A VINDICATION OF THE ENGLISH CATHOLICS FROM THE PRETENDED CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE LIFE, AND GOVERNMENT OF HIS SACRED MAJESTY Discovering the chief lies & contradictions contained in the Narrative of TITUS OATS.  
The 2. Edition with some Additions: & an answer to two Pamplets printed in defence of the Narrative.  
JTEM A Relation of some of bedlow's pranks in Spain, & Oat's Letter concerning him.  
Nec nobis ignominiosum est pati, quod passus est Christus: nec vobis gloriosum facere, quod fecit judas.  Cyp. Epist. 55. 
Permissu Superiorum.  
M. D.C. LXXXJ.   

A PREFACE TO Mr. I. PHILLIPS.  
SIR.  
VEry lately, and all most at the same time, I received two Pamphlets both written against my Vindication of the English Catholics; one by you, the other without any name: I intent in this second edition to answer what is material in both, althô this Preface is directed particularly to you, 1. Because you name yourself. 2. The other speaks more to my Vindication, you more to me, & for that reason may in civility expect a return. 3. Because you pretend to more intimacy with me, then ordinary, to be my bosom friend, & to know the secrets of my hart, & my Concessions too: for pag. 13. you tell the world; I abhor the King in my hart; and a little after you say: I never call the King sacred, but I receive Absolution. This expresses a greater familiarity, than Oats pretended with the jesuits: if you go on, you may stand fair for a witnesses wages, & vie with the pretended Doctor himself, in the Art of Discovering Plots.  
Notwithstanding all this you declare that you know not who am, & seem very much concerned to find it out. Pag. 2. In the first place, it behoves us strictly to examine who this Titan of a Vindicator is, & pag. 44. you must come, & tell us who you are. In fine all, that you can discern of me, is contained in these words; pag. 2. There is no question to be made, but that I am a Roman Catholic. So all your strict enquiry affords you no further light, than which serves to discern my Religion. But as for my Person you know not whither I am little, or great, black, or white, a Germane, Indian, Spaniard, or English. And yet you boldly assure you know my hart, when you do not know my face!  
You blame me for using uncivil language: I wish you were less obnoxious to that blame. You say pag. 5. We Profess a profligate Religion, a vicious & misshapen mixture of Ceremony, & superstition, that will not pass the muster of common Reason. And p. 48. A religion of no credit, founded upon forgery, a sort of Devotion, that no man of Reason can admit into his Beleif, or Conscience: in the practice diametrically contrary to all the precepts of Christ, Our Saints to be sported with, as the train of Heathen Deïtyes. Transubstantiation rather to be contemned then disputed against. Our mi●a●les as fabulous as Mandauil's travels. Our Pomp, Pride, Luxury, Sodomy, infamous. Our superstitions, & Ceremonies Foppish, & Ridiculous, Infine a Religion vilified with our own mouths.  
Of all our Clergy: pag. 9 they are Dunces, Block heads, Ignoramus, stupid Theologists, & opinionated head strong Mules. pag. 12. Bloody Canaille pag. 17 obstinate, wilful vermin Item. apacke of Knaves pag. 43. Fugitives, Traitors, & conspirators. Homines triobolares, Propertius' Damae, Tressis Aga●ones.  
Of a Venerable Prelate pag. 9 He life's under the ill character of an Exile, a Renegado, he hath renounced his Allegiance: a hedge Archbishop.  
Of myself. p. 12. Fop of a Vindicator. p. 20. nick a poop of a scurritous Vindicator. p 23. Pumpkin of a vindicator. p. 31. pitiful, idle, nonsensical vindicator. p. 41. Caitif of a Vindicator. & Priapus of a vindicator p. 11. Poor silly wood pecker. p. 21. fool & Concombe. p. 26. I shall be canonised for a fool. p. 30. Fool, & will turn changeling. p. 29 hardly worth hanging. p. 44 Empty skull, hollow perioranium. p. 27. My brains are drier than bricks. p 34. & 35. Brain of a Tailor. And as if English did not afford ribaldry enough you borrow of Greek, Latin Italian, & French a supply. p. 37. Afinego. p. 41. Chenalôpex. p. 43. Monsieur Homme de rien, & Pomarius Hercules. Infine p. 18. that I am not worthy to hold an urinal, to D. Oates, or feed his hogs. And you seem in that place to reduce all my good qualities, to two heads: fool, & knave. I will leave the later to you & your pretended Doctor: & for the other, the more I deserve it, the more credit will be given to my words: for fools speak the truth.  
These are the ornaments of your civil language, when you blame mine, as uncivil. Did I not perceive, that you are well stored, with such coin, I should think you would be soon out of purse, you spend so freely. But you have an Indian mine of such metal, & a mint in your Brain.  
I find no cause, given by me for all this riboldry, but 1. that p. 2. I said out of Pamphlet that Oates' Phisognomy was an Index to all villainy, & that a lettred man may read Rogue in his face. And 2. that I call his untru Depositions, Lies. To which I answer.  
As to the first: I cite my Author, out of whom I cite those words. I am certain they are there: and am not further concerned, whither true, or false.  
To the 2. seeing the Depositions are false things signified in word, with an intent to deceive: which (as you say p. 18.) is the definition of a Lie, I thought I might put the Definitum, for the Definition, his Depositions being of that nature. And though the word ought not to be used in civil company, to a man of honour, or honesty, yet in a speech directed to Mr. Oates, who shows so little of either, I thought it myht pass, no other of the like signification occurring. Yet seeing they are not only known untruths spoken with intention to deceive; but also confirmed by Oath, I shall hereafter term them Periuryes. It may be this word will less offend your tender civilised ears, If not, I know not how to help it: for we must either not speak of things, or call them by their names, a boat, a boat, a spade, aspade, & a Perjury by its proper name.  
You tell me p. 27. You expected I should have shown my wit & Rhetoric, the cream of my Eloquence, have strewed flowere, Metaphors, & sorites, & have gored the Doctor with forked Dilemmas. Elsewhere you reproach me, that I show no reading, cite no Authors, etc. And upon this you ground all those Characters, which you give of me, Sot, fool, Dunce, Blockhead, etc. And had I done so, you would have blamed that, & have said, that Truth stands not of need of these meretricious dresses, to make her seem lovely: & that all was to delude the Reader. Thus whatever we do, whither we Pipe, or mourn, we must be blamed. Learned Sir, when I began that work, I looked on it not as a combat of wit; but of Truth: I designed not to show my learning; but our Innocency: Nor to compose an Oration; but an Affidavit out of the Attestations of Persons of known integrity, to confute the Periuryes of one infamous man. I say infamous, for so he is, in the eye not only of Catholics who know his Depositions to be false: but likewise of the far greater part of Protestants themselves, some where of though deserving nothing less have felt the weight of his tongue, & the malice of that Faction, whose jnstrument he is: & others hitherto untouched, may justly fear the like.  
What a piece of Pedantry would it be, not to speak of water without citing Pindar's commendation of it, telling what Philosophers held it to be the first principle of all things? that Moses was taken out of it in scriptures, & Venus in the Fables: what Poets say of Neptune, and Thetis, & how Mathologists understand them? etc. who could with patience hear a man upon the naming of aboate, or ship, run up to the Argonauts, & to Noak's Ark: should then endeavour to show when sails, when the Rudder, & when the compass was first in use? How long men kept to the shore? when Audax japeti genus first launched into the deep beyond all landmarks, without any other guide, but the stars, & should lard into his discourse shreds of Poets, & Orators, Latin & Greek & make up his speech as a beggar's coat, of patches? This you seem to require of me: & would with much more reason have condemned me, for it, as an impertinent Pedant, & a babbler without sense, or reason, had you found any such thing in my Vindication.  
We speak of matters of Fact: viz, whither Oats was at S. Omers all April, & May 1678, as we say with truth; or went into England, (as he falsely deposes) to assist at a Consult of jesuits in London? What light, to decide this question, can Homer, or Ennius, Hesiod, or Plautus, Orpheus, or Virgil, Moses, or Esayas, or the Psalms, the Greek of Latin fathers, give in this question, which they never mentioned, & where of the greatest part died before S. Andomarus himself was borne, All were removed to another life, before Oats his being at the town which bears that name? To what purpose should they be produced, as witnesses in a cause, of which they knew nothing, & therefore must stand mute, unless we take the freedom with them in matters of fact, as your Ministers do with scripture in points of Faith wrest their words to what sense, we please, not only besides; but contrary to their true meaning?  
Discourse is as use less in matters of this nature: for by what topicke can you prove, that Oats went into England, in April 1678. with Sir Robert Bret, & Sir john Warner? Or, that Mr. Blundel carried about with him in London a bag of Tewxbury Meestard balls? Nothing but sense can decide such matters, & the Depositions of witnesses, to which I have had recourse, & from which you endeavour to withdraw me, by provoking me to show wit, discourse, & learning: As we may believe those Philophers did, who denied motion, & that snow was white.  
I am so far from joining issue with you in this manner of reasoning in my Vindication, that were I to write it again, & had all the Erudition of S Hieroms. the strength of wit of S. Austin, & the Eloquence of S. Chrisostome, I would not use them. And if any where your objections occasion me to discourse, or cite Ancients, it shall be with that moderation, as shows I do it unwillingly. I had rather be censured as an Ignoramus, by such as you, then as a Pedant by the learned, & judicious: who k'now with Aristotle that it is equally irrational to require Demonstrations always, and never to admit them. Wherefore do our laws in England require categorical answers in Trials, cutting off all Rhetorical digressions? was it to conceal the Truth of Fact, from the eyes of the Jury? or because they judged them both unnecessary, & unuse full & therefore the way of witnessing by word of mouth, when Persons were present, & Affidavits, or Attestations when they were absent, was established?  
I suppose you will deny that S. Paul that vessel of election was either fool, or sot; yet he took that way, which I did, as may be seen Act. 24 for being accused of raising sedition against the jews, & profaning the Temple. His answer was: I arrived here only twelve days ago in this time I never entered the Temple, but purified according to the law. I never made any Conventicles, or unlawful assemblies, either in the Synagogues, or the City. And they cannot prove what they charge me with. He says he was not where they said he was: so do we of Oats, that he was nether at Madrid, nor Paris. He says he attempted nothing against the Temple: & we say we never, attempted any thing against the King. He says, he never made any unlawful assemblies; so do we. He assured the jews could prove nothing which they charged on him: we say the same of Oats, & you to boot, Sir: you can not prove any one material point, of the Narrative, which we deny; nor disprove any one material point, which we allege in our defence: for after near three year's toil, you are as much in the dark for your proofs, as when you first began, like a horse in a mill, always moving, never advancing What reason doth S. Paul confirm his denial which? what scripture, what Philosopher, what Poet, doth he cite? no more of that in him, then in us. If you dare, dart your Censures of Sot, fool, & hollow Pericranium, at him; or spare us, who imitate him.  
I must confess, I find a precedent for your proceeding, & that recorded in scripture too: for Herod with his courtiers mocked at, & despised Christ, for alike reason, as you do us, for not answering his curiosity. Luc. 23.11. You see whom we initate; & who is your pattern. I may say, as S. Cyprian on alike occasion: Nec vobis gloriosum est facere, quod fecit Herodes: nec nobis ignominiosum est pati, quod passus est Christus.  
Thus much may sufficise for an answer to your sucurrility, & Billings gate language. I shall not take notice hereafter of any thing of that nature. I leave you to learn more civil discourse, for your own sake, it being more undecent for you to speak, then for me to hear such language. I am yours etc.  
Postscript. One word to Anonymous: so I shall call the Author of the Account of my vindication. pag. 5. he complains, that by asserting our Innocency, we render the British Nation odious, & contemptible in the eyes of other Countries. He is very much mistaken: we do not accuse the Nation, but a factious part of it, who by this buzzle hope to gain more Power than is due to them; who by the noise of Popery alarm the People, & awe (I fear) both court, & the sober part of the Parliament we need not inform externes how things are carried in England relating to Papists: the public Gazettes speak enough, to disgrace ten Nations. I think it our duty to let you in England know what opinion the learned world abroad hath of your proceed. Cease to accuse Innocents', & these will be silent: If you continue to condemn us as Traitors, althô we are not such, we satisfy the utmost rigour of the Law, by suffering the Death of Traitors in obedience to the King, as Christ, & his Apostles did in obedience to the Emperors. But to require of us, that we should own ourselves Guilty, when we are not so, to be offended, that we should attest our Innocency, is more than any Law Divine, or Humane requires, it is what the Pagans never exacted of the Primitive Christians, nor the jews, of Christ.   

COURTEOUS READER  
THE Pamphlet, I here examine, is singular in its kind. It is an Original: for its Author found none to copy, & I hope none will ever copy him. No Work of the Ancients so like this True Narrative, as Lucian's True History: both are alike True, per Anti Phrasin. Yet there are these differences betwixt them, that the True history is Witty; the True Narrative stupid: that delights; this grieves: that Laughs; this bites: that as Innocent, as a lie can be; this as malicious, as the Father of lies could desire. Lucian in that intended only to recreate those, who never did him any good; Oats in this designs the ruin of those, who never did him any hurt; but intended him much good, if his bad nature had been susceptible of good advice.  
J. P. p. 7. He does well, to confess it is an Original, for than we are sure it is Authors own.  
Answer. I grant it is own, not only as to the composure, or form; but also as to the matter, which he is as much Author of, as Homer, of what he relates in the battle betwrixt the frogs, & mice, or Heliodorus of what he writes in his Aethiopica.  
I never saw the Man: & so can know nothing of him, but by hear say, & his Works, which discover sufficiently his better part, his soul. In a Pamphlet 
(a) Scanned. Magn. p. 24.  his Phisnomy is said to be an Index to all Villainy: & that any Man of Letters may as plainly read ROGVE in his face, as in his Brother Bedlow's shoulder. It is certain, that he being presented with many others, to receive the Sacrament of Confirmation, to the Bishop of S. Omers, his Lordship stopped, when he came to Oats, vutill he heard, he belonged to the English College, & was presented by its Rector. The stop was noted by all present. The reason of it he was pleased to declare afterwards: viz, that he doubted whether Oates' hart was prepared to receive the Holy Ghost, the spirit of love, in whose face he perceived signs of great malice.  
J. P. He Berogues the man he never saw, upon trust: the more knave he for pains: for he is not certain of it.  
Answ. I am certain the Author cited by me, says it, that is enough for me, who vouch him for my warrant, & profess I speak only on his word.  
He styles himself Doctor of Divinity, & says, he commeneed Doctor at Salamanca. Which cannot be: for 1. he never was at Salamanca. 2. none, but Priests, are admitted to that degree in Catholic Vniversitys, & he never was Priest. He writ to the Archbishop of Tuam to give him Holy Orders, 
(b) Attest. A.  but was refused, by reason of the very ill Character, which his Gracec, had of Oates' life & manners, for which he was afterwards expelled the College of Valladolid. 3. He never had learning sufficient for any degree in a Catholic University. At Valladolid from the 18. of October, when schools begin, till his dimission (soon after) he went as a scholar, to Logic. At S. Omers he was put to Rhetoric, & in that school there were many better scholars than he, althô by reason of his age superiors did not exact of him that attendance in schools, & punctuality in Themes, as of others. Now is it probable, that one, who had commenced Doctor in Salamanca, & to that intent had performed his Exercises in Philosophy, & Divinity, with applause, should be put to begin his Logic amongst the junior sophisters, or learn Humanity amongst school Boys? His Doctorship, & Papists Treason were both hammered on the fame Anuil his own Brain: the one by his Pride, the other by his Malice.  
J. P. p. 8. q. The Doctor says to the first, he was at Salamanca. Answer. Had you accepted the challenge of the accurate Autbor of the compendium of the trials, & sent to Salamanca, you might have discovered, whicher says Truth: & if you found he had been there, you had showed one truth, which we gainsay. But that is not your business. He told the lesuits at S. Omers, that he had been Burser of S. John's College in Cambridge. I think the best, & indeed the only way to know whither he said true, would be to consult the College itself. If you know any better, impart it to us.  
J. P. He says to the second: one, who was only a Clericus minor, was made Doctor. Answ. He may as well be a Clericus minor, & Priest, as a jesuit, & Priest, the Clerici minores being a Congregation consisting Chiefly of Priests, as well as the Society.  
J. P. to the third he says, our Graduates in our Vniversitys, are Dunces, Blockheads, Ignoramus's; Ergo he could not rejected for insufficiency. Answ. He never was proposed, for a Degree, nor ever was thought fit for it. He began his Logic at Valladolid, & his Rhetoric at S. Omers, & the scholars of those, whom you call Dunces, were his masters, is it likely, that the jesuits should procure him to be made Doctor of Divinity, & after send him to schools amongst the school boys, to learn the first principles of Philosophy, or his Grammar?;  
J. P. Fenwick's papers witnessed before the Lords, that the Charges of his commencement were paid by the Society at London, Answ. show this, & I will yield the whole cause. Let me tell you, Sir, that this is an untruth, & deserves to be ranked with those of Oats. Few such would qualify you for a King's evidence, & deserve a Pension: & if you have none yet, it is want of friends; not merits.  
Anonymous p. 7. Our Attestations run upon negatives, and aught to have no effect upon the Positivity of an Oath. Answ. Suppose Oates should positively swear he was on such a day at york before the Mayor & Aldermen in the town-house, where he heard them speak Treason: by showing the Attestations, first, of the said Persons & others present, that he was not seen there by any secondly by producing those of some at London, who saw him, would not his false Deposition be sufficiently confuted? Doubtless if the Accusations regard a Protestant. Now because this accusation falls on Papists, how ever it be in a like manner disproved, it must stand good. Why so? They have no better & some they will have: as the wolf resolved to worry the Lamb, whither he shown himself harmless, or not.  
His ignorance in the things he speaks of, proves that he never was employed by jesuits. He says, 
(c) Colman's trial. p. 27.  he had seen the name of the General of the jesuits forty times, & that he knew his hand, & seal. Yet he never hits the name right, althò he vary it, as often as Prekering did the charging of his gun. Sometimes it is d'Oliua 
(d) Colman's trial. p. 27. & Narrat. p. 58.  sometimes it is de Oliva; 
(e) Irland's trial. p. 28. Langh's trial. p. 11.  in the french translation of Colmans' trial, it is Di Oliva, that De being french, & Italian. Yet all miss the true name as may be seen by the Letters taken in Mr. White's Chamber, & in any College of the Society, in which are at least the Patents of the Rector. And as for the Seal, he says 
(f) Colman's trial p. 27. & Langh's trial p. 11.  the Inscription is I. H. Σ. with a Cross. Yet there never was a Σ in any Iesuits seal. And not one of those letters are the Inscription of the seal. Two of them with a third are the substance of the seal: the Inscription contains the Office of him, who writes the Letter, & sometimes the place of his Residence. Which may be seen in the Patents of the Rector of S. Omers produced in open court at the Old Bailie, as to that of the General. Many other instances of his ignorance in Iesuits customs will be taken notice of hereafter. All prove he never was employed by Iesuits, & weakens not a little the credit of the Narrative.  
J. P. p. 11. It is frequent to sue persons by names mis-spelt: yet such a misnomer doth not invalidate the Action. Answer. Is it frquent for a Lawyer not to know the name of his Client? Or for an Ambassador, that of his Prince who employs him? If not, the improbability is not answered: seeing Oats pretended to have seen the hand, so often: received, & distributed commmissions signed with it, etc. And I dare say that those who have either heard, or seen the true name, & compare it with what Oats hath deposed, will be apt to think, that he never either read, or heard the name, so far doth he rove from what it is.  
J. P. p. 11. Through out the whole Narrative; the Doctor doth not tell the jnscriptions of the jesuits seal: concerning the form or fashion of the seal there is not one syllable. Answ. I do not say there is in the Narrative; but there in Colemans & Langhornes trials, as you cannot deny: & those discover, that he never saw the jesuits seal. To this you say nothing (nor Anonymous nether,) but call me poor silly wood-pecker, who come to work with dull tools. A very satisfactory answer! Oates pretends to have distributed God knows how many commissions sealed with the seal of the General of the jesuits: I show that is not true, for he never saw the seal, as appears by his ignorance of what it is. Hence follows also, that Oats was perjured twice swearing that the seal had a Σ which never had any. And more, that he little regards what he swears, seeing he swore without any necessity, what was to him uncertain, & only conjectural. I expect some answer to this: & all I find, is that it is adull tool. If you have many such answers, you would do well to print them, I assure you, all the natural, & artificial Logic in the world affords none such.;;  
Nothing can more weaken the credit of a witness, then speaking contradictions. Truth, as having a real ground is all ways the same; falls hood, being built only on fancy, changes as this doth. Now Oates' contradictions are so frequent, that it is an endless work to reckon them all. I will give here some Instances: he says, Irland's trial p. 18. that three or four days after the Congregation he returned to S. Omers (which must be within the month of April, or first of May, seeing the Congregation was ended on the 26. of April, & stayed there till the 23. of june. Yet in Irland's trial. p. 24. he swears he was in England on the latter end of May. Now in reality he was for sworn both times; for he was in England neither in April, nor May. He swore, he had not seen Mr. Langhorn since April 78. in Colman's trial. After he swore he had seen him in july & August in Langhorns trial. He first declared to the Parliament he had no body considerable to accuse, besides those he had named; after he accused some of the very Prime, whom before he had not named  
judge hence what credit he deserves who is so evidently Perjured, as he must be once in each of those instances, unless he hath an Art to verify Contradictions which surpasses the Power of the Almighty. The Rule of the law says: semel, malus semper praesumitur malus, in eodem genere mali. A man once convicted of Perjury is always suspected of it: whether the conviction be by Legal sentence, or evidence of the Fact. The Apostle speaks of both convictions, 1. Tim. 5 24. Quorundam hominum peccata manifesta sunt, precedentia ad judicium, quosdam autem & subsequuntur. The sins of some men are evident before judgement, those of Others, after it. Whether in the eye of the law the first conviction is regarded or no, I know not: it is enough for me, the Holy Ghost regards it.  
I. P. p. 11. The feeble vindicator hath rifled the Compendium for this, & then sends me to the its answer: where besides railing I find nothing more than here. Then he tells his Reader, that with a scrap of Latin, & a Text of scripture, I think myself satisfied. Truly, Sir, your answer is so far from diminishing my satisfaction, that it hath increased it, because by it I perceive you can not answer to what I said: & I believe any rational man will judge you speak loud, & say nothing to the purpose, yet hope, that your clamour & confidence shall supply the want of reason.  
Anonymous. p. 8. Certain persons have examined the Trials, & find the Passages not so directly contradictory, but that jngenuity, & good will may reconcile them. A pretty piece of no sense! They are contradictory; but not so contradictory, as not to be reconciled by good will. They are it seems Contradictions, this he grants: how are those circles to be squared? By a good will. How so? Doth the Doctor accuse a Papist of Plotting Treason in April at London? He must be believed, to have been there, & the Papist hanged for it. Doth he accuse an other of treasonable words spoken at the same time at S. Omers? Oats must be believed to have been at S Omers then, & that Papist hanged too. Now how are these things believed, which are contradictions? A good will doth it, a will I say, to hang all Papists, that are brought to the Bar.;  
Again, the manner of his Accusation is such, as any knave who dares tell a Lie, & confirm it by Oath, by it may bring any man or men how Innocent soever into question. We have a long story of Treasonable words spoken, & Treasonable Letters waitten, by several, who all protest they never heard of any such thing, till Oates' Narrative appeared. And althô the greatest part of these Letters were sent by the Common Post, yet not one line appears after so long & diligent search, to confirm the Deposition. I lately learned from a printed Pamphlet that one Packet with Letters of that nature was sent from London to Windsor for Mr. Bedding field: which had it fallen, as was designed, into other hands, would have been used as a Confirmation of the Plot, and an evidence against Papists. But by a singular Providence of Almighty God, he passing accidentally by the Post Office as the male arrived, called for his Letters, & finding in these such unexpected horrid contents, he humbly beseeched à very great Person to carry them to the King: and at the same time assured him, they were not written by the Persons, whose names were subscribed. Who writ them, God knows: and Mr. Oates, Kerby, and Tonge were they thoroughly examined, would discover. Mr. Beding filled did, what was his Duty, in getting them conveyed speedily to the K. The Author of them is alone answerable for the Treason, they contained. But he hath his Pardon, which secures him from the justice of Man. I wish by true Repentance of these crying sins he may avoid that of God: otherwise he will be deceived, for God is not to be mocked. Gal. 6.7. Or as Mr. Whitebreade said, he will do himself more harm, than others have suffered from him, though that hath been a great deal.  
J. P. p. 11. Grants that any Knave by an Accusation how improbable soever, backed with an Oath, will bring any man how innocent soever, into question. But Accusations, says he, of that importance as are contained in the true Narrative are too high attempts to be carried on by ordinary Knaves; but only such extraordinary Knaves, as themselves. Answer: We carry on no Accusation in the Narrative; but are accused in it, from one end, to the other. Oates is the only Accuser; & seeing none could carry that Accusation on, but an extraordinary Knave, you own him to be such a one. I readily subscribe to you: I grant him to be a Knave of the very first. Magnitude, that he is not to be paralleled in history, that he is singular in Knavery, as well as his Narrative in Untruth. Yet so as yourself come very near him, who undertake his Vindication. And for company sake you may take in, your vnbaptized nameless Brother. And althô I compared him to judas in my title page, I must grant he far surpasses that witness, by persevering in his Knavery: for judas having brought to Death one Innocent man, was troubled presently with simple scruples, & not being fable to endure the reproaches of his Conscience, for grief hanged himself. Our Knight of the Post's Knavery is of a more manly Temper, it is of a Bow die, it never altars: his Conscience is hardened against all remorse, as his fore head against all shame. The dismal thoughts fryghted him a little at their first appearing, as the Devils did julian, another Apostata; but by custom they are become familiar, & a subject to Glory in. He deserves to have that quality engraven upon his Tombee Stone: Here lies the second judas, that extraordinary Knave, in the Opinion of his Vindicator, I. Philip's. Wither you slept, or prevaricated here, I know not: certainly you spoke a great Truth against yourself.;;;  
My relation of the Packet directed to Mr. Bedingtild doth displease both I P. says, I have it out of a Pamplet scribbled by one of my confederates: Anonim. says it is out of our Printed Pamphlets. And sends me to Kerby's, & Tongue's Narratives. Answer. I had it out of the case of the E. of D. p. 15. & 16. That Nobleman will scarce thank either of you, for calling him our Confederate. If the Narratives of Tonge & Kerby contain all they know of that Packet, we need not seek further for its contents, the Letters being of their composition, jointly with Oats. It is worth the enquiry, how otherwise they could give that Earl notic of that Packet in Oxfordshire soon enough, for him to come to windsore almost assoon as it.  
How to reconcile these Vindicators to one another is as hard, as to reconcile them to truth. J. P. p. 12. Beedingfeeld knew a packet lay for him at the Post house, & sent a friend for it, not daring to fetch it himself. Anonymous, p. 9 Beding field waited the coming of the Mail, contrary to custom. J. P. Bedinfild, having delivered the Letters, shifted for himself; Anonymous; Bedingfild stayed to Represent the whole matter as a Forgeery. I will leave them to confer notes, if they did it not already. Althô all conferrng of notes is unsufficient, where it is against Truth; as appears by the success of the witnesses who disagree notwithstanding their collation.  
I intent to follow the de deponent step by step, without omitting one §. or Item, unobserved: & what I say shall be confirmed by undoubtedly true Attestations: for althô in Equity our Denial ought to be preferred before his Asseveration accompanied with so many contradictions, or even without them seeing In dubio favendum est Reo, potiusquam Actori. Yet I will wave that Title, & Prove irrefragably what I advance, with such evidence, that unless our Aduersaries shut their eyes very hard, they shall see our Innocency & the Wrong done us.  
J. P. 12. It is utterly denied him, that, In dubio savendum est Reo potius, quam Actori. Which is as much as to say, that whither we be, or be not guilty, we are to be hanged.  
I give a summary of each §. for greater clearness, in which I omit nothing material, wittingly: except only several seditious, & Traitorous words of his Majesty's sacred Person: Which tending only to lessen that Reverence, which by all Laws Divine & Humane is due to him, shall never be repeated by my mouth, nor pass my pen. It is not without danger, that they peep abroad, when so great a part of our commonalty have lost so much of that Veneration to his Majesty, to the Royal Family, & to the Government. Certainly they were never spoken by any Papist, Monk, or jesuit: wherefore many suspect Oats to have heard them from his Father during his youth, & to be the Relics of the Dirt, which the seditious Rabble gathered up during the Troubles; & which now is again dispersed, (with what design, is easily guest) althô it be done under the name of Papists, that the Authors may avoid the rigour of the law. I will not answer for the Truth of this judgement, but certainly it is not Rash.  
J. P. p. 13. He will not repeat the traitorous words of his Majesty's sacred Person, that is to say, he owns them all to be true. Answ. You imitate Oats very perfectly, drawing Treason out of the most innocent words. Let mine be read over again, & see whither there be one syllable importing an approbation of those Treasonable expressions? or owning that any English Catholics were guilty of them? which is another Calumnye. I expressly deny, that ever Papist, Monk or jesuit spoke them. I say none but the seditious Rabble (even in the time of troubles, when Rebellion was Paramount, & the King termed the Common Enemy) reported such things, & that it is dangerous to spread such things, when so many are ready to shake hands with their Allegiance: & that not to offend in the same nature, I would nether in word, nor writing mention them. And candid Mr. Philip's will thence infer; that I own them to be true. Yet I do not much wonder at it: for having made scripture teach Treason, it is not much you should make me speak, it, althô nothing be further from the true meaning of both.  
J. P. next gives us a charge of what some did against Henry 3. & Henry 4. in France. That Claude Matthieu, was called the Courier de la Ligue. What is all this to the English Priests, who were not borne then, & it may be they condemn it as much, as any of the Ministry? Dic jam postume de tribus Capellis, speak to the businessein hand, charge us not with other men's faults, of which we are not guilty; confine yourself to our Personal Actions: or own, that in them you find not matter sufficient for our indightment.  
Did I foresee these Observations would be offensive to any in Authority, & need an Apology, I would follow Cato's advice, & suppress them. But I think no Authority concerned in it, but that of Titus Oats. The Lo●ds Spiritual & Temporal in Parliament assembled ordered the Printing of it. And we are so far from opposing that Order, that we think ourselves highly obliged by it: because by letting us know what we are accused of, with the Persons conspiring. Time, & Place, where, & when they Plotted, etc. we are enabled to vindicate ourselves, which was impossible, whilst we heard nothing but the general Terms, of Plot, or Conspiracy, Popish Nobility, & Gentry, Priests, Benedictins, or jesuits, etc. At the end of this Narrative we find the name of one Magistrate, sir. E D M. B. Godfrey: but he only attests that it was sworn before him, which may be true, though the thing be falls in every part. Dr. Tonge, & Chr. Kirby are also subscribed as Witnesses to Oates' Oath, & no more. Yet if my Intelligence deceives me not, they had a greater hand in all, than I will speak at present.  
J. P. p. 14. 'tis well enough; for though this sentence be an Impudent reflection upon the supreme Authority of England, yet some compassion may be showed to his pretended Blindness. Answ. This is unconcevable, that it should be well enough, & yet be an Impudent Reflection upon the supreme Power. Sir, I examine Mr. Oates' Narrative & I see no other Approbation to it, but that of the Parliament ordering its printing. I do not examine the Trials, nor censure the judges, or Jurye, I leave them to God, & their consciences, to see whither there was no hard measure. The True Narrative was not produced against any of the Prisoners: & when some of them alleged some points of it, in their defence, the thing was rejected, as no record, nor evidence. How comes it now to be so sacred a thing, when we attempt to answer it? What law forbids a man accused of a heinous crime, to vindicate his Innocency in the best manner he can? Doth not the denying this, much more odiously reflect on the Authority of the Nation, than all we say? can it be supposed, that any Law obliges a man to own a Gild, when in his Conscience he knows the contrary? Name the Pagan, the Turk, the jew, the Tyrant, who ever was offended, that an Accused Person should endeavour to clear himself. Do not all Prisoners at the Bar, answer, not Guilty? And what Court thought its Authority concerned in such an Answer? you speak in your address to the Lords, & Commons assembled in Parliament, of the Infallibility of their Counsels, granting to them, what you deny to the whole Church● Nay you ow●e in them a greater Infallibility, than Catholics Divines own in General Councils: for althô in matters of Doctrine we never question their Decrees; yet in matters purely of fact, such as these are, the Church doth not exact an interior assent. whence some Catholics have excused from Heresy the Persons of Origen, & Theodoret, not by questioning the malignity of the Doctrine charged on them; but endeavouring to show that they had not delivered it. Now you never saw, never shall see me vindicate the Crimes charged on us by Oats, which I absolutely own to be treasonable, & that whosoever is really guilty of them, deserves to die the Death; but we only say, that we are not Guilty of those crimes; nay quite contrary, that we detest them as much, & more sincerely, I fear, than Oats himself.  
I hope his Majesty will not be displeased with harmless endeavours to vindicate Persons wrongfully accused. I have learned of the Holy Ghost, Prou. 16.12. that It is an abomination to Kings, to commit wickedness: because their Throne is by Ryghteouness established. And I intent only to clear the Truth in this great debate, to make way for righteous judgements, that his Throne may be by them established; & not shaken by  shedding of Innocent Blood, whose cry is loud in the ears of the Kings of Kings, our Justice, & Merciful God. To him our daily Prayers are offered, that the Blood spilt under colour of this conspiracy; but for what real intent God knows, may like that of Christ, call for Mercy; not, like that of Abel cry for justice, or Reveng.  
J. P. 14. What is all this clamour for? Only for putting to deserved Death a company of varlets, & vagabonds, who deserved to have been hanged, only for being within his Majesty's Dominions. Answer: If you hold all for varlets, & vagabonds, who are forbidden by civil Powers the entry into some country, so many, & those so venerable for sanctity, will be such, as will even honour these otherwise infamous names. Were not the Primitive Christians such? & the Apostles? & Christ himself, was he not forced to conceal himself, & fly, until the time designed for his Passion, & the Redemption of of the world was come? S. Paul. Hebrew. 11. having spoken of some, who endured as catholics have done, mockings, & scorn, & bonds & imprisonment: that were stoned, sawed asunder, slain with the sword: of others, that they wandered about in mountains, in deserts, & in Caves of the Earth. Doth he conclude as you do, that they were varlets, & vagabonds? quite contrary: of whom the world was not worthy. You see, Sir, how different your sentiments are from those of the Blessed Apostle. I know from what Gospel you learned this Antichristian Paradox: Hobbs is your Apostle, & his Leviathan your scripture. He, is the Holy Ghost, who inspired these Principles into you.  
Yet if granted what you pretend, that Priests deserve to be hanged for entering into his Majesty's Dominions: Do they deserve to be hanged for attempting upon his sacred Person? Can not a Priest be there, but he must of necessity plot his Death? Have not some served under his Royal father, when such as you (for any thing I know) fought against him? Did not some of them concur to the saving of him after worcester fight? why may there not be some others still alive of the same Loyal Principles? Now suppose there be some such, how can all be charged, as Oates doth, with treasonable practices? For 1. it is an untruth; 2. it is an untruth in a matter of greatest moment. 3. It is a Perjury. I know not, whether Hobs' Leviathan iustifyes all this but I am sure the Gospel of JESUS Christ doth not.  
But are only Priests accused in the fabulous Narrative? Are there not some Lay men, Commoners, Gentlemen, & Noblemen? Sure there are, will you style those varlets, & vagabonds, who deserve to be hanged for being within his Majesties Dominions. Have I not occasion enough to fix on you some of those titles, which you so liberally bestow on me?  
In fine: the Apostles & their Disciples asserted their in nocency against the Pagans, & jews. The Apologetiques of Tertullian, justin, Cyprian, Athenagoras, for the Christians are still extant; as also the writings of Cyril of Alexandria, Basil, & the two Gregoryes against julian: & we never find the Pagans offended with those Labours. Why should you represent our state in England more severe than all those mortal enemies of the name of Christ? Did not writing against Papists in this time as another Baptism Sanctify all Persons & things, & remit both the sin, & the penalty due to it, I should apprehend that so odious an Aspersion would not pass unpunished.  
Defence of Life, & good name is commanded by the law of nature. Should we by silence seem to admit the Reproaches, of Traitors, Conspirators, Plotters, King-killers, etc. we were unfit to live in any state, Conscientia mea mihi necessaria est apud Deum, says S. Austin, Fama apud proximum Our first care must be of a good Conscience; our second, of a good Reputation. The first recommends us to God; the second, to our Neighbour. None can deprive us of the first; without out own fault: but experience shows, that the second depends on other men. Yet we are obliged to maintain it against all Calumnies, by all lawful means, having as much right to it, as any man hath to his estate, or life, unless we forfeit it by some real fault, which we do not acknowledge in this particular To comply with this Duty offensive to none who seek justice, in defence of justice I undertake this work. Having given thee an account of my design, I will hereafter direct my discourse to the deponent.  
Here my two friends J. P. & Anonymous join in one verdict that we are not fit to live in any state, & therefore have been banished out of several states. But 1. what doth it concern the whole Clergy & Lay Catholics, that jesuits have been banished? I speak for all of the Catholic communion, & you answer one part of it hath suffered banishments. 2 If I suits themselves were banished some Countries, they were not banished others: why should not the approbation of some other countries as well ground an opinion of their fitness, as the condemnation of some others of their unfitness to live in a state? 3. those very states, who banished them, recalled'em. And why should not this later sentence, reversing the former deserve to be considered?   


CHAPTER I. Observations on the Epistle Dedicatory.  
Mr. OATES.  
IF all you say in your Narrative be true, if the Conspiracy be real, the ruin of City & Country, the Death of the King, the change of Government, & slavery of the Nation were designed as you Depose upon oath, & if your Zeal of the Weal Public moved you to make this discovery: if it be an effect of your inbred indelible Loyalty to King, & Kingdom, you may challenge not only a Gracious Hearing from his Majesty; but an ample Reward, as one who by that honest endeavour hath preserved his Person from Death, his Government from subversion, his Royal City from fire, & his subjects from Destruction. But if the Plot be feighned, the whole Information a heap of Lies, the accused Persons Innocent, nothing against King or Government, City or Country designed, your address to his Majesty criminal: you may justly fear the Punishment du by Law not only to Liars, & False witnesses, but also to the disturbers of the Public Peace: as having by your lies disturbed the City, disordered the Government, alarmed the Kingdom, & been cause of the Death of many Innocents', for no other intent then to supply your Wants out of the Public Treasure, satisfy your Malice & desire of Revenge with the sword of justice, & feed your Ambition, with the vain title of Saviour of your Country.  
So the quality of your Address depends on that of your Depositions. If these be true, no Reward can be too great: If falls, no Punishment but will seem too little; as no crime can be greater than yours, except that of attempting immediately upon the life of his sacred Majesty: for next to that in esteem of the world, is the Public Peace, which you have endangered, if not broken.  
To this my nameless friend professes p. 10. he willingly subscribes to. But Mr. J. P. p. 14. & 15. is resolved not to let it pass so. And it would make the Philosopher who never laughed but once, when he saw an Ass mumbling thistles break his spleen, to see how he tumbles & mumbles this in his mouth, & at last finding it too hard for his rotten teeth, he is forced to let it pass whole: for once we will grant it. Yet before, thus he wittily descants upon my words: If all you say in your Narrative be true, if the Plot be real,— then so. But if the Plot be feigned— then so. And then adds a Devout Prayer that all the Gods & Goddesses provide me a Barber. This is the first attempt: here is an other: If it be so,— it is so— If it be otherwise— 'tis otherwise. from whence you argue: If the Logic of S. Omers, be no profounder, it may easily be fathomed. Sir, it is so deep that your line is too short to sound it: That Logic is better than London fooling.  
You boast of your inbred Loyalty, which nether your Education under a Father inferior to few in hot blind zeal for the good old cause, nor your words in familiar discourse confirm: What sense you have of Loyalty appears by your words here, for you call concealing Treason, & concurring with Traitors, (the subject of his Majesty's Pardon) Humane frailtyes, as if you esteemed them little Peccadillos' venial trespasses, scarce sins.  
J. P. p. 15. He came from his Father's Education to you to S. Omers for breeding: why did not you teach him better? Answer. Did your Salamanca Doctor of Divinity come to learn breeding at S. Omers, amongst School boys? You will find it harder to answer this question, then for me to answer yours: we taught no better, because he was capable of no good instructions. What is bred in the bone, will not out of the flesh. The first noisome tincture could never be well purged out of that vessel: & for that reason he was cast out, that he might not annoy others.  
Anonymous. p. 10. thinks I indict Oates' father, & vouches Cornelius Agrippa for it, a man who was dead before either of us was born: & so could speak much to the purpose doubtless.  
Papists many Encroachments upon Princes for these thousand years, prove, say you, their Inclinations for the future. What will the Encroachments of Presbiterians, sine they appeared, prove? who have shaked not Kings; but Kingship, not Monarches, but Monarchy itself? which Encroachments were carried on with that stubborn violence, that they produced worse effects in four years, than those things you mean of Papists could in all probability have done in four thousand. To prove this, we need not examine Records, or read Histories; our own memory furnishes examples enough, which should not have been so lightly passed over, had not his Majesty by an unparalelled act of Mercy forbidden all speech of them, nor mentioned, did not your Impudence oblige me to it. Ets● coram hominibus dur● sit f●ons tua, erubescit coram Deo mens tua. Your conscience gives the lie to your words, how confident soever they seem. The disorders, which happened in Catholic times are like an Ague in the spring, painful not dangerous, & Leave the body more healthy, then before: Those of Presbiterians, are like Putrid fevers, or the Plague, which leaves scarce hopes of Life.  
J. P. p. 15. The encroachments of Presbiterians are no excuse of the encroachments of Papists. Answer. neither did I allege them as such; but only to show whence Monarchy is most endangered: and to admonish our Pilots, that to avoid a few floating reeds, they run not their ship upon a rock.  
You are offended, I say that Disorders of Catholics are like Agues in the spring, painful not dangerous, & leave the body more healthy than before: those of Presbiterians are like Putrid fevers, or the Plague, which leaves scarce hope of life. Yet look on hystories, & you will find my words true in both parts. The Baron's wars left the Authority Royal much better settled then before: so did the commotions of jack straw, & what Tyler. That betwixt the two branches of the Royal family seems to me no rebellion, the titles of the two parties were disputable, & a King was fought for by both sides; yet that ended in Monarchy too. So France after its civil wars in the time of Henry 3. Henry 4. & Lewis 14. was composed under Monarchy much more absolute, then ever. Whereas the Presbiterians cast down King, Monarchy, house of Lords, Bishops, etc. when did Catholics broach such Anti-Monarkicall principles, as appear of late? That the King is but one of the three estates. That it is not treason to take arms against him, unless it be against the other two estates. That the house of Commons made the King. That the succession of the Crown depends on the Parliament. etc. It is nether the Tiber, nor the Seine; but the Leman Lake, & Holland Bogs, which send forth these Pestilential vapours. They were not heard of in our nation, till some Sir Politic would be, began to dance the Geneva gig. What hopes of life, where the body politic abounds with such peccant humours?;  
I must take notice of your Presbiterian honesty in citing my words, I said, Papists Rebellions were like spring Agues, painful; not dangerous you p. 15. l. vlt. make me say: nether painful, nor dangerous. As if there were any Agues not painful. This dishonest shif show that my vindication pinches hard, & gives you no real ground to confute it, seeing you are forced to falsify my words, before you can answer them.  
Anonymous p. 11. after saying much & proving nothing, concludes that Rebellions of both Papist & Presbiterian are bad enough. Answer: we agree in that: may I say they are too bad; but the later are still worse of the two. He advices us to change our Principles, for his: but doth not tell us what those are. The passage from a Protestant to a Presbiterian is as natural, as from a Caterpillar to a Butterfly: there are in ward principles in nature for this, & in Doctrine, & Religion for that. Which both experience & reason show, & a Presbiterian is half a commonwealth man, ipso facto. He may therefore conclude for the embracing our Principles  
Lately in the low-countrys one (such a friend to jesuits, as you are) charged them with the first murder in the world: for Cain & Abel were their scholars, & the master gave them a playday, that Cain might wreak his malice on his Innocent Brother. Nay the eating of the forbidden fruit was charged on them too: for another jesuit Confessor of Eve told her she might eat it without scruple. With a like reason you accuse Papists, of what? why, it is known K. james escaped not their poison. To whom is it known? & by what Revelation? Those of that time are silent. The Parliament held a while after charged the fact upon a great Peer, no Papist. But K. Charles I. who had best means to discover the Fact & most reason to examine it declared there was no such thing. Upon what Author of equal credit, is your knowledge grounded?  
J. P. is silent here. Anonymous attributes the charge of Abel's murder, to a sneaking monk; as if there were no other men in the Low-Countryes. Then he citys whole pages out of the Mystery of jesuitism: to as much purpose, as if he had cited Tom Thomb, for this would as well have filled up the Page.;  
You pass then to charge Papists with our late barbarous wars: which were you wise, you would never have mentioned. Because the Papists in those hardest times complied with their Duty to their K. & Country; & Presbiterians failed in all. The Papists, say you, were the contrivers of the unnatural war. The true Authors of it had a far different opinion: who began their Rebellion by disarming Papists, carried it on by the death of Priests, & even some laymen, who f●ll into their hands, & would have ended it with the extirpation of them all, if fear of their fellow rebel, the Independent had not diverted their thoughts from seeking the ruin of others, to seek their own preservation. Name one Papist who bore arms against his Majesty: thousands according to their duty fought for him. This the Rebels knew, & therefore where they prevailed, Papists were persecuted either as public enen yes, or private spies. Yet you say they were chief Actors in the Rebellion! How many lost their ●●ues in Battle? How many were killed in cold blood? How many lost their estates by confiscation, or then Liberty by imprisonment? How many were banished their Country, merely for being Papists? we would be silent in these matters, & rest content with the Testimony of a good conscience to God, & the Glory of having done our Duty, before men, did not your slanders force us to remember them.  
Wherefore to your impertinent questions, I give pertinent answers. Who contrived the Rebellion? Presbiterians. Who inflamed Parties, & Passions Presbiterians. Who carried on the War with Purse, & hand? The Presbiterians. Who broke the Uxbridge treaty? the Presbiterians. Who imposed the Covenant? The Presbiterians. Who defeated all designs of Peace? The Presbiterians. Who enslaved their Country? The Presbiterians. Who ruined the King? The same Presbiterians; For it was wisely observed by an understanding man, that the Presbiterians Killed the King: & the Independants murderer Charles' Stuard.  
The Presbiterians laboured indeed to hinder the last horrid Act of tha● Tragedy: but their past, & following Actions persuade, they did not this cut of love to their King; but to themselves. For they entertained no serious thought of restoring his Majesty till they found the sword, which they had wrenched out of his hand, stolen out of their own by their younger brother Rebel, the Independent, & felt the smart of it on their own shoulders. And when they offered it to its Right Owner, it was on such Conditions, as should lock it in the scabbard, & keep themselves the Key: so as it should be ne●ther drawn nor used but by their Directions. Yet these are your Assertro● of Monarchy which they bind up hand & foot with Chains: & Papists its Enemy, who leave it the full Liberty of the Law.  
Keep then the Dirt of your Rebellion which you still love to yourselves; throw it not at others who hate it by a Principle of Religion. Your lives were by law forfeited, for treason: & you enjoy them only by the King's gracious Pardon. When you pretend to Innocency you renounce that Pardon, & forfeit that only tenure of your breath, & make yourselves obnoxious to the Penalties due by law to Traitors.  
I P. p. 16. rifles all histores he can think on, copied chiefly out of E. C'S Narrative which having been answered already in a particular book, may excuse me the trouble of writing it over again. Yet I will answer you in brief. The Presbiterians in Parliament began with disarming Papists, & persecuting them, as they did of late. Then they proceeded towards the rest in his Majesty's Dominions, & threatened to destroy all in Ireland root & Branch Thus they were the true causes of that horrid Rebellion. Let us hear the late King: The preposterous rigour, & unreasonable severity, which some men carried before them in England, was not the least in●entiue that kindled & blew up into horrid flames the despair of discontent.— Despair being added to their former discontent, & the fears of utter extirpation to their wont oppressions, it was easy to provoke to an open Rebellion, a people prone enough to breaks out to all exorbitant violence,— The Rebels were exasperated to the most desperate Resolutions, & Actions by being threatened with all extremityes, not only to the known heads, & chief incendiaries; but even to the whole community of the nation: resolving to destroy all root, & branch men, women, & children. Thus his late Majesty. By whom you see the charge of that Rebellion is brought to the Door of those, who promoted that preposterous rigour, & severity: & who those were I need not tell you. And the readiness, with which the Irish accepted a Cessation of Arms, when without it, the Protestants would have been destroyed, as the King said, shown that they sought only self preservation; not Destruction of others.  
As to the Albigenses, & Piemontois they were Rebels to their natural Princes: & suffered as such; not for Religion; but for open, & actual resisting them. And as for that common reproach of a Clement, & Ravaillac, we may as easily find a Polirot, & an Andelot amongst the Huguenots. It is no more reproach to a great body to have had a wicked villain of it, then to the Apostles to have had a judas. Yet if this were a reproach, you are more obnoxious to it.  
I leave your seditious doctrines, & come to your practice: you came into the world like the Cadmean brood all armed, & your several Princes almost assoon felt your hands, as they saw your faces. In Geneva, you cast of the authority of your Bishop, Prince of the town. In higher Germany you shaked the Authority of Charles V In lower Germany you withdrew many Provinces from the Obedience of their King. You usurped upon Rudolphus the Emperor in Transiluanta, upon Christiernus in Denmark, & upon Sigismond in Swedeland: you fought for the Crown of France against Francis II. Charles IX. & Henry III. In Charles IX. 's time you coined money in the name of one you held for King.  
In England you set up jane Grey against the lawful heir Queen Mary. You bore arms against another Mary Queen of Scotland, brought her into restraint, forced her to depose herself, & fly her Country: kept her Prisoner nineteen years, & at last barbarously put her to a violent death by the hand of a common executioner, a thing till then never executed on a sovereign nor since, but by yourselves on her Grandson. Your perpetual insolencies against your Sovereigns, your encroachments on the Royal Prerogative, & the seditious maxims you advance, are known too well both at home, & abroad. I challenge you to show, that ever any Catholic designed upon his Prince what you have acted on yours Charles I. Remove this beam out of your eye, before you point at a moth in ours Thus much to J. P.  
Anonymous charges the commotions in Scotland on Papists, because Richelieu had a hand in them. Which althô supposed to be true, yet is nothing to the purpose. For that great Prelate, & Minister of state, was a subject to a foreign Prince, not bound by any Allegiance to any, but his own Master, whose interest he was obliged to promote by all lawful means: & he did it to the astonishment of all the world. Why did that Prelate address himself (if he did so) to Presbiterians; & not the Professors of his own Religion? The reason is clear: he knew the Catholics to be so fixed in their Allegiance, as no art, no promise could remove them from it: & the Presbiterians to be mere Gunpowder, so that the least spark would set them on fire, & blow all to pieces. And your Apology itself is a sufficient proof of this: doth a foreign Minister of state hold up a finger? The Presbiterians take arms. Is a discontented party at home stirring? The Presbiterians grow insolent, & labour not to oppose either foreign, or domestic enemy; but to humble their King, still ready for sedition, never wanting will, but power, or rather occasion to do mischief. Yet it is these are the men, whom you commend for their Loyalty! I think Princes have little reason to desire all their subjects should copy them.;  
One thing I add, that the Prologue to all their Tragedys, is, & hath ever been, a clamour against Popery. In Scotland 1637. In England 1642. & those designed lately 1680. Their first attacke is upon Papists, & Popish Lords: the next upon Popishly affected, & Bishops: & the third upon the King. So that when you hear the cry against Popery, you may conclude the Faction is teeming.  
You accuse joseph Simond, & Carleton Compton offering a thousand pound for his Majesties discovery after his escape at Worcester for no other reason, but that you know the names of no other jesuits then alive. At that time they were both at Liege, the one Perfect of studies, the other Master of scripture: & both together had not one pound at their disposal. Your own Father can inform you of Others nearer home both able & willing to disburse that, & a much greater sum for a work so advantageous to the good old Cause.  
A Convent of Benedictins, say you, was maintained by the Usurper, & Manning of the same Red letter was executed for treason. That Convent must be in Viopia; for in the known world there is none such. Manning whilst a Catholic had faithfully served his Prince: & began to be a Traitor, when he ceased to be a Catholic, as he declared before his Death.  
By your honesty in relating things done in the sight of the sun, & known to all men, we see what credit you deserve in things done in corners & known only to yourself.  
J. P. p. 16. Whether it were joseph Simonds, & Carleton Compton or no, it is no matter as long as it was a Papist. Which is just as to say, whether Oates speaks truth or no, it is no matter. You vindicate very well! How do you prove that any Papists did offer that sum. Can we think, that those who had furnished such vast sums to carry on the war against the King & Papists, & when money failed, brought in their wife's Thimbles, & Bodkins, when the work was completed to their hands, should have a Cramp in their hands & expect till the Papists wheeled about & supplied them? You have undertaken a very hard Province to make good all Oates' dreams: & it is not to be wondered you should speak so little sense to the Purpose.  
Anonymous is pleased very disingenuously to charge three untruths upon me. The first, that I said I knew those nearer hand as able & willing, as Simonds & Compton, to give the 1000 l. I said only that Oats signior knew them.  
The 2. by my answer I would have it thought there were no such men as Benedictins in the world. I said only there was no Convent of theirs mantained by the usurper: I know very well several convents of theirs; but none of them had a maintenance from the usurper.  
The third that I pass my word for Manning's honesty whiles a Papist. I said only, that he declared so much before his death.  
You ask very wisely: What Arguments can persuade them to be true to their Natural, who profess Allegiance out of conscience to a foreign contrary sovereign. I answer readily: no English Papist doth so. The Pope, as a sovereign, is no more regarded out of is Temporal Dominion by us, than the Duke of Parma or the Prince of Monaco. We consider him only as the chief Pastor, head of the Church on Earth, successor of S. Peter Vicar of Christ: & that in spirituals only; for in Temporals he is not obeyed, as appears by the practice of Catholic Kingdoms. And in this sense he is Foreign to no part of the Church, all making one Vinyard in which he is the Chief Workman, one family of which he is the Father, one body of which he is the head under Christ God Blessed for evermore.  
Anonymous here says little: but I. P. speaks enough for both p. 17. These are his words: I say Bellarmin thou liest: for if the English Papist do not so, he is no Papist; but a mongrel.— It is the positive Doctrine of the Papists that by mere Divine Right, the Pope is supreme, & sole Monarch of the world; & that all Monarches & Princes are his Vassalls: which includes his authority in temporals, as well as spiritual. And then citys for proof some words of a Legate to an Emperor. that he held the Empire at the Pope's pleasure. Where it is hard to say whether his ignorance or his confidence be greater. His Ignorance in advancing as appoint of our faith what nether is, nor ever was an article of the Catholic Faith. His confidence, in speaking as if it were ex Cathedrâ I will not say; but ex tripod, as of a thing not to be doubted of. The mean while let him but either at Paris, or Madrid, or Vienna, or Venice, etc. say that the several supreme Governors are Vassals to the Pope: & I will undertake to defray all he shall spend out of those towns, on his return: he will hear another lesson, & that Papists are not Mongrels. His two reasons are proportionable to the rest. The first is: thou Liest. Very elegant, & strong! his other, the words of the Legate, which weigh little with Catholics, who own no Obedience to, & own no infallibility in any legate whatsoever. So, Sir, if you damn over ten times more, yet nether myself, nor any English Catholic doth acknowledge that article of our Faith: that the Pope by mere Divine right is sole Monarch of the world, & that all Monarches are his vassals  
Then you lay down the Person of an Hystorian, & take up that of a Privy counsellor, & very gravely advice the King to trust to, & rely on his Parliament, (which hath proved sometimes such a staff to our Kings, as Egypt was to Israël, Ezech. 29.6. & 7.) not to erect an Imperial Paramount self-end, or lust, nor to Rule by Will; but by law: that it is more stately to be King of Kings (that is a King without subjects) than a King of slaves, so you are pleased to call those who obey the lawful commands of their sovereigns. Where it is hard to say whether is greatest, your Presumption in giving these seditious advices to his Majesty, or your Folly ïn thinking them necessary, or your Malice in presenting them, as if they were. You had seen yourself represented as king, in a Pack of Cards, & would willingly be so in reality: that the King's state might be greater, not by commanding, no have a care of that; but by being the first amongst such Kings as you would be.  
And how long you will let him be, first, appears by your following discourse: The chief end, & work of all supreme Powers being to suppress Vice, & encourage Virtu, which is done by banishing all Vicious Livers (such as the D. Of York) from their Presence & Converse, & advancing the Virtuous (such as yourself, & D. Tonge) in their stead, By the neglect of which principal part of their Royal Trust & Office, Princes DEPOSE themselves as USELESS before God, & their own conscience, what ever may be their state, and Glory in fact & by humane laws, & Power before men. Before: you raised yourself from the condition of a Private man, to that of a King; now you lay a Principle to bring any King to the quality of a Private man, by making his Royal Authority depend on a Condition morally impossible: for such is that of banishing all Vicious Livers, (who in all states are the greatest, though not the best part of the whole) & advancing the Virtuous in their stead. Seditious Doctrine. Wherefore I leave it to Authority, to be abolished by Public Fire.  
I pray God, your study & Prayers for the long life of his Maejesty, & the Peace & Felicity of his People be sincere. I know none who have endangered the loss of those Blessings, more than yourself by your Lies: which I now Will begin to discover, having sincerely wished that you may truly Repent, & make due satisfaction as in conscience you are bound.  
J. P. p. 17. says nothing to this: not knowing I suppose how to excuse ehter the Parliament of 1642. at which I hint, or Mr. Oates' words from Treason. Anonymous is content p. 14. & 15. to transcribe Oates' words, & leave them to shift for themselves. I think they took the wisest course; Though not the honestest: for they finding the words presumptuous above excuse, & evidently treasonable, they should sincerely have acknowledged so much.   

CHAPTER II. Two untruths in the address to Reader.  
TO tell untruths seems as natural to you as breathing: Nothing come from you without them: which this Preface shows. For you say  
It (the Narrative) was presented to his Majesty, the thirteenth of August last. This is falls: for it contains things, which as you say, happened on the 3.4.6.7. & 8 of September following, as may be seen from § 76. to 81. inclusiuè.  
J. P. p 17. thinks he hath squared this circle, by saying the deponent presented it privately, and undiscovered till the 8. or 9 of September. But did his remaining undiscovered, inspire him with a Prophetic spirit, to fore see on, or before the 13. of August, what would happen near a month after? Here is the difficulty: to which his being, or not being undiscovered signify no more, then wearing a grey, or black suit of Clothes.  
Again: It was sworn upon Oath on the sixth of September following, before Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey by yourself. Another untruth: for page 62 yourself & sit Edm. B. Godfrey assure it was sworn on the twentith seven of September.  
J. P. ibidem: This is false: the date signify only that it was sworn; not that it was sworn that day. One of us two here must be guilty of speaking an untruth known to be such. Let us recur to the book: pag. 62. Titus' Oats, Clerck maketh oath— witness his hand the 27. day of September 1678 Titus Oats. September 17. 1678. sworn before me— Edm. B. Godfrey. That maketh in the present tense, deserves to be taken notice of: which is enough to decide the cause.  
You see what pitiful shifts the good man is put to, to delude his Reader. Being conscious of his bad cause, he imitates Orators in a bad cause who, as Cicero says, recurre to clamours, as lame men to horses. Here is a prodigious yelping, & bawling, says he, beyond all the yells, & dines of Green Hastings & Maccha rel.— The lesuits are a pack of knaves that must be looked after. The vindicator a great knave, a pitiful, idle, inconsiderate both fool, & knave: not worthy to hold a chamber— pot to Mr. Oates, or to feed swine. I believe the impartial Reader will think you worthy, to be put to either of these two offices: & will be ready to recommend you to such a Preferment. I hope you would give more satisfaction to yourself in either, then to your Reader in this Chapter.  
Anonymous is not so furious. To the first he pretends that the deponent plainly declares it was only part of it, that was delivered as is above specified. Well sir let it be a part of that which was presented on the 13. of August, still what I said, was true, that this was presented on that day And indeed the Deponents words are clear: I here present thee with a short Narrative,— It was presented to his Majesty the 13. of August last Now I ask, whither that It, imports the larger narrative, which he promises, or this part. If this part: I have my intent. If the whole, that whole contains this part: & so I have again my intent.  
To the second untruth he says, that I should have searched other pamphlets in which I might have found, that he swore the original on the sixth of September & afterwards swore many copies together. But seeing he names no Pamphlets, where this deep secret is to be found I believe he had none. Indeed he is less to blame, than the Hector J. P. for he owns, he had nether means, nor leisure to be rightly informed. He might have then held his Tongue, rather than in matters of fact, to shoot at rovers.  
Yet he will retaliate, & score up two untruths on me, as I did on Oats. The first, that himself, the Deponent assures, it was sworn 27. September. When the Deponent says no such thing. Ad paenam libri. pag. 62. of the narrative he says, Titus Oats Clerk maketh Oath— the 27. day of Septemb. 1678 The 2. that I refer to fol. 62 When if I had put on my specta les I should find it only the 60. folio. And I desire him to put on his spectacles, & he will find it is, as I cited, (not folio but) page 62. So I am clear from those untruths, & they lie still at Mr. Oates' door. O, but in your book it is otherwise say you. You should have done well to have told us, whither you live on this side of the Line, or no, that we might with less trouble consult your book: althô your confident advancing of untruths shows you live in England, where they abound, & flourish more than in all the world besides, since they are watered with golden showers. For my justification it is enough, that in my book it is, as cited, & mine was printed by Parkhurst, & Cockerill, by Oates' appointment.  
By this your Reader may guess what sincerity he is to expect from you in the following Narrative, of which he meets so little in your Address to him. Indeed your writings like the Cadmoean brood fight against, and ruin one another. They arelike Chimeras, which being composed of Contradictions, one part destroys the Other.  
I have been longer in this point, to give my reader atast of the sincerity of these two worthy Champions, of Oats. Let him by this foot measure their body, by this essay, judge of the piece.   

CHAPTER III. Periurys contained, in the seven first § §. which contain his informations from spain.  
PAge 1. §. 1. R. Strange Provincial, I. Keynes, B. Langworth, I. Fenwick, & Mr. Harcourt, jesuits, writ a Treasonable Letter to F. Suiman about their contriving 〈◊〉 Rebellion in Scotland of Presbiterians against Episcopal Government. And that Mat. Wright, W. Morgan, & Mr. Ireland, were employed to preach as Presbiterians to the Disaffected Scots. etc. Observation. Here are two Periuries. The first, that there was ● letter with those contents. There never was any such letter. See attestation G● And it appears it could never be: for it never was practised amongst jesuits, that many should sign their names with the Provincial, see Attest. C. And I desire this betaken notice of, the same mistake frequently occurring, whence we ma● see how little you know of jesuits letters.  
Your other Perjury, is that any were sent to Scotland. No English jesuit wa● ever sent thither. As for those three you name: M. Write was infirm & thought Consumptive, & went to England for his health, & was shortly after recalled t● finish his studies. M. Morgan never was in Scotland nor out of England all that yea● The same of M. Ireland.  
J. P. p. 18. wonders I should deny that any English jesuits went to Scotland to raise a rebellion, seeing there was a rebellion soon after. He takes it seem● for undeniable, that no factious man in the three Kingdom's designs any thin● against the state, unless he have a jesuit at his elbow. It were happy for th● state all the rest were of so peaceable a temper, but I fear none but yourself are of that opinion: it is so contrary to daily experience. You are displeased● 〈◊〉 say the jesuits never use to sign many with their Provincial: & Anonymous fro● p. 17. to p. 20. inclusiuè,, out of the Mystery of jesuitism, endeavours to prove th● contrary, althô that libel speaks no more of many signing with their Provincial, then with the Great Mogul, or the Sophy of Persia. Well what I said, I s●● again: & I appeal to any jesuit in Europe, if they do not all unanimously sa● there nether is, nor ever was in the Society any custom of many signing 〈◊〉 same letters, I will yield the cause.  
Narrat. p. 2. § 2. At Burgos the Deponent broke up the said letters 〈◊〉 found those contents in them. Observe. Here is another Perjury: for seeing there w●● no such letters, you could not open, & read them.  
J. P. p. 19 This is just their silly pleading at Newgate. Answ. There more honesty, & reason in this pleading, then in your discourse: for how could Oats read those Letters when there were no Letters of that nature? Prove first there was any such a thing, & then there may be some possibility, that Oats in this was not perjured. But you will prove that ad Grecas Kalendas so till then we shall be conceived, that Oates is guilty of that crime.  
Anonymous p. 20. This Booby's play, they would never endure in a Protestant: why should we heed it in a Papist? Answer: here is a very expedite way, to confute all our Replies. Show one example, when a Catholic denied such a Play, as this: there were no such letters: ergo they could not be read: & erit mihi magnus Apollo. The mean while, fear the Reader will judge, there is more of the Booby, in those that deny; then in those, who grant that consequence.  
I think it not necessary to take particular notice of such trifling answers, as these, which yet are the greatest part of both the Pamphlets. So unless something material occur, I shall hereafter spare the Reader the trouble of reading them.  
Narrat. pag. 2. §. 3. R. Ashby, R. Peter, N. Blundel, & Ch. Peter sent twelve scholars into Spain, as appeared by their Patents, eight to Valladolid, & four to Madrid who were obliged by the jesuits to renounce their Allegiance to his Majesty of Great Britain, in the hearing of the Deponent.  
Observe. Here are many Periuryes. The 1. that the students were sent by four jesuits. Their sending is always by the Rector alone, and in his absence by the Vice-Rector, & none else meddle with sending any from one place to another.  
The 2. that this appeared by their Patents. Never any Patents amongst jesuits had more than one name, whether made by a Rector, a Provincial, or the General. None but a Superior signs them: wherefore none of these could sign them besides R. Ashby he being the only Superior.  
The third, that they renounced their Allegiance to his Majesty. There is not one word of that in the Oath of those Colleges. All it contains is, to demean themselves peaceably in the College, to take Orders, when thought fit by superiors, & to return to their Country.  
The fourth is, that this renounciation was made in your hearing. The four sent to Madrid could not take the oath till they were there: & you never were there. Nether could you hear those at Valladolid: who did not take it till they had past a whole year in that place to try whither they would be fit, for such a Vocation. And for this reason it was never tendered to you because you had not been a year there.  
Narrat. p. 3. §. 4. D. Armstrong brought letters subscribed by siue jesuits. In which was expressed that the jesuits in London intended to dispose of the King within a year, & of his R. H. if he did not answer their expectation.  
Obseru. you have two Periuryes here. The 1. that those letters were signed by then the Rector. See Attest. C.  
The 2. that there were any such thing in those letters sent by D. Armstrong. see Attest. D. K. O. Q The Persons named Protest they never heard of any such thing till they saw the Narrative. And F. Thom. Fermor, one of the five pretended subscribers, was not then at S. Omers, nor had been there in seven years before. See Attest. K. And the book of Liege proves this, he being there all that time studying Philosophy, & Divinity.  
Narrat. p. 3. §. 5. F. Suiman writ that the K. of England was poisoned, & the Duke should be so too, etc.  
Obseru. Here is another Perjury: nether F. Suiman, nor any other ever heard any such news.  
Narrat. p. 4. § R. Strange F. Grace, & I. Keynes in a letter, (which the Deponent saw with the Archbishop of Tuam at Madrid, in F. Suiman's Chamber) said. They used all means to procure Persons to dispatch the King.  
Obseru. It is false 1. that ever R. Strange writ any such letter. See Attest G.  
It is false 2. that ever you were at Madrid. See Attest. A. B. L. On the 1. of june you arrived at Valladolid: & from that till the 30. of October, when you were turned out you never lodged one night out of the College of Valladolid, so unless you were in two places at the same time, you were not at Madrid.  
Narrat. p. 4. §. 7. At the same time in Madrid the Deponent saw a letter from R. Strange, F. Grace, Keynes, B Langworrh, I. Fenwick, F. Ireland, & F. Harcourt, which expressed their sorrow, the business was not done through the faint hartedness of their man William.  
Obseruat. here you continue in the same false story of your being Madrid.  
Another untruth is that many jesuits should sign a letter with their Provincial. Which I have often noted to be falls.  
A third, that there ever was such a letter. see Attest. G. & R.  
Narrat. p. 5. §. 8. On the 3. of Novemb. st. nou. P. Petro Hier. de Corduba Provincial of New-Castile sent a letter by the Deponent to R. Strange, which letter R. S. shown him.  
Obseru. Here we have many Periuries. The first, that P. P. H. de Corduba was Provincial of New-Castille, he never had any thing to do within New-Castille. And which is yet more, there is not in all the society any Province so called.  
Anonymous very disingeniously says, p 23. I will grant the jesuits of New-Castile are under the jurisdiction of those of old Castille. Whereas I said, the Provincial of Old Castille had never any thing to do in New-Castile. And I say it again: he hath as little to do there, as in Peru, or the Philippins. Which appears by the Catalogue of the Provinces of the Society, printed above forty years ago.  
The second: that he sent you from Valladolid on the 3. of November & there gave you the letter dated on that day. You left Valladolid on the 30. of October, & arrived at Bilbao on November the 3. see Attest. M. you are very unfortunate in timing your Depositions.  
A third, that ever there was any letter. see. Attest G. Who, (unless as shallow headed as yourself) can believe, 1. that the Provincial of Castille should with such a reward allure the English jesuits to attempt that which as you say he knew already they designed, & needed rather a Bridle than spurs in that business? 2. that he, whose Authority was confined to his Province, & could not dispose of any moneys belonging to it, but for the good of his own Province should dispose of such a sum for such an intent? 3. that he should trust you with such a letter, whom he newly cast out of the College, & sent thence disgracefully for your insuffrable qualities, & who was not taken for a good Catholic.  
Thus much for what you say of your Negociations in Spain, & the Treasons you heard or read there. How come you to forget those with D. john of Austria, which when your fable first appeared took up a considerable part of it I cannot guess; but am sure it was not omitted on a scruple of Perjury, otherwise you would have omitted the rest.  
J. P. page 20 & 21. thinks to defeat all our Attestations, by feigned case his ill luck is such, that the cases are no more alike, than an Apple is like an Oyster. He says: suppose I, & another as bad as myself, should steal a horse: the other escaping, I should be taken, arraigned the matter of Fact proved: & I should allege, in my defence, 1. that the Presbiterians stole the horse. 2 that I knew nothing of the horse stealing till I was indicted, & 3. that my confederate should give it under his hand, that I did not steal the horse. Then he asks very wisely, whither I think these occasions would save me from being hanged? And kindly invites me over to try conclusions: assuring me, Newgate is furnished with Dungeons, & Irons, for my entertainment, till I be thence sent to my Grave by hard usage or promoted to the Gallows. Dear Sir, we have reason to believe you have as great a kindness for the Roman Church, as Caligula had for the Roman Empire, you wish it had but one neck, that you might strike it off at a blow, or thrust it into one halter. Without any experiment, I readily grant, that Play to be ridiculous: and for it I should deserve to be twice hanged, once for a fool, if folly be felony another time for a Thief. But suppose there be no horse stolen, that none but an infamous perjured man should depose the Theft, that upon search, it should be found, that the hedges were entire, the gate untouched, & the steed feeding in the grounds, where his Master left him, in fine, that after all diligence imaginable, nothing should appear to confirm the Deposition of that Knight of the Post, and prove the fact, but his worthless word: that upon examination it should appear, that this fellow at the time, when the pretended theft is said to be committed was 200. miles off the place, where he swears he saw it, & that all these particulars could be proved by witnesses unblemished, I believe, Sir, you will not think it folly to allege these witnesses, & produce their Affidavits, for my discharge, in case they could not appear without danger of what befell to Honest Medbourne, or Mr. Gerard, who both died in New gate: I believe this defence would be regarded by a rational Iury. This is something like out cases.   

CHAPTER IV. Periuryes delivered from §. 9 to § 27. Containing what he heard & read at S. Omers.  
NArrat. p. 5. §. 9 R. Strange & nine other jesuits writ a letter to R. Ashby, that they had procured a man to stab the King at Whitehal: & if that sueceeded not, a Physician should Poison him. And that P. Leshee had procured ten thousand pound for it.  
Obseru. you deliver here two Periuryes. The 1. that R. Strange writ any such letter. This is most false see Attest. G.  
The 2. that nine jesuits subscribed with their Provincial. This was never done by jesuits. see Attest. C.  
To hear you speak, a man would think nothing more ordinary in jesuits letters than to write of poisoning, shooting, stabbing, cutting-off, dispatching, etc. Kings. Yet I hear that most or all their Letters of several years were found & perused by Authority, & not one word found insinuating any such thing. Which sufficiently confutes your stories of this nature.  
Narrat. p. 6. §. 10. The same Fathers writ other Letters to Leshee, with thank for his Charity, & care of propagating the Catholic Religion. Which Letters the Deponen carried to S. Omers, & thence to Paris, & delivered them into the hands of Leshee.  
Observe. your whole journey to Paris, is a Fable you arrived at S. Omers on the 10. of December stilo novo, & stayed there till the 23. of june, excepting only two days which you passed at Watten. see Attest. D. X. I hear that when you were asked in what house of the jesuits you saw P. de la Chaize (that is his name) you answered in the jesuits house, which is close by or next door to the King's Palace, the Lowre. If this be true, it shows you as great a stranger to P. De la Chaize, as by another answer it appeared you were to Don john,  
Narrat. p. 6. §. 11. R. Ashby showed the Deponent at his return from Paris a letter from R. Strange & others in London, showing that they had stirred up to Rebellion the Seots Presbiterians, & that 20000. would be in Arms, if France broke with England. That a way was made for french to land in Irland. That Irish Catholics would rise, & 40000. Black bills were ready for them.  
Obseruat. Here you have as many Periuryes, as Periods. for 

1. You never returned from Paris, having never been there. see Attest. D.  
2. Never was such a letter written. see Attest. G.  
3. No English jesuit ever dealt with scots Presbiterians.  
4. Nor Irish Papists disposed to Rebel.  
5. Nor any Blackbills prepared.  
6. Nor way made for French Landing.    
Narrat. p. 7. §. 12. F. By letters of the 18. of December it was specified that Thomas White, alias Whitebread was made Provincial; who ordered F. Georg Coniers to preach in the Sodality Church on S. Thomas of Canterbury's day agvinst the Oaths of Allegiance & supremacy; & exhorted the Fathers to stand by the new Provincial, who would be as Zealous to promote Religion, as his Predecessor.  
Obseru. you give here a whole covy of Lies. first Mr. Thom. White bread was not declared Provincial till the 14 of january 1678. so could not order that sermon for S. Thomas day in December, before he had any power to order.  
Again it is impertinent to say the Provincial at a distance should order, who should make a particular sermon. That is left always to the Rectors, who being upon the Places know the convenience, which each one hath for such a task.  
Thirdly it is falls, that he was ordered to preach against the Oaths. He himself & those who heard that sermon, protest there was not one word of the Oaths in it. And this appears in the Copy he keeps of it.  
4. It is a fiction of your shallow brain, to say that F. Coniers should be ordered to exhort all to standby their new Provincial. This was never practised. Assoon as the Provincial is declared & all acquainted with it, each one knows his Duty to him: & comply with it without any further exhortation. And if this should have been necessary, F. Con. would not have been employed in it, who (althô of excellent parts, & great expectation,) yet is amongst the youngest. Nether was the sodality Church a place convenient for such a sermon, this being a place designed for the Devotion of the scholars, whither the Fathets rarely come. As great confident as you make yourself of jesuits, you do not know the place, where their domestic Exhortations are made, at S. Omers. Lastly, those letters were of the 18. of December, say you, from London, which according to the Newstile is the 28. the day before S. Thomas of Canterbury's. I desire you to tell us, what man in his senses would write from London beyond seas, to be speak a sermon for the next day? And if any was so mad, how his Letter could be delivered in time, as you say this was, or else you are Perjured?  
Narr. pag. 7. §. 13. Thomas Whitebread & twelve others whom you name, & more whom you do not name by Letter dated the 26. of December ordered, that R. Ashby should write to F. Leshee that they had met to contrive the advancement of the Design of the happy Disposal of his Majesty, & of his R. H. if he answered not their expectation.  
Obseru. Your first Perjury is that so often noted, of many jesuits writing letters with their Provincial. Which is never practised.  
Your second, that Thom. White was Provincial on the 26. of December 77. he was not declared till the 14. of january following.  
Your 3 that there were in any Letter such contents. see Attest. G E Indeed if they had a Design to give such informations to P. Leshee, they would have directed their letters straight to him: unless you pretend they could not write Latin in which jesuits are seldom defective. But why they should send such a letter to S. Omers, thence to be conveyed to Paris, I know not except it were, with intention it should be shown to you, their great Agent.  
Narrat. p. 8. § 15. In the same Letter was specified that Richard Nic. Blundel was by Patent from the Provincial made Ordinary of Newgate to visit the condemned Prisoners: & to Catechise some youth in the City of London whom he teacheth Treasonable & mutinous Doctrines.  
Obseru. You here deliver many Periuryes, the first is that there ever were any such Letters, as I said already.  
The 2. that jesuits should become Ordinarys. Their being ordinary is a thing unheard of even in Catholic countries.  
The 3. That this was done by Patent from the Provincial. The Provincial gives no office by patent.  
The 4. That that Father (whose name you know not) should teach the youths Treasonable & mutinous doctrine. This is not only falls; but improbable also: & jesuits might be begged for fools, if they delivered such doctrines to Children, or youths.  
If the Provincial did employ one in works of charity, did order him to visit the Prisoners, sent to them some Alms, according to his ability, recommended to the same Person, to comfort the unfortunate condemned Persons in their desolate condition, to exhort them to sorrow for their sins, which brought them to that disgraceful end, & to prepare them to end well this miserable life if I say he did so, & did it out of these motives I know none besides yourself so great an Atheist as to blame him for it. The Thing is so conformable to right Reason, & so clearly recommended in the Gospel (Mat. 25.36.) that he must renounce both, who condemns it.  
Narrat. p. 9 §. 15. Other Letters dated on the 1. or 2. of january came to R Ashby from Thom. White, & others, ordering them to persuade the D. de Villahermosa, that the K. of England would not assist Spain in this war. That Fonseca sent his Letter to S. Omers from Bruges to be sent for Spain to inform that King, that the English Merchants endeavoured to transport their estates, & to advice him to seize on them.  
Obseruat. I will note here only two of your Periuryes: The first, that many jesuits joined to give those orders, & signed those Letters. Which was never done, as is often noted.  
A second that Thom. White as Provincial writ them. He was not Provincial, till the 14. of january, & came not to London, till about the 12 so could have no hand in these pretended Letters, dated on 1. or 2. as you say. But more of these letters, on the next §.  
You seem quite through your fabulous Narrative to represent S. Omers, as the centre of all jesuits Transactions & Letters. Those from or for London, Bruges, Brussels, Paris, Madrid, Rome, Vienna, Valladolid, etc. all pass that way. For what reason I know not, unless it were, because that great man, you Mr. Titus Oates, was there: for all who know S. Omers, know there is scarce a considerable town in the low country's worse served with Letters, then that, whilst it was under the Obedience of the Spaniards. Which is in some manner amended since it changed its Master; yet still it yields to most other towns of the same bigness in certain & speedy correspondence. Nether can you pretend it should be in consideration of the College, seeing that of Liege take places of it. But you were at S. Omers & as the loadstone draws Iron, so you drew all correspondence to you.  
Narrat. p. 10. §. 16. On the 3. of january in the after noon when the Letters above mentioned came from England E. Nevil, & Th. For nor in the jesuits library at S. Omers, said: they would not let ..... the King go to his Grave in Peace, & that the Duke's Passport was ready when be should appear to sail them.  
Obseru  you heard these words when the Letters were received, you never heard them, for there were no such Letters. see Attest. E. K. Q.  
Your untruths in this & the precedent article do interfere. These Letters were written at London, on the 1. or 2. let it be on the 1. it must be on the 2. early before they left London, & you say here they were received on the 3. at S. Omers, in the morning for on the afternoon you heard that discourse after their receipt. Now I appeal to the Post-Officers, whether Letters go at that rate, as to be in little more than 24. hours carried from London to S. Omers. Unless you will pretend that the Jesuits used some winged Mercury or Eastern Pigeons, for their Messengers. And if we consider that Letters from London are dated always according to the old stile, & days counted at S. Omers according to the new, those Letters dated on the 1. or 2. & received on the third must have been received 8. or 9 days before they were written. What think you, sir, Are not these pretry fables to trouble the world with?  
Narrat. p. 10. §. 17. Letters were sent by Richard Ashby & seven other jesuits of S. Omers, & by F. Williams, & two others of Watten to the Emperor's Confessor to acquaint the Emperor that the K. of England had treatherously plotted the ruin of the Confederates, & the Germane Empire especially, that he had sticred up the Hungarian Rebels, & found them money to go on with their Rebellion, etc.  
Obseru. There never was any such Letters or Letter as you mention. Not one of all those named by you ever received, or sent any Letter from or to the Emperor's Confessor. see Attest. E. K. O. Q And we need no further disproof of this fable then to see so many jesuits writing the same Letters: which is a transcendental fiction.  
Narrat. pag. 11. §. 18. Letters from Talbot Arch Bp. of Dublin expressed the vigilancy of jesuits in Ireland to prepare People to rise. That in case of war with France a place should be open to receive the French army, & that E. N. & W. B. carried this intelligence to F. Leshee.  
Obseru. All this is false. All the jesuits of S. Omers unanimously protest they never heard of any Letters but by the Narrative: & none went to Paris, on any such account. see Attest. E.  
Narrat p. 12. §. 19 Letters subscribed by Thom. White, turned the speeches of his Majesty, & the Lord Chancellor, & the votes of Parliament into Burlesque, & gave notice that Pickering's attempt upon the King miscarried, the flint of his pistol being Lose. Whose negligence afflicted them all.  
Obseru. I wonder you did not say, that Mt. White writ Lamentations on so doleful a subject as that miscarriage was: but that in such a doleful conjuncture he should be so pleasant, is very extraordinary to all, who know how far he was always from that joaking Levity. The mean while both points of this Letter were as great news to the jesuits at S. Omers, as to any in England, for not one of them ever heard of them, till you began to deceive the world with your Periuryes.  
Narrat. p. 13. §. 20. Charles Peter on the 29. of january spoke treasonable words of the late King Charles I.  
Obseru. Here is another of your groundless Periuryes. see Attest. O. The said Mr. Peter's protests he never heard nor dreamt of that foul Calumny till he saw your Narrative. Which confirms me in that opinion, that these stories you had from your Father during the troubles, which now you spread under the name of jesuits, to make them odious, & the Royal family contemptible. Let those to whom it belongs consider, whither this be suffrable in a Kingdom.  
In your following Items 21.22.23. & 24 we have nothing but your cold Cabbadge served up again, more Letters containing like treasonable matters. Against all stand our old exceptions: that never were any such Letters written Were ever any such Letters intercepted? were ever any such found? or any thing. like them? no. after two years & a halves search the world is as far from any light as at first: & all still relies on your worthless word, or more worthless Oath. All persons named to have either written or received those Letters protest they never heard any thing of them but from you. So I will score them all up together amongst your Periuryes: & pass to your 25. § where there is something new.  
Narrat. p. 16. §. 25. Th. White, & other jesuits writ a Letter on the 10. of March, in which were very reproachful contemptible expressions of the Clergy.  
Obseru. You throw here an Apple of Discord on purpose to sow Division betwixt the Clergy & the Society. But you will miss of your aim: for the words bear so evidently the Character of your wit, that we need not seek their Author. Nether Mr. White, nor jesuit ever spoke such words or entertained such undervaluing thoughts of that great Body, in which are many men admirable for learning & virtu, who by their infatigable labours have eminently deserved of God, the Church, & their country. Hence I am persuaded none of them ever harboured any suspicion of such words being really spoken being conscious of their own worth, & that they are above such unworthy reproaches, which none can easily believe were truly said of them, but who think they deserve them. Had you moderated your Malice, & mollified your expressions, you had found more credit, & by aiming at less hurt, would have done more. Whereas by overdoing the thing you have done just nothing; & your Calumny like the spe are in the fables cures the wound it makes.  
Besides this, we have those general exceptions against this pretended Letter First that many jesuits signed it, & secondly, that none alive ever heard of it, but out of the Narrative. see Attest. E.  
Narrat. p. 16. §. 26. The Deponent saw a Letter from Th. White, mentioning that Attempts had been made to assasfinate the King in the Park, & on his way to the Parliament by William, & Pickering, but opportunity did not offer itself: for which the former was chidden, the later had twenty strokes with a Discipline.  
Obseru. Here is another sleeveless fable, of which no body ever heard, but by your Narrative. I desire you to give the world a reason, why William should only be Chidden, & Pickering whipped? or upon what score Mr. White should be more meek to one, over whom he had jurisdiction, than another over whom he had none? For William was you say his man, & Pickering, was of another order. Again, why should he be angry with them if opportunity did not offer its self? If you had said, an opportunity presented itself, & was let slip, you had said something which might displease a man so hot upon that design as you describe M. White to be. I suppose in the fuller account, you threaten the world with, you will correct this absurdity, as you have done already some others, in this.  
To this I find no reply, but only in I. P. that Pickering was under the hire of the jesuits, & in Anonymous, that he was, a bigoted Priest. Which are as much to the purpose, as Grantham steeple to Godwinsanas, althô granted to be true: when really they are false: for Pickering was not Priest; but a Lay-Brother, & never was taken from the Chapel by jesuits.  
Narrat. p. 17. §. 27. Letters from T. White, & others of the 5. of April, gave an account, that W. M. & M. L. were returned from Ireland: who said 40000. Irish horse & foot were ready to rise at ten days warning: that many Persons had received Commissions from the General of the jesuits. And that the Provincial summoned a General Consult, to be held at London. And that the Deponent was summoned to assist at it, as a Messenger from Father to Father.  
Obseru. You have not a word of Truth in all this Item, except the calling of the Congregation which was not done in April but in March, to the end, those who were at a great distance might prepare for the journey: so even in that you embroder a  upon a true ground. F. Lovel never was in Ireland: nor F. Morgan in that, or the two precedent years The 40000. men were never any where, but in your addle head, & false Narrative. It would have cost you no more to have put 400000. & all had been alike true. Of the Commissions I shall speak here after. Of the Congregation, in the following Chapter.   

CHAPTER V Of the Congregation.  
THere having been an account given to the public of this Congregation, (which you impertinently call a Consult,) & not exception made against any part of it, as I am sure none can with Truth: I will give a summary of it, which shall ground our true Answers to your untruths.  
Provincial Congregations all over the Society are held every three years by their respective Provincials. And the year 1678. was of course assigned for them. So the Congregation was nothing peculiar to England, for the same time like Congregations were held all over Europe in each Province of the jesuits. And the like Congregations have been held by the English jesuits every three years, since they were a Province by themselves, & will be, as long, as they continue so, unless some very extraordinary thing hinder it.  
The intent of these Congregations is expressed in these words of their Constitutions: Ad eligendos tertio quoque anno Procuratores. Formulâ Congreg. Prou. c. 1. p. 51. to choose one whom they call Procurator to go to Rome, to inform their General of their private affairs. For Confirmation of this I appeal to the Constitutions of the jesuits which are in the hands of many Protestants & may be found in S. Paule's Church yard (as I hear) & to the Testimony of any jesuit living.  
The number of which it is Composed is not to exceed forty: which is made up out of first the actual superiors; secondly the Procurators of the Province: thirdly, so many of the ancientest Professed Fathers, as with the others make up that number. And of just so many that held in 1678. was composed.  
This Congregation had but two meetings on the 24. & 26. of April, stilo veteri. And several of those who met, on that very day 26. of April left the town: all hastened away assoon as possible. The Rector of Liege had the longest journey, yet was at that place on the 16. May stil● vet. (as may be seen by the Day book of that College) althô he had a very slow passage by sea, stayed one whole day at Rotterdam, another at Antwerp, & a third at Brussels.  
The truth of all these particulars concerning the Congregation will be attested by all those, who were present at it, & are still alive. I now return to review what lies our Deponent frames on this occasion.  
Narrat. p. 18. §. 28. April the 24. 1678. still. nou. F Warren, Rector of Liege, Sir Th. Preston Baronet, F. Marsh Rector of Gant, F. William's Rector of Watten, Sir john Warner Baronet, Sir Robert Bret Baronet, F. Poole, Edward Nevil, in all with the Deponent about nine or ten, went from S. Omers towards London.  
Obseru. Here you give us almost as many untruths, as words. For first the Rector of Liege was not of the number, nor near S. Omers. At Antwerp he took shipping for Holland see Attest. I.  
2. Sir Thomas Preston never stirred all that time from Liege. see Attest. H.  
3. Sir john Watner remained at Watten, & supplied the Rector's place. see Attest. F.  
4. Sir Robert Bret, F. Pool, Edward Nevil, & you Mr. Oates, continued at S. Omers see Attest. D. E X.  
I think it superfluous to mind the Reader of your contradiction in relating your fellow travellers, having convinced you of so many Periuryes already. How in Colman's trial p. 29. you make Pool a monk & one Charges of the number, yet I am assured there are no such men in the world. And you made of two Rectors four men, (or else your Arithmetic is like your sincerity) for so you reckon: The Rector of Liege, F. Warren, the Rector of Watten, F. Williams. And you say they were nine, & unless these two make four, there will be but seven. I intent chiefly to examine your Narrative, & so pass that over.  
Narrat. p. 18. §. 28. These met in London in Consult with john Fenwick, F. Blundel, F. Grace, & others, to the number of Fifty jesuits, at the White horse Tavern in the strand.  
Obseru. Here you Depose three unthruths. The 1. that these three Person I named were of the Congregation. Not one of them was there.  
The 2. that there were Fifty jesuits. There was only forty, & according to their Constitutions could be no more. Form. Cong. Prou.  
The 3. that they met as the White-horse Tavern. They are all ready to swear they never met there: several have protested to me they did not know of any such Tavern in the strand till you informed them of it.  
Narrat. Ibidem. At which Consult held in the month of May the Deponent was present to attend the Consulters, & delivered their Concerns from Company to Company.  
Obseruat. You advance two untruths here. One that the Consult, as you ca●● it, was held in May. It was ended on the 26. of April. And very many of those assembled were at their respective Residences before May.  
Another untruth, is that you were there: you were all that time at S. Ome● How you have altered your story! Colman's trial p. 20. By a Patent from jesuits yo● were of the Consult. Now you are cited only by the common Letter, & are not o● it but attend it as Letter carrier. It is strange the jesuits, whose fac totum & gran● Agent you were, should employ your rare talents in so mean an office, whic● any boy, or common Porter would have done! Or that your high spirit did not disdain that employment! But it seems you would rather play small game, then sit out: so finding your story of the Patent, & your being of the Consult ridiculous, you thrust yourself upon it, as a mean Attendant. But if this were all your employment; what need of your calling from beyond seas? Those who had trusted Treasonable Letters so long together to Common Posts & their Factors, might have trusted these Concerns to the first Porter they met: or have made use of Honest William, or awkward Pickering, or some of those thousands, whom they had engaged in the Plot. I desire you to satisfy these doubts.  
Narrat. Ibidem. A little after, they left the White-horse Tavern, & divided themselves into soveral clubs, or Companies. All which did contrive the death of the King.  
Obseru. You are so puzzled with studying to hammer out your Fables, that your head is giddy. Just now, the Consultors were divided into Companies in the Tavern, & you were busyed in carrying their Concerns from company to Company. The next line, they divided into Companies, after they left the Tavern. But the real Truth is, they never divided into, or met in several Companies, that being against the nature of a Congregation according to all Orders; & what soever had been in that nature acted, had been ipso facto null.  
But what a fit subject to deliberate on, do you, the Taske-Master appoint them! you relate the King's death, as a thing resolved on about a twelvemonth before, that all their Letters to France, Flanders, Spain, Italy, Germany, Scotland, Ireland, & several parts of England, spoke of it, as a thing resolved on: That men were hired to effect it by Pistol, by Gun, by Dagger, by Poison: That some of these Ruffians had been punished for not performing what they had undertaken. After all this, as Consult, forsooth is called Fifty of the Prime jesuits summoned to meet, to resolve it. Just as in some Barbarous nations, a man suspected is hanged, & then his cause examined, to see whether it were well done. When I consider our Nation capable to be imposed upon by such ridiculous stories, I am half ashamed to own myself of it.  
Narrat. Ibidem. Within three or four days after, the Deponent went to S. Omers with the Fathers, that came from the other side of the Water.  
Obser. You could not return with them, first because you were not in England all that time. Secondly because those Fathers did not return together. The Rectors of Liege & Watten returned immediately to their several stations, the one by France, the other by Holland. He of Gant stayed some days in England but far from London. And these three were all that came from beyond seas to the Congregation.  
Thus much of the Congregation. The truth of the more essential parts, is evidenced by the Attestations already drawn up. The rest will be by others, when called for: there being not one word related by me, which is not known to many, who will depose it upon Oath, when required.  
To this Chapter of the Congregation I find little to the purpose, in these two Pamphlets, excepting railing in P. & very disingenuous representing my mind by Anonymous. Only the first p. 26. urges that seeing the meeting was not at the white-horse Tavern, the jesuits should discover where it was. And the later pag. 28. says a Traitor, & an English man are direct contradictions.  
To the first I answer, I do not believe the jesuits will satisfy his curiosity in that it would be an ill requital of the favour received from him, who did not refuse their meeting under his roof, which would render him obnoxious to a violent malicious Faction. It is enough for our purpose, that by showing the meeting was not at the white horse Tavern, we convince Oates' Perjury in swearing it was there, & that he never was at it, seeing he knows not where it was.  
To the second, I answer it were happy for England that his words were true, & that that Land had as great an Antipathy to Traitors as Ireland to venomous beasts. But sure he was in a dream when he writ this: & velut aegri somnia vanae finguntur species. Or else he dropped newly out of Viopia, & hearing all speak much of Loyalty (and those chiefly who are most disloyal in their hearts) took all for gold that glisters. Were they not Englishmen, & even the Representative of all English men, the Parliament, who waged war on frivolous pretexts, against the Late King? And were they not Traitors? And are not those who in all appearance endeavour to act over again the like tragedy, English men? Nay do they not arrogate to themselves that title, as peculiarly du to them, whilst they term themselves true Patriots, & blast all Loyal men with the odious names of Courtiers, Pensioners, & c? What opinion hath this good man of his Readers, who dares advance such Paradoxes contrary to all sense, & experience, as if upon his credit, we should believe it were bright day at midnight! well: my vindication stands secure enough as long as it cannot be impugned but by such non sense.   

CHAPTER VI. What happened after his return to S. Omers, till he left that place.  
NArrat. p. 19 §. 29. Th. White came to S. Omers on the 10. of june 1678 & on the 11. spoke Treasonable words against the King & Duke, in the presence of Rich. Ashby.  
Narrat. pag. 19 §. 30. Th. White told Rich. Ashby a minister had endeavoured to render jesuits odious, by Englishing their Morals, & the Provincial sent the Deponent to England to kill the Translator, which the Deponent undertaken to do, having 50. l. reward promised him by the said Provincial. And the Provincial said, he & the Society London would procure the death of Dr. Stilling fleet, & Pool.  
Obseru. All this was spoken by Mr. White in the presence of R. Ashby, & yourself. Now the two first are gone to receive their reward for their Actions & sufferings in the other world. Yet the dying speech of the former iustifyes him, & the later before his death signed an Attestation that all this is false. See Attest. E.  
Narrat. p. 19 §. 30. R. Ashby told the Deponent that the Rector of Liege, when he was Procurator at Paris, did reconcile the late Lord Chancellor Hyde upon his death bed.  
Obseru. When your Narrative first appeared, this was news to all jesuits in the World. The Rector of Liege declared, he never had the honour to see that Lord in his life: althô he would always have been ready to do him any service.  
Narrat. p. 20. §. 32. On the 23. of june, the Deponent was sent for England, to attend the Motions of the Fathers in London, with 4. l. for his charges, & a promise of 80. l. for his services in Spain, & else where, etc.  
Obseruat. Your Memory is as bad, as your Will. For not only in Ireland's trial pag. 20. but in the foregoing page of this Narrative, you told us, you were designed to kill the Translator of the jesuits morals, with a promise of 50. l. if you did it. Now that Commission is forgotten, & the Reward too: and another pitched upon, to attend the motion of the Fathers. Tru it is, they did lend or give you 4. l. to bear your charges to London, either out of Compassion to a man, who might otherwise have starved by the way, or upon your promise to repay it, when you sold your library. Whitebreads trial. p. 43. But it is false, they recommended any business to you, besides the care of your salvation, which they thought you stood in need of. It is also falls they ever promised you 80. l. or that you ever did them any service in Spain, except it was in exercising their Patience, by your unsufferable manners, & Conversation. You arrived at Valladolid on the 1. of june, 77. betwixt four & five in the evening, from which time till October the 18. (when schools began) you did nothing, but eat, drink, & sleep. Then you went to Logic school till being found incorrigible, on the 30. of October following you were dismissed. What services here are to deserve a Reward!  
For a further proof of your lack of sincerity, in this Relation. Many still alive can witness, that things passed in a far different manner betwixt you, & Mr. White. This good man, being Provincial, & arriving at S. Omers, received an humble address, from you to be admitted into the Society. He had then no acquaintance with, & but little knowledge of you: yet that little did not recommend you much. So for that time he dismissed you, with some good words in general, & some good advice: & took time to inform upon the place of your behaviour. This he quickly found to have been intolerable as well to superiors, as to equals: your words offensive, your carriage insolent, your whole life irreligious without any sign of the fear of God, or respect of men much better than yourself. He found, you had often been admonished to correct these faults; but in vain, for the hopes of your amendment vanished, assoon as the fear of a present dismission was past, althô with whining faces, great exterior submission, & sober protestations, you had promised amendment, & had proffered to submit to any correction, they should enjoin for what was passed. But of this last, superiors made no other use, then to comfort themselves with hopes, that you might be at last brought to a more Christian disposition: for they would not permit, you should undergo the Penance inflicted on Children, althô you seemingly desired it, & really deserved it.  
The mean while, in discourse with some alive to whom you discovered your desires of being a jesuit, they giving you little encouragement to hope for good success, as indeed those who knew you, had reason, you said: I shall either be a jesuit or a judas. And to another you said: If am not a jesuit I shall be damned. When the Provincial had informations as far, as was necessary to frame a judgement of your good parts & qualities, he caused you to be called to his Chamber, & having told you what was blamed in you, & advised you to be for the future more considerate in your words, & civil in your behaviour, otherwise you would draw on yourself some Mischief or at least be unfit for any civil Company, he told you he thought it not convenient to admit you into the society. This refusal you took as a great affront done to a man of your parts, that after all your hypocritical insinuations you should be rejected: So in a great Passion you said: By the living God, I will be revenged. The night before you went from S. Omers, you were found upon the Altar in the Sodality Church, with your arms stretched out. And being asked what you did there, at that unseasonable time? (it was late.) you answered: I am taking my leave of jesus Christ. Upon this I will make no Commentaries, nor guess at your meaning, or intention; but only relate, as an extravagant Action, as indeed all yours are: & I am of opinion, that those, who converse with you in England, since your return thither, can increase this legend, if they please.  
By this manner of your commission from S. Omers, the Reader will easily see how false all your following relations are, of the Confidence of jesuits with you, & their communicating their Letters, & Treasonable Designs to you. (see Attest. X.) So this might serve for a general answer. Yet I will follow you.  
My Anonymous friend touches this Chapter p. 29. very gingerly, as being afraid to burn his fingers. J. P. like a man of more mettle falls on most desperately but to as little purpose: for having endeavoured to divert his Reader with S. Francis wife, & stop my mouth with a Rasher of Bacon, he very gravely assures all I say, of his demanding to be admitted into the Society is fabulous, because our Attestations assure he was admitted into the College six months before. I perceive he makes no distinction betwixt being admitted, as Scholar into that Seminary, & being admitted into the Society, as if all the scholars were jesuits. Whereas not one of the scholars either is, or ever was one: & many never had the least thought ofentring into the Society. This he might have learned of his friend, & client Mr. Oates, had he desired to know the truth. The Reader may by this gross error learn how little these men regard what they say, whilst they contradict us.  
What I said here is true, & our Attestations are true too: & one truth cannot destroy another, though one falsehood doth, as we find in Oates' Depositions. He entered the Seminary at S. Omers on the tenth of December 1677. as a Scholar, & continued so, till june following He pretended then to be admitted into the Society, & demanded it of the then Provincial. Who refused it, as thinking him unfit, not only for the Society; but also for the College itself & the Scholars; & for that reason ordered him to be sent away out of the College. If I. P have any common sense, he will understand this; if not, I know not how to help him.  
But he thinks it ill done of the Provincial to dismiss Oats, who had declared, he should turn judas, & be damned, if he were not received. Answer: the Provincial had little probability to hope for better, if he were admitted, finding no amendment after so many admonitions, which gave more reason to fear he would, if admitted, prejudice others, then to hope he would mend himself Had he been admitted, his bad manners would have obliged him to turn him out, how much more will it excuse his non admission? Doth not our B. Saviour in his Gospel order the stocking up of the barren tree, & cutting off the fruitless branches of the vine? Did he not reject a man, as unfit to be his Disciple, who having put his hand to the plough, looked back? Lu. 9.62. Did not the Apostles & Apostolical men of the Primitive Church retrench from its body, with the Award of Excommunication such persons, as defiled it by their wicked life? Do not all communities endeavour to purge out such, as will not live Peaceably with the rest? How then can the Provincial be blamed for an Action, the lawfulness whereof such a cloud of witnesses attest.   

CHAPTER VII. What he relates since his return to London Concerning jesuits from §. 33. to §. 53. inclusive.  
NArrat. p. 21. §. 33. in july R. Ashby came to London with Instructions how to dispose of the 10000 l. procured by F. Leshee: & that he should treat with Sir Georg Wakeman to poison the King. Item to procure that the Bishop of Hereford be assassinated.  
Obseru. R. Ashby before his death declared all this to be false. see Attest. E. And indeed had there been any such thing, how improbable is it, that he should communicate it to you, whom by the Prouincial's order, he had disgracefully, dismissed, & who since your return into England had given new proofs of a vicious & malicious life & malicious disposition?  
Narrat. p. 22. §. 34. You give us a long pretended discourse of R. Strange about the burning of London. You tell us, as from his mouth, what hand the jesuits, the Dominicans, & others had in it: & what plunder they got.  
Obseru. In all this article, there is not one word of Truth. see Attest. G.  
You still pretend great intimacy with jesuits: althô many can witness, that since your dismission from S. Omers your addresses were as of a poor miserable man to beg some relief: which some of them afforded you, according to their power, sometimes out of compassion, sometimes out of fear, lest you should return to the Ministry to get bread. Ireland's trial p. 33. you went also begging to Pickering Sir G. W. S. trial. p. 73. & he bid the maid shut the door upon you. much you knew such a design, & we use you in that manner!  
Narrat. p. 25. §. 35. R. Ashby before he went to the Bath had a conserence with many jesuits (you name seven & say there were others) to send messengers into Scotland to promote the commotions there. At which conference the Deponent was present.  
Obseru. R. Ashby before his death protested all this is false. So Doth F. Blundel, one whom you name also, as present. see Attest. E.  
Narrat. p. 26. §. F. Harcourt told F. Ashby he would do well after the bath, to make a progress into Somersetshire.  
Obseruat. F. Ashby before his death protested all this is fals. see Attest. E. Indeed a man Bedrid, as he was, was not very fit to make Progresses.  
Narrat. p. 26. §. 37. On the first of August came Letters from T. White bread to john Fenwicke, to treat with sir G. W. about the concern of poisoning the King.  
Obseru. The dying speeches of those two worthy & loyal men are an abundant conviction of this untruth.  
Narrat. pag. 37. §. 38. Th. White writ to London to I. Ferwick, that be had ordered twelve jesuits to go for Holland, to inform the Dutch that the P. of Orange intended to make himself King. But they got no further than Watten, by reason of a mischance on the way. Which Letter the Deponent saw.  
Obseru. Your Perjury is Malicious & Ridiculous. Malicious in charging such an odious business on the Jesuits. Ridiculous in supposing that the English jefuits have either credit or acquaintance with any of the states of Holland: who would rather have thought the quite contrary, had any jesuit told it them. Again what mischance could (naturally) befall twelve jesuits in the way to Watten from S. Omers, & that so great, as to divert a business of that concern, in case they had resolved it? The day book of Watten shows that on that day 31. july 1678. not one stranger, jesuit, or other, lodged there. Mr. Th. White was then at Liege: whence he let out on the 9 of August for Loven so could not write from S. Omers? The certain truth is, the jesuits never had any such design: there were no jesuits nor jesuit sent about it: there never that year were at S. Omers at once six jesuits, who could be spared from the Seminary upon any design. And lastly they would never have showed you that Letter, you being by that time well known.  
Narrat. p. 27. §. 39 Th' White in a Letter of the 10. of August, acquainted the Fathers in London, that Ireland was arrived at S. Omers. And blamed them for not acquainting him, how Sir G. W. liked the Proposal. Which Letter Blundel showed the Deponent.  
Obseru. Blundel protests he never heard of any such Letter. see Attest. E. At that time, when you say Mr. Ireland arrived at S. Omers, he was setting out from London for Staffordshire, or actually on his way. And White was on that betwixt S. Trons, & Loven: so it is very improble he should write Letters.  
Narrat. p. 28 § 40. Th. White writ that 365. should lie as low as ever 666. did, & if Poison would not take the K. away, fire should: for Catholic Religion would never flourish, unless IHS. took this course. Now 365. is put for Westminster, 666. for London, & IHS. for jesuits, they using it always.  
Obseru. No English jesuits ever used any such cipher. see Attest. C. so this whole §. is evidently a Perjury.  
Natrat. p. 28. § 41. I Fenwick told the Deponent that the jesuits, have 6000. l. per àn. & 100000. l. in bank: & lend money at 50. per cent. etc.  
Obseru. Here is a great untruth, without any proof, but your only word. It would almost empty the two greatest private purses in England to make up, what the jesuits want of that sum, as I am assured. And were jesuits so void of conscience & shame, as to demand 50. per cent, I am persuaded there are none so void of sense, as to give it.  
Narrat p. 29. §. 42. Four jesuits said, they were resolved to raise a Commotion in England, & Scotland, which also by several Letters showed to the Deponent in August appeared.  
Obseru. Here you advance another untruth, without any sign of Truth. Produce any one of those many Letters, for Public satisfaction: which you would not have let pass out of your hands, seeing you were engaged all the first part of August in composing your Narrative, it having been, as you say, on the 13. of that month presented to his Majesty. What a commotion you have raised in England all the World sees. How will you answer this, if you cannot legally prove one word of your Deposition? will your spite against jesuits justify all Periuryes, disturbances of the nation, & breaking the public Peace? Hath the hatred of the jesuits the virtue, of the true love of God to cover all sins? 1. Pet. 4.8. If not, you are in danger  
Narrat. p. 29. §. 43. F. Moor & F. Sanders, alias Brown were sent to Scotland to preach to the disaffected Scots, etc.  
Obseru. whom you mean, God knows, for no jesuit that I can hear of knows any of those names: nor of any English jesuit sent to preach in Scotland.  
Narrat. p. 29. §. 44. The jesuits purchase secrets to send to P. Leshee, & Keep in see the Clerks of Parliament, & Council, to that intent.  
Obseru. All this is falls. Never any jesuits in England kept correspondence either directly or indirectly with P. de la Chaize. And it is needless to keep Clerks in fee, whilst the common Coffee houses, those Nurseryes of sedition, stand.  
Narrat. p. 30. §. 45. These jesuits drive several trades in town as Merchants, Tobacconists, Goldsmiths, scriveners: by some scriveners they discover Men's estates; by others, their Religion. Which the Deponent heard from john Keynes.  
Obseru. I. Keynes is not so weak as to tell such untruth what Probability is there that Men who have past 20. or 25 years poring on a book should be fit for such trades? Or that some scriveners should Keep Registers of men's Religion? Heretofore some, as giddy headed, as yourself, said all Redcoates were jesuits: you now say tradesmen are such. I expect, that some other one day will say the same of all the City & country.  
Narrat. p. 30. §. 46. Letters from S. Omers expressed great joy, that Sir G. W. had taken the business in hand. Yet ordered that Pickering & William should not desist.  
Obseru. It is false that ever Sir G. W. undertaken that business as appears by the Public verdict of the Jury at his trial. It is false that Pickering, or William ever designed any such thing, as appeared by their dying speeches: & it is false there ever was any such Letter, by Protestation of the jesuits of S. Omers. see Attest. E.  
Narrat. p. 31. §. 47. Because William Berry was about to print something in Vindication of the Oaths, B. Langworth, & others jesuits offered 10. l. to the Deponent to get him killed.  
Obseru. The jesuits never thought themselves much concerned in what William Berry did or could do. His unconstant Nature appears by his frequent changes, first a Protestant Minister, than a Papist, after a jesuit, them a secular, than a Protestant Minister, than pretended Catholic, & Penitent. And what next God knows. He professes he thinks himself able to invent a wiser Religion, than either Protestancy, or Popery. He was once stark mad: & is ever since cracked. You show in this point something of gratitude: He brought you first to some jesuits, & represented you as a considerable person, who had lost much for your Religion, & was in danger on that score: to requite this courtesy, you bring him to Protestants, & to recommend him by the same topic, you framed this lie, representing him as a considerable man, upon whose head the jesuits had put a Tally. Thus these two scabby Creatures claw one another!  
Narrat. p. 31. §. 48. Richard Heath a Lay brother of the jesuits held treasonable discourse of the King.  
Obseru. There nether is at present, or hath been these last ten years, any Richard Heath of the society. There is indeed one Heath; but he hath been at Liege ever since the 2. of january 1678. so could not speak in your hearing in London, on the 9 August of that year.  
Narrat. p. 31. §. 49. john Groves gave the Deponent an account of the firing of Southwark as don by ●im, & Three Irishmen, whom Dr. Fogorthy procured. That the jesuits got 2000 l. by it & gave 1000 to the Agents. Which R. Strange acknowledged.  
Obseru. Here we have a blank accusation to be filled by any man, whom you, or another as malicious, shall mark out for ruin. Groves, Fogorthy are dead, the one in prison, the other executed: both protested their Innocency to their last breath. The same doth Ric. Strang. see Attest. G.  
Narrat. p. 32. §. 50. F. Ireland on the 17. of August. stil. nou. writ from S. Omers, etc.  
Obseru. How could F. Ireland writ from S. Omers on that day, when he was in company of Sir I. Southcot & his family, on the way to Tixhal, & went on that very day from Northampton, to Coventry? see Attest. T.  
Narrat. Ibidem, & p. 33. §. 52. You give an account of many treasonable Letters, written in Ciphers in which 48. stands for the King. Mum & chocolate, for the house of Lords: barley broth, for that of Commons: Magpyes for Bishops, etc.  
Obseru. The jesuits never had any cipher. see Attest. C. since 1636. they they have had no cipher, but one, whereof a copy was taken with the Prouincial's Papers. To this I appeal for a further confutation of this untruth.  
Narrat. p. 35. §. 53. Smith, alay-brother of the jesuits told the Deponent, as from Mr. jenison, that if the Catholics had courage enough, they might rise, & cut the throats of 100000. Protestants in London.  
Obseruat. Here you deliver three Periuries: the first, that Smith is a jesuit. He never was, nor is one.  
The 2. that jenison said those words. His discretion, peaceable & quiet temper is well known to all, who knew him.  
The 3. that such a Butcherey could be effected. This is a Bug bear fit to fright only children, & fools with. Protestants in number compared to Papists, are in London above two hundred, to one. And if we consider the advantage of Authority, Arms, watches, & conveniences to meet, which are all on their side, we may reckon them 1000 nay ten thousand to one. Catholics must be mad, if they entertain such a thought: & Protestants fools, if they apprehend it.  
Anonymous upon this chapter hath nothing worth answering. J. P. pag. 30. reproaches the jesuits, that the Provincial & Rector of Douai, as Thuanus writes, got one to Assassinate William of Orange. Whereas there never was such a thing, as the Provincial of Douai. But suppose it were true: what is that to the English jesuits now alive, who were not born when that happened? Are all the Presbiterians Murderers, because Poltrot killed a Prince near Orleans.  
Again he thinks the pretended Doctor spoke too modestly, when he said the jesuits had 60000. l. per Annum: & assures they have 500000. l. It would have cost him little more pains, to have added three cyphers more, & made it amount to near the revenues of the whole nation & both would have been alike true.  
P. 31. he wonders I should say, there is no Moor or Sanders alias Brown, amongst the jesuits, the names being so common, that a number of nine cannot be found without them. The mean while I stand to what I said, there are none of those names amongst the jesuits: so there may be, & is, a company of 100 without them.  
He concludes the chapter p. 32. with these words: the rest of the Chapter is so ridiculous, that I pass it over, as being unwilling to tyre the Reader with Impertinencys, that may be annoyed. Which is the true reason, why I pass by the rest of his reflections.   

CHAPTER VIII. What he relates concerning jesuits, & others, from §. 54. to. 81. inclusiuè.  
NArrat. p. 35. §. 54. Medburn, Penny, Mannock, Sharp, Seddon, Smith, Euerard: jones, Kemmash, at a Club, said the house of Commons was the devil's representative, not the Nations: the Deponent was ordered by the jesuits to give them great Respects, & thanks in their Names.  
Obseru. You bring new Persons on the stage, & show that all your Malice is not spent upon jesuits; but show you have store enough for others, even for the whole Nation, which many others have experienced, & more will find, if you are permitted to go on, as you have begun. This story is a ridiculous untruth 1. because the club would little value jesuits thanks 2. because jesuits would never give any commission to you. 3. because all is false.  
Narrat. p. 36. § 55. jenison said that if the K. did not become R. C. (Roman Catholik) he should not long be C. R.  
Obseru. This a groundless untruth. Yet had he said any such thing, it had been because of Presbiterians; not of Papists. None but such, as are wilfully blind can miss that Party, which endangers Monarchy itself. What character K. james in his Basilicon doron gave of the Presbiterians all know: Which is by their un interrupted seditious practices confirmed. Wither these do not boad the down fall of Monarch, if not prevented in time, I leave the Cousidering world to judge, & those, to provide a remedy, whom it concerns. For in fine, let them affect the voice of lafoy ob never so much, their hand are still the hands of Esau.  
Narrat. p. 36. §. 56. A packet from the Provincial, the Rector, Procurator, Fathers, & masters of Humanity of S. Omers, specified, that the twelve jesuits were got into Holland, to cause a commotion there & that Appletree Will (that is the P. of Orange) should not be great.  
Obseru. to make your impertinence more conspicuous, you should have said, that the lay brothers, their servants, & their great Dog had written too. It is false, that any went into Holland And it is false that any English jesuits called Persons of that high rank of the P. of Orange by such a name.  
Narrat. p. 37. §. 57 I Fenwick told the Deponent, he had written to S. Omers, that the K. was gone to Windsor, & that Honest William, & the Fathers, were ready to attend the court.  
Obseru. You can advance nothing without the mixture of an untruth. His Majesty's journey being known to all the Kingdom, probably might be put into a Letter. Yet that Fenwicke should write of William, or the Father's following him, is false. As also, that Fenwicke ever communicated to you the contents of any Letter. He knew you: & that was enough.  
Narrat. p. 37 §. 58 I. Keynes preached a treasonable sermon, at which were present twelve men of quality.  
Obseru. Here in a blank Accusation you lay a train to blow up any noble man, whom you, or others like you, shall hereafter mark out for destruction. It is only swearing that Nobleman was of the twelve, & his business is done. That use was made of alike accusation of the four Ruffians, hired to kill the King: & the like we may see of this, if Perjury continue Paramount, & knaves be rewarded.  
Narrat. p. 38. §. 59 Keynes, & Fenwicke advised a Gentleman in, or about Westminster, to remove thence, lest God should destroy him with the sinners of that City.  
Obseru. That canting phrase, not used by jesuits; but familiar to Oats, & Presbiterian Ministers, shows whence it came. Keynes protests, he never said any such thing: & any man, who knows both, will take his word, before your Oath.  
Narrat p. 38. §. 60. I Keynes said, it was endeavoured to dispatch 48. at Winsore. That Mr. Corker, & other Benedictins had promised 6000. l. for the Design. That two these owned it, & that their business was to remove the Stuarts out of the way, & that Mr. Coniers laid 100 l. the King should not live to eat any more Christ-masse-Pyes. etc.  
Obseru. Now our Poet gins to bring the Benedictins on the stage, & next to jesuits, they bear the greatest part, for what reason I know not, except it be because you desired earnestly to be admitted to their Holy order, & were by them refused. This was alleged against Mr. Corker, & he was cleared by the verdict of the Court. Mr. Coniers I believe would submit to a trial, if his Preist-hood might be laid aside.  
Narrat. p. 40. §. 61. Keynes took the Deponent to an assembly of the Domicans, where six were met in the name of the rest with their Provincial, to comply with the Fathers of the Society. There met also five jesuits. Keynes demanded of the Dominicans money to carry on the business of Killing the King. The Dominicans answered they were poor? but would give their assistance, & counsel. Hence the Deponent was sent with the proposals to the Carmelits: who answered, their Prayers to God, & our B. Lady should not be wanting: & that was all they could give.  
Obseru. Here are two whole Religious orders consisting of many virtuous men, made guilty of a most heinous crime upon your worthless word, & more worthless Oath. Those who know, what emulations have been, & still are, betwixt the two learned Orders, Dominicans, & jesuits, will scarce believe that those should meet to comply with these. And no rational man will believe, that all those men should at first sight treat such things before you, a man unknown, or too well known to be trusted with any thing.  
Narrat. p. 41. §. 62. Blundel said, his Workmen wanted Oil: by which is meant sheep's fat, Coniers said the Hill people were fools to set upon 48. at Windsor: but he would speak to his worship in other language, then in Tormentilio. But would burn his shirt, if it knew how.  
Obseruat. Blundel never had any workmen. see Attest. S. And nether he, nor Coniers ever spoke such words.  
Narrat. p. 42. §. 63. On the 21. of August. a Consult was held by jesuits & Benedictins in London, about Letters from Talbot Arch Bishop of Dublin, which contained that four jesuits had undertaken to kill the D. of Ormond And if they failed Fogorthy should succeed; And that a Legate in Ireland asserted the Pope's right to that Kingdom.  
Obseru. Here you present another blank accusation to be filled with any Benedictin, or jesuit when you please. It was accordingly charged upon Mr. Ireland, althô he was at Woluerhampton in Stafforshire on that very day. (see Attest. T.) & upon Mr. Corker, of which he was, at this trial acquittted) as appears by their several trials. Dr Fogorthy had Cured you of a venereal sickness, & you reward him with this Accusation, as Vipers by't the breast which warms them. You say, you had this acount from Keynes & Blundel: & they both are ready to swear they had had it from your Narrative, as never having heard of it, till this appeared.  
Narrat. pag. 43 §. 64. That Fogarthy is a main Agent in this Hellish Plot: was present when Sir G W was contracted with That he told the Deponent, he had hired the four Irish Ruffians, to mind the King's postures, at Windsor.  
Obseru. We thought your attendance on D. Fogorthy, was to get yourself cured of your fulsome disease; but it seems it was to get informations of the Plot. If the other were intended, you have paid off your Doctor completely: even as you have done the Jesuits, who releiued you in your want. Your whole report of the Pretended Consult, is one untruth. The contract with Sir G. W. a second. The hiring of the four Ruffians, a third.  
We have seen what use may be made of these blank Accusations. This, of the four Ruffians was filled by Ienison's naming four Innocent Persons, for no other reason, but that he might get a false witness's reward where with to pay his debts, & supply his wants of money. And who can assure himself, his name shall not shortly be inserted into some of the other blanks? It is evident to the whole world, that some Innocent Persons have been accused, & condemned, merely because it pleased these King's Evidences. No man can be secure, who stands in the way of a Mad Dog, or an Impudent lying Witness, as long as the clamours of the Rabble are so loud, that nether justice, nor Reason can be heard. Those are wisest, who embraced a voluntary Banishment, foreseeing no security, as long as this Plague reigns. Let those who stayed behind, look to themselves as they can: they will never be secure, until you be gagged, or all credit denied you.  
Narrat. p. 44. §. 65. That the Deponent at Madrid had seen the Lord Ambassador, Sir William Godolphin, at mass: & was personally informed by the Arch Bishop of Tuam, that the said Ambassador holds great correspondence with that Archbishop, & a jesuit. That a jesuit had read to him Philosophy, & Divinity. That Swiman, a jesuit in a Letter to the Deponent, of the 30. of july new stile, did specify, that Sir William was as industrious as any Man could be, to answer the expectation of the Society.  
Obseru. Here you give us as many Periuryes, as Periods. For 1. It is false, you ever were at Madrid. see Attest. A. B. L. N.  
2. It is false, that you ever saw the Archbishop of Tuam (see Attest A.) or F. Swiman.  
3. It is false you ever had any discourse with either of them. For all the time you were in Spain, they were not at Valladolid, nor you out of it.  
4. It is false you ever saw Sir William at Mass: for he residing, according to his souueraign's order in Madrid, how could you see him, who never were there?  
5. It is false, that Archbishop (the same of the jesuit) ever had any correspondence concerning affairs of state with the said Lord Ambassador. see Attest. A.  
6. It is false, that ever F. Sviman writ any such Letter to the Deponent. I challenge you to produce, at lest that Letter, which being directed to yourself, you might without offence to any, or suspicion, have Kept. And it being written at Madrid on the 30. of july, could not come to your hands till about the middle of August, that very time, or after it, when your Narrative was presented to the King. It is incredible that you should make away such a Letter, which would be, at least, some Confirmation besides your word, of this great assayre, of which hitherto we have seen no other ground, but that: your not showing this Letter will be looked on as a conviction, there never was any such.  
If the Lord Archbishop of Tuam, or that Jesuit being subjects of the King of England, waited on, & proffered their service to his Majesty's Ambassador, they did but their Duty. And if his Lordship received them civilly, having no express order to the contrary, I hope none are so barbarous, as to blame him for it, But that there ever past any intimate correspondence, chief relating to any Public concern, it is absolutely false. see Attest. A.  
Here I must take notice of the disingenuity of the Managers of the indictment of my Lord of Stafford, p. 30. & 31. of that trial; who produce one to prove, that Oats was at Valladolid. Which was never denied by us: althô Mr. Treby is pleased to say p. 31. it had been controverted, whither he had ever been in Spain. So if they cannot prove what we deny, they will make us deny, what they can prove.  
Narrat. p. 45. §. 66. On the 22. of August. in the name of the Provincial, & the society, money was sent by a servant of theirs, to supply the Charges of the four Ruffians at Windsor. The sum was eyghty Pound, which the Deponent saw told.  
Obseru. Here is another blank to receive any man's name, for whom you, or your associates, shall have a spite. A servant of theirs! such shall any man be, when you please. In the name of the whole Society! This you say to involve all in the guilt, althô had you had the thousanth part of that intimacy with jesuits, to which you pretend, you would know, that the Provincial alone is answerable for his actions, & none else.  
But where was this money told? on the 28. of November, it was at Wildhouse (Coleman's trial p. 24.) on the 7. of December, it was at Harcourt's lodgings. (Ireland's trial p. 25.) on the 13. of june, it was again at Wildhouse (White breads trial. p. 16.) What do these contradictions prove, but that the whole story is built on your fancy, & therefore shifts the scene, as oft as that changes? & how come your Patroness to let them pass abroad uncorrected, but that in this, God blinded them, that they might remain to posterity an everlasting unanswerable proof of the unjustice of their judgements?  
Narrat. p. 45. § 67. john Grove brought an order from Harcout, I. K. Richard Blundel, Mr. jennison, M. W. B. L. & four other jesuits, that lay at Somerset house, to pray the Provincial to acquaint Leshee how things stood in Ireland: that the Deponent read the Memorial, & saw their names. At two in the afternoon he met those Fathers at Mrs. Sanders: who appointed him a meeting at four in the afternoon, at Mr. Keynes': where he saw Letters from Blundel, I. F. & one from F. Ireland at S. Omers. Had an account of fourscore Letters written to the 〈◊〉 in England, & one to Mr. Peter's. That I. K. & Mr. Coniers were designed for 440. by which is meant Windsor.  
Obseru. Here are many Periuryes. The first, that four jesuits lodged at somersault House. I am credibly informed, that not one English jesuit lodged there at that time, or thereabouts.  
The 2. that there was any such message. It is a mere fable. see Attest. R. S.  
The 3. that F. Ireland writ from S. Omers. In his trial he was said to be in London about that time. Yet he was nether at S. Omers, nor London; but in Staffordshire. see Attest. T. so all that Letter is feyghned, unless you will have him in many places at once, which you deny Christ's body can be.  
The 4. that you saw Letters from Blundel. Blundel was one of those, who met you: the same of J. F. But it seems they writ their Letters, & brought them themselves.  
The 5. that they would have any informations sent by P. de la Chaize to the King of France.  
The 6. that 440. stands for Winsore. There never was amongst jesuits any such cipher. see Attest. C.  
Narrat. p. 48. §. 68 The same day, the Deponent went to Dr. Tongue's: but not finding him, he went into Gray's-Inne Walks, & met there with Mr. Coniers, who showed him a Dagger, with which he intended to kill the King by stabbing through his cloak. And that thence he went to Dr. Tongue's, & met him.  
Obseru. Is it not strange, that a man, who two days before, (on the 20. of August, as may be seen §. 62.) was resolved to Keep his way so secret, as to say he would burn his shirt, if it knew any thing of it, would so frankly discover it, & brandish his Dagger, & that in a place, as open, as a faure? He had been mad, if he had done so, & those are fools, who can believe he did. Mr. Coniers gives a far different account of that conference: that you complained of your Poverty, which forced you to walk there sometimetimes in stead of a dinner: that you wondered no better Provision was made in the Roman Church for men of your parts, that you had been employed to preach before the judges that you had lost 4. or 500 l. a year for your Religion: that the Bishop of London offered you great preferments, upon condition you would return to the Ch. of England: etc. And desired him to prefer you to teach some Gentleman's children: that meat, drink & 10. l. a year would satisfy you. see Attest. V  
Narrat. p. 48. §. 69. The same day, the Deponent met with Blundel, with a bag of Teuxbury Mustard-bals, a notable biting sauce: who said he would furnish Westminster, when he had enough. the Deponent says, they were Fireballs.  
Obseru. Blundel protests he never dealt about Fire balls: nor ever heard of Tewxbury mustard balls, but from the Narrat. 〈…〉 est S. He had no cloak; but a Jump, & he filled that pretty well himself, & no room left under it for such a bag, containing mustard balls designed for a great city. And if you say, he carried it on his back, you may add to the other trades of the jesuits, that of Porters.  
It seems this 22. of August was pretty well employed, althô you had nether eat, nor drunk, nor stopped all the day long, you go to Mr. Harcourt's in Duke street, & Wildhouse, & in both places find the same Persons, providing the same 80. guinys for the Ruffians, & Cilman giving the same Guiny to the Messenger: thence you go to Fenwick's lodging, there you hear the commission sent to Fenwick to desire the Provincial to inform Leshee with the Irish affairs. That you read the Memorial, & saw the names. Thence you go to Mrs. Sanders, meet the ten fathers, hear the contents of the memorial, & the Instructions from their mouths. After you go to Mr. Keynes', Meet with D. Fogorthy, see Letters from Bedding-fild, Blundel, & Fenwick: another to Bedding-field: Take an àccount of fourscore other Letters, their contents, to whom directed, how sent away, etc. Item of another Letter to Mr. Peter's, with its contents, & saw it uncyphred. Then you post to meet with D. Tonge, but missing him at his lodging, away you hasten to Grays-Inne Walks, & meet with Mr. Coniers, from whom you receive an account of his stay in town: of his design to Assassinate the King, the Dagger provided for it, where this was bought, its Price, & the manner of using it. Then you return to Dr. Tonge, & meet him. After that you meet with Blundel, & a bag of Mustard balls, or Fireballs, or what you please. A biting sauce it was: & indeed after such labour, it was time to think of meat as well as sauce. Sure this day had been as long, as that on which joshua fought the Palestins, & yourself as bury, as Menechmus seeking his Brother But you are a Poet, & have a Tragedy in hand: & can dispose & order the stage, as you please, & appoint your Actors, to meet you when, & where you please, & lay what you please. Certainly never more unlikely Fable, than this, was feyghned by any Poet.  
Narrat p 48 §. 70. On the 24. of August, Blundel told the Deponent, that the Catholics would shorten the King's days: & that Protestant Religion stood on its last legs.  
Obseru. You have nether Honesty to tell Truth, nor wit to feyghn a probable lie, nor discretion to hold your Tongue. Had you produced this saying at the beginning, it had been tolerable; but to bring it in, after you had produced Benedictins, Dominicans, Carmelits, jesuits, & who not, agreeing in it, & Blundel with the rest, communicating the substance, & contrivances of the Plot to you, then, I say, to put these words into his mouth, as containing some news, is like the rest, sens●●●sse.  
Narrat. p. 48 §. 71. Blundel showed the Deponent a paper describing the manner of firing Westminster. In this his task was assigned (althô it had never been proposed to, or accepted by him) & 1000 l. promised him, besides the 80. l. for his service in Spain, (which it seems the jesuits have not paid, nor I believe ever will) which paper signed by Th. White.  
Obseru. Blundel protests he never heard of any such Paper. Fenwick's chamber was searched, all his Papers seized on, & carefully examined, & nothing like this found. So I leave you to make it out, by any thing besides your word: which there is little reason to esteem.  
Narrat. p 50. §. 72. Blundel showed the Deponent, a Bull, by which the two Archbishoprics, 21. Bithopriches, two Abbeys, & six Deanryes' are disposed of. Nay there is not one Prebendary, or other place undisposed.  
Obseru. You show as much skill in the Cancellaria of Rome, as in the Secretaria of the jesuits. That such Benefices should be disposed of without the King's consent! All contained in one Bull! This Bull so carelessly sent, so negligently kept, so causelessely produced! not one Benefice left for such as may deserve well in that great change! Not one of the Protestant Party to continue in his living! No man living know of this Bull, but from your Narrative. That all Persons concerned in the Promotion should be ignorant of it! Those who can swallow these mountains of incredibilities, need to strain nothing.  
Narrat. p. 52. §. 73. That the Deponent saw a Packet from the Fathers met at Edinburgh, acquainting them, that 8000. Papists were ready to rise, & assist the disaffected scots, when required by the Scotch jesuits there. That a servant of Lovel the jesuit destroyed Westby.  
Obseru. Not one true word. For 1. there never was a meeting of English jesuits at Edinburgh. Nor 2. any English jesuits in Scotland. Nor 3. Lovel, nor 4. any man of his ever there. Nor 5. any correspondence of English jesuits in Scotland. Nor 6. any knowledge of affairs of that Kingdom, but from the public Gazettes.  
Narrat. p. 53. §. 74. The White writ from S. Omers on the 4. of September nou. stil. to Rich. Blundel, that twelve jesuits were sent into Scotland with 1000 l. from the French King to keep up the commotions there, that he might land an Army. And that they were to carry themselves as Nonconformist Ministers amongst the Presbiterians.  
Obseru. We have here many Periuryes. First there is no Rich. Blundel amongst the English jesuits. 2. there never was any such Letter received. see Attest. S. 3. the sum of 1000 l. for such a design is ridiculous 4. that jesuits should pass for Non Conformist Ministers. No jesuits takes the quality of any Minister at all.  
Yet it were for the public good, that this untruth were believed by the Presbiterians, to diminish the credit of those Ministers, who are Flabella seditionum, Trumpeters of sedition, & Rebellion. Were they silenced by that loss of credit, the Public would enjoy more quiet, then can be hoped for, whilst those factions Men have influence on so Proud, so stubborn, & so Potent a part of the Nation. If such use were made of this Perjury, it would, scorpion like, cure the poison it spreads.  
Narrat. p. 35. §. 75. That Th. White writ to Blundel, that some discovery of the plot had been made; yet he should not desist the business in hand. That he should thank Fogorthy for his care of the business of 48. the K. as also those in Ireland, for whose good success he would pray.  
Obseru. It is false, there ever was any such Letter. see Attest. S. Had there been so horrid a Plot, as you describe, & he heard it was discovered, he should have ordered all the Conspirators to desist, secure their Persons, make away their Papers, & do some of those things, which Fear on such occasions suggests to Guilty Persons. But to command them to go on, is Nonsense: & none can believe it, but such as have as shallow heads, & as little common sense, as the Inventor of these Fables. Here again 48. is taken for the King, a thing unheard of amongst jesuites. It is no less unreasonable, that thanks should be ordered to Fogorthy, & the Irish. Had you said, he (Mr. White) had desired their Prayers, for the Preservation of himself & his whole Province, & all Catholics, you might have been believed, this carrying some Proportion with the state into which they were avoidable entering. But that black Malice which appears in you, & common sense, or the use of right Reason, are inconsistent in the same mind. God darkening the understanding, when man leaves his Will to the workings of Malice: that the untruths, they spread, may be more easily discovered, & more clearly confuted.  
Narrat. p. 54. §. 76. The Provincial came to London on the third day of September, at night: and the Deponent was ordered to wait on him the next day.  
Obseru. In Ireland's trial p. 25. you swore he was at supper, when you came, & after supper admitted you, & treated you, as the next §. relates. Here you say, you were remitted till the next day.  
Narrat. p. 54. § 77. That the Deponent went to the Provincial on the 4. of September who asked: with what face he could look on him, since he had betrayed them? & struck him with his cane, gave him a box on the Ear. Yet he would be reconciled to him again, if he would discover the Parson, who went with him to the King, whom he would have secured, & killed. That the Deponent should prepare to be gone beyond seas, within fourteen days: that he would pay for his coach, & lodgings on the read, that he might not cheat them. Told him his Inns at Sittingburg, Dover, & Calais. And that Rich. Blundel was to take care for the burning of Wapping, in the Deponents room.  
Obseru. Never any such incoherent non sense came from any man in his Wits None, who knew Mr. White, even when in his vigour, will believe it probable, that he should beat so stout a man, as you show yourself: much less, when he was in so weak a condition, as he came in to London, as being almost cast down by the sickness contracted at Antwerp, which carried away his Sodus, Mieo, & brought him to death's door. Is it probable, that either he, who could scarce stand, should have so much Courage, as to beat you? or you so much Patience, as to bear it, from a man, whom you could run down with a finger? let that pass.  
Mr. White having vented his undigested choler, comes to himself again, & offers to for give what is past, upon condition you would discover the Parson, who went with you to the King: telling you, he would have him secured, & killed. And that when you had betrayed your friend to death, you should be sent beyond seas, there to receive a like reward doubtless. And he candidly tells you, you should nor deceive him, no: & for that reason, he would give you no money for your journey; but would hire you a coach, & defray your charge on the way. Just as if a Constable should bid a Thief first to discover his fellow, whom he would hang: & then go to such a place, where he would find some men ready to seize on him, & secure him from escaping out of their hands, would carry him to a safe lodging, which would be paid for him by the Public. Wondrous Wife! Yet this is not all. As if Mr. White had forgotten, that you endeavoured to prevent the mischief intended to Wesiminster, by the discovery you had made of it; but still were a Zealous conspirator: he bids you not to be solicitous for your share of that work of Darkness, because another would supply your place.  
I shall desire of those, who can believe this nonsense, one favour; which I think cannot in justice be denied, that when ever they hear jesuits called Politians, they say it is a Calumny: for they are the stupidest, sillyest creatures, that walk on the face of the Earth. For such must be the chiefest of t●●m, if what is here said be true.  
What I know of that meeting, is this. You made your addresses again to Mr White after his return to London, to be admitted into the society But your Petition was as coldly received, as before. Then you desired à Gentleman to intercede for you, either to procure your admission, or a Pension to subsist with beyond seas: & told him, that if either of these things were granted, you would give up to him an Accusation consisting of above fifty articles, which at the next Parliament would be exhibited against the jesuits, which you said, you knew would be believed, althô they contained not one word of Truth. We have since learned by Printed Pamphlets, composed by such as had reason to know all the particulars, that some part of this Narrative had been presented to his Majesty before, & you in your preface to the Reader say so too (& haply Mr. White had received some inkling of it) & by that you had engaged yourself to make it as good, as little wit, great M●lice, & perjury could. What could then have moved you, to renew that request, which you were sure would be rejected, I know not; unless it be, that had either of the two things been granted, you would have thence either confirmed your intimacy with jesuits, or alleged it as a bribe proffered to corrupt you. At least for these reason's Mr White resolved to leave you to your own courses, to vent your malice, as you had begun, & would continu: relying the mean while upon his own Innocency, the justice of the nation, & the Mercy of the King: arming himself as he had reason, with Patience to suffer what extremity might befall him, & his. Accordingly he kept his ordinary lodging, removed no Papers, left all those under his conduct in their ordinary stations, etc. Which had he, or they, been conscious of the least Gild, could never be. This alone to Posterity will be a convincing proof of his Innocency, were there nothing else.  
Narrat. p. 55. § 18 On the 6. of September, Pi●kering told the Deponent, that Coniers was gone to Windsor, & would thence go to my Lord Brudnel's house.  
Obseru. This Perjury is incredible: for by that time, all about the Court, & many Papists in the suburbs, knew you to have malicious designs. But this untruth may comfort the jesuits, because others are represented as great fools, or Mad men, as themselves.  
Narat. p 55. 79. §. The Deponent at night heard White, & others talk of disposing of a Person, who had betrayed them, by seeing a Coach man, to take him up, & carry him beyond seas, & there make him confess, who had been with the King. Hearing this, he slank away, & changed his lodging that night.  
Obseru. What should so fright you now, who were so unconcerned before, when the Provincial declared to you, that very method of conveyghing you away, I cannot guess: unless it were, that before you were certainly meant, & here you knew it only by conjectures, no body being named.  
Narrat p 56 § 81. That the Deponent, returned to his lodging the day following: where Grigson told him the danger he w●s in, for offending ●he jesuits. That that night one Stratford, employed by jesuits, assaulted the house, with intention to kill him, broke down a door: but being observed by servants, he broke some quarries of Glass, & retired.  
Obseru. Your sudden return to your own lodging, & your inclination to the sex, gives occasion to surmise your loging abroad that night, to have proceeded from something else, then fear of jesuits: Otherwise you would not so soon have exposed your precious self to such merciless Ruffians, as it seems, the jesuits are, especially your fear being renewed by Grigion Suppose your lodging was really assaulted, of which I doubt, as having no ground to believe it, besides your Lying word) how do you know the Assailant was Stratford? or that he is a Papist? or intended to kill you; & not to steal? or that he was set on by jesuits? Why was not he pursued, or taken in Flagranti, being observed by many servants? Here you slept, as all great wits do sometimes, or else you would, after your ordinary manner, have introduced some jesuit acquainting you with all. But, which is more, in Irland's trial, you swore White bread was the man who assaulted your lodging. And when any man else is to be tried, it shall be he, if you have no other matter against him.  
Narrat. p. 57 §. 81. The eight day Nevil a Papist told the Deponent, he must either destroy the jesuits, or they would destroy him. Item, that the Bishop of Rochester said: he (the Bishop) would lead them such a dance, as they never followed since the sool their Founder, appeared in the world.  
Obseru. You have made as good use as you could of that friendly advice, & have done more towards the ruin of jesuits, then could have been imagined, considering the clearness both of their Innocency, & of your untruths & Perjurys. Yet your work is not done: some jesuits are yet alive, & the world gins to be weary of shedding their Innocent blood, to satisfy your desire of Revenge. Which is an Antidote against your Poison.  
As to the Bishop of Rochester, I never heard he had a Papist of his bosom counsel: nor that he thought the jesuits Founder a Fool: the wise, & learned world, of which he is a Part, hath a far different opinion of the jesuits Founder. It is also news; that he, or any other Protestant Bishop (amongst whom I scarce reckon him of Lincoln) lead this dance: if any did, they soon desisted, foreseeing it would dance them out of their Revenues, & Churches, & the whole state into Confusion. At which the Presbiterian Party, whose Instrument you are, aims, & which they endeavour by a Persecution of Papists in 1679. as they compassed it by another, less violent, 1642.  
J. P. p. 33. advices me to come to Newgate, where I may learn a better way of Pleading. It seems his going thither was not only to suborn Witnesses, & persuade honest men, such as Medburn to turn knights of the Post He went to learn Eloquence, & substantial ways of Pleading: & I perceive he is so persuaded persuaded of the advantages of that School, that he endeavours to draw others to it too. But I think no honest man will follow his counsel: but leave that place to such as it is intended for, such as his friend Oates & himself.  
P. 35. You are to consider, whom this brain of a Tailor calls the Rabble: None but the Lords & Commons of England, & the whole body of the Nation. Answer: This is a most malicious slander: I mean only those factious fellows, who at the Old Bailie, houted, & shouted, & clamoured, as if they had been at a Bear baiting: Those who offered violence, struck, wounded, & were like to Kil the Witness, who were produced in favour of the pretended criminals. Those who disordered the court so, as it could scarce hear for along time any thing relating to the case in hand. Was there any Lord, or any member of the Honourable house of Commons amongst those dis-orderly, cruel, savage Persons? I doubt not but they did dislike, condemn, detest those barbarous proceed: of which disorders I discharge all honest civilised Englishmen, by charging them only on the Rabble the scum of the Nation, & none else is capable of such inhuman actions: where of we find no precedent in the civilised world, & it is not to be paralleled, but by the brutish Cannibals in America, who with such like howl, & yawling satiate their thirst of Revenge upon their Captive Enemies.  
He endeavours an answer to the rest of the Chapter, but he shows so much of Newgate breeding, & so little of civil discourse, or common sense, that I shall only desire my Reader to compare both together, & use his own Reason to judge betwixr us. Indeed what need of answering these two reasons, with which p. 39 He shows, that Mr. Whitebreade, then scarce able to stand on his legs, could cane Oats: for 1. S. Denis carried his head above a league in his hand, when it was cut off: ergo Mr. Whitebreade though never so weak could beat Oats. 2. hewas able to stand at his trial in june, with out the help of Aqua mirabilis (when he was well recovered): ergo he was not so weak in September when he was sick, & in very great danger of Death. Should I discourse so idly, how would he fill up whole pages with those Billings gate elegancyes Sot, Dunce, Blockhead, etc.  
Anonymous from p. 30 to 34. in many words, say, just nothing to the purpose. He would feign assert Oates' having been at Madrid: which the Managers of the cause against My Lord of Stafford, are willing to let fall: yet lest they should seem to do nothing, they prove that Oats was in S●ain & at Valladolid. Which no body ever denied. Sic magno conatu magnas nugas agunt. My Lord of Stafford pressed afterwards, as an Evident Perjury that story of Oates', being at Madrid, & seeing Don john of Austria: & his Patroness employed all their cunning to keep the leaky vessel from that rock, where it would certainly suffer shipwreck Yet althô they could elude all that that Lord said, they can never make the world forget, that Oats had sworn he had been there, & had treated there with D. john: nor persuade any reasonable man, that that is not false. They declined the examining it, as a precipice to his honour, by which they tacifly owned a Perjury, though they would not seem to acknowledge it.   

CHAPTER IX. Of the Commissions given to Noblemen.  
NArrat. p. 58. A list of such Noblemen, & Gentry, as are in this Conspiracy whose names occur at present. Lord Arundel of Wardour, Lord Chancellor, &c,  
Obseru. Here is another Accusation, with a blank left for any, whom you shall here after design to ruin: whom in due time you will call to mind.  
Narrat. All these had their Commissions or Patents, stamped by the General of the jesuits joannes Paulus d'Oliua.  
Obseru. How comes it, that you having had the distribution of these Commissions, (as you said before the Parliament, & in several trials, & in this Narrative p. 59) should not have kept one at least of them, to Convince the world, there is something true? How comes it about, that not one of all these Noble men, & Gentlemen, should know of their own Commission, or of the Design? that not one Commission should be found by all these searches? how happens it, that you should not know the General of the Jesuits name, nor seal, as I have said in the Preface? If your Memory failed you in a matter so often occurring, what credit doth it deserve in things, which occurred but once? And if you are foresworn in this, who will believe you in the rest?  
Let us consider the probability of this story, from the qualities of the Persons who are said to have given, and received these Commissions. You say, a superior of Religious men by his Patents makes a Chancellor, the Secretaries of state, the General & subordinate Officers of the Army, in fine disposes as Sovereign, of all Offices, Civil, & Military of the whole Kingdom. An attempt not to be paralleled, but by that of Lucifer, to be like God. All the world knows, that the Authority of Religious Superiors, as such, even in Catholic Countries, is confived within the Walls of their Order, & reaches no persons, but such as by their own Voluntary Act submit themselves to it: That the General of the jesuits hath no power over his own Religious longer than they continu such: for if any of them be raised by a superior Power to an Ecclesiastical Dignity, or dismissed for their misde meanours, his Authority reaches them not. This being known to all, who know any thing of the Catholic world, who can imagine such a Superior should on a sudden take upon him Regal Authority, & dispose of all Temporal Dignitys, & Offices, which is an Act of supreme jurisdiction?  
As for the Persons receiving Commissions, they are the English Catholic Nobility, & Gentry. And althô many of them never dealt with Jesuits, even in spiritual things, had little kindness for them, further than they are obliged by being parts of the same mystical Body, the Church: yet, as you say, all unanimously submit to the usurpation of that Religious man. They all knew, that their Ancestors, of the same Principles of Religion to God, & Allegiance to their Prince, had constantly refused to own any Temporal Authority in the Pope, although grounded, as was alleged, on the King's free gift. Yet now this same body of men is said to own a much greater Authority in one of the Pope's Under-officers. This strange Transaction is made, & nothing of, or about it appears, but in your Narrative! Not one of them refuse to submit or at least demur! not one disdain to become subject to a Poor Religious Man! Not one acknowledge the fault, althô they were assured of their Pardon, & a good reward to boot! That even those, who to free themselves from vexatious Prisons, changed their Religion, should be constant in denying the Plot & the Commissions And which is more this thing so ridiculous, so incredible, so morally, or even Physically impossible, is to be believed upon the single word, & Oath of a man Faithless to God, & Honourlesse to men: one who scarce ever spoke a true Word, & who deserves no credit even when he speaks probable things. The Devil was a Liar from the beginning: & you, from your cradle. A Wise man having weighed these motives seriously, althô he knew nothing of the particular Facts, concluded, that either what Homer, & Ovid writ of their Gods, Aesop of Beasts, were no Fables, or the English Conspiracy is a Fable.  
Yet O Just judment of Almighty God The finger of God is here. It hath found credit. Indeed our Nation or a great part of it, having rejected many Divine & saving Truths revealed by the H. Ghost the spirit of Truth, preached by the Apostles the Doctors of Truth, & handed down to us by the Church the Pillar of Truth, deserves such blindness, as to believe improbale Lies, suggested by the Devil, the Father of Lies, & desivered by you, who are a faithful Disciple of that Faithless master: to whose instructions of Lying, you have always adhered, in whose school you are such a Proficient, that no history to my remembrance furnishs your equal. Hear the Apostle: Quia charitatem veritatis non receperunt, ut salui fierent: ideo mittet illis Deus operationem erroris, ut credant MENDACIO;  iudicentur omnes, qui non crediderunt veritati; sed consenserunt iniquitati. Because they received not the love of Truth, that they might be saved, therefore God shall abandon them to the Working of Error, (illusion) so that they shall believe a LIE, that all may be judged (damned) who would not believe the Truth; brt consented to (this) unjustice. 2. Thessal. 2.10.11.  
Narrat. p. 62. Titus' Oats Clerk maketh Oath, that the Information set down in these Papers containing 81. articles, all written & subscribed by his own hand, are true in the whole, & in every particular thereof. 7. September. Titus' Oats.  
Obseru. Here is a Perjury not unlike to Hobs' Leviathan: for he represents this as one Body composed of many thousands of Persons; so is this one PERJURY Composed of many thousands of Periuryes. You swear all you have said is true, we know, & will prove all is false. You stand alone in asserting the Truth of this Oath; we show its falsehood by many Witnesses: To you lying, & Perjury is as familiar as eating, or Breathing; our Witnesses are of unblemished Reputation. You story is incredible & morally impossible; ours evidently probable, & morally certain: your Tale is every day changed, as being the Offspring of your fancy, & having no substance, but from it; ours always the same, as being grounded on real Facts, In fine all your Art, though directed by some more Wise than yourself, & seconded by Bedlow, & such fellows, could never make out the Truth of any one material point, questioned by us, nor the Falsehood of any material point, alleged in our Defence. So the lying spirit doth evidently discover itself in your Narrative: & the spirit of Truth is as clearly seen in our Apology. We suffer with Truth, we suffer for Truth, & Truth will free us Veritas Liberabit vos. joan. 8.32.  
I P. 40. Not finding what to say to this Chapter, is content to let it pass. Yet he very wittily, as he thinks, retorts the Wise man's saying upon me: for says he, there is some Truth in Homer's & Aesop's fables: ergo there is some Truth in this Plot. What say you, Courteous Reader, to this? Is this not a man who can draw oil out of a Pumice stone, & prove the snow is Black? well: I will grant them alike true. The truth in Homer's fables, is, that they are untru stories of the Gods: that of Oates' Narrative is, that they are untru stories of God's servants. Those had all their Being from the Poet; these had theirs from the Deponent! those are sacrilegious untruths of God: these are a sacrilegious taking God to Witness Untruths. In Aesop's Fables under false stories of Beasts, & Birds are couched some Passions of men, & moral directions, & precepts: these are wanting in the Narratives, under which is couched only Oates' ground less spite, to those, who never did him any hurt, & an endless malice of the implacable enemies of the Catholic Church. That Nobleman spoke a great truth, who said: We, who have no Religion, are going to Persecute those, who are thought to have some. Yet in Aesop there is one fable, much like their proceeding with us: viz that a wolf accused a Lamb of troubling the water with which he was to quench his Thirst. And althô the Lamb replied, that could not be, because the place where he drunk was much lower, then that where the Wolf was: yet this play was over born, the Lamb sentenced to Death, & worryed.;  
Anonymous tells we p. 35. I bewray my nest. But he is very much mistaken: I do only show what he, & some factious spirits do, to the defiling of it. If this be a fault, Daniel was to blame, who traversed the sentence of the wicked judges passed upon chaste Susanna: Hester is unexcusable, in pleading the Innocency of her Nation, after a solemn sentence had been pronounced against it by Assuerus. All the Christians are to be condemned, who assert the Innocency of Christ, & his Apostles, notwithstanding their convictions, & condemnations by the Supreme Magistrates of those times. Are we returning to the Pagan superstition, when Rapes, & thefts; murders & Adulteries were consecrated, when committed by those men, whom the credulous vulgar adored as Gods? Doth God Alm-contrary to scripture admit of any distinction of Persons? Is not his Law Common to all? And if it be broken by any, how great soever may not he be minded of his Duty? Nay is there not an obligation imposed on all, Church men & others, to mind them of it, with that Respect, which is du to their calling? was Nathan, was Elias, were the other Prophets blame worthy, who admonished David, Achab, & others, Princes, Priests, & People of their faults? How shall we excuse S. Paul's second Chapter to the Romans, our B. Saviour's rebukes of the Scribes, & Pharisys, the writings of the Prophets & Moses, in which are recorded the sins of the People of God? Are all these foul birds, that bewray their own nest? If so, which are the clean? Where will these men's extravagancyes end? To what absurdityes will they lead their silly Disciples? When they shall show us greater Authority, then that of the Holy Scriptures, greater precedents, than those of Christ, his Apostles, & the Prophets, & better rules of morality, than those of God, & his Divine spirit, we will own ourselves Guilty, althô we are not so: But not till then.   

CHAPTER X. A word of Advice to the Deponent.  
I Have followed you through all your wander, with greater tediousness, then may be imagined, finding no entertainment all the way, but evident untruths, infamous perjuries, & sometimes some insipid lests. It hath been some labour to examine all the particular Facts you mention, when Persons concerned are at so great a distance. Yet I have gone through all willingly for the public satisfaction, & for a clear conviction of such, as though there was some fire where there was so much smoke, if still there are any such in the world. I hope it may be for your own good too, who by this discovery of so many shameful Perjuries, being disabled to follow the trade of a Witness, may be obliged to take to some more honest though less gainful way of living. This may be a means to save your soul, for there is a Confusion, which brings Grace & Glory. Ecclesiastici 4.25. & the Psalmist Ps. 82.16. Fill their Face with shame, & they will seek thee, O Lord.  
I have advanced nothing material, but what is certainly true. The chiefest points are attested by Witnesses of unblemished Reputation. I now appeal to one who is uncorruptible, your own Conscience, which within you confirms all, I say, & sets before the eyes of your soul, your guilt, more lively than any one can do. It is that, which before you took on you publicly, without any cause given by any Catholic, the Person of an Informer, when the first Idea of the many Lies, & horrible Perjurys occurred to you, forced you with signs of great anguish of mind to say: No body knows what DISMAL THOUGHTS, I have had in that Chamber, showing that where you then lodged. It was that, which at the trial of the five jesuits made you ready to Faint: & however with unparalelled confidence you accuse us before men: Yet before God, & in your own hart, that absolues us, & finds you Guilty. Or if it doth not, if it ceases from that function, or if you are so hardened, as to be insensible of its remorse, your condition is the more deplorable, there being little or no hopes left of your salvation.  
Should I say, that some of your Accusations are of words spoken by yourself, & charged on others, who often reprehended you, & at last quite abandoned you for them, I should say no more, than your familiar discourse even since this fit of Zeal for the safety of his Majesty's Sacred Person came upon you, will justify, as I am informed. My Lord chief justice told you (in sir G. W. s. ttiall. p. 56.) You have taken a great confidence, I know not by what Authority, to say any thing of any body. This is a true saying: & how long that Confidence so Publicly known will pass unpunished, I cannot tell. I am sure the Wise man said: Qui inconsideratus est ad loquendum, sentiet mala. Prou. 13. 3 He that is inconsiderate in his language, shall feel mischief. Here is one great Mischief, justly to be feared, hanging over your head.  
Another, & that much more terrible, is that of eternal Damnation justly due to False Witnesses, & Murderers. Now that you are a False witness, appears by the foregoing discourse; & that you are a Murderer, is evident, having murdered as many Persons, as have innocently suffered, upon your Depositions. Thus S. Austin in Psal. 63. Ille occidit, & vos, o judaei occidistis. Vnde occidistis; Gladio linguae. Our saviour's blood was justly charged on the Jews, who killed him, with their false Accusations: & as justly are you charged with the murder of all those, who have as unjustly been accused by you, & condemned, & executed upon your Accusation.  
I have related two say of yours, at S. Omers. One: I shall either be a jesuit or a Judas. The other: If I am not a jesuit I shall be damned. You have verified the first most completely, in the sight of all the World: & are in a fair probability to verify the second, if by a sincere, & timely Repentance of these horrid Crying sins, you do not prevent it. Be not mistaken: God is not to be mocked. Gal. 6.7. and all the giddy rabble of London will not protect you from the stroke of his hand, which never falls heavier, than when it is most slow in striking: th●n when the time allotted to appease his Wrath, & disarm his justice is spent in provoking him, & treasuring up unto ourselves Wrath, against the day of Wrath. Rom. 2.5. That you might avoid this greatest of Evils, was the hearty Prayer of Mr. White-bread, & his fellow sufferers at their Execution, & is daily heartily prayed for by many surviving jesuits. And if this friendly admonition (haply the last you will receive in this Kind) doth contribute any thing towards your real Conversion, I shall think my Labour well spent, & have my heart's desire.  
J. P. pag. 41. thinks he nicks home, by saying: Good Counsel ought to be without respect of Interest, for the sole benefit of the Person, to whom it is given: But my Advice is quite contrary. Answer. Suppose you should fall into the hands of a Hygh-way man, who intends to Rob, & Kill you. Would you not dissuade him from it, if you could, by showing the Law of God forbidding Theft & Murder? And is not that Advice good though you be concerned in it? But says he p. 42. the Parliament requires him, to go on. And so did the Sanedrin require of judas; which hindered not Christ's reprehension: Betrayest thou the son of Man with a Kiss? Luc. 22.48. Should all the states in the World, Rome with the English Parliament concur in abetting Perjury, yet it will be good Advice, to dissuade men from it, minding the of them Commandment: Thou shall not bear false Witness: For althô in all indifferent matters, where it is dubious whether the thing Commanded be a sin, they ought to be obeyed; yet where there evidently appears an opposition to the Law of God, we must, with the Apostles conclude, to obey God, rather than men. Act 5.29. And this no Parliament man can be displeased with, unless he condemns the Primitive Christians, & the Apostles, & renounce Christianity, by erecting that Tribunal of a Parliament above that of God himself, & making the Commandments of God vail to an Act of Parliament.;  
Anonymous p. 35. assures the world, I beseech Oates to recant, promising him in that case the easiest place in all Purgatory. I desire my Reader to judge of the sincerity of these men: for in all my advice, there is no mention of Purgatory: yet he puts it in different characters to make this Untruth the more conspicuous.  
Pag. 36. He says, we are Felones de se ipso facto, for not keeping private, what we have to say for ourselves: seeing by publishing these things, we capacitate our Aduersaries to hang us. Which is a fair acknowledgement, that the faction aims neither at Truth, nor justice, nor punishment of real Traitors; but at finding pretences to ruin the Catholics, whether Guilty or not. Our publishing these things shows our confidence of their Truth For we desire no better than that they should be examined, & to that intent we spread them as much, as we can. And seeing our Aduersaries have never been able to disprove any one point alleged by us in our Vindication nor to prove the Truth of any, which we deny, all impartial men will conclude that Truth is on our side. When we consider how unwilling the Managers of the Accusation against My Lord of Stafford were, that any mention should be made of of what past informer trials: that they pretended to doubt whether Oates had ever Deposed his Being at Madrid, or having seen Don john, to save him from Perjury, & they pretended there might be (o pitiful shift!) in that Court, some other who personated D. john to whom Oates, the great Negociator, was directed by the Court, as to the true D. john: when the whole Transaction, & several other material points of his Depositions being mentioned, they demurred upon it, pretended ignorance of his ever having deposed any such things, required witnesses, etc. where I say, we consider this, we may conclude, they were very little satisfied, of the Truth of his Depositions. Which is one good effect of these Writings I assure you, we will make no difficulty to own what we have all along alleged, that Oats never was at Madrid, nor Paris: that he was not in London in April, or May 1678. nor Mr. Ireland after the middle of August, till the 14. of September following. We will not expect you should produce Witnesses to prove, that these things had been said by the Catholics at their several Trials: Nor question the sincerity of our Prints; when those Managers refused to stand to these Printed by public Authority. Truth stands not in need of disingenuous, & unworthy shifts, & which wheresoever they are found, we may be certain they are used only to hood wink justice, & oppress Innocency: & conclude, that cause is crippled, & will not walk far, which moves only on such Crutches.   
FINIS.   


ATTESTATION A. Of the Lord Archbishop of Tuam. That M. Oates never was at Madrid. And concerning Sir William Godolphin.  
BE it known unto all Persons of what degree soever, that I james Lynch D. D, & Archbishop of Tuam having been desired by several, aswell Roman Catholics, as Protestants, to declare what I know concerning Mr. Titus Oates, or Titus Ambrose his Person, or his having been in Madrid; & also concerning my acquaintance with the Right Honourable Sir William Godolphin, Embassy. from the most serene K. of Great Britain etc. in this court: have thought fit, for their true information, & of all others, whom it may concern to protest, & declare by this writing signed by my hand, as followeth.  
That I do not know, nor ever saw Mr. Titus Oates, or Titus Ambrose, (both which appellations the same person hath named himself by) & do not believe, that ever he was in Madrid, for that having made diligent enquiry to know whither he was, or not, by the means of both English, Irish, & Scotch residing here, I could never understand that the said Titus came nearer to Madrid, than Valladolid, which are about 100 miles asunder) where he lived in S. Alban's College five months, viz from the first of june to the 30. of Octobre 1677. without sleeping one night out of the same, as I am informed, by the testimony of grave, & Religious Persons, both Churchmen, & Seculars, & particularly of the Rector of that College, & others, who were daily conversant with him, during his abode there. Moreover that I verily believe, if the said Titus had come to Madrid, he would not have omitted to visit me, for that he had by Letter from Valladolid pretended to my assistance towards the conferring on him holy orders, which I could not allow of, by reason of the very ill Character I had received of his life, & manners, which afterwards caused his expulsion out of that College.  
Likewise I do Protest, & declare that although I do know the most Excellent Lord Sir Will Godolphin, his Majesty's Embassadr. in this court, yet I never had any intimate Communication, or friendship with him: nor ever made unto, or heard from the said Embass. any public, or private discourse concerning any religious matter whatsoever, nor concerning the Government, or state of assayres in England, Ireland, or Scotland, or concerning any change made, or to be made in the Government there of, nor concerning any office to be exercised by him, the said Embass. in England: & that I never received from any Person, any Letter, or paper whatsoever directed unto, or intended for the said Embass.  
All which I do declare by my Consecration, & ex abundami, per sancta Dei Euangelia, to be true, & am ready to confirm the same by any oath, & solemn manner. & before any Public, & Competent Authority, when ever the same shall be required of me. In witness whereof I have here unto set my hand, & seal. This 10 day of February in the year of our Lord 1679. according to the new stile. Place † of the seal. _____, james Lynok Archbishop of Tuam. The Archbishop of Tuam did sign & seal this paper in the presence of William Cook, George Wakers, Du Moulin, David Blake, Francis Arthur, Theodore O Rorque, David White.  
I julian Hidalgo Aluarez scrivener of his Catholic Majesty Charles H. K. of Spain, & public Notary of Cuenca, & its Territory, do testify that on the day under written, in my presence, & before the witnesses under written the most Illustrious Lord james Lynch D. D. & Archbishop of Tuam, residing at present in this of Cuenca, whom I testify, that I know, his Lordship said, & declared, & expressed that this Paper in English, is a true copy of the Original made by his Grace at Madrid, in presence of the witnesses above named. And for greater Confirmation, in my presence, & of the witnesses following, he again declared, & tatifyed the same, & all its particular contents. Witnesses john Hiacinthus de Velmar, Antomy Lopez, & Peter Aluarez H●dalgo, Cittizons of Cuenc●, Made on the 6 of April, 1679. julian Hidalgo.  
We under written Notaries of the City of Cuenca, do testify, that julian Hidalgo Aluarez, who hath signed this paper, is a Public Notary of this City, whose Acts, writings & Instruments are held for authentical, & of credit. Made at Cuenca 6. of April 1679. Antony de Sepuluenda, Blas Lopez de Haro. Martin Gom●z.   

ATTESTATION B. Of Richard Duelly: that Oats never was at Madrid, never saw my Lord of Tuam. & of his behaviour at Valladolid.  
I Richard Duelly of Loughreagh in the County of Galloway in the Kingdom of Irland, at present Resident in Madrid; do declare as followeth. That having lived in Valladolid about three years, & particularly throughout the whole year of our Lord 1677. I was there very intimately acquainted with Mr. Titus' Oats, who commonly passed there under the name of Titus Ambrose, & that I know his hand very well, & have seen several papers signed by himself, sometimes with the name of Titus Ambrose, & sometimes of Titus Oats. And that the said Oats came to the said City directly from Bilbao, & immediately entered into the College of S. Alban on the 1. of june 1677. where he remained till 30. of October following on which day he was expelled & returned directly to Bilbao, where he arrived without turning out of the ordinary road between that place & Valladolid, which I know by relation of the Mul●man, that accompanied him, & his own Letters written back on his arrival at Bilbao, giving account of this journey. And that I know he never came to Madrid, having been almost daily conversant with him, during his residence in Valladolid: in which time he was wont to express great resentments at the course of study, he had undertaken, complaining exceedingly of the strict observances, & disciplin● of the said College, & of the recollected manner of living there, which he was not able to endure: & also that he was not preferred before the rest of the Collegians by several exemptions, which he pretended to, by reason of his age, & advances in learning, as he thought, & especially of his great preferments, which he said he had left in the Church of England.  
Moreover I declare, that I know very well the most Reverend Doctor james Lynch Archbishop of Tuam, & that his Lordship was not at Valladolid, any part of the time of M● Oates his being there: for that having all that time communication with his grace by Letters, I was acquainted with all his motions, & could not but have known it, if he had come to Valladolid, or had any personal meeting with Mr. Oates, I never heard of, & am well assured was not possible during M. Oates his being in Spain, my constant Correspondence with the one, & the other enabling me to know that they never came together, all that time. Likewise I do declare, that I have seen the most Excellent Lord Sir Will. Godolphin, his Majesty's Ambassador in this court of Madrid, but that I never had any communication, or Speech with his Excel. in all my life.  
To the truth of all which abovesaid, I do voluntariy swear in verbo Sacerdotis, & by the Holy Gospel. & will Confirm the same in any other solemn manner, & before any public authority, Tribunal, or Court of justice in England or Spain, whereunto I may be called. Witness my hand this 10. February 1679. new stile. Richard Duelly. For the seal †. Witness besides those of the other Attestation, Peter Levet. this Deposition is attested by julian Hidalgo Aluarez: & his Attestation confirmed by by Blas Lopez de Haro, Ant. de Sepulueda, & Ferdidinando Chill●on y Barea.   

ATTESTATIONS C. Of many Jesuits. That many jesuits never signed any Letter, or Patents with any superior. Nor ever was any such cyper as he mentions, nor a Σ. in any of their General's seal.  
WHere as M. Titus' Oats page 2. of his Narrative art. 3. says, that twelve Missioners were sent into Spain by Richard Ashby, R. Petres, Nic. Blundel, & Ch. Peter, as appeared by their Patents: & whereas p. 1. §. 1. & p. 4. §. 7. & p. 5. § 9 &. p 15. §. 23. &. 24. & p. 36. §. 56. & elsewhere, he speaks of several Letters, whereof each was from some superior of the jesuits, signed by him, & by several others jointly.  
We whose names are subscribed to the original deed do call God to witness, that it nether is, nor ever was the custom of the Society of jesus since its settlement, to sign more than one person, any deed, either Patents, or Letters. And that none ever sign any such thing with the Superior.  
And whereas p. 28. §. 40. & p. 33. §. 51. & p. 34. §. 52. & p. 38. §. 60. & p. 42. §. 62. & p. 46. §. 67. & elsewhere, he speaks of a cipher used by jesuits, in which 48. signify the King, 365. Westminster, 440. Windsor, 666. London, Barley broth the house of Commons, mum & chocolate the house of Lords, magpyes the Bishops, IHS, jesuits etc.  
We do in a like manner declare in the Presence of Almighty God to all men, that we never heard of any such cipher before the Narrative appeared; & that we are most certain there never was any such used by jesuits. And to confirm this, we appeal to that, which, with other Papers, was taken in the Chambers of Mr. Whitebreade, & Mr. Mico.  
And where in the trial of Mr. Coleman p. 27. he says, that the Inscription of the seal of the General, of the jesuits, is I. H Σ. we declare as above, that there never was a Σ. in any seal that ever we yet saw of the said General. For a confirmation of this we appeal to some Patents, & Letters of his, found in the Chambers abovesaid.  
In testimony of the truth of these our Protestations, we have set our hands to this Attestation.  
Sigilli † Provincialis 

M. K.  
I. F.  
I. W.  
R. S.  
W. M.  
H. W.  
C. B.  
E. N.  
A. H.     

ATTESTATION D. Of the City of S. Omers: that Oats was not in England during the Congregation.  
WE the Mayer, & Sheriffs of the City of S. Omers, being surprised at the the report, that the English Fathers residing with us, had about the beginning of the present year (by the negociation of one Titus Oats in France, & England) contrived & plotted a wicked Bloody Treason against their Natural Lord, the most excellent King of Great Britain, & being the more amazed at it, since they had given through a long series of years a rare example amongst us, not only of Learning, & Piety in particular, but Obedience in general to all Civil Magistrates & Gouvernours, a thing which makes the whole Society of jesus highly respected, & esteemed by most of the Christian Princes of the World: we say, that being surprised at this report, we took (as far, as we could the Examination of the matter into hand, & therefore certisy, That it hath appeared to us, by the Oaths of several of the best, & ancientest scholars of that Seminary (the whole College having offered to make the same Oath) that the said Titus Oats was not only effectively in the said Seminary at the end of April, & beginning of May 1678. but did constantly reside there, from the 10. of December 1677. to the 23. of june following, without ever being absent from thence, except one night in. january, at which time he was at Watten, two leagues distant from us. The said Deponents also have alleged as a reason of this their knowledge, that they lodged, conversed, drank, & eat with the said Oats in the said Seminary, all that while, he being at a distinct table alone, & did particularly take notice, that he was there in April, & May, as above said, as having seen him at that time constantly perform the office of Reader in the Sodality of the Students in the said Seminary, & as being present at the departure of one Killembe●k, alias Poole, an English Scholar, who went from this City the fifth day of the said month of May new stile, to take his journey into England. In witness whereof we have caused the seal of the said City to be hereunto put: this 28. of December 1678.  
Loco † Sigilli. I. Hannon.   

ATTESTATION E. Of the jesuits of the Seminary of S. Omers. That all, that Oates Charges them with, in general or particular, is false.  
WHereas M. Titus Oates in his Narrative, Articles 9 11. 12. 13. 15. 18. 19 21. 22. 24. 25. 26. 27. 39 50. 74. 77. charges the Fathers of this Seminary, in general, or some of them in particular, as F. T. S. Richard Ashby, N. B. & G. C. with having received Letters, or sent them, signed by one or many jesuits containing treasonable matters, as killing the K. or the D. & changing the the Government either by tumults from within, or secure from without the Kingdom: we having examined seriously this charge, declare upon Oath, jointly, & severally, that the charge is false in the whole & in every part of it. And we moreover declare that it is unheard of amongst us, that others should sign Letters with their Superiors, as is said in the articles 1. 7. 9 11 & others.  
And whereas in the arctics 4. 17. 18. 23 25. 36. 46. 56. accuses the Father's Masters, & Lay brothers, of the said English Seminary in general, & some of them in particular, viz. T. S. Richard Ashby, E. N. E H. G. B. C. P. & George Walker, of having jointly, or severally written, signed, sealed, sent, or carried Letters containing Treasonable things, as of killing the K. or D. changing the Gonernment, etc. We the said jesuits, having seriously examined each particular point of this charge, do protest in the presence of Almighty God, that the whole & each point of the charge against them, or each of them, is false And they add that besides being Knaves, had they designed such things, they must have been fools, & Madmen in writing them in plain terms for so long together: seeing any one of those many Letters intercepted, would have convinced them of Treason.  
And whereas in the Articles 28. 35. 61. 63. he accuses the Father's Richard Ashby, N. B. & E. N to have assisted at Consults or Conferences, or to have related the resolution of them, in which were debated, & concluded treasonable matters, as of making away the King's sacred Person, by Poison, shooting or stabbing, by changing the Government, by raising the subjects in England, or his other Dominions, or aid of Foreign Princes or Prince: The said fathers having considered the horrible crimes, with which they are charged, declare by Oath in the presence of God, that they never were present at any Metting, Consult, Congregation, or Assembly, nor ever heard, or spoke of any, where any Proposition was made, of such a horrid Nature. And as for the Congregation, which he calls a Consult, held at London the 24. & 26. of April st. v. of which he speaks Art. 28. they declare it was a Provincial Congregation, which every three years they hold: that not of their Seminar assisted at it, Richard Ashby being hindered by sickness, & the rest not capable to enter into it, for want of Antiquity of the order. And whereas Titus Oates hath often sworn, that he was present at it, we declare it is notorious to the whole Seminary, consisting of 200. persons, that he never stirred from S. Omers all that time, as hath been deposed by many, who conversed with him there all that time.  
And whereas the said Oats in the Articles 12. 16. 20. 29. & 70. accuses the said Fathers, & some of them in particular, as Richard Ashby, E. N. N. B. C. P. & G C. to have spoken, or heard words, made sermons, or held discourse injurious to his Majesty, or his R. H. intimating an intention, or design, to attempt upon the Person of both, or either of them: & alter the Religion or Government by force, and violence, or to derogate from the just rights of either. We, the said Fathers, do protest in the presence of God, & swear, that we never spoke such words made such sermons, held such discourse, or took any resolution, or deliberated about changing either state or Church by force, or Violence.  
And whereas Oates Art. 30. says or insinuates, that F. Richard Ashby was present, when the death of him, who put into English the jesuits morals, of D. Stillingfleet, & of Poole the Author of Synopsis Criticorum, was resolved: as also charges him with bringing into England instructions to procure the death of the Bishop of Hereford. The said Richard Ashby protests in the presence of God, that he never assisted at any such bloody deliberation, nor ever brought any such instructions, or Memorials into England.  
The said Fathers, Masters & Lay Brothers declare that they omit in this Affidavit the crimes charged on F. Robert Bret, F. Ant. P. & F. T. Fer. in the said Nararative, the first being dead, & the other two removed from this Seminary, when this Declaration was demanded of us.  
We do in alike manner declare, that if there be any other thing charged upon them in the said Narrative, not specified here, it is omitted merely by oversight; & not for any truth contained in the Accusations, what ever they be: & we hope, that Oats being clearly Perjured in so many points, will find no credit in the rest.  


Th. Stap.  
W. P.  
I. C.  
Richard Ashby  
E. H.  
W. C.  
E. N.  
C. P.  
W. W.  
N. B.  
W. C.  
T. R.  
Ant. Selosse  
F. W.  
George Walker     

ATTESTATION. E. Of the Rector of Watten. That Oates was not at the Congregation, His behaviour at S. Omers & causes of his dismission. About the Letters to the Emperor's court, etc.  
BE it known to all men: that R. F. Fran. Wil Rector of the Noviciat of the English Province at Watten in the Country of Flanders, appeared before us, the Bailie, & Sheriffs of its Prevosté, the day of the date of this deed declaring he was the man named in several parts of the Narrative of Titus Oates, deposed upon Oath what follows.  
To the contents of the 17. Article, that he never held correspondence with the Emperor's Confessor, or any other in that Court: That he never read, saw, writ, sent, or consented to any Letter directed to any Person in the Imperial court & is fully persuaded there never was any such Letter written, it being flatly contrary to the practice of the Society, to write such Letters, or meddle with such intrigues of state.  
To the contents of the 27. & 28. Articles, concerning the Congregation, he declares in a like manner, that he began his jonrny from Watten for London, on the 14. April, that on the 30. April he left London, & arrived back at Watten on the 5. of May following. That he went in Company of R. F. W. M. Rector of Gant, & met R. F. I. W. Rector of Liege at London, he having taken his way by Holland. Which three are all, who came from beyond sea, to the Congregation. And he declares upon Oath; that during all those 21. days of his absence from Watten, he never saw Titus' Oats; by sea, or land, on the way or at Town: for as or the other persons named in the Narrative to have come over, viz, Titus Oates, Sir I Warner, Sir Robert Bret, Sir Th. Preston, Baronet's, M. Nevil, & M. Pool, is is certain none of them came over, as appears by the Attestations of the several houses, where they resided. For Sir I. W. remained at Watten Vice Master of Novices during the absence of the Deponent, where four times a week he made Exhortations, or spiritual Lessons to the Novices: & directed the Workmen in a reparation of a building there. sir T. P. stayed at Liege, & sir Rob. Bret. at S. Omers.  
Moreover he declares, that the Congregation met only on two days, the 24. & 26 of April: & that was nether at the white horse Tavern, nor any other place in the strand: that it never divided into clubs, or Companies nether was there ever any proposition made of Dividing in that nature.  
To the contents of the 38. Art. he says in a like manner upon Oath, that during the seven years of his Rectorship at Watten, no Missioner designed for Holland came to that house: that it appears by the day-book of the house, that on the 31. of july 1678. not one stranger lodged at Watten: that at that time, Mr. White, was at Liege on the borders of Germany, as can be proved by Letters dated thence, which are to be seen at Watten, yet Oates swears Mr. White was then at S. Omers, which two places, Liege & S. Omers, are 50. leagues, or 150. miles asunder.  
The Deponent doth declare in general, that the English jesuits never treated or deliberated about any matters of state or any conspiracies, & had he perceived any such thing, he would never have entered amongst them. That Titus Oats could never be employed by them in any business: he being unknown to them till the year 1677. that then he was received as a mere Neophit, without any Language but his Mother-Tongue, & a little Latin: wherefore they sent him to Valladolid. That althô he gave so little satisfaction there, that he was turned away after about four months' stay, yet by his importunity, & promises of amendment he got admittance into the Seminary at S. Omers, where he was put to study amongst the Rhetoricians. That within a fortnight after his settling there, he was found to be of a bad, & hypocondriacal humour, rash, indiscreet, turbulent & vindicative, a great flatterer, boaster & Liar. In so much as some reflecting on his little Devotion, & bold & inquisitive humour, suspected him to be sent as a spy by some enemy to Religion. His greatest friends thought him to be but half a Catholic, all suspected in him a secret aversion to Monarchical Government, & to the Royal family of England; for which he being reprehended by the Deponent, he excused it by alleging his breeding amongst the Puritans. All which this Depenent knows to be certainly true, as having been of the Consult, when M. Whitebread proposed his admission into the Society: in which it was resolved to dismiss him, as being nether a good Christian to God, nor a good subject to his King. That the Deponent writ to Mr. Ireland, to acquaint Mr. Keynes, Mr. Fenwick, & others, to have care of dealing with him, because of his murmurations, calumnies, & threats: & of spite, & desire of Revenge. (By which any one may guess how probable it is, he should be so intimate with all those jesuits, after his return to London.)  
The same day appeared before us R. F. William Sanky, alias Dichseild, named in the 17. Article of the Narrative, as joying with the Rector, & Sir I. W. to send a Letter to the Confessor of the Emperor. Who deposed upon oath, that he never saw, nor heard of any such Letter: nor ever held any Correspondence with the said Confessor, or any other Person, or Persons of the Imperial Court.  
In witness of this, we have ordered this deed to be signed by our Greffier, & sealed with the seal of our Lordship & Prevosté. This 27. of October 1679.  
Loco † Sigilli. DE LA FOSSE.   

ATTESTATION. G. Of Mr. Stange. Concerning tumults in Scotland, Burn of London. etc.  
WHereas Titus Oats in his Narrative, through many §§. most falsely, & injuriously slanders me, Richard Strange, of many treasonable, & horrid Proceed, in vindication of my Innocency from them all, I do by these in the sight of God, & upon the word of a Priest, & Religious man, & by all that is sacred, testify, & assert that nether in the generality of them, nor in any one Particular, there is not one true word, much less Deposition: & I take it upon my Salvation, that I never treated with the said Titus Oats in all my life about any Matters of such a Nature.  
And to descend to Particulars: whereas he says §. 1. that I. Ric. Strange writ a Letter to F. Swiman, or Sweeteman in Spain, about the embroiling of Scotland, & sending some thither for that end: I call God to witness, there is not one word true, As nether in the 4 §. where he deposes, that the Provincial of New-Castile writ to F. I. K. & me, that if the King could be dispatched, we should have 10000 l. for our pains. As also what is contained in the former §. 7. of which, as to the one, or the other, or any part of them, not one word of Truth.  
Item, what he deposes §. 11. of a Letter sent by me the said R. Str. & others of the Society at London, to those at S. Omers about stirring up the Presbiteriam in Scotland, & all the other Riff Raff, of that §. is as false, as any thing the Devil ever spoke.  
Item, what he deposes in the 9 §. of a Letter writ by me, & others, of an intent to stab the King at Whitehall to the FF. at S. Omers: or by a Physician to Poison him: & what he writes §. 13. of another Letter sent to S. Omers, for F. Leshee, about advancing, & designing the Death of the K & his R. H.  
Item, what he deposes, §§. 34. & 49. so long, & loud with Lies, about the burning of London, & Southwark, by the said Ric. Str. what hand he had in it, & what booty, & plunder he made in it: which none will believe, but such as are as great fools, as himself. In disclaim of all these damnable ealumnyes, I appeal to the God of truth, & subser the my name At Gant 24. November 1679.  
Richard Strange.   

ATTESTATION. H. Of Liege That Sir Th. Preston stirred not thence.  
WE, the Eschevins of the High court of justice of his most serene Highness', in the City & Country of Liege, To all those, to whom these presents shall come, greeting. We do certify, & attest, That a Petition being presented to us in our ordinary Consistory, in the Palace of his said Highness', on the be half of Sir Thomas Preston Knight, & Baronet, residing at the English College of this City, that whereas the said Sir Th. Preston during the greatest part of the year 1678. & more especially in the months of March, April, May, & june, did constantly reside in the said College, he, the said Sir Th. Preston having petitioned, that we in favour of the Truth, would hear a great many witnesses, which he had to produce, we condescended unto his said Petition as reasonable & just, & have accordingly heard upon Oath fourteen Creditable Persons, who have all unanimously, upon their respective Oaths declared, & attested that the said Sir Th. Preston Knight, & Baronet did reside all the time aforesaid, at the College aforesaid, & particularly in the months of March, April, May, & june, in the year 1678. & that he was not absent so much as one night during the said time: & they further have attested that they knew this to be true in that they resided all in the said College, & there saw, & conversed daily with him. Given at our Court of justice this 28. of March 1679.  
Loco † Sigilli By order of the High Court of justice above said DE BERNIMOLIM per BONHOMME.  
A like certificate came from Watten, showing that Sir john Warner never stirred thence, during the time of the Congregation. It is signed by ten Persons. The same is also contained in the Attest. F.   

ATTESTATION I. That I. W. went by Holland into England.  
THe year of our Lord 1679. on the 1. day of April, at the request of I. W. jesuit there appeared before me Daniel Guyot, Notary of this town of Antwerp, Michaël Knobbaert stationer, & Alexander Goetiers, both Citizens, residing in this City, known to me, the said Notary in the presence of the Witnesses underwritten, who said & deposed upon their Oaths, that they were present, & saw the said I. W. in secular , take shipping on the 19 day of April of the last year 1678. in the ordinary boat of the Hague, William Carnelissen being Master of it, to pass thence into England. And in testimony of this Truth, the said Deponents desired me to give this Act in due form. Which was done & passed in Antwerp in the Presence of joseph vander Cruissen Notary, & Henry Paim●ert, as Witnesses. And the Deponents signed the Note of this Act in the Register of my office.  
Witness my hand & Manual signer D. GVYOT, Notary.  
Observation. Oats in his Narrative calls this Father, john Warren. He mistakes in the name, but this Attestation concerns the Person he means, viz, the Rector of Liege.   

ATTESTATION K. Of Thomas Fermer.  
WHereas Mr. Titus Oates in the 4. Art. of his Narrat. says that he saw at Valladolid certain treasonable Letters sent thither by the Fathers of S. Omers, & by me with the rest dated on the 10. of june 1677. I call God to Witness, I never signed any such Letters, nor heard of them, till the Narrative appeared. And that I was not then, nor had been in the seven foregoing years, at S. Omers.  
And whereas in the 16. Art. he says, that I. & E. N spoke treasonable words to him, in the Library. I do in a like manner protest, that I do not remember, that we three ever met in that place: but I am certain I never spoke any such words, or word.  
And whereas in the 17. Art. he names me, as joining with others in a Letter sent to the Emperor's Confessor, containing several Malicious & Traitorous Reflections, on the King's intentions to the Confederates. I in a like manner protest in the presence of Almighty God, that I never writ, or concurred to the writing of any such Letter, & never heard of any such thing, till the Narrative was made Public.  
Witness my hand. T. F.   

ATTESTATION L. Of Vallado'id. That Oats never was at Madrid.  
I joseph Morales Notary Royal, & Burgess of the City of Valladolid do testify, that on the day underwritten, R F. Manuël Calataynd Rector of the College of S. Alban, & R. F. Domingo Ramos Procurator of the said College came before me, & upon Oath declared in due form, that it is certainly true, that the named Titus Ambrose, alias Oats, came to the said College, on the first day of june, 1677. betwixt 4 & five in the Evening, as appeared by the day book of the College, & from that day till Saturday, the 30. of October, he never passed one night out of it. They said that he was of a Low stature, thick shouldered, Brounish hair, his beard more reddish than his head, about thirty years old. At their request I have given this Testimony in Valladolid 20. of December 1678. And they declared that they had given an other Declaration to the same Purpose.  
Signed Manuël de Calatayned. Domingo Ramos. In Testimony of Truth joseph Morales.  
And three other Notarys Ped●o de Le●ora, juan Mir Martinez, & Gaspar Rodriguez de Los Rios, testify that joseph Morales is a Public Notary.   

ATTESTATION M. Of a Muleman.  
ON the same day, juan de Sandobal a Muleman deposed upon Oath before the same Notary, that he accompanied Oat from Valla●olid to Bilbao, where he arrived on the 3. of November. He mentions several pranks of Oats upon the way. This Oath is attested by the same Notary.   

ATTESTATION N. Of Bilbao Merchants.  
IN the town of Bilbao on the 2. of january 1679 stilo novo, came before me, juan Baptista de Asturiaza●a, Notary of the said town, Edward Sal, Michaël Hore, & john Grate residing in it: & upon Oath, which they voluntarily made, they said, & declared, that they know Titus Ambrose alias Oats, an English man that he came to this town on the 16. of May 1677. new stile, in the Biscay Merchant, Lucas Ro●h being Master of it: that he stayed here about ten days, & then set out hence for Vallidolid, with Martin de Lorniz Espinosa, a Muleman of this town, who upon his return assured us he had carried him straight to that place, & left him in the College of S. Alban: where they heard he continued till he came back to this place, where he arrived on the 3. of November of that same year. And lodged in the house of john Grace, one of the Deponents, till he took shipping in the Bilbao Merchant, Thomas Richard Master, for Top same, on the 10. of November of the same year, stilo novo.  
On the same day appeared before me Martin de Lorniz Espinosa, who upon Oath declared, he knew the said Titus Ambrose, as having accompanied him from this town to Valladolid, where they arrived on the beginning of june, & left him in the English College there. That he believed Oats never stirred out of the said College, because as often as he passed that way, he called at the College, & found Oats there. That about the end of june he went with William Baron, & Michaël Hore, hence to Madrid, & stayed with them till the 24. of july, & then on his way home, at Valladolid about the end of july he found Oats there. And that at the beginning of November, going hence to Valladolid he met Oats on the road hither, with a Muleman of Valladolid. The Deponents declare they know Oats very well, because Michaël Hore, & john Grace releiued him with money. And all the Deponents signed this Deed, except Martin who cannot write.  
Edward Sal. Michael Hore, john Grace. I, the public Notaries above named, do testify, that the Persons above named made the said Oath. juan Baptista de Asturiazasa, Publs Not.  
And two other Public Notaries of the same town testify, that he is a public Notary. viz: Francisco de Galbaruarte, & Antonio de Hostend.   

ATTESTATION O. Of C. P.  
WHereas Titus Oates charges me in the 3. Art. of his Narrative to have given Patents to certain Missioners, to go into Spain: I declare in the presence of Almighty God, I neither did it, nor ever had power to give or sign any Patents.  
And whereas Art. 4. he charges me with subscribing treasonable Letters to the jesuits at Valladolid I declare in alike manner, I never writ, or subscribed any such Letter to any jesuit, or jesuits in Spain, or any other who soever.  
And whereas Art. 20. he charges me to have spoken treasonable words, of K Charles I I declare in the presence of Alm. God to all the world I never said any such word, & that I never had heard of any such thing, till the Narrative was printed.  
And whereas Art. 17. he says I with others sent a Letter, or Letters, to the Emperor's Confessor to advice him to inform the Emperor of some bad intentions of our King towards the Confederates: I declare I never writ, nor heard of writing of any Letter whatsoever, to the Emperor's Confessor or any Person in Court. In witnesses whereof I set my hand.  
C. P.   

ATTESTATION P. Of W. M.  
ALl that concerns that R. F. hath been so evidently confuted, & what hath been said in his defence is so notoriously true, that I have not thought it necessary, to desire a particular Attestation of him, to confirm it. Which otherwise he is ready to give, having often protested all is false, that is contained against him in the Narrative.   

ATTESTATION Q. E. N.  
ALl that is charged upon E. N. being expressed in the General Affidavit made by the jesuits of S. Omers, & he having signed, & sworn to the truth of it, with the rest, that may suffice.   

ATTESTATION R. Of B. L.  
B.L. appearing before the Bailie, & Eschevins of Watten, upon Oath made before them declared, that he was accused by Titus Oats of many horrid crimes, viz, of conspiring against the life, & Government of his Majesty, of promoting an Insurrection of Puritans in Scotland, to have written treasonable Letters to Spain, to have suborned a Ruffian to murder the King: to have resolu●d in a Consult at the Whitehorse Tavern in the Strand, the King's death, to have promised 10. l. to Oats, to kill William Bury, for writing in favour of the Oaths: & that he had plotted with some Irish, about an jasurrection in Irland  
The said B. L. upon his Oath declares, that he assisted at the Congregation on the 24. & 26. of April 1678 that it never met in the strand, That nether Oats, nor F. Ant. Poole, nor the three Baronet's Sir R. Bret, Sir I. Warner, nor Sir Th. Preston, nor the Fathers E. N. G. Grace, N Blun. nor john Fenwicke were at it, that there was no Proposition made in it against the honour, or life of his Majesty's sacred Person, or the Peace of his Government; but only of the private affairs of the Society. That he never heard of any conspiracy in Scotland, or Irland: nor ever corresponded with any Person, who writ about them to him. That he never spoke to Oats or any other, about marthering Will. Berry. In fine he declares in alike manner, that he never writ, or received any Letter, or Letters, to, or from Spain, or any other part of the world, concerning any attempt whatsoever made, or to be made upon his Majesty.  
In testimony of all, & every part of this Deposition, the Magistrates of Watten caused this to be signed by their Greffier, & sealed with the seal of the Lordship. 27. October 1679.  
Loco † Sigilli. DE LA FOSSE.   

ATTESTATION. S. Of N. Blundel.  
WHereas Titus Oats in his Narrative accuses me N. Blundel, in the 14. Art. of having taught children in London seditious Doctrines, & in the 62.69.71. & 77. Articles, to have undertaken to burn Westminster, & Wapping, with the vessels upon the river, as also Tooly street, Barnaby street, etc. & to that intent to have prepared fire-balls, which I called Teuxbury-mustard-Balls; And in the 72. Art. to have showed Oats a Bull from the Pope, by which he disposed of almost all the Bishoprics, Prebendarys, & Dignitys of England. And Art. 74. to have received Letters about commotions in Scotland, & jesuits sent to promote them. And Art. 75. to have received another, about the discovery of the Plot. I declare to all the world, in the presence of Almighty God, that those accusations are false in whole, & in ea●h part: & upon Oath I declare, that I never knew in what part of the world Wapping was situated, till I had enquired about it, since the Publishing of this Narrative, finding in it myself accused of designing to fire it.  
N. BLUNDEL.   

ATTESTATION T. Of Mr. Irland.  
WHereas Mr. Oats on Monday the last of September 78. produced a Letter & took his Oath, that I writ it from S. Omers about the middle of August before, & the other witness in Court, that he saw me in Mr. Harcourt's Chamber in Dukestreet about the later end of the same August. I say, that having bought a horse of one Mr. Thomas Eccleston out of Lancashire, standing at the Red Lion in Drury-Lane, on Saturday the third of August, 1678. about two of the clock in the afternoon; having paid Richard the Ostler for the standing of my horse, in the presence of Mr. Perkinson Master of the Inn (as I took him to be) & Mr. Fenwick, I took horse, & that pyght came to Standen beyond Ware. Sunday the 4 l dined with Sr. Edward Southcot, Mr. Francis Gage, Mr. Persons, Mr. Hind the Parson of the town, & other chief inhabitants, invited by my Lord Aston. Monday the 5. I went with my Lord, Sir Edw. Southcot, Mr. Gage, & servants, to S. Alban, & joined Sir john Southcot, his Lady, Children, & Servants, at the Bull, as I take it. Tuesday the 6. we lodged at the Georg in Northampton. Wednesday the 7. at the Bull, as I take it, at Coventry. Thursday the 8. we came to Tixhall, stayed there the 9.10.11. & Tuesday the 13. leaving my horse to have his Back cured by the smith, I borrowed another & went with Sir john Southcot, Sir Edw. Mr. Francis Aston, Children, & Servants, Item my old Lady Aston to Nantwich, & lodged at the Lamb, as I take it. Wednesday the 14. I lodged at the star in Holy-well. Thursday the 15. I came back over the Sand, & lodged at Chester, at the Greyhound, as I take it. Friday the 16. came back to Tixhall, Saturday the 17. went upon my own horse to Woluerhampton to see two Aunts, stayed there the 18.19.20.21.22.23.24.25. in that time I saw Mr. Pursal, son to Mr. Pursal, come from London to see his Father, & friends. Item Mr. Charles Gifford came to see his brother Thomas, where I lodged, with my Aunt Harewel. Once I dined at Mr. Winfords, where was his Niece, Sir john Winfords' daughter. After dinner came two of Esq. Luson's daughters, & others, to play at Cards. Friday the 23. I went with Mr. Windfords' daughter & Niece etc. to Litchfeild, dined at the George, & were showed the Minster by Mr. Shirley Schoolmaster of the place, & his Wife, their Kindred, & returned to Woluerhampton. Monday the 26. I went back to Tixhal. Tuesday the 27 I was at the Horse-race, at Edginhil, where Sir H. Goff, distanced Mr. Chetwins. Wednesday the 28. I dined at Bellamour, invited by Mr. Walter Aston, with others. Thursday, the 29. at Tixhal Bowling Green I saw Mr. Chetwin, spoke particularly with Sir Thomas Whitgrave, Mr. john Powtrel, & his Brother William of Westhalam in Derby shire, Mr. Walter, & Mr. john Aston, Mr. Fowler, & his Sons, etc. & that night went home with Mr. Heveningham, & Sir james Simons, his Son-in law, to Aston, & part of the way with Mr. Draycot, & one Mr. Collier. Friday the 30 stayed there. Saturday the 31. I went home with Mr. Richard Gerard of Hilderston. Sunday the first stayed there. Monday the 2. with him I dined at one Mr. Cromptons', with Mr. Bidle my Lady gore's Son-in law, & through Stafford, & Pancridge came that night to Boscobel. Tuesday the 3. of September, stayed there. Wednesday the 4. came again to Weluerhampton, to my Aunt at Mr. Thomas Giffords', stayed there the 5. & 6. Saturday I went back to Tixhal. Sunday the 8 stayed there. Monday the 9 with Sir john Southcot, my Lady Children & Servants, I came to the Bull, as I take it, at Coventry. Tuesday the 10. we lodged at the Altarstone in Banbury Wednesday the 11. I met Robert Hill Mr. Benjamin Hinton's man upon the Road, & spoke to him: baited at Alisbury, & lodged about 11. miles beyond, I have forgot the town, & Inn. Thursday the 12. we baited at Kingston, & came home to Mestham. Friday the 13. I stayed there, & sold my horse for 7. l. to Mr. john Southcot. Saturday the 14. I came upon him, with William, Sir John's man, to lead him back, set up in Southwark, & came over to  Stairs, to my Lodging at the White-hart with the said William. This 23. of December 1678.  
W. Ireland.   

ATTESTATION V Of Mr. G. Coni. Extracted out of a Letter, dated 26. February 1680.  
Hond. Sir.  
THough I have seen the Book (Oates' Narrative) yet I never thought it worth the while, to read Romances, at this age. Yet to Comply with your desire, I will give you a true, & full account of what I know of M Oates. About the 9 or 10. of August was a twelve month I went to wish a good journey to two Gentlemen of my acquaintance, then in London: there I found a third Gentleman also of my acquaintance, & a Fourth, whose face I had never seen After the ordinary civilities, & declaration they had no business together, I made one of the Conversation. The Discourse was common, & Innocent: where this Fourth person brought in something out of scripture concerning the tribe of Benjamin, so far from any thing of what was talked of, & delivered his notions with so ill a Grace, that I entertained this opinion of him, that he was a weak, & forward Man. That discourse being soon ended, I afterwards learned, he had been a Parson, was turned Roman Catholic, had been some time at S Omers: his name, Oates. To my knowledge I never had heard of the name of Oats before, nor saw him since, till  
About the beginning of September following, walking alone in Grays-Inn-Walkes betwixt 11. & 12. this Mr. Oates thrust himself alone into my Company: when having given the same Character of himself. he fell, in my judgement, to downryght begging: for having told me, he had lost 4. or 500 l. a year in Benefices for his Religion, what considerable Preferments My Lord Bp. of London had offered him, to return to the Ch. of England: how he wondered no better Provision was made in the Roman Church for Persons so well qualified as himself. That his Faculty in Preaching was much taken notice of, his Chief employ having been to preach before the JUDGES. He told me, he was reduced to that necessity, that he was forced some times to take such a Walk instead of his dinner: & desired me of all kindness to prefer him to some Gentleman to teach his children: meat, drink, lodging, & 10. l. a year would satisfy him. This, hon. Sir in the presence of God, is all I know of that Mr. Oates, or any of his name, & all the times I ever to my knowledge saw him, & all the discourse I ever had with him. You cannot doubt how willing I was to rid myself of such a Man, who for aught I knew, might be any thing, as well, as what he represented himself to me, or others, with whom he found more belief, then with me, or a better opinion of his parts, & virtue: & so with the Ordinary Civilitys, I dismissed myself of him. I am Your etc. G. C.  
P. S. I am informed this Oats swore against Coniers, that he manifested his treasonable design in Grays-Inn-walks. Nothing but a Madman could do so, in a place of as Public resort, as a Market.   

ATTESTATION X. Of joseph Forster.  
WHereas Titus Oats in his Narrative art. 10. says he went to Paris, and about the 18. of December 1677. delivered there certain letters to P. Le She (as he calls the Confessor to the King of France) Item art. 29. that he with 8. or 9 others went from S. Omers to London, and met in Consult with Mr. Thomas Whitebread and other jesuits, and that within 3. or 4. days after he returned to S. Omers with the said Fathers who went with him.  
J. joseph Forster having been constantly Porter of the English College at S. Omers when T. Oats arrived there on the 10. of December 1677. sty. No. about 3. or 4. a clock after Dinnar, and continued in that Office till the 21. of june 1678. without being absent (if at all) above one half day from the Gate all that time, do declare in the presence of God Almighty, that the said Titus Oates never went out of the College but only once to Watten, where he stayed only one night or two at most; of which I am most certain, because by reason going about the house to call people to the Gate, I frequently met him. Moreover during his abode at S. Omers he sat alone at a table almost opposite to that where I sat, and this every day, except some 5. or 6 on which he was sick in the Infirmary, and the two days he was at Watten, and I think also some few days whilst he was in the spiritual exercises that he came to the second Table Al which I declare to be true, upon my hopes of salvation. So the contents of the 10. and 29. Articles are mere lies.  
I do in a like manner declare in the presence of Almighty God that neither Sr. Robert Bret Bart nor F. Antony Pool, nor F. Edward Nevil went from the said College to England upon Score of the Congregation or Consult, as he calls it: which I know because I conversed with them all those two months April and May, as before and after: wherefore I am certain these three, as well as T. Oates were at S. Omers all the time of the Congregation.  
And I do in a like manner and upon the same Protestation of my hopes of salvation declare that neither the Rector of Liege whom T. Oates calls F. Warren, Nor Sr. Thomas Preston ever were in the whole months of April or May 1678. at the said College of S. Omers unless they were invisible.  
Item whereas T. Oates from Art. 11. to Art. 32. of his Narrative swears he saw, read, or heard read several letters of dangerous consequence, as if he had at that time great commerce, familiarity, and intimacy with F. Richard Ashby then Rector. I declare that by reason of my Office of Porter I had daily several occasions to go to the said Rector to carry him all the letters that came, and Acquaint him with all Comers and Goers and such things as happened about the Gate, and that generally speaking he opened the letters which I brought in my presence, and sent me to call those whom they concerned, but I swear he never called T. Oats at least by me: and that I never found or saw Oats with him in all the frequent visits, which my Office obliged me to make to the said Rector; Nay I was so far from perceaueing any familiarity betwixt them, that quite contrary I often heard great complaints against the said T. Oats as that he was unfit for that house; that his company was dangerous among the young scholars, and that the Provincial aught to be desired to Order his speedy removal thence: some said he had no more Religion than a D●g: some told him this openly, and said, that he was either a knave or a Fool. Besides sometimes he was heard to hold dangerous discourses of Persons much better than himself, for which he was once beaten by a scholar, and often severely reprehended by some Superiors. Item that when he fell out with some of the Scholars (which by reason of his foul mouth and offensive language happened very often) he applied himself to me to procure him audience of R. F. Rector. All which considered I leave to any rational man to judge whether it be probable that he had such free access and general communication of letters and businesses, as he pretends with the Rector. In witness of the truth of all these things here declared upon my Oath and in the presence of Almighty God, I set my hand.  
joseph Forster.    

APPENDIX Bedlow's travels, and Plots.  
WIth the leave of the pretended Doctor, I will give a short, yet true Account of his Confederate Bedlow's journey through France & Spain, to ailay his Lying Ghost, which walks about in a false Deposition given up during his last sickness, as is reported.  
He & his Brother acted by turns the Master & the man: & both concurred to impose on those, whom they cheated: so I shall speak of both.  
In the summer 1677. he came to Gant; taking the name of My Lord Newport: & thence to the Holland Camp, at, or near Bruges & cheated Capt. Floyde of an English horse. He went thence by Douai (where he spoke with Dr. Gage Precedent of the English College) to Cambray, taking the name of My Lord Cornwallis, & borrowed of Mr. Lionel Sheldon, twelve Pieces. Thence he went to Paris, where with the same name he borrowed (as was said) 100 pistols of Dr. Gough bought very rich Linen, & bespoke a suit worth 80. pistols of Groin an Irish man, dwelling rue de Seine aux trois Poissons Faubourg S. . Thence he passed to Rouën, & borrowed twelve pistols of Mr. Price Confessor to the English Nuns there.  
Thence he passed into Spain, & at Bilbao taking the name of the Lord Gerard, found credit with Mr. Franklin for 300. Doblons. He passed thence to Salamanca, where on the 29. August, he visited F. Hierome Lincol, Rector of the Irish College, told him he was going to Porto Porto to meet his train, & equipage: with which he expected a Blue Horse, which my Lord of Essex had given him, & he would present to the Duke of Florence. That he had some doubts about Religion: which none but his Holiness should answer. He hired thence Mules for Porto Porto, & was advanced on his way thither as far as Lamorra: where he was overtaken by a Sergeant of the Chancery of Valladolid, at the request of Mr. Franklin, who having heard he was a Cheat, pursued him, to recover his money.  
The two Brothers were thence conveyed Prisoners to Valladolid, but being set free, they visited Mr. Oats in the English College there: who left them in Chamber, whilst he went to get them a dinner, & they the mean while were not idle, for finding ten pieces of eight in a Drawer, they took them away as appears by a letter written by Oats to F. Suiman: which is to be seen at S. Omers: in which he laments the loss of his money, & much more that of a Book, which they stole from him at the same time. Thence they went by Santiago to Corunna (lafoy Groin) where they embarked for England.  
Now I grant that Capt. Bedlow went Plotting through Flanders, France, Spain, for this whole Relation discovers it: but his Plotting was not against his Sacred Majesty's Person, or Government but against the purses of honest men, whom he & his Brother endeavoured to cheat. In the Original Relation of his travels in Spain, as also in Oates' Letter, several more pranks of his are specified, which will be made public by another pen. Hence it appears, that, if he did at his Death depose the things, which are published, he died as he lived, Cheating, & Lying. Qualis Vita, finis ita. God Bless all Christians from such a life, & such a Death.   

THe Originals of all these Attestations, or Authentical Copies of them are kept in the English Seminary at S. Omers, (that being thought the most convenient place) & shall be shown to any, who desire for their satisfaction to see them.  Delatores, genus hominum publico exitio repertum & paenis quidem numquam satis coercitum, per praemia elicitum. Tacitus lib. 4. Annal. Informers, a sort of men found out to procure the Public ruin: whom no punishments could sufficiently curb or bridle, were invited & encouraged by Rewards. 
FINIS.   

THe Courteous Reader is desired to correct several faults chief against Orthography, which happened by the Printers being a Stranger and ignorant of our Language.