things back again into Chaos. Suffer them not to pull down Zion, and build up Babel. Oh heavenly Daedalus, lend us thy Clue, to lead us out of this Labyrinth. The sum of all these Observations is this: In the Remonstrance, 20 Novemb. 1648. They endeavour to subvert the King, His Posterity and the Kingdom. In the 2, 3, and 4. Article of their Impeachment against the 11. Members. They profess themselves disobliged from any farther engagement in the Parliaments service: and have and do act according to this profession. Quaere. Who these men serve and what judgement the law gives upon them? PROLEGOMENA, OR, Selected Observations, explaining the general drift of the Remonstrance; and therefore set apart by themselves. Mayor White said in the Council of the Army at Putney, That shortly there should be no visible Authority left in the Kingdom but the power of the Sword. Though this was then in design, yet because he vented it unseasonably, before it was ripe for practise, he was expelled the Army; but soon taken in again, they being unwilling to lose a man of their own principles. 9 March. The Engagement of the fugitive Members [to live & die with the Army] was sent from the Lords to be approved by the Commons. Whereupon, Derby-house Projects, p. 7. (written by an Officer of the Army) saith, This was done to try the temper of the House, and if they had not approved it, they resolved to fly to their Arms and make a New Charge against their Opposers; for they acknowledge amongst themselves, That they rule by Power only, and that the House of Commons is no longer theirs then they over-awe them; and that they fear the Critical day will come, which will discover the Parliament to be no longer theirs, then while they have a force upon it. Observe, that upon these grounds the present design of this Remonstrance is, To make a new Charge, and dissolve this Parliament, and to make a new Parliament merely popular, without King, or Lords; consisting only of a Representative of the People, of their own choosing; for, the Army acknowledgeth none but themselves and their Faction, to be the People: all other men are but Amalekites, or the seed of the cursed, to be rooted out, that themselves the seed of the Godly, the Faithful only may inherit this good Land. And this New Parliament shall be accountable to the People, that is, to the Army. Compare the Remonstr: and the Declaration of the Army following it. So we shall be governed arbitrarily by a Popular Parliament protected and overruled by a standing Army: the Laws (which depend wholly upon the Authority of the Crown, for their defence, interpretation, and execution) being first plucked up by the roots: in the pulling down of Monarchy, look about you Englishmen; you have fought for Religion, Laws, and Liberties, until you are cheated of them all. THE END. THE ROYAL OAK OF BRITAIN